Ajax Regional News Thread [Closed: Ajax Only]

by **Enyama** » Mon Oct 18, 2021 12:40 pm

The state of the Ostrozavan Culture War

Alban Nazarism has seen to 'adapt with the times', embracing spiritual and psychedelic imagery. Seen here: The new temple of the Grand Laurate of Karsko, completed in 2019.

Author: Ion Rîularu
17 October 2021

VALEGORIA - The most recent round of controversial protests has hit the streets of Transkarminia. Over seventy thousand staunch Albans, Beranists, and self-described spiritualists gathered throughout Valegoria on Saturday, with the intention of protesting Baderian electronics workshop Triblita's latest incursion into the realm of virtual reality, the highly-advertised Kolto VR Treadmill, which has already sold over 30,000 units as a home gym and would-be ubiquitous training device, with international sale and delivery due to begin sometime next month, in time for the holiday season and Solstice. Though virtual reality had long been a speculative technology, more recent iterations of it worldwide, particularly innovations from the Aligonian firm Vetricolor Interactive, paved the way for a renaissance in the technology at the tail end of the last decade, with the technology finally finding success in Ostrozava starting during the 2019 holiday season. Though emerging tech has long been a focal point of mass hysteria and cultural friction, most recently with the emergence of the Ostrozavan internet in the early 1990s, rarely before has such a large coalition come together to protest a societal development, with the protest being the largest in Ostrozava since the release of the Volf disclosures in late 2019, and the largest non-political protest since the Vigil of Hope, which protested the pharmaceutical industry's widespread overprescription of antidepressants in 2011.

The Kolto system has proven wildly successful; its starting price is ꬸ750 assuming one already owns a VR headset.

The release and success of the virtual reality system has reignited tensions about the relationship between spirituality and technology, long a hotly-debated topic in Ostrozavan historiography going back to the Eastern Renaissance. The Kolto VR treadmill's sales figures remain strong, although metrics have taken a slight dip since the beginning of the protest. The main focal point in the polarized debate is over the ethics of introducing virtual reality on a massive scale. Several figureheads of academia, such as noted philosopher Barold Búrnberg and positive psychologist Loshek Korenie have, in a dichotomous partnership, joined together with the current Archhierodeacon of the Grand Laurate of Karsko, Ivan Zavodski, and the Docetic University of Ostrozava to protest the new technology. The opposition's claim is that virtual reality is a dangerous technology that will serve to further socially isolate people while promoting personal and egotistical fantasies as opposed to the reality of service to the community. Opponents stress the health benefits of playing in a full-body virtual reality setup over earlier forms of gaming and note the potential for social connection in virtual chatrooms across large distances, and the ability for disparate or isolated individuals to form long-distance friendships. The Kolto system has been criticized by its more technologically-minded detractors for always requiring an online connection, and, while the fiber optic system laid through the rail lines after the 2nd Partisans' War does give Ostrozava an uncharacteristically ubiquitous internet connection, those on the fringes of coverage have complained of the system's 'unnecessary' tethering to an online connection.

Regardless, the emerging fight over the ethics of VR is far from the only battleground of culture in Ostrozava. The existing debate over government overreach that began after the Volf disclosures and subsequent anti-establishment awakening have led to many calling for the removal of statues, busts, depictions, and plaques commemorating political or military figures known to have been morally questionable. One such focal point is the longstanding statue of 4th Primar Alec Dalibor in his hometown of Borijova, Vamo, which has recently seen several waves of vandalism, including a 'comically large' phallus balloon which made national headlines after it appeared tied in a noose around the statue's neck late last year. Dalibor, who presided over a dictatorial 2nd Compact in his 26 year reign, has often gripped the older demographics of the Socialist Party with a sense of nostalgia, especially after the Socialist party's domestic defeat amid the Chaos of '57. However, such nostalgic feelings have often been at odds with both Progressive and post-Polnitsa Socialist sensibilities, with the libertarian, anti-establishment trend in Prime-level politics souring the legacy of Dalibor to all but his most ardent admirers. The widening divide between the political classes and the more neoreconstructivist, populist elements has also established itself in academia, a longstanding battleground of Ostrozavan schools of thought.

Here in Livalia, Sociology Professor Aurika Andreescu of the Academy of Deva had almost 500 students, mostly of sexual and ethnic minority, protest several talks she had been scheduled to give after she stressed controversially that "one's identity is the least important part about anybody", a move which enraged various ethnic communities and the LGBT+ community, who have postulated that such lack of acknowledgment of social stratification is emblematic of a "dogma of homogeneity and normality" that many have stressed has affected both the conservative nature of Ostrozavan bureaucracy and the cultural deemphasizing of non-protected minorities, particularly within linguistic minorities of Ostrozavan such as Baderian, and the Virinian and Polnitsan minorities of southern Ostrozava. Though LGBT+ communities have enjoyed a cultural renaissance since the legalization of same-sex marriage in 1995, they nevertheless continue to face an uphill and multifaceted battle, with the community, like many others, split on religiosity and the dichotomy of spiritualism and materialism.

'Memes', the smallest unit of culture, often lampoon Ostrozavan bureaucracy.

With the culture war heated up, it's clear that the Král administration has remained relatively aware of the various social forces going on, often conceding on less-contentious issues almost instantly in order to maintain the public support associated with the ULS. The ongoing construction at RETCON PENDING has proven surprisingly popular, even by internal expectations, according to a leaked memo from the Ministry of Development. Whether Král can placate the various cultural forces within our nation remains to be seen, but his largely 18-35 base appears quite energized for the moment, with many eagerly awaiting the reconsolidation of the former PRCO's intelligence apparatus into what the administration had promised to be a 'faultlessly ethically transparent' service. Král's largest domestic issue, the depression crisis, has long been a source of cultural contention, and recent research into psychedelic compounds for wide dissemination as a 'cure' for depression has shown promising, even surprising results, leading many to wonder if normalization of these substances could lead to a resurgence of the counterculture that took hold in Ostrozava during the Open 50s; most famously, Ostrozavan officials from the University of Valegoria and Civil Guard once ran the infamous Skola Valley Experiment, which saw lysergic acid dimethylate (LSD), a powerful psychedelic, tested in aquifers in western Ardovia as a potential bioweapon; the Experiment catalyzed various social movements on both sides of the Ostro-Hvalheim border, sparking fears of an Amitic Event in the Federation of Realms, and stoking the counterculture that saw to the Chaos of '57 and subsequent creation of the Third Party Compact.

Such monumental changes have already, in some respects, happened since Král's election and the Volf disclosures, but many experts doubt the ability for any sort of unified cultural movement to emerge in a time when many are separated into sociocultural and political bubbles by both geography and media dissemination. Or, as the Beranists and Nazarists have recently stressed, because the population is too distracted by new technologies such as VR for such a monumental movement to keep its momentum. Though some, such as the Nonlocality Society, classified as a cult by the Prime Government, have attempted to bolster those with more primitivist sensibilities into eschewing even more 'spiritually deafening forces', it doesn't appear that any sort of hardline extremism is developing within Transkarminia. At least, not yet.

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by **Lihnidos** » Tue Oct 19, 2021 8:01 pm

Breaking: C-N Deputy Michalis Lorilis dead at 82

By: Xylona Sacca (@realXSacca)

[Lihnidos - AD] Ikaria - Michalis Lorilis, Conservative-National National Assembly deputy for Serres' seventh constituency, has died, his office announced this evening. He was 82.

Lorilis, known amongst his colleagues for his quick wit and humor, has served as the deputy for the seventh Serres constituency since 1998 when he was elected by a razor-thin thirty-two vote margin. He died on the evening of October 19th, according to a statement released by his press secretary.

"It is with deep sadness that I announce the loss of a dear friend and dedicated public servant, Deputy Michalis Lorilis. As the deputy for Serres-7, Michalis dedicated the last twenty-three years of his life to serving his constituents and working to make Ikaria, Serres, and Lihnidos a better place for all. His efforts in the National Assembly made a difference for families and hard working men and women who sought to provide the best for themselves and those close to them. His tireless work will continue to be an inspiration to many, and he will always be remembered by those who knew him as a great man who would regularly put others ahead of himself."

There were no reports of any health related issues prior to the statement released by his office.

Following the death of his wife three months after their marriage in 1965, Lorilis remained unmarried, and as a result remained childless. He is survived by his sister Valentina, his only sibling.

Representing the seventh Serres constituency, Lorilis was one of the eighteen deputies representing Lihnidos' largest city and its outlying suburbs. He was one of only four Conservative-National deputies serving one of the eighteen Ikaria constituencies. As a Conservative-National deputy in a Democratic Coalition-dominated area, he often faced unlikely re-elections and was viewed by the Democratic Coalition leadership as one of the most vulnerable conservative deputies in the National Assembly. His seat was often listed as one of the seats that the Democratic Coalition thought they were most likely to flip in elections. Despite this, Lorilis never lost re-election after being elected for the first time in 1998.

Lorilis' death is likely to ignite a fierce battle for his now vacant seat in the National Assembly. The current Conservative-National minority government, supported through a confidence-and-supply agreement with the Populist People's Party, will now only hold 169 seats in the National Assembly. Support from the Populist People's Party, which holds six seats, previously gave the government a guaranteed 176 votes on confidence and supply votes; a majority of one in the 350 seat legislature. A victory for the Democratic Coalition or a smaller party in the to-be-scheduled by-election would open the possibility of the government losing a vote of no confidence in the future prior to the 2022 general election.

Further statements from the deputy's office in the coming days are expected as details of funeral arrangements are announced.

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by **Nordwalsh** » Fri Dec 17, 2021 11:06 am

Two years on: the state of the Wazheganon's involvement in Enyama
by Reka Chelel
16 February, 2022

Cold winds whip off of Winivere Bay, buffeting the city of Akutera with snow and salt. Despite the rationing of gasoline and the occasional rolling brownout, the streets are abuzz with traffic and business. If it weren't for the period armed patrols of militias and regular troops, it would be hard to tell that Akutera was just a hundred kilometers from an active warzone in one of the bloodiest conflicts thus far of the 21st century. Since last year's bloody winter, the Akutera Defense Council has made remarkable progress in restoring order and function to the city. Today, on the anniversary of the Wazhenaby Federation's victory in taking the city from the nebulous Muratagi breakaway group "Kata Band", now two years into Operation Wildcat, I sit in a tentatively heated office in one of the supply depots on the outskirts of the city, sitting in on a meeting of a garrison battalion's council as they discuss troops' concerns, recent security threats, interactions with locals. Carried over on the wind, I hear the eclectic chants of Dairi and indigenous protesters at the gates; Akutera, called Ala Nova by the local population, has been a flashpoint in the Enyaman Civil War for multiple reasons. In recent months, the natives have directed their ire at Wazhenaby forces: we are seen as yet another outside force playing with their lives, and many residents of Akutera and the surrounding region would like to see their homes under the jurisdiction of the Sovereign Council of Norinnia, a quasi-liberal ethnostate that declared independence from Enyama earlier this year. As northern Enyama's only major deep-water port, this makes Akutera a valuable asset which the Democratic Coalition is loath to give up, despite regular protests and riots. The FWWM officially takes a backseat to the Northern Defense Command ("NORCOMM"), a hodgepodge alliance of various militias and defense councils, mostly of libertarian ideology, throughout northern Enyama, but make no mistake, and I say this as a proud Wasöq whose parents were sent to the internment camps in 1976: the Wazhenabyg are an occupying force in Akutera, and our status as "liberators" is still up in the air.

NORCOMM is a largely artificial construction, not the result of organic organization among defense councils. It is an inherently imperialist endeavor, put together by Wazhenaby and Zacapine military officials and intelligence operations, towards the ends of combating ordosocialism in Enyama. Divided in two halves, the Democratic Coalition is effectively two separate forces: the ordosocialist Fujikawa Directorate in the south, led by the infamous No Au and backed by authoritarian actors such as Jhengstang and Elatia; and the so-called Shakohidaka Pocket, which encompasses most of the would-be NORCOMM, in the north, comprised of various loosely affiliated libertarian militias. Fujikawa possesses significant heavy weaponry and an organized military force; Shakohidaka, simply put, does not, and faces constant pressure from its southern "allies" to conform to ideological orthodoxy and fall in line. The goal of NORCOMM, then, is to shore up the northern faction of the Democratic Coalition through the building of popular institutions, a functional military, and an ideological garden which will eventually bear fruit. Despite the niceties between Jhengstang and Wazheganon, this is an open secret. The core of this plan is the Heavy Response Force, an armored brigade which is to serve as the basis for a regular army, forming a backbone of heavy equipment and technical experts which will be able to stand and begin proliferating a professional force on its own. While it is democratically commanded in most places, the sanctity of this autonomy, and its freedom from Wazhenaby influence, remains questionable. While early results are promising, Shakohidaka remains highly dependent on Wazhenaby and Zacapine air and naval assets; beyond the horizon on the choppy grey waters of Winivere Bay, the Zacapine YAZ Huitzilopochtli launches regular air sorties into Enyama, supported by the FWS Atejirehiga and FWS Tesehau Maneg Helig, forming almost the entirety of NORCOMM's air power.

Despite this overbearing Zaco-Wazhenaby presence, and the natural backlash to it, I have found in my time in Enyama that there remains a quiet gratitude to the intervention throughout the Shakohidaka base, as well as those formerly living under the yolk of the now thoroughly defeated Enyaman National State. Even among the ordosocialists in the south, those not salivating over the possibility of a purge look on with tentative approval at the reinforcement of their line and the influx of humanitarian aid.

Approximately 400 kilometers southwest of Akutera lies the city of Shakohidaka, for which the northern faction is colloquially named. Here, I meet with Nascha Salkori, a local teacher who has gradually taken on the role of a logistics officer helping to direct the flow of desperately needed supplies and expertise throughout the region. While this winter has not been nearly as cold or brutal as the last, she still emphasizes the desolation of the situation. Downtown Shakohidaka has been all but abandoned, with most of the local militias relocating to the sprawling suburbs. Infrastructure of all kinds throughout the region is in a miserable state, and schools and hospitals are poorly equipped for their jobs. Over the past two years, a steady stream of humanitarian aid has arrived in Shakohidaka from Akutera, shipped in from Wazheganon, Zacapican, and myriad other countries, and then redistributed throughout the region. While "losing" these shipments was common in the initial months, it has gradually become a marginal problem as local institutions begin recovering and defense councils begin asserting themselves over would-be looters. These shipments include various necessities, ranging from food and water, to clothing, to building materials, all in packaging stamped with the Wazhenaby coat of arms and quite literally lined with reading material extolling the virtues of Anouwälism. The desperation with which the FWWM tries to inoculate the locals with theory and does not go unnoticed, but is generally overlooked; the aid is sorely needed, and has served to ingratiate many populations to the Wazhenabyg, sometimes even further south in some communities which would usually fall in line with No Au's calls for the blood of ultraleftists. This isn't the only aid, however: Wazhenaby and Zacapine specialists, ranging from doctors, to engineers, to teachers, to construction crews, regularly pass through, on their way to and from various projects loosely coordinated under NORCOMM.

Some of this aid regularly finds its way 200 kilometers northewest of Shakohidaka, across the entrenched, mountainous frontline bristling with anti-aircraft guns and hastily constructed bunkers, in the nascent state of Norinnia, I find the capital city of Eternam ready for war. Armed to the teeth and ready to fight in the streets to the last man, the Dairi of Enyama are embattled and embittered, historically persecuted and victims of ethnic cleansing leading up to the civil war. Fearing a return to status quo under a unified Enyama, the Consulate categorically refuses the entreaties of other factions; even Wazhenaby and NORCOMM promises of ethnic autonomy and an anti-state united against internal colonialism do not budge them. I can't blame them; the ideological crusade underpinning Operation Wildcat is myopic at best, and self-destructive at worst. In a largely abandoned apartment complex, I meet on a rusting playground amidst fluttering snow with a group several dozen of teenagers and 20-somethings, nominally led by young man named Magnus, who would not give me his surname, who also founded the group. This group calls itself the South Side Students' Union, and is at the forefront of the Wazhenaby effort in Norinnia. Most of them, it quickly becomes clear to me, are simply here for aesthetic purposes - membership in a subversive, mildly intellectual, nominally revolutionary group carries much clout, and these adolescents don't do any more than is asked of them: simply showing up and voting on the week's agenda. Others enjoy direct action, finding any excuse to cause trouble for police or local officials, sometimes engaging in full-blown flash riots where they let their youthful rage fly free; most importantly, their activities in the Students' Union profoundly frustrate their parents. A select few, however, such as Magnus, have a glimmer in their eye. They take great joy in discussing theory, in collecting and distributing aid from and to their neighbors, and going over the heads of their adult counterparts to solve local issues frustrated by bureaucracy or lack of interest. Some such dreamers, according to Magnus, have fled into the wilderness or across the border to join "proper" groups. The youngest, I'm told, was just 14 years old.

When asked what inspired him to found the Students' Union, Magnus told me that it was a man who simply called himself Marten, as in the mustelid, who he met at a coffee shop one day last Spring, providing him with all sorts of reading materials and concrete seminars on organizing, and from whom he continues to receive anonymous shipments of supplies, literature, and contact information for other such groups. I suspect that "Marten" may in fact be an operative of a Wazhenaby agency such as ZEPHYR of CONTRA, attempting to lay the ground for popular support for NORCOMM in Eternam. Such propaganda and negotiation efforts are widely accepted to have laid the ground for Wazheganon's initial arrival in the country, and continue to try to stitch together a broad alliance of local autonomous zones which can eventually be organized under some sort of broadly non-ordosocialist Leftist model. While youth cells such as the South Side Students' Union seem to be relatively common, most cannot safely operate in the open; even these children risk retribution for showing signs of compassion and political development. Larger, primarily adult groups might disappear overnight in midnight block-by-block shakedowns and mass executions, depending on the locale and the faction controlling the region.

So, two years on. Operation Wildcat is not the unmitigated disaster that some threatened it would be, but it has yet to show any true signs of success. The democratic watershed in Elatia earlier this year was a major win for the internationalist, intervention camps of Wazhenaby politics, and combined with what is perceived to be rapidly failing goodwill between No Au's Fujikawa Directorate and its Elatian benefactors, many have hope that Wazhenaby-aligned factions will be able to take the lead and advance a federal, council-based model for Enyama going forward. Of course, this is assuming that the Three Colors Army, Banno Shogunate, and Norinnia can all be soundly defeated and brought into the fold, an outcome that some experts on the conflict and Enyaman politics consider far-fetched. Regardless, it is important for us to remain cognizant of what exactly we are doing in Enyama, and to consider both the means and end. With last month's escalations, the conflict could potentially be entering its final phase. The woods are dense where we are going, and it will be a challenge to find out our way out.

by **Mont-Saint-Cyr** » Sun Jan 16, 2022 1:14 pm

January 16, 2022

WARDENS TARGETED IN MURDER SPREE

In Degama, two more Elect Wardens were found dead on Saturday with Crown authorities suspecting foul play. These last two add to a tally of 17 killings on Kembesan preserves since mid-December. All but two victims were wardens tasked with protecting the preserves. The two most recent bodies have been found in a poor state due to having been hit by large projectiles that left severe impacts. This brutal detail is consistent with reports of the other killings. Local authorities initially withheld details on the early murders, suspecting that the extreme violence exacted on the victims suggested terrorist activity. However, forensic science and additional investigations have cast doubt on the theory that these murders were committed by the Ordosocialist Front. The authorities have thus released certain details to the public with the hops of soliciting more information for their investigation. The Janidarimarimī'seyoum (Elect Gendarmerie) is leading the police investigation while the Tebaki'seyoum (Elect Guard) is investigating possible terrorist connections.

Lord-Commissioner Adan Almazi, the head of the Janidarimarimī'seyoum in Ye'wenizi, offered further comments:

The 17 bodies, 15 of whom were wardens and two of which are suspected bystanders, were each impacted by large-calibre bullets that left the bodies in a poor state. It was initially believed that these wounds were caused by anti-tank or anti-air rifle rounds. These are the kinds of weapons that we would associate primarily with terrorist groups, even those that are being firmly routed from our lands such as the Ordosocialist Front. The targeting of the wardens also suggested a terroristic motive as they are the agents of God's Elect in Kembesa. Upon further investigation, and after recovering bullets from the crime scene, we determined that these crimes were not committed with anti-tank rounds. Rather, the wardens were attacked with .400 calibre rounds traditionally used to hunt large game animals. While our dear friends and partners at the Tebaki'seyoum will continue to investigate possible terrorist connections, the Janidarimarimī'seyoum has pivoted to investigate the possibility that these murders have been committed by poachers. The cooperation of the public in providing the authorities with any useful information is greatly appreciated.

In Kembesa, the preserves are Crown lands, directly under the jurisdiction of the Elect of God, Selemoni XIV, regardless of whether they fall geographically within the realms of another Ras. The preserves law covers several different types of land, including infrastructure for water and electrical power. The largest preserves, however, are nature parks and the traditional hunting grounds of the nobility. The preserves where all 17 of the killings occurred were in the latter category. All preserves are protected and policed by the Elect Wardens, a special division of the Janidarimarimī'seyoum under the direct jurisdiction of the Elect of God. In addition to protecting vital infrastructure, the wardens manage the Crown lands and prevent incidental trespassing. They also combat poaching from both locals and foreign tourists seeking to hunt without permits.

In order to prevent further killings, the Elect Wardens have doubled patrols in all preserves and issued automatic weapons to all wardens as a matter of course. Additional surveillance efforts and air assets are also being introduced to ensure the safety of these agents.

by **Ordennya** » Sun Feb 13, 2022 11:17 am

Mönkkönen facing fresh pressure to resign
Leader of the Opposition under threat from leadership challenge as People's Party polling crashes to 3%

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Olaf Mikaelson(@olafmdn)
^{13th February 2022|Vastdal}

Ari Mönkkönen pictured at last year's OFP conference.

Vastdal - The Leader of the People's Party, Ari Mönkkönen, is facing new pressure to resign after his Party crashed to an all-time low of 3% in recent opinion polls, a long way down from the 28.5% they won at the last federal election. The Leader of the Opposition survived a vote of no confidence in 2020 after his chief of staff faced allegations of racism, which emerged from leaked recordings. This led to the Conservative Party leaving the united opposition bloc. In the year and a half since, opinion polls have shown support for the People's Party moving back towards the Conservative Party, who are now neck and neck with the governing Green Party after coming third in 2019.

After surviving a vote of no confidence in 2020, Ari Mönkkönen was given two years by his backbench MPs to "get the house in order". A year and a half later, numerous People's Party MPs are talking openly of supporting a direct challenger to Mönkkönen's leadership, or crossing the floor to the Conservative Party if the situation doesn't improve. A anonymous backbench MP told Dagens Nyheter that Mönkkönen is "dead weight", and described the situation as "dismal". "Three years ago we were in government with 214 seats. If an election were held tomorrow we'd barely scrape 10. Drastic action is needed to turn the situation around, and that can only start with a change in leadership."

Despite a public show of support for Mönkkönen from the Shadow Cabinet, it is rumoured that several have been contemplating resigning in order to directly challenge Mönkkönen, including Shadow Defence Secretary Nils Hoxenhaven and Party Deputy Leader Anna Bjarnisdottir. OFP founder and former leader Valdemar Soderberg has been public in his criticism of Mönkkönen, saying the People's Party has "fallen a long way from the party I founded" and "the level of racism tolerated by Mönkkönen is completely incompatible with the libertarian ethos of the Party I founded seven years ago."

A recent poll, conducted by Människor Makt on behalf of DN, had the Greens on 37%, the Conservative Party on 36%, the Labour Party on 14%, the Centre Party on 5%, the Nordenavvic Alliance on 5%, and the People's Party on 3%.

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by **Lacus Magni** » Sun Feb 20, 2022 10:31 am

Resolution on Withdrawal of Yarden Accords Passes National Assembly Committee, Set to Receive Floor Vote
Ostracine, Sydalon
By: Theodorus Juncus (@AurSabidius)

Ostracine: On Friday, the National Assembly’s Committee for Cultavida Affairs approved a resolution supporting Sydalon’s withdrawal of the Yarden Accords, which went into effect on 1 January 1974. The resolution was introduced by Robert Cuavula (PM), and saw support from a bipartisan coalition, including members of Assembly leading Frankiskani. Chairman Albert Ivrea (F) attempted to prevent a committee-wide vote on procedural grounds, but was unable to prevent a quorum.

Following the resolution, Speaker of the National Assembly Elisabetta de Calvacamp (F) was promptly summoned to Palis de Aultavilla for an audience with the Queen. Lord Speaker of the Senate Paul de Ondini and members of the High Court were reportedly present for the audience as well. Calvacamp left Palis de Aultavilla with little to say on the resolution when asked if she would allow the resolution to reach the floor for an Assembly-wide vote.

The resolution is harsh in its rebuke of neighboring Yisrael, citing numerous issues with the recent actions of the Yisraeli government culminating in a conclusion that its government is "untrustworthy of the highest order." Yisrael, which is the other primary signatory to the treaty that has since resulted in the longest peace between the two neighbors, is likewise called an aggressor and destabilizing factor in North Scipia in the resolution. Along with accusations of recently threatening posture from Yisrael, the resolution asserts that the current treaty is illegal and disregards national law and ecclesiastical concerns; however, leaves open the possibility of support for a future renegotiation of the treaty.

However, after days of silence, Speaker Calvacamp today announced through her office that she would allow the resolution to reach the Assembly floor for full vote. Ultimately, whether the vote passes or fails a floor vote will have little actual impact on Sydalon’s continued participation in the Accords, as these powers fall within royal prerogative. However, the resolution simply passing committee and reaching a floor vote in the new National Assembly demonstrate a clear, vocal shift in Sydalene attitudes.

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by **Yisroel** » Sun Feb 20, 2022 4:19 pm

Trending Stories -- 'Only Queen's View Matters' On Sydalene Resolution, Crown Spox Says -- New Knesset Dynamics Cause Katz Admin Headaches -- Fahrani Civil War Developments

Katz Issues 'Significant Concerns' On Sydalene Assembly's Set-To-Pass Anti-Accords Resolution, But Has "Full Trust" In Sydalene Monarchy

_{Pictured: President Katz during a recent press conference.}

Sydalene National Assembly's Anti-Yisrael, Anti-Accords resolution is largely symbolic, Sydalene political analysts say, but suggests a 'stunning' shift in political attitudes in the Crusader State.
^{February 20, 2022| By Binyomin Eisenberger (beisenberg@ryd.org) | 11:45pm EDT}

YERUSHALAYIM, YISRAEL — Political power is largely absolutist in the neighboring Crusader State of Sydalon, but the country's elected national legislature, the National Assembly, is expected to pass a symbolic resolution that, in spirit, would upend decades of peace and growing bilateral relations between Sydalon and Yisrael. The Assembly's majority party, the theocratic-socialist Frankiskani, and the largest opposition party, the far-right Patriots' Movement which is by and large rabidly anti-Yisrael and openly anti-semitic, both supported the passage of the resolution through committee and are expected to succeed in passing the resolution as an official statement of the Assembly on a floor vote in the coming days.

The resolution calls for the withdrawal of Sydalon, the primary signatory alongside Yisrael, from the Yarden Accords, a 1973 peace treaty that ended the eight-decade-long West Scipian Contention and capped off three West Scipian Wars over pan-nationalist ambitions and, in particular, the control of the Yarden River Valley. The Accords are the cornerstone of peace in West Scipia, both between Sydalon and Yisrael but also Jews and Christians and among an intermixed web of nation-states more broadly, from Ghant to many Belisarian and Scipian geopolitical powers. The resolution labels Yisrael is "an aggressor" and "destabilizing force" in North Scipia, invoking the ire of Yisrael's political establishment. However, the Accords policy is a royal prerogative, and there is no indication Sydalene Queen Melisende III will change or alter the Accords in any way.

Katz: Resolution "Reckless," Contains "False Allegations"

Speaking to a scrum of reporters at the Presidential Palace, President Yitzchok Katz denounced the resolution as "reckless," saying he and the Yisraeli Government have "significant concerns" over the language and arguments put forward by the resolution's authors. "Yisrael has been a force of security and good for the Western monarchies, of which Sydalon is considered a part. What these politicians [referencing Assembly members of Frankiskani and the Patriots Movement] miss is that while they give in to ancient hatreds, it is Yisrael that defends the world of monarchies and market economies from the malign activities and ideological designs of the Kiso Pact and other aligned powers that wish to overthrow our way of life. Yisraeli actions in recent years have been just and necessary, and the monarchy of Sydalon, among others, have benefited from our righteous conduct, as we can easily see what happens if Kiso-like ideological forces go unaddressed, as we saw in the failed New Year's Revolts."

"The false allegations that this resolution asserts have no basis in fact, and actually endanger Sydalene national security." He paused, adding, "However, despite this bad faith posturing by some in the Sydalene Assembly, we have our full trust and confidence in Queen Melisende III's wisdom and counsel and anticipate no changes in our bilateral relationship."

The apparent change in political attitudes has been jolting to Yisraeli observers, who had been accustomed to pro-Yisrael and pro-Accords positions by Sydalon's mainstream center-left and center-right. The surprise rise to power of the far left and far-right in Sydalon's national legislature come as Yisrael just had its own midterm elections, which reduced the Conservatives' sizable flag-coalition and saw the resurgence of the Yisraeli left, thought to be left for dead in 2020's realigning election.

New Knesset's Makeup May Add To Sydalene Critics' Messaging

On January 17, Yisraeli voters voted in among some of the highest percentage of turnout for a midterm election in modern memory, with many analysts saying left-wing voters were particularly motivated and turned out. The election results showed: Every political party except leftist ones posted moderate losses, with the centrist United Center Bloc of the Alternative for Yisrael (AfY) and Action Yisrael (AY) particularly hard hit, while right-wing parties suffered more mild losses.

On the right, the League of New Judea was evicted from the Knesset entirely, losing its last seat in the Yarden River Valley after a shocking upset by a new ethnic Christian party snatched its second seat in the Yarden in this fall's special election. This is the first time since 2008 that the far-right Northern League will not be represented in the Knesset. Charedi party Torah Achdus and the mainline Conservatives both lost a seat or two, clipping their 85-seat Right Bloc majority now to 80 seats, which is still sizable given the majority threshold sits at 72 seats.

The left, on the other hand, came roaring back, likely influenced by an intense desire by left-wing voters repelled by the Katz administration and the reign of King Hezekiah III. The National Liberals and Party of the Left, both successors to the formerly-dominant Constitutional Liberal Party, each doubled their seats, with the Nat-Libs going from 8 to 16 seats and the PL going from 5 to 9 seats. Meanwhile, the new centrist ethnic Christian party 'Christian's Voice', fresh off its special Yarden election, held onto the seat won by Elyas Khoury and gained two more, one being the League's last constituency and one held by the Conservatives.

The positive election results for the left have reinvigorated an otherwise-despondent political force, and many new left-wing Members of Knesset are highly critical of the Katz-era policies and of the King, and have already been more vocal then ever about their feelings. One of those issues? The new resolution in Sydalon, denounced by President Katz. "This resolution is spot on regarding its points that the Katz administration has made Yisrael out into an aggressive destabilizing force in the West Periclean," new MP for Dervaylik Ali Hassan, a Party of the Left member and the first Yen MK elected in history. "While the Accords have kept the peace, there are many issues of how Christians were and are treated to this day, and we need to be open and honest about this."

A spokesman for the President of Yisrael rebuked MK Hassan with some snark: "It is not surprising an extremist would give aid and support to foreign critics about our country. Perhaps his title should read 'MK-Sydalon'."

Binyomin Eisenberger reported from Yerushalayim, Yisrael. None of these organizations are associated with the RYD, and all opinions and personal views in the article do not reflect the viewpoints of the RYD or their employees.

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IIwiki Admin · by **Ghant** » Fri Apr 01, 2022 10:10 am

Fighter Jet Edition

Trigger: Ghant unveils its sixth-generation unmanned (or womanned) fighter jet

A Trigger on the horizon: The future of air combat

At the Lianu Air Show Tent Event (LAST), the Ghantish Imperial Air Force revealed a full-size concept model of its new sixth-generation fighter jet Trigger. The multi-role jet — which is expected to be ready for service by 2035 — will fly along-side existing Arthfighters (we don’t actually know what they’re called so we’re just going to go with that) and upcoming jet models that have names that sound like Star Wars droid models.

The overall cost of the programme has not yet been confirmed, but the government announced that it would spend a shit-ton of money on the Trigger between now and 2035. The government has funded the project with money that was put aside for future air defense technologies in the 2015 Air Strategy Symposium (ASS). In addition, the project has also received hundreds of millions in funding from hundreds of private entities.

The defense secretary said, "we have been a world leader in the combat air sector for a century, with an enviable array of skills and technology, and this Strategy makes clear that we are determined to make sure it stays that way".

The Trigger will feature next-generation technology to deal with current and future threats, making it more advanced and formidable than the long-awaited next droid-named fighter jets. Its most defining feature is the ability to fly without a pilot, meaning it can perform sorties and react to dangerous threats without endangering aircrew. School-age children can remotely control these aircraft from the comfort of state-of-the-art arcades where they will be provided with round-the-clock popcorn, candy and refreshments.

Team Trigger

The Trigger will be developed by a number of defense companies. According to the Ministry of Defense (MoD), "Team Trigger" is a consortium which will be coordinated by the GIAF Rapid Capability Office. The consortium will also work in close collaboration with the MoD.

GEEM Systems (Ghantish) – The project will be led by the Ghant's largest defense contractor. The Trigger was revealed at GEEM's exhibit.
Greznaya – The world-famous power systems manufacturer will be responsible for creating the propulsion system, because when you want your power to be at the top of its game, you want Greznaya.
Arthurista – These guys, as usual, will provide advanced weapons expertise and design the weapons systems, and we have confirmed that long-range strike capability will come in the form of the SPEAR missile system. All it took for the Arthuristans to get the Ghantish on board was the word "spear".
Onekawa-Nukanoa – These guys will provide work on sensors, electronics, and avionics, because they’re always involved in developing next generation fighter jets.

With what will the Trigger be armed?

The sixth-generation fighter will have an advanced arsenal of weapons that wouldn't look out of place in science-fiction. Like lasers and shit like that.

The specifications are subject to change, but the current concept is a twin-engine stealth fighter jet that can operate with or without a pilot. In terms of armaments, the Trigger will be able to control drone swarms that utilize artificial intelligence and machine learning to harass enemy defenses while enhancing survivability. Naturally, these drones will eventually become self-aware and usher in the machine-apocalypse, but that’s a problem for further down the road.

In addition, the Trigger will likely feature cooperative engagement capability, which is a network-based technology that utilizes netted-sensors to increase battlefield awareness and provide the ability to perform coordinated attacks and defensive maneuvers. So like the movie Top Gun but every jet was being piloted by a Maverick.

That's not all, the fighter jet will also feature directed energy weapons (DEW) that inflicts non-kinetic damage by the emission of highly focused energy systems, such as microwaves and lasers. There will even be a special version that can penetrate mountains, called Mountain DEW. Last of all, the Trigger will also have an array of hypersonic missiles that have the potential to travel at speeds faster than Mach-5, ensuring the pilot that they'll never be late for Burger Dux Breakfast ever again.

Air Combat Strategy: Key Points

The reveal of the Trigger coincides with the newly published Air Combat Strategy, which sets out a framework of how Ghant's future air defense capability will operate. The Chief of the Air Staff, Air Chief Marshal Sir Bud Burionagonatotorecagageazcoechea (his friends just call him “Air Bud”), said: “It is especially fitting that we launch the Combat Air Strategy as our Imperial Air Force marks its 100th anniversary. Combat Air capabilities have been at the heart of the GIAF’s capabilities throughout its history, and are constantly employed on operations across the world today."

Here are the key points of Ghant’s future air combat strategy:

The immediate future force will be based around various droid-named fighter jets that won’t be able to hang with the Trigger.
Ghant will anticipate rapid technological advancements especially in sensing, data management and autonomy, because if there’s one thing that Ghant does best, it’s keep up with the times.
Ghant must maintain a dynamic and innovative industrial base, and with all the wood up north, that shouldn’t be a problem.
The MoD will initiate a future acquisition programme to replace the Arthfighter when it leaves the GIAF's service. We know some guys in Norinnia that would love to get their hands on those.
The government will work closely with Ghant’s industrial base to achieve a more open and sustainable development programme, avoiding the cycle of increasing costs and increasing development time. Because, again, when you think of Ghant, “efficient” is the first word that comes to mind.

Will the Trigger Replace the Arthfighter?

Eventually. In the meantime, the Arthfighter will continue to act as the "bedrock of global air defense" as described by the chief executive of GEEM Systems, Samuel Sorne. 2035 is a long way off and the Arthfighter still has decades of mileage left under its belt — and in some ways — it will perform pilot tests for the Trigger as many of its advanced technologies will first see service through upgraded Arthfighters.

Sorne went on to say, "upgrades on the avionics, upgrades in the weapons systems, upgrades in the radar will be deployed through the new Arthfighters and will be deployed there and then."

In Conclusion

The Trigger project will be a huge test for Ghant.

This marks the first Ghantish-built fighter since the 1960s, providing a huge boost for the Ghantish defense industry and Ghantish defense. The Trigger will not only make Ghant one of the first nations with a sixth-generation fighter jet, but also one of the first nations with the ability to field a fleet of unmanned aircraft.

It will be interesting to see if Ghant can deliver the Trigger project on time and on budget, The Ghantish aerospace industry has gained a wealth of experience from the Arthfighter project and the droid-named fighter jet programs.

Speeding up the development process will be a priority, as current cycles can take an entire generation for an aircraft to go from concept to active service. The droid-named fighter jets will serve as a first-hand experience and a looming reminder of how fighter jet programs can go awry.

Other nations will also look with eager eyes. In addition to the ramifications of geopolitics, the Trigger project will likely solidify the limited role Ghant will play in the next Arthfighter programme, which is looking more and more like an Arthuristan/Onekawan co-operation.

The Trigger project and the Air Combat Strategy demonstrates a powerful statement of intent of Ghant's commitment as a tier one military power and a leader in airpower and aerospace technology. While 2035 is a long way off and it will be interesting to see what partners and buyers emerge in the coming years. Until then, they’ll just have to deal with being Nibbled.

Because we know you have nothing better to do.

Can’t get enough of the Nibbler? Come see our Nibbler Article Archives!

by **Gristol-Serkonos** » Tue Apr 19, 2022 7:13 pm

Nuclear prices in Norumbia expected to stabilize: NNSC
While supplies remain high in Gristol-Serkonos, prices could stabilize as analysts see an end to the three-year-long civil war in Enyama.

The Pontiac-Bernadotte Nuclear Generation Station, the largest nuclear station in Gristol-Serkonos.

19 April 2022 | Norm Matsushita, GSBC News

PONTIAC-BERNADOTTE - The country's top nuclear energy regulator is expecting prices in uranium to stabilize as the Fox government is finding new foreign sources of uranium. The National Nuclear Safety Commission has noted that the civil war in Enyama has disrupted its steady source of uranium. Uranium prices jumped in 2019 when Enyama, a major producer of the radioactive metal in Norumbia, fractured as a civil war ravaged the nation. The turmoil led to more reliance on suppliers outside region, resulting in a surge in shares of uranium companies outside Norumbia. According to defence analysts, the civil war in Enyama maybe entering its third and final year.

The nuclear fuel made a comeback in September, with prices surging 24% for the best monthly performance since late 2008. Investors are betting nuclear power will enjoy a renaissance as governments turn away from fossil fuels. Gristol-Serkonos is a significant nuclear energy producer, with 50 nuclear power facilities across the country with the NNSC and the Office of Energy expected to approve four more nuclear power plants in the Kingdom of Gristol. Despite the three-year-long civil war, there is no immediate uranium shortage or nuclear power plant shutdowns. Unlike facilities that run on oil or natural gas, nuclear power plants can continue operating if shipments are delayed as the Gristo-Serkonan government has built up stockpiles to last several years.

Domestic suppliers in Gristol-Serkonos such as Northern Minerals and Haven Explorations has stated that they are capable of relieving any major import shortages if needed. Northern Minerals and Haven Explorations control a uranium production facility in Aalen, capable of annual production of 9,000 tonnes.

Norm Matsushita is an economic contributor for GSBC News based in Pontiac-Bernadotte.

Final talks begin on contract to replace aging fighters
Talks between the Office of Public Services and Procurement, United Fighters Consortium, and Arthuristan Dynamics begin on the largest procurements for the Air Force and Naval Aviation Division.

The Aigios F-105 Ifrit and the Arthuristan Dynamics F-76 Sea Kestrel of the Royal Gristo-Serkonan Air Force and Navy respectively

19 April 2022 | Gemma Brewster, GSBC News

PONTIAC-BERNADOTTE - Procurement Minister Ren Miyazaki and Defence Minister Jonathan Nilsson announced in a joint statement on Friday that Gristo-Serkonan government has begun its final talks with United Fighters Consortium and Arthuristan Dynamics to replace the aging fleets of F-105 Ifrit and F-76 Sea Kestrels. Minister Miyazaki noted the enormity of the procurement, with two contracts expected to cost a total of 2.98 trillion GSC (NS$ 24.11 billion). The Parliament is also expected to pass an amendment bill authorizing the increase in defence spending, pushing defence spending-to-GDP threshold to 3%.

The announcement Monday caps a tumultuous, 12-year saga during which the federal government has struggled to pick a fighter plane for the Air Force. Successive Gristo-Serkonan governments has been trying to replace the aging fleet of F-105 Ifrit and F-76 Sea Kestrels. The former Social Democratic government of Stuart Lewis announced its intention to buy a further 65 F-104 Ghosts from Morgenroete Aerospace but the landslide election of the Progressive Conservatives led by Kaniehtí:io Fox scrapped the decision, noting the costly development program to develop the fifth-generation fighter with foreign partners. The naval engagement between the Wazhenaby Federal Navy and the Royal Gristo-Serkonan Navy also highlighted the critical need to replace the Sea Kestrels, which were at a disadvantage against the land-based aircraft of the Wazhenaby Federal Air Force.

Minister Nilsson has stated that an agreement with United Fighters Consortium would result in the Air Force receiving a total of 200 UFC Tempests comprised of 160 FGR.3s and 40 Tempest-ECR variants. The second contract with Arthuristan Dynamics is an order for 40 Whirlwinds in the FGR.2 variant. Nilsson also stated that the decision to pick the newer Tempests and Whirlwinds were made in light of the current needs for the aviation components of the military. An airworthiness report obtained by GSBC News from the Department of the Air Force from 2012 indicate that the F-105 Ifrit is approaching its end-of-life stage, recommending a procurement process to replace the fleet.

The F-105 Ifrits and the F-76 Sea Kestrels will remain in service until 2025 when the first batches of deliveries of Tempests and Whirlwinds were expected to be delivered.

Gemma Brewster is the senior defence reporter for GSBC News based in Pontiac-Bernadotte.

by **Talahara** » Sun Apr 24, 2022 2:44 pm

April 23, 2022

OPERATION MEKORET LAUNCHED IN THE HASIDHMAWT

The Elect Army of Kembesa has announced the launch of a new major operation, titled Operation Mekoret, into the Hasidhmawt, an arid region in the west of Fahran that has been embroiled in conflict since the outbreak of the Fahrani Civil War in January 2019. A spokesperson for the T’ori'seyoum provided a short media briefing on Friday. The spokesperson declined to respond to reporter questions. In the briefing, it was revealed that the II Corps of the Northern Army, under the command of Lord General Gebiri’ēl Mihireti'ayi, had initiated an offensive against the forces of the National Salvation Council (NSC) in the area around the city of Al-Hajar.

This operation is the latest contribution of our nation in the Fahrani Civil War, which erupted on January 1, 2019, following a military coup. After its most recent elections, Kembesa's northern neighbour put a hardline heathen populist, Mohammed Sabbagh of the NSC, in ultimate power over the country. In response, an atheist sect in the military calling itself the National Union for the Restoration of the Republic (NURR), purporting to represent the true will of the Fahrani people, embroiled the country in a brutal civil war. With both sides jeopardizing the stability of the region and the energy interests of the Kingdom of Kembesa, on March 15 our nation joined the Latin-led coalition to instate a rightful monarch, Hazea, on the throne of Fahran. Despite being a heathen herself, the queen-to-be was educated in Belisarian ways, and is assured to have a true Nazarist moral character, thus presenting the best hope for her country's future.

The Hasidhmawt is an arid region in western Fahran, encompassing the areas around the cities of Al-Hajar and Sirwah. The region has been the home of many shiftless and disloyal Bedwin peoples for much of its history. At present, the territory is still a stronghold of the theocratic NSC, though a major Royalist pocket of resilient Kha'tham tribal warriors has held on between the two cities. The NSC has largely been supported in the region by Anahri assistance across the border. Control of the western Hasidhmawt has been contested primarily by Charnean hordes launching across the open deserts in support of the Kha'tham. While the desert people have pushed their enemies from the open plains, they have been incapable of taking the vital city of Al-Hajar.

Kembesa's involvement in the war thus far has been limited. From the outset, our nation's military leaders and His Majesty Selemoni XIV, Elect of God, were deeply concerned with the descent into violence of our northern neighbour. However, official involvement was initiated with the declaration of Hazea's claim to the throne and the creation of the Royalist faction. Kembesa's first major operation took place in February 2020, displacing NSC forces from the outskirts of Sirwah and establishing a firm line outside of the city. Further operations secured Royalist control over vital oil production facilities in the country's south. Kembesan forces have also assisted in training tribesmen in proper warfare, conducting air sorties, and advising other forces.

Pictured: A light tank of the T’ori'seyoum's 11^th Cavalry advances in a suburb of Sirwah, c. June 2021.

Operation Mekoret has the stated objective of capturing the city of Al-Hajar and curbing foreign influence in the Hasidhmawt. Expert analysts and commentators have noted that the II Corps is well-manned and well-equiped for the task and with the full weight of the force put to the task, the might of Kembesa should swiftly crush any opposition. Despite this, there have been no official claims regarding the duration of the operation.

Several of the more shiftless Royalist supporters have aired public complaints regarding the execution of the operation, noting a lack of communication and cooperation between Kembesan and local Royalist forces. In response, the T’ori'seyoum described the operation as an elite manoeuver and that interruptions from irregular allies would only serve to weaken the frontline against the NSC and the NURR.

Early reports of the Kembesan offensive also triggered reactions from Charnean officials, who warned against possible contact between Kembesan and Charnean forces lying in ambush in the areas of operation. Kembesan analysts have noted a lack of communication and coordination from the Charneans. Thus far, the T’ori'seyoum has made no official comment with regard to this possibility. While our nation and the Charnean heathens both support the Royalist cause in the Civil War, tensions remain high.

Additional information on Kembesa's support in the Fahrani Civil War will be updated as this story develops.

by **Onekawa-Nukanor** » Sun Apr 24, 2022 3:17 pm

Toru News Daily

| National | International | Sport | Weather | Politics | Entertainment | Science & Technology| Economy |

Distant Shores 2022

25/04/22: In a press release earlier today, a spokespoerson for the Chief of the Navy Ātamira Ihaia , the professional head of the Royal Onekawa-Nukanoa Navy, announced the date for this years Distant Tides exercise held between the Onekawan Navy, Air Force and Army and the Far East Station of the Royal Yisraeli Navy as well as this years invited guests the Lion's Rock Navy.

Distant Tides Exercises were established in 2014, when Yisrael and Onekawa-Nukanoa came to an agreement to the establishment of the Far East Station for the Royal Yisraeli Navy at Moana Tahi Pa, one of the primary naval bases for the Onekawan fleet situated on the northern coast of the island of Motunui. The Far East Station is home to a Yisraeli destroyer, frigate and two corvettes, as well as elements of the 1st Independent Marine Regiment whilst Onekawa-Nukanoa in return established a presence of the Royal Onekawa-Nukanoa Parachute Rifles in Yisrael, before its expansion that culminated in the tense Onekawan Affair in 2020.

Whilst Distant Tides Exercises have occurred since the first in 2015, 2022 would be the first instance in which Lion's Rock would be a participant, and the exercise is built around an attempted invasion of Lion's Rock by an “generic, near-peer threat”. Previous renditions of Distant Tides have varied, and have focused on Yisraeli units working alongside the Onekawan armed forces in fleet engagements, conducting amphibious and expeditionary operations and engaging in humanitarian and disaster relief.

Each year would see increases in the complexity, extent and intensity of exercise, but this year it was announced it would be the first to be focused on 'escort of vulnerable supply and replenishment assets carry critical supplies in a hostile environment”, where it was established that the usually quiet workhorses of the Rimu, Toru Kakariki and Tahimaunga class vessels would take centre stage.

ONS Rimu docked, preparing for Distant Tides 2022

Whilst many details of this years exercises were not dicussed, it was noted this was the first year in which the Onekawan Army would be a notable participants beyond the Royal Onekawa-Nukanoa Naval Infantry, with elements of the 1st Divisions heavy units, such as Whakatōpū Main Battle Tanks, Honu II IFVs and SAM.10 air defence systems taking part to “maximize similarity too what form of men and materials these ships would carry, and better integrate those who do not regularly undertake maritime operations on their operation”. These alongside the Yisraeli and Onekawan marine units would embark on and travel to Lion's Rock, with various elements of the escort acting as hostiles encompassing all three participants.

The spokemons said “This exercise allows us to work more closely not just with our counterparts and friends in the Royal Yisraeli Defence Forces, but with the other branches of the Royal Onekawa-Nukanoa Armed Forces, particularly the heavy units of the Army, in insuring our procedures for this sort of operation are still in line with the high expectations all personnel of the the Onekawan, Yisraeli and Lion's Rock armed forces hold themselves too”.

When questioned about whether this years Distant Tides would be seen as inflammatory, the spokesperson quickly dismissed the claim “The purpose of the entire operation is defensive in nature against a hostile threat. No particular hostile is in mind for this exercise, and is not intentioned to draw or instigate hostilities. This is much more about familiarizing ourselves with our allies and how they operate and how we can work together to maximize and enhance our capabilities under challenging conditions”

Whilst ships from any of the three ships were not named, it was said that the Onekawan would contribute “several” ships to the escort and “a squadron or two” alongside the aforementioned supply ships.

by **Lihnidos** » Sun Apr 24, 2022 4:08 pm

Conservative-National Alliance Deputies Trigger Vote of No Confidence in Fotis Raptis

By: Mihalis Metaxas (@MMetaxas)

[Lihnidos - AD] Arcadia - Conservative-National Alliance deputies in the National Assembly have triggered a vote of no confidence in Leader of the Conservative-National Alliance and Prime Minister Fotis Raptis. The announcement, sent to the offices of the one hundred sixty-nine conservative-national deputies by party secretary Evelina Kokkinos, comes after at least twenty-six deputies submitted letters to party chairman Claus Vascos requesting Raptis step down.

Shortly after the announcement was sent to deputy offices and released to the media, Deputy Stephanos Anagnos spoke to the media and identified himself as one of the deputies seeking Raptis’ departure as leader. While refusing to identify other deputies who submitted letters to the party chairman, Anagnos, who represents Samos’ fourth constituency, said that he and others had lost confidence in the Prime Minister’s ability to lead the party through the upcoming October general election.

“The Prime Minster’s failure to spur growth in the party and record of poor performances in the last three general elections has resulted in the Conservative-National Alliance having the fewest seats since 2002,” said Anagnos, citing the party’s continuous loss of seats in the National Assembly since 2010. “His failure to allocate sufficient resources to fighting to retain Deputy Michalis Lorilis’ seat after his unfortunate passing shows that he is not focused on growing or even maintaining the party’s influence in the legislature. The party has lost twenty-seven seats in the National Assembly since the Prime Minister has become leader of the party. Myself and those who joined me in informing the party chairman of our loss of confidence in [the Prime Minister’s] leadership refuse to allow him to permanently turn us into a minority party.”

The vote of no confidence, which is scheduled to take place on Wednesday evening, comes only five months before the National Assembly is set to be dissolved on September 9th to mark the official beginning of the campaign for the October 14th general election.

Raptis’ election performance has long been a topic of concern and criticism for members of his party who see him as an inefficient campaigner and a poor messenger. The Prime Minister came under increased pressure to resign following the Conservative-National Alliance’s loss of their majority in the National Assembly following the 2018 general election which saw the party lose twelve seats. The loss forced party leadership to negotiate a confidence-and-supply agreement with the Populist People’s Party, which drew criticism from several deputies due to radical positions taken by the PPP.

Raptis’ failure to gain seats in the 2018 general election followed two previous elections in which the Conservative-National Alliance lost seats under Raptis’ watch. In 2010, following Raptis’ election as leader, the party lost eight seats. Four years later, the party lost six more seats. In total, Raptis has led the party through three consecutive general elections of net seat losses despite winning the elections in the overall number of votes.

Strong support within the party has previously allowed the Prime Minister to retain control and prevent challenges to his leadership, however that support has reportedly been on the decline since the 2018 general election. Following the loss to the Democratic Coalition in the December by-election to fill the seat of deceased Conservative-National Deputy Michalis Lorilis, it was reported that several deputies who previously defended the Prime Minister began to suggest he resign. It was reported that Raptis, in an address to the party following the defeat, admitted that the party had not allocated as many resources to the election as it should due to the belief that the Democratic Coalition would easily win the seat. The Democratic Coalition candidate won the seat by a slim four percent margin.

It was expected, following the loss of the Serres seat, that the Democratic Coalition would table a motion of no confidence to be voted upon by the National Assembly. The motion, which would have triggered a general election had it passed, was never brought. This is thought to be a result of Centrist Union leader Lazaros Metaxas announcing that the party would support the Prime Minister in any confidence vote due to the proximity of the next general election.

In response to the announced vote of no confidence, the Prime Minister’s office released a statement vowing to fight for the vote of every conservative-national deputy and defended Raptis’ election record, stating in part: “The Prime Minister has led the Conservative-National Alliance through three general election victories and has formed a government after each election since he has been leader. Many have doubted the Prime Minister’s ability to lead the party since his election as leader, yet they have been proven wrong at every turn. While it is inevitable that this challenge to the Prime Minister’s leadership will fail, he will still fight to earn the vote of every conservative-national deputy and instill confidence in them that he is the right person to lead the party through the upcoming general election.”

The Imperial Offices did not return a request for comment.

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