Once upon a time in Esquarium 2.0 [Closed, Esquarium only]

[Aucuria]

Early morning
December 20, 2015

Presidential Palace
Kalnaspils, Aucuria

A pair of voices came from the television on in the corner of the room, bloviating about the ongoing election in Aucuria, about whether or not Karolis Staugaitis could take the lead back from Pantaleimonas Uspelevičius, about what role Atlia might play in the election, about whether or not Patrīcija Jankauskaitė could overcome the odds to retain her seat. But for Jankauskaitė herself, the election was nothing compared to what was going on in Esquarium as a whole. Christmas was a mere five days away, and yet the phrase "peace on earth, goodwill to men" seemed more distant every passing hour.

Jonas Triuša and Efraimas Gelertaitys, her defense and foreign affairs ministers, respectively, entered the room. Jankauskaitė turned off the television and turned towards the two men. "Minister Triuša, Minister Gelertaitys, it's good to see you two." Triuša laughed derisively, then caught himself. "My apologies, Madam President, but there is no good news from us." "Yes, well, there's not much good news these days, it seems. Elections, riots, revolutions, civil wars, I feel like this entire region has been steadily descending towards conflict. All right, then, what is the news?" Jankauskaitė asked.

There was a moment of silence before Gelertaitys said, "Madam President, Vjaarland has declared war on Ziegenhain."

Nobody spoke for a period of several seconds before Jankauskaitė responded, "Efraimas, you can't be serious." He sighed. "Unfortunately, Madam President, I am. The Vjaarlandic Førbundsting voted unanimously to authorize quote 'all necessary military action' unquote after the attacks on the VMS Hans Adlerfelt and AH118. Freja Adlerberg's invoked the Northern Sea Defense Treaty, calling in all the signatories of the treaty, presumably sans Nevanmaa because it was recently expelled from NOSDO." Jankauskaitė inhaled deeply before muttering "god damn it" under her breath. "So there goes any chance for negotiations or deescalation, I assume?" Triuša nodded, replying, "I'm sure the Katranjians will make an offer, no doubt, but I don't expect anyone to take it at this point."

Jankauskaitė cursed again. "Gentlemen, we are in the worst possible position we could be in. We're about 438 million people smaller than Ziegenhain, even with conscription extended to everyone of both genders between 16 and 45, the widest possible stretch under Aucurian law, there's no way we can field any army to compare with the Ziegenians. Our defense plan in case Ziegenian troops successfully land on Aucurian shores is to hold them off for long enough to train popular militias and form an Aucurian resistance with the hope of waging guerrilla war. We're small, we're mostly flat, and we're too damn close to those Nazis. Even if we don't declare war, at this point, we're a target for Viktoria Ulrich and Markus Knauth simply because we're close and easy. And unlike Vjaarland, we don't have a large military and a massive web of allies to call upon."

"Madam President, what about the Luziycans and the Esquarian Union?" Gelertaitys responded. Jankauskaitė rolled her eyes. "Efraimas, the last ally of Luziyca to call upon them to honor a military alliance or treaty was Qianrong, and it's worth noting that Qianrong is no longer one nation." "Yes, well, it's better to try to get them then simply do nothing," he retorted. "And what? We'll get gassed in some Ziegenian death camp, just like how Song Li-Chao got tortured for however many months by the ASQ? Don't forget Breuvi Shjoraski didn't at any point confuse the name of the Qianrongese capital with the word 'potato', and had reaffirmed his treaties with Qianrong a few days before. Put bluntly, I don't trust Breuvi any farther than I can throw him." "Yeah, and unfortunately his replacement is a lily-livered pansy," Triuša cut in. "Really, Shjoraski's more likely to help us than Svensson ever will be, whether we like it or not."

Jankauskaitė sighed. "Alright, alright. Jonas, first things first, I want you to get Speaker Gruduškas, Opposition Leader Staugaitis, every member of the Saeimas we can. Tell them that while we all want to avenge AH118, we cannot declare war before we are ready. I want the Saeimas making no moves towards declaring war until there are as many friendly foreign troops on our soil as possible. Then, tell the military to begin mobilizing the reserves. Immediately. We've already got conscription for all people of both genders between 16 and 35, hopefully we won't have to expand that to 16 to 45 but it might be necessary. I want the military evacuating children and at-risk demographics out of cities, I want to see anti-aircraft, anti-naval, anti-amphibious assault equipment wherever we can get it and wherever we need it. Get every single bit of equipment we have out there, even if it hasn't seen use since before the Singing Revolution, Heaven knows we'll need to utilize all that equipment when it comes down to it. Our main strength, really, is that we're an island, keeping the Ziegenians from sending in troops by sea or air is our best bet. We've got the world's largest anti-tank ditch on our side, and we're going to need it if we want to survive." Triuša nodded sharply. "Yes ma'am."

Turning towards Gelertaitys, Jankauskaitė continued. "Efraimas, I need you to call the Luziycans, however untrustworthy they might be, and the rest of the Esquarian Union. I want them to know we will be invoking the Treaty of Bethlehem in the face of an omnipresent threat from Ziegenhain. And let Shjoraski know that before Aucuria takes any actions towards declaring war, before we do anything, I want Luziycan infantry and armor already in Aucuria, I want Luziycan interceptors and fighters and bombers, I want Luziycan naval patrols to bolster our capability, I want their troops here when the war begins so they can't back out. I want them defending our country alongside the Aucurian Armed Forces. Contact Vjaarland as well, tell them our concerns about going to war, but tell them we're willing to let them and other NOSDO countries use Aucuria as a forward base for aerial, naval, and hopefully eventually a full-scale invasion of Ziegenhain with the goal of deposing their regime. We're close by, and that means we're a potential strategic asset for their bombers and their ships. But tell them we'll let them do this if they first promise to protect Aucuria from Ziegenian invasion. If we can get both NOSDO and the EU defending us in all their might, then, well, that's obviously the preferred option. Understood?" Gelertaitys nodded.

Putting her hands on her desk and leaning back in her chair, Jankauskaitė sighed softly. "Godspeed, men. It's almost Christmas, here's hoping we're all still around to see Christmas next year." Triuša and Gelertaitys turned around to walk out of the room, but at the door Gelertaitys turned around again and asked, "By the way, Madam President, what about the election?"

Jankauskaitė smiled faintly. "At this point, let Uspelevičius or Staugaitis or Kavaliauskas take it. I'm not sure I want to hold this office any more."

[Vajorr]

Außenministerium der Vereinigten Republik
Foreign Office of the United Republic


OFFIXIELL BUNDESNARCHRICHTEN - OFFICIAL FEDERAL MESSAGE
FROM: Frank-Walter Steinmeier, Federal Minister for Foreign Affairs
Werderscher Markt 1
10117 Neue Haustadt
TO: Their Majesties' Government of the Jarldom of Atlantica

---

---

On behalf of the United Vajorrian Republic, we are honored to accept your invitation to the ceremony celebrating the coronation of His Most Serene, Norse, and Royal Majesty, Þorleif II. We are pleased to say that the Honourable Ambassador, Peter Wittig and the Deputy Prime Minister, Adam Dietrich will be looking forward attending the celebration. On behalf of the President and the Federal Council, we hope this celebration will signal that the relationship between the United Republic and the Jarldom remains strong.


[Signed]
Frank-Walter Steinmeier
Bundesministerin für auswärtige Angelegenheiten
Federal Minister for Foreign Affairs

[Scotia-99]

Office of HM the Queen
Aberlefen Castle
Aberlefen AA2 A03 Scotia

To the Foreign Ministry of the Jarldom of Atlantica,

On behalf of the people of the Kingdom of Scotia, my family and I am honored to accept the invitation to the ceremonies celebrating the coronation of His Most Serene, Norse, and Royal Majesty, Þorleif II. I am honored to inform you that our Tòiseach David MacLeod, Tànaiste Dòmhnall Macalipai, Foreign Minister Elizabeth Campbell, our Ambassador Alexander Tao, and Donald MacIver, our General Moderator of the Church of Scotia, will also be looking forward to the celebrations.

Sincerely,
Caroline
Queen of the Scotians

[Vajorr]

Early afternoon
20 November 2015

Federal Palace, West Wing, Room 31
New Haustad, Vajorr

Chancellor Maria Grüner stood facing the window, silently observing the cold grounds of the Federal Palace. The storm yesterday night dropped several centimeters of fresh snow on the capital, giving the groundskeepers some work to do. The task wasn’t difficult and the parking lot, walkways, and plaza were cleared by 9 o’clock. Their task seemed to be infinitely more simple than her own, which was significantly more complicated by the events of yesterday. Maria sighed and lifted her left arm to check her watch. “Almost fourteen” she thought, “They should be here soon.” She briefly looked at the nine decorated desks behind her for the members of the Federal Council and a less elegant desk for two other people. “I hope the Presidents don’t mind the desks.”

There was a knock at the door and Maria turned away from the window. “Yes?” she inquired. The door opened and her secretary appeared, closing the door behind him, “Madame Chancellor, Sigmar Gabriel and the others are here.” “Good,” Maria said. She paused, “Let them in.” He nodded and opened the door completely. The nameless secretary held the door open for the eight members of the Federal Council, the President, and the President of the National Council before closing the door as he retired. “Thank you for assembling on such a short notice,” Maria said to the arriving members as they walked in. She waited as the members present took their seats. “You couldn’t give me more respectable seating?” President Amanda Schröder said jokingly as she sat down next to her counterpart from the National Council. Chuckles descended across the room, which trailed off as they remembered why they are meeting.

Maria cleared her throat. “I assume you already heard of the news?” she said. A harsh laugh came from Conservative Vice-Chancellor, Adam Dietrich. The President of the Defence Department, Didier Burkhalter shook his head, “Bad times for the world is as much as I can say.” He paused and said, “What the hell are we going to do now?! We applied to NOSDO just yesterday and now Vjaarland just called in the signatories of the treaty to practical war.” The President of the Foreign Affairs, Alain Berset spoke up “What are you suggesting?” “I think we should our application for NOSDO membership.” Didier replied. “You gotta be kidding.” the Vice Chancellor retorted, “The Liberals have long campaigned for Vajorr’s ascension to NOSDO and now you want to completely-”. “I didn’t say that.” Didier interrupted, “I simply propose that we put our membership application on hold until everything calms down.” Alain snorted, “So you are fine with being a part of a mutual defence organisation until one of its members invokes the ‘mutual defence’ part of the organisation.” “Well that isn’t putting it the best way...” Didier began as some chuckles rang out. “What I am saying is that this conflict would put is way over our heads…”

“Gentlemen, I need to interrupt,” Maria said, “but although the topic NOSDO is quite important, we need to respond to the war itself.” “Right. Of course,” Didier responded and there were unanimous nods of agreement in the room. The Chancellor sighed, “First things first, issue a statement of condemnation to Ziegenians and state our support for Vjaarland.” Alain nodded in agreement. Maria continued, “We will maintain our neutrality, but even with Vajorr not in NOSDO at the present, it is not assured. Simply put, they are Ziegenians; I am sure none of us here trust them, period. The Vjaarlandics are to the north of us and their warships sometimes use our naval bases to stop and rest. I plan on continuing this policy to support our ally, but it makes us vulnerable. I have no questions that Ziegenians would have no problems violating our neutrality to get at Vjaarland.” “Agreed,” Didier said, “I recommend increasing our military readiness level to four, which would put our military units on stand-by. Make no direct hints toward war, but present ourselves as a vigilant and battle-ready nation. We need to summon the Vjaarlandic ambassador,” Didier nods to Alain. "Have him report to us about how the war will effect our relations and especially how the Vjaarlandics will use our bases during the war."

...

[Nevamaa]

OFFICIAL ROYAL COMMUNIQUE from His Royal Majesty the King of Nevanmaa
to Their Majesties' Government of the Jarldom of Atlantica

---

On behalf of the entire Nevan government and my subjects, I am most pleased to accept your invitation to the coronation of HM Þorleif II. Ambassador Kaarle Turkka as well as Foreign Minister Olavi Linkomies will also be in attendance.

Despite our countries' differences in political and religious matters, let us both agree on the undisputed fact that the coronation of a monarch is always a joyous celebration and a symbol of a new beginning. Let this coronation be no exception to that rule.

With regards,
Juhani Rex
King of the Nevan Realm

[Korivania]

OFFICIAL COMMUNIQUE OF THE KINGDOM OF KORIVANIA

---

To: The Government of the Jarldom of Atlantica
Subject: The Coronation of His Most Serene, Norse, and Royal Majesty, Þorleif II
Encryption: None

---

We are pleased to announce to you, that Deputy Prime Minister Carlos Karinoti and his wife Leilana, as well as Prince Vuk Kalikar, and the Korivanian Ambassador to the Jarldom of Atlantica, Lukas Bermani, will surely be attending the coronation of His Most Serene, Norse, and Royal Majesty, Þorleif II. We indeed do hope that the good relations between the Kingdom of Korivania, and the Jarldom of Atlantica will continue as they thankfully have.


Sincerely,

Qemal Vukitaj, Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Korivania

& Giergi VIII, King of the Kingdom of Korivania

[West Cedarbrook]

To: The Government of the Jarldom of Atlantica
From: The Kramden of West Cedarbrook Department of External Affairs, Wrycova, West Cedarbrook
Encoding: Public

The Department of External Affairs is pleased to inform you that President Issac Feld and Mrs. Sarah Feld will attend the upcoming coronation of be attending the coronation of His Most Serene, Norse, and Royal Majesty, Þorleif II. Hosting the delegation will be the Ambassador of the Kramden to Atlantica, Neil Coznowfsky.

In friendship and with respect,

Vernon Kansky
Secretary of External Affairs, The Kramden of West Cedarbrook

[The Jahistic Unified Republic]

A Resolution Regarding the Current Escalation of Conflict and the Members of the Jahistic Liberation Forces Currently Stationed in the Greater Ziegenian Realm

Proposed by: Yunglin Kim, MCC, in an Extraordinary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the All-Union Libertarian Party

Date Effective: December the 24th, Two-Thousand and Fifteen.

The Central Committee of the All-Union Libertarian Party,

Section I: Terminology

A. The Greater Ziegenian Realm may also be known as Ziegenhain, Ziegreich, or The Reich.

B. The Vjaarlandic Confederation may also be known as Vjaarland.

C: The Jahistic Liberation Forces may also be known as the JLF.

Section II: Declaration of Neutrality

A. The All-Union Libertarian Party, regarding the recent outbreak of war between Ziegenhain and Vjaarland, officially declares a state of armed neutrality with regards to the Jahistic Liberation Forces, the official military wing of the Party.

B. The All-Union Libertarian Party officially encourages methods of peace and harmony should be employed between the two nations and hopes a quick and resolute end to the conflict may be sought by all nations in Esquarium.

[i]Section III: Regarding JLF Involvement[/i]

A. As per the previous section, the Jahistic Liberation Forces is to have no active or otherwise official involvement in this conflict, until deemed necessary by an official declaration of war from both the State Government of the Jahistic Union and the Central Committee of the All-Union Libertarian Party.

B. However, with regards to the over ninety-thousand soldiers stationed in the Reich, the All-Union Libertarian Party gives them the option to fight under the banner of the "Unolian Volunteer Army". This is a completely voluntary choice and the Reich's Government will have to pay for these soldiers, as per previous agreement.

Section IV: The Unolian Volunteer Army

A. Only JLF soldiers stationed in a base in Ziegenhein on or before December the Nineteenth, Two-Thousand and Fifteen may volunteer for the Unolian Volunteer Army.

B. The All-Union Libertarian Party Political Bureau of the Central Committee may disband the Unolian Volunteer Army when it deems necessary, for any reason, and the soldiers once fighting for the UVA must return to their bases in the allotted time.

C. Aside from Section IV, Subsection B, the All-Union Libertarian Party claims no responsibility and no control over the Unolian Volunteer Army. The Branch Commander of the Ziegenian Division of the Jahistic Liberation Forces is named the Commander-in-Chief of the Unolian Volunteer Army.

D. If a state of formal war is to break out between the Jahistic Union (and, in effect, the All-Union Libertarian Party) and any state currently engaged in war with the Reich, the Unolian Volunteer Army will be immediately and decisively disbanded and reincorporated into the Jahistic Liberation Forces.

E. The Unolian Volunteer Army cannot use any patches, flags, insignia, markings, identifying symbols, or any other symbols associated with either the Jahistic Union, the All-Union Libertarian Party, or the Jahistic Liberation Forces.

Section V: Soldiers Who Choose Not to Join the Unolian Volunteer Army

A. Eligible soldiers may, free of penalty of any kind, choose to abstain from joining the Unolian Volunteer Army.

B. If a soldier chooses to do so, they are to not, under any circumstances short of immediate threat to their or their comrades' lives, leave their bases.

C. Soldiers remaining at base are to still defend the base and their comrades from all danger, should a foreign forces put the security of the base and their comrades in danger.

Section VI: JLF Bases in Ziegenhain

A. The JLF bases in Ziegenhain, as per previous agreement, are Jahistic Union soil. If a foreign force is to launch a malicious attack on a JLF base, it will defend itself and it will, in all likeliness, means war between the offending party and the Jahistic Union (and, by effect, the All-Union Libertarian Party).



This Resolution Passed a Vocal Vote Without Any Objections

This Resolution Was Signed and Sealed by Alicia Reinman, Acting Chairwoman of the Central Committee of the All-Union Libertarian Party

[Luziyca]

The President's Christmas Speech
December 24, 2015
All major networks

"Seasons greetings," Shjoraski said. "2015 has been a year of changes, both on the domestic and international arena. Some of these changes have been for the better, others for the worse."

"But first," he began, "let us begin with the domestic changes: universal healthcare will come to effect in the following year, unfortunately. I have tried to prevent socialized medicine from ever returning onto Luziycan soil, and yet, it managed to get through despite my objections, as well as those from all across the country who experienced healthcare under the communist regime governing the west."
He then added, "We witnessed the end of 28 years in power for the Whigs: my successor will be the first President in a reunified Luziyca that did not come from the Whig Party. To this, I wish her luck in her future endeavors once she takes office on the twentieth next month." He paused again, before stating that "the economy has taken a small tumble, but it is now back at its feet, and I am confident that Svensson will know what is best for this country's economy."

After having a sip of water, he continued: "We now take a look internationally: one of the major events this year was the end of the racist regime in Arnborg. We hope that a multiracial democracy can rise in the place of a white supremacist regime, and that it shall serve as a message to their Nevan benefactors that the world is turning against them: it is now or nevan to try and reform the Nevan government." He nodded, and remarked, "I know it would be for the best if they changed."
"Secondly is this coming war. We are concerned that a Third Great War may break out as a result of the conflict between Ziegenhain and Vjaarland, but with the Esquarian Union, we are confident that we will get to a peaceful resolution. However," he warned, "if there is not, the world may face devastating consequences in the coming year."

"I am keeping this short and sweet, so to give you guys more time to celebrate Christmas," Shjoraski concluded. "We wish you a merry Christmas, and we hope to see each other in the new year. Thank you."

[Vajorr]

Early Afternoon
24 November 2015

Federal Palace, West Wing, Room 31
New Haustad, United Federation

Chancellor Maria Grüner sat at her desk and pinched the bridge of her nose. She looked at the piles of paperwork covering her desk, all which required her attention. She never had to juggle so many things in her life; she had to appear in front of the Federation Council, hold a televised speech for the entirety of the Federation and daily meetings with the Federal Council which lasted for hours. In fact another meeting was about to start. She picked up her coffee mug and looked into it. She sighed, she is going to need a refill. A knock alerted her, and she looked up to the sight of her Prime Minister of the Defence Department, Didier Burkhalter rapping on the open door.

“Hello,” she said. “Right on time I see. Do come in.” He nodded and walked in, followed by the rest of the Federal Council. There were greetings and handshakes before the members of the Council sat down.”Thank you for being here today,” she said. There were nods of acknowledgement around the room. “As you may recall, Mr. Alain was asked to summon the Vjaarlandic ambassador, on the meeting on the 20th,” she said. “However he did not come... for unknown reasons,” she coughed. The rest of the Federal Council shifted uncomfortably. “At anyrate he is currently present outside. Let's introduce Mr. Skytte to the Council.” She nods to her secretary, who then steps outside. A few moments later, the secretary opens the door for the Honourable Vjaarlandic Ambassador to the United Federation, Lorens Skytte. A caucasian man with fair hair and a medium build walked in, “Madame Chancellor” he said “Ministers” as he nodded his head. “Welcome to the Federal Council, Ambassador” Maria greeted him as she and the other members of the Federal Council stood. A round of handshakes and introductions began as she introduced the various Ministers and the President.

After the introductions were complete the ambassador was given proper seating. “So ambassador,” Maria began, “what is the news from Strendhavn?”

The ambassador sighed, “The Confederation is getting ready for war. The activation of the military reserves and militia continues; it should add a million to our total forces. Our nuclear weapons are on standby as well. In addition the national state of emergency, we are shutting down the major urban areas, and evacuating some people to the rural areas. Also the government is moving to a bunker in the middle of the Fjolden mountains because..well..nukes.”

“Good god,” the Vice-Chancellor muttered and High Minister Burkhalter, whispered something to Berset. “Those are quite the preparations,” Maria said, “We haven’t done anything on the scale yet, however….” She nodded to the Minister of Defence.

“We have begun some preparations,” continued Burkhalter. “We have ordered the Federal Defense Force and the reserves to moblise and be on indefinite standby. In addition we have contacted several paramilitary forces to see if they can pledge their help” He paused, “As I recall, Ambassador your government pledged us some support.”

“Correct.” Ambassador Skytte said“If you look on a map, the United Federation is in a strategic position to intercept Ziegenian ships attempting to exit the Northern Sea. With bases in Seaxland, we can effectively prevent Ziegenian naval activity outside of the North Sea. To achieve this, Vjaarlandic forces will station a fleet of aircraft at the uh…. Braden Air Station. We will send B.68s, J.75s, SB.11sm, B.68 J.75m, and SB.11 as well as T.291s, Ta.77s, and NH.23Bs for support. There will be 58 total. In addition we will station a naval fleet at one of your bases. Command is currently deciding what ships and how many to send...”

“Wait a minute,” Burkhalter interrupted. “Under whose command will these forces be placed?”

“Ours,” he replied. “We will use your facilities as a base for our operations against Ziegenian forces.”

“So let me get this straight,” Burkhalter said with slight contempt. “This is less about providing us with protection and more about attacking the navy of a nation with a 18 million man army. Are you planning to drag us into this?”

“Well Minister,” the ambassador. ”You wanted to join NOSDO, well this is what the organisation is about. So if you don’t want to obligate with the treaty you can get out.”

Burkhalter began to shoot back a response but Maria butted in, “We agree to house your military units at our bases. However if the Ziegenhains attack, I expect full and unquestionable support from NOSDO.”

The ambassador nodded, ”Agreed.” He looked at his watch and said, “I do believe this is everything.” He stood up and shook the hands of everyone present before leaving.

Burkhalter sat back down and lead back in his seat. “Well... shit,” he said.

[The Jahistic Unified Republic]

To: General Ohanka Jon Bak-su, Esteemed Leader of the State of Koyro
From: Ryan Thuman, Former Generalissimo of the Jahistic Youth Corps
Privacy: Private but Not Secure (3/10, with 10 being vital classified information)

(This letter was handwritten in English by Ryan Thuman after hearing that Ohanka was feeling ill and delivered via a military base stationed in Koyro)

General Ohanka Jon Bak-su,

A letter coming to you from what is now just an average citizen of the Jahistic Union may be unusual, but we've met before and I consider you an honorable person and hold you in great regard. I write this letter because I know what it is like to be the son of a person who was bedridden, although the person in my life ended up succumbing to his illness.

I write because I care, General. I hear it, through my connections in the current Party bureaucracy, that you are suffering with illness and discouraged by not being able to be with your honorable people and leading your nation more effectively, as you have done for decades.

I am coming up on a more personal time of my life. The rest of Esquarium (or, at the very least, the Christian-influenced nation of Esquarium, Unolia and Koyro being notable exceptions) are celebrating a day of overwhelming joy today. They celebrate a birth of a Savior, whether literal or metaphorical. To the Unolian People, around this time is when we mourn the loss of ours. And to myself, personally, I mourn the loss of my father, a man who you knew very well and I hope you remember. We are coming up on the second year without the Great Leader and my father, and the mourning process has been more disastrous and bloody than has been revealed in the official Party and State media.

You strike me as being like my father, except in ideology. But when it came down to your actual ruling style, you are personable and patriarchal to the people and one can tell that you love the people you rule over and want only the best interests of them. This is why my father was drawn to you as a ruler and actually viewed you as sort of a friend, even until the very end.

My father had a choice on January 3rd, 2014: He could give the Natonal Day Speech, as he had been planing, or he could stay at home to receive treatment for a throat issue he had been having for the days prior. He, out of pure love for the Unolian people, chose to celebrate the day with them and, as per usual, give the keynote speech. However, this decision cost the people he so loved so dearly so much. As we all know, he passed away days later of the easily curable disease of consumption.

Then, another shocker to myself. My mother on January 2nd, took her own life out of grief of losing the man she loved more than anything else. Today I am an orphan.

What does my personal story have to do with you? Well, I write this with the hope that you'll take my simple advice. Pardon my scribbled handwriting, I am choking up a bit. I want you to take my advice general and let your doctors do what they can to help prolong your life so that you may continue serving the people you love so dearly for as long as you can. If you need Unolian doctors, or even Aininian doctors, I hold enough sway in the Unolian Government to get you what you need.

Take a break from serving the people so you can serve them longer.

Thank you for hearing me out and I hope you heed my advice. I hope that the Jahistic Union and the State of Koyro maintains their healthy relationship and the everlasting bond between our peoples be reinforced through the crucible of our trying times.

With all sincerity,

Ryan Thuman, Soldier of Christ

[Dolfradia]

December 25-26, 2015
Temsigčat Palace
Kálihába, Dolfradia

Theodór has returned from the disastrous Coupe at Lyonsland, he is enjoying spending time with family, drinking hot cocoa, opening up presents, listening to holiday music & is about to address the people of Dolfradia as part of the annual holiday time routine of the monarch's speech. He is waiting with Prime Minister Jakob Garluund & deputy Gžorgži Ááňokod for the hour and time in which he is set to speak on the podium. This is his very first time doing this as he handed over the tradition from his father Johan.

Soon, drums, brass, trumpets, cymbals & flutes began playing the leitmotif of the monarchy as Theo step into the podium. TV cameras and reporters from near and wide were coming to see him speak. As the audience cheered for the 18-year old duke, he whispered to Jakob, saying
"There is a higher chance of Zigenian terrorists and spies trespassing on our border from Lersket, the military shall remain on guard and look out on any suspected or potential threat." Jakob replied back, "As you wish, sire".

When he stood up, he clears his throat and begins to address the people:
"Merry Christmas to all of you on this blessed day, for I shall speak of many troubles and tidings that are going on in here and in the rest of Esquarium. It is a grave time in our lives as the Ziegenian dictatorship and their allies (referring to Ionland, Nevanmaa) had declared a state of war on all of us by destroying innocent lives in that tragic Aucurian Airlines flight and the sinking of many Vjaarlandic vessels which crews lost their lives. Vjaarland, Aucuria, Lanos, The United Federation and Arkiasis are now taking a stand at their horrific evil doing by fighting them out at sea and air, and soon to be land. As of today, Dolfradia has taken a supporting role in this conflict despite remaining military neutral. It will play a part in supporting, equipping, & preparing those who served at the side of our Vjaar and Aucurian comrades. Dolfradia will be housing NOSDO and non-NOSDO personnel on it's bases, and will host the Aucurian naval fleet in Kálihába. I, Theodór the Third, and my entire family wishes condolences to those who died on the two tragedies this week, and to our comrades, including Aucuria and Lyonsland for the tragic consequences they had been dealing with since."

"As I held out the Good Book in my hand, I read now this passage from the book of Joshua: 'Do not be afraid of them, for I have given them into thy hand. Not a single one of them will be able to withstand thee.' This passage means that we will not be afraid if something bad is still going on, but to overcome the fears and sins that we are fighting for. We are conquering those same fears on this joyous Christmas Day, for a child was born on that day, and from that day on, he became the savior of the entire world, and when he died on the cross, he delivered the world from sin and suffering. As we join ourselves in harmony and song for our friends, our family, our allies and eventually the planet itself, let us remember the true meanings of Christmas and the winter holidays, the arrival of a Savior who will give us eternal happiness & the celebration of those who we are thankful for. Now I will wish you Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year to all and to all a good night."

The band began playing Handel's Messiah & Joy to the World as he departed from the podium, got into his car and drove all the way to the airport for which he was planning to visit Aucuria the next day. His family waved goodbye as he, Jakob & Gžorgži headed out on an a private Aucurian Airlines flight to Kalnasplis.

[Namor]

NMR 2378 PRESIDENTIAL PRIMARY DEBATE: POPULAR FRONT (TFTV)
LOCATION: Mojing Arts Center, Mojing, East Namor

MODERATOR: Ladies and gentlemen, welcome to the second Primary Front primary debate, hosted here at the Arts Center in Mojing. I am Ping Gusian, host of The People's Forum of TFTV.

This is the second debate held between the candidates running for the Popular Front nomination, and there is less than a month away before the Popular Front holds its convention in Po'ai and nominates a candidate to run on its behalf. In case you're unfamiliar with the schedule, starting New Year's Day, the Liberationists will hold their party congress, followed by the Democratic Socialists whose congress will kick off on January 5th, and the Socialists whose congress will be held on the 9th. As for the Popular Front convention itself, it will be held in January 20. As we approach the date of the convention, all of us are expecting the campaigning to intensify. That said, we wish all the candidates who will take the stage shortly good luck. All of us here at TFTV hope that this debate, and others to come, will inform you - the average voter - about where the candidates stand, for the right to be informed is something we hold dearly in Esquarium's largest democracy.

During this debate, all questions will be asked not by myself, but by the audience. Some viewers are friends from the media, and they will be allowed to ask questions as well.

Now, let's move on to the candidates tonight: Democratic Socialist candidate Namsa Singho, Liberationist Party leader and deputy Shohai Antelope, and Socialist party candidate and deputy Tao James. Please welcome them all.

(applause, candidates take stage)

Each candidate will be given a chance to deliver his opening statement. We start with Secretary-General Namsa.

NAMSA: Good evening, and happy end of the year to all of you. As you may know, I am the Secretary-General of the Democratic Socialist Party and the former Vice President of the People's Republic. In a few months, the Namorese people will take part in yet another of Namor's open elections since Minjuha. This election is important because it is you who will decide which road we will take for the next five years. And as someone who has taken part in elections before entering politics, I understand that making that decision can be confusing and difficult, especially when many politicians you see on television are all talk and no action. Well, I'm the opposite of the stereotypical politician. I got things done, I get things done, and as your President-General I will continue to get things done. I am not going to give you false promises during a time when a country doesn't need them. Nor am I going to sit back and watch our economy go down, even when we know that our economy is downing because of the incorrect policies of the current administration. If we know that this worldwide economic crisis will somehow end, let us end it soon. It's crucial that in these confusing times, Namor should lead the way - not as a savior, but as a partner in achieving global well-being.

SHOHAI: Good evening. I wish I have good news for you, but sadly I don't. The unfortunate reality is that domestically and internationally, the Fu administration isn't standing up for the very people that got it elected in the first place. While it's my desire to give the President-General a pat in the back for having done his most to serve the Namorese people, the painful truth is that the Namorese people deserve better. This is why I want your vote. If the Namorese people choose to go down the right path from Election Day onward, let that path be one that we'll all be satisfied with many decades from now. Politics is messy, but it doesn't have to be that way, and let me tell you how. We can develop a consensus between different segments of society on what we should achieve in the next five years, enact policies that benefit Namorese who can then use these benefits to benefit others, and maintain a living space for our nation as we face an uncertain future. Talking about how to change the future for the better won't be enough. We need a plan, we need to stick with that plan and we need to act on that plan. Because we cannot afford another empty promise from the leadership.

TAO: An old year is about to close, and a new year is about to begin. Some of us may mark the new year with the flip of a calendar page, but I want to mark it with something better - a red flag of revolution. The new year NMR 2378 signals a resurgence in the willpower to steer Namor back to the path on which it belongs. President-General Gelai Antelope once said that "true revisionism is not when you change the means of revolution, it is when you change the end goal of revolution." Gelai reformed the system not so the revolution could have a new, unrelated goal, but so that the revolution which his predecessors kindled would continue to enlighten people's hearts in changing times. Sadly, that revolution is in peril, thanks to the forces of reaction in Namo who are slowly transforming Namor back to crony capitalism and oppression. But it doesn't have to be that way if we the people take action. Together, we can make Namor the People's Republic it once was.

MODERATOR: Now that the three candidates have delivered their opening statements, we will shortly turn to the audience for questions. So...who's first?...Yes, you there...yes, you may.

(a dapper person in a suit stands)

QUESTIONER: Vang Shenjing for the Liberator. My question is more directed at Deputy Tao than at the other candidates, as it pertains to Deputy Tao's healthcare policy. Deputy Tao, a while ago a Geadish magazine said that your plan to model Namor's healthcare system after Atlantica's is "fanciful," because Namor will have to spend up to 75% of its GDP on healthcare. They aren't the only ones to claim that your plan isn't realistic - others, including Deputy Antelope, have done so as well. So how do you respond to these accusations?

TAO: When I said I want to model Namor's ideal healthcare system after Atlantica's, I didn't mean that we're going to copy off of Atlantica's system entirely, although it's true that I do admire their system. It's true that we have to spend a lot of healthcare, but that doesn't have to mean spending three-quarters or nine-tenths of our GDP doing so. If Atlantica can spend 10 percent of its GDP to provide healthcare for its citizens, so can we. But since we have a larger population, we can even spend more than that, maybe up to 20 percent. The average citizen will still be covered, and that's what matters.

SHOHAI: Deputy Tao, I did the math and the critics are right. If you are to model our system even roughly after Atlantica's, you're going to see a huge majority of the government's money going to healthcare. Like you said, 10 percent of Atlantica's GDP goes to healthcare. Atlantica's GDP is 85 billion Universal Standard Dollars; that means it spends 8.5 billion on healthcare for nearly one million citizens. If Atlantica spends 8.5 billion Universal Standard Dollars on healthcare for one million people, then Namor must spend 7.9 trillion for its 938 million citizens. Our total GDP is 8.5 trillion, which means if we model our system after Atlantica's, we will spend over 90 percent of our GDP on healthcare, not just 75. How does this sound to you?

TAO: I said we don't have to copy every aspect of Atlantica's system, but it's going in the right direction. If Atlantica, a small country with less money than we do, can provide quality healthcare to its citizens, are you telling me a larger and wealthier country like Namor can't? And we don't have to spend eight billion...trillion dollars on healthcare. Like I said before, we can spend at most 20 percent of our GDP on healthcare, or up to 14,000 ramon per person - 2,000 Universal Standard Dollars. We don't have to spend 75 or 90 percent of our GDP.

SHOHAI: So you're telling me 14,000 Ramon is enough to cover a person's healthcare needs? Deputy Tao, in Atlantica, the government spends 59,500 ramon per citizen on quality healthcare. How is spending 14,000 ramon per citizen enough to provide the same Atlantican-style healthcare for the Namorese people? It doesn't work. Get over it.

TAO: 14,000 is enough. In fact, that's a bit above the world average total healthcare expenditure per capita. Some countries spend less and yet they still have a better healthcare system than the one we have right now.

SHOHAI: Let me just reiterate what I've been saying for months: Namorese problems require Namorese solutions. We can look at other models, but one thing we cannot to is emulate these models, because most of them won't work. The Atlantican single-payer system may work well in Atlantica, and by all intents and purposes I would love to see it here, but the simple truth is that we can't because we cannot implement it in a country with nearly a billion people. Either we find feasible ways of achieving a better system for the Namorese people, or we stick with Common Medical Care.

TAO: Healthcare is a human right, but the simple truth is that Common Medical Care isn't capable of granting everybody access to that right. I pointed out Atlantica's system because I want to show how there are other countries that already have a single-payer healthcare system that works, and that there's no excuse that we don't have a similar system that provides every Namorese with quality healthcare. Deputy Antelope is using the same talking points used by the New Democrats to discredit such a system, all while not having a plan of his own. One can only wonder whether Deputy Antelope actually favors single-payer healthcare.

SHOHAI: Actually, Deputy Tao, I'm one of the biggest proponents of healthcare since coming to CenCo. That is why I'm supportive of Common Medical Care, but I'm also supportive of any reforms to Common Medical Care so that healthcare will be made available to all Namorese. What I'm saying is that if we are to reform the system, we have to do it in a way that addresses the people's needs -

TAO: But do you have a way to reform a broken system? Let's hear it.

SHOHAI: We'll put more money into it, obviously. The current administration, in the name of "fiscal responsibility," cut spending on Common Medical Care, preventing the program from reaching its full potential. Who knew that our current President-General, a known philanthropist, is unwilling to let the program expand so that all Namorese can get healthcare without bleeding their wallets. What we should also do is make sure that the program does not cover only the rural areas, but the urban poor. One of the major deficits of the system is that it makes the government pay for the healthcare bills of someone from the countryside, but it doesn't make the government pay for the bills of the lone man in the street who lives from hand to mouth, because it's assumed that all people in the cities are able to afford healthcare so therefore they don't need government coverage. We need to develop a CMCS scheme for urban areas as well instead of adopting a Tao plan that'll give coverage to only one out of every 900 people.

TAO: Deputy Antelope has detailed his complicated plan, but I'm going to stick with my plan, because not only does it work, it ensures that everybody - not just the urban poor or the rural poor - but everybody, gets healthcare coverage. I don't care how much you earn, how well off you are or how many bowls of rice you can afford, because healthcare is healthcare, health is important, and no one deserves to die waiting for healthcare because of the income bracket he falls under. I'm not dreaming, and I know because other countries, not just Atlantica, but countries with hundreds of millions of people, have it. And so can we.

MODERATOR: Thank you, deputies. Next question?

(a woman stands)

QUESTIONER: Hao Jo from the Mojing Sibo. Deputy Antelope, you inherit a political legacy from your great-grandfather, who founded the People's Republic; your grandfather, who initiated political reforms; and your father who had led the Liberationist Party before you became chairman. Some have characterized your legacy as being beneficial, since voters can be assured that you are not new to this politics business -

SHOHAI: Heh, right.

QUESTIONER: - but others point out that it is also obstructive for you, because it gives the impression that a President-General Shohai Antelope will be the resumption of an old political dynasty, something that doesn't stick well with a democracy. So my question to you is: do you consider your family name a help or hindrance to your campaign? And I would also like the other candidates to express their thoughts on the issue as well. Thank you.

SHOHAI: Now, first things first, I think it's inherently unfair that any politician should be subject to this family thing. I know I come from a family that's been quite influential in determining the course of this country, and certainly I'm proud of that. But I prefer voters judging me by what I say, what I do and how close I am with the people. This isn't the first time I've run for President-General. Similarly, it isn't the first time I answered questions like these. We have issues in this country that need to be resolved. Our economy is in serious trouble, and it won't be big businesses that get hit first, it's the common folk. Not to mention the trouble that's brewing outside of our borders. We're seeing a possible Third Great War break out in Artisia, one that might spread here if we're not careful. I'm running for President-General because I want to let the people know how their government will tackle these issues, and I know these issues cannot be solved without a determined leadership.

NAMSA: I agree with Deputy, Secretary-General Antelope that this country has problems that need to be addressed as soon as possible. As such, everyone should ask themselves this: who is more capable of solving the problems of today - new voices, new blood in the Executive House, or a stagnant party that's deteriorated from a revolutionary movement to a family business? I think the answer's pretty obvious, so I'm going to leave that for the audience to decide.

SHOHAI: It's preposterous to call the Liberationist Party a family business. The party gave birth to Kong Jo, one of the country's most popular President-Generals. Mikhail Sxo was President-General, he did not belong to the Antelope family. And there's a handful of other party leaders and President-General who aren't relatives of mine. Also, let's not forget that the first chairman of the party wasn't even my great-grandfather, it was Chao Chunguk, whom my great-grandfather worked with.

If we want to talk about old vs. new, let's talk about you, Secretary-General Namsa. You've been running the political machine forever. You were Vice President during a time when the left seemed doomed to go extinct.

NAMSA: That's -

SHOHAI: People looked up to you to "save" the left, and what happened as a result? Fu Wen came to office in a landslide victory.

NAMSA: Actually that happened because your party adopted a disastrous strategy that drove your own loyalists to Fu -

TAO: He didn't lead the party at the time.

SHOHAI: So I think we can all agree that if we want a new voice in Namo, that voice is certainly not coming from you.

NAMSA: Come on, no -

TAO: Here's my take: Shohai Antelope's the leader of his party, Namsa Singho's the leader of his party. Shohai's the son of a former Vice President, Namsa was formerly Vice President. I, on the other hand, serve only one office, and that is Deputy for the 39th District. I'm not related to any President-General or Vice President, and I'm certainly not related to these two because I don't bicker like they do. (laughter) So vote for me, you'll get real new blood in Namo.

SHOHAI: You know, like I said before, we should stop talking about this. We can have a discussion about who we're related with and how well they did, and it's going to get lively, but we're not going to get anything done. Being a man of the people requires listening to the needs of the people rather than arguing about less important issues.

MODERATOR: We'll leave that there. Next question.

QUESTIONER: Cho Kuo-gak from the Isthmus Daily. Sera Svensson, the newly-elected president of Luziyca, is due to take office in January. Her communique to President-General Fu was interpreted in various ways by the Namorese public. As the potential next President-General of Namor, do you trust the new president and why? Thank you.

MODERATOR: We'll start this one off with Secretary-General Namsa.

NAMSA: You know, I'm quite optimistic. Mrs. Svensson is, obviously, the first Liberal Luziycan leader to become President in 28 years. The conservatives ruled for so long that their country seemed to be stagnating. It's good to have a new president, a new leader with fresh ideas, rule a country that's desperately in need of fresh ideas. And no one here denies that we're better off working with a new government that's prone to accepting new ideas.

SHOHAI: Well there's no way of telling whether she's the leader Namor should look forward to simply because she hasn't taken office yet. We can only get a good grasp of what her presidency will be like through reading and analyzing her communique. I know that as President-General, I'll have to deal with the Luziycans on a regular basis because we're neighbors, and I feel like the new president knows that too. That said, I'm quite positive. Sure, I'm aware that in Luziyca you really don't have a genuine opposition, that what you really have is a ruling party and another party that's just more progressive, but that doesn't mean we can't work with the new leadership.

TAO: As a person who has lived under Luziycan occupation, someone who has served the Luziycan commander-in-chief, I can tell you that Sera Svensson is someone we can work with. Between the time that I defected and the last Luziycan election, the Whigs were always in power. Our government was nominally dealing with Luziyca, but we were really dealing with the Whig Party. This will be the first time a Namorese President-General deals with a Luziycan leader who's not from the Whig Party. Hopefully, we can get along with the new government, but that's more on them than it is on us.

MODERATOR: Next question. I'm going to someone who's not from the press now...yes, you, sir. Go ahead.

QUESTIONER: Hi, I'm Ti Pikang, and I'm currently studying in Mojing University. Like the reporter from before, I also have a question pertaining to Namo-Luziycan relations. The general perception is that the Popular Front is opposed to détente. But polls show a majority of people in countries surrounding both countries are strongly supportive of détente. As candidates for President-General, how can you assure these countries that you will not derail the process that they say keeps the peace in this side of the world?

MODERATOR: Secretary-General Namsa, you first.

NAMSA: Well, Ti, the Popular Front supports peace in the East, and we understand that maintaining good relations with Luziyca is a big part of that. But President-General Fu did something that no Namorese should accept. He hasn't given the Namorese people a say in how we can develop our relations with Luziyca. Had it not been for Esquarileaks, for example, we would've not known that Fu was planning to sell Namor off to the Esquarian Union. He has also shown reluctance in letting all Namorese decide the fate of their own territory, Nantai. I mean, whenever we're dealing with a country that spends nine times more than we do on the military and has a bad habit of interfering in the affairs of other countries, you can't leave the people in the dark about what you're going to discuss. So I don't think it's a matter of whether you're supportive or against having better relations with our neighbors, it's really a matter of how we can have these better relations and how we're going to include the people in the process.

SHOHAI: General-Secretary Namsa has spoken well on this topic, but he did not mention something that I feel is even more important, and that is our current administration's use of détente to buy votes and spread fear. The New Democrats like to scare voters into voting for them by portraying themselves as the only ones who can handle relations with Luziyca properly. They want to give the impression that if Namor elects a Popular Front President-General, then a fourth war is inevitable. And I think this disgusts me more than anything else. The left has ruled this country longer than the right has; we often forget that it was Alicia Wolf, not Fu Wen, who became the first Namorese leader to shake the hand of a Luziycan president. Détente was maintained well before the New Democrats won their first election. We are just concerned that relations are going in the wrong direction, that the New Democrats are sacrificing basic Namorese interests just to appease Bethlehem. As President-General, I will keep the peace, but I will also stand up for the Namorese people instead of indulging in the fearmongering of hypersensitive neoliberals.

TAO: I think it is important that we remain open with other countries, as well as with our own people, about how we're dealing with Luziyca. Remember that in not consulting other countries who are wary of Luziyca's influence, President-General Fu has put Namorese credibility at stake. He has also put our country's sovereignty at stake, exposing the Namorese market to Luziycan businesses to such a point that our national industries are starting to become vulnerable. During a time of economic difficulty, the first thing any sane country, any sane government would do, is to take measures to protect one's own industries and workers. The government should be providing jobs instead of selling them elsewhere. Yes, we need a bit of trade, but Luziyca doesn't want to trade so that we may prosper; Luziyca wants to trade so that it can take over us someday and then proceed to take over the rest of the world. Economic sovereignty is very important at this time, and the next President-General should recognize that.

MODERATOR: Next question?

QUESTIONER: Kai Van for the Commoner Mandate. It seems that we are on the edge of a regional war now that Vjaarland has declared on Triumvirate member Ziegenhain, invoking the NOSDO treaty and bringing countless other countries into the fight. There are also reports of alleged Nevan support and unofficial Unolian support for the Ziegenhain. With the geopolitical stability in Nordania and Artisia under threat, in your view, how should Namor respond to the situation?

NAMSA: The present situation is indeed a crisis, because if the international community doesn't handle it well, it will allow Ziegenhain to successfully wrestle sovereignty away from surrounding democracies, and no one can accept that. We do not have to send troops, because that's not customary of us, but we can at least offer lethal support to the NOSDO countries.

SHOHAI: Something I learned in primary school is that the simple way to end a fight is by not entering one. This conflict does not concern Namorese interests, and unless it does, we should stay out of it. What's important for us now is sustaining the most vulnerable elements of our society through difficult times while creating an environment that's friendly to enterprise, as a means of spurring economic growth and bringing Namor out of the economic crisis. We should also prevent the conflict from spreading here by exerting pressure on countries nearby to stay out. Secretary-General Namsa, as much as I sympathize with the free countries in this conflict, we cannot add fuel to the fire and worsen their situation by taking reckless action.

TAO: I agree with Deputy Antelope that it's not in our best interests to get involved. In fact, Article 26 of the Constitution forbids us from getting involved unless the international community wants us to.

NAMSA: I would like to challenge both deputies' line of thought here. How will inaction prevent the conflict from spreading here? Ziegenhain may be thousands of kilometers away, but it's a militarily powerful country with an active army of 18 million troops. That's more troops than its enemies, Vjaarland and others, have, combined. There's no guarantee that one of the countries confronting Ziegenhain won't get run over by storm troopers. Can an influential country like Namor sit back and let this happen?

SHOHAI: But according to your line of thought, Secretary-General, that means the mere delivery of Namorese weapons to the democracies will halt the Ziegenian advance. And all of us are clear that Namorese troops cannot be deployed to the area with ease. There are many powerful countries out there that are in a better position to stop Ziegenhain than we are. We shouldn't be someone we never were. We should stay out and focus on issues that matter to us the most.

QUESTIONER: I'm Ge Paju. On the campaign trail, New Democratic candidate Huan An said Shohai Antelope is unfitting for the presidency-general because of his reluctance in repudiating the Green Fever. Secretary-General Namsa, you apparently agreed with Huan, saying that not just Deputy Antelope, but the Liberationist Party has been inadequate in acknowledging its past wrongs. How do the candidates respond to this? Thank you.

NAMSA: Well, I don't normally with Deputy Huan, but in this case he's right. The Green Fever was a dark moment in the history of the People's Republic, but the Liberationist Party under the leadership of Shohai Antelope doesn't get it. Part of that might be because Deputy Antelope doesn't want to damage the reputation of his family, but nevertheless I feel that now that we live in a democracy, it's absolutely inexcusable to try justifying anything that goes against the very foundations of democracy, and I hope Deputy Antelope can address that here and right now.

SHOHAI: Secretary-General Namsa, either you've been living under a rock or you really don't have anything to say for your campaign. The Liberationist Party has repudiated the Green Fever a long time ago, ever since this thing called the NMR 2315 political crisis when President-General Kiang Ssxu, who played a huge role in executing the Fever, was removed from power by my grandfather whom we all extol as a realist reformer. My party has acknowledged our wrongdoings in the Green Fever multiple times, and we'll do it again if we have to. But there are more urgent problems at hand. The economy is doing poorly and average people are suffering. Are we going to work to solve their problems, or are we going to sit around and talk about the Green Fever?

TAO: I'll have to agree with Deputy Antelope in this one. There are too many pressing problems that the next President-General needs to address, and we're doing ourselves a disfavor if we choose to spend all that time that can be used to think of solutions to these problems for talking about stuff that's in the past.

MODERATOR: Thank you, candidates, we'll proceed to the next question.

QUESTIONER: Anna Varya for the Txotai Sibo. Over the last week, Deputy Tao said he has "no problem" with allowing some overseas Otekians who left the country during the insurgency to return to Namor provided that they go through background checks and they affirm their loyalty to Namor. But Deputy Antelope expressed his opposition to Tao. Deputy Tao, why do you have no problem with exiles returning to the country, and as for Deputy Antelope, on what grounds do you oppose Tao's proposal? Thank you.

TAO: Can I explain my position first?

MODERATOR: OK, go ahead.

TAO: No one can deny that Txotai's standard of living has improved since the region reunited with the country, especially since civilian rule was restored there. Life has gotten so well that there are some living overseas, those who witnessed the insurgency and left firsthand, who see no point in sticking with the separatist movement when they can just return to their motherland, swear allegiance to it and live a good life. Although most of these so-called exiles are people we'd rather keep out, there are a few who had nothing to do with the insurgency whatsoever and left the country because they were young back then, their parents were the ones who decided to leave and they had no choice but to follow their parents. They did not understand the situation. Now they're old, and one of their biggest aspirations is to return to Namor and witness their country before they die. We have a humanitarian problem in our hands. I feel that overseas Otekians who do not pose a threat to national security, who are solely interested in developing this country and are willing to return to this country as Namorese and follow our laws should be given a chance to return and contribute to our society. They're our people, after all.

SHOHAI: But Deputy Tao, this is where the problem lies: how are you going to tell extremist apart from innocent person? Yes, you're right that not everyone who is living overseas wants to do Namor ill, but where do you find these people? Can you pinpoint them on a map? Can you provide me with a list? These are difficult questions to answer, and simply saying background checks won't be enough. We'll have to use up many of our resources to rein in possibly hundreds of thousands of people who will most likely suck up our resources even further. I have no problem with said people - exiles who do not pose a threat to our security and are willing to follow our laws - returning to Namor and seeing their mother country for themselves, as visitors. But I am against allowing them to settle here, because we cannot sustain ourselves by adding more people to our burgeoning population. A lot of these people have spent their entire lives living overseas, and quite frankly, it should stay that way.

TAO: Here is what I was thinking, Deputy Antelope: by allowing some of these people return here and experience the changes that have occurred in this country since they left, they can spread the message to their relatives in Frontiersburg or anywhere else in the world. When people hear that Namor is no longer the country they once knew, they will have a change in heart and become moderate enough to renounce separatism and renounce terrorism. That'll mark the death of the Txotai separatist forces as we know it.

SHOHAI: Why beat a dead horse, Deputy Tao? The separatists are already dead. The leader of OGIE's in jail, the organization's paralyzed, and their militant wing can't launch an operation. To hell with them, I say, and let's focus on this country.

(applause)

NAMSA: While I understand Deputy Tao's intention, I should remind that we are a country of 938 million people. Resources are already strained, and the average Namorese eats less than people elsewhere. There are more important issues and we need to tackle them first.

MODERATOR: I want to thank everyone who has asked questions. We are at the end of the debate, but before we close, I want the candidates to give their closing statements.

NAMSA: The election of NMR 2378 is indeed a referendum on the legacy of Fu Wen and the New Democrats. It is clear President-General Fu has let the Namorese people down, with his oppressive crony capitalist policies and his alliance with those who wish to do us harm. This election, we can no longer afford to believe demagogues who want to make a show out of our democracy. We can no longer trust a party that takes the opinion of a few as the opinion of the many. This election, vote Popular Front, and vote for me as the one who will lead the Front to a final victory.

SHOHAI: It's been a lively debate, as always. There's around a month until the January primaries, and I want the Namorese left to support someone who will bring the revolution back. The New Democrats are undoubtedly going to nominate the sharp-tongued Huan An, and it's clear by now that only Popular Front candidate is capable of taking a stand against him. That candidate must have solutions that not only appeal, but work. That candidate must be courageous enough to speak for the silent majority, to say what the people do not want to say themselves. The Namorese people are an intelligent people. We are intelligent enough to understand that another five years under the New Democrats is something Namor doesn't deserve. As we approach the new year, I ask you to make the wise choice and send a competent leader to confront the New Democrats and take the bacon home. Together, we can bring the Executive House back to the hands of the masses.

TAO: Yes, we are closer than ever to Election Day, the day when the Namorese people may exercise their right to restore the People's Republic. We are even closer to the day when the Popular Front announces its nominee. My question is, who do you want as your nominee? Someone who has served as Vice President but didn't leave a lasting impression on the people, someone who is still willing to cling onto some of the right's ideals, or someone who has experienced the best of Namor firsthand and wants to bring the people back into the fray? The answer is clear from tonight's debate - there is no party that will truly stand up for the rights of the most oppressed sections of Namorese society than the Socialist Party, and there is no candidate who will better work with the oppressed as a comrade-in-arms than yours truly. Namor doesn't belong to big business, nor does it belong to politicians who spout empty promises. Namor is the People's Republic of Namor, and it belongs to you. Good night, and hopefully you will make the right decision come Election Day.

MODERATOR: And that's the debate. To those who are watching the debate, thank you very much for tuning in. And to the candidates, all of us here at TFTV wish you luck. Thank you, good night, and have a Happy New Year!

[Ainin]

One example of the 2.3 million letters that Aininian Army reservists woke up to in the mail:

THE REPUBLICAN GUARD OF THE AININIAN REPUBLIC
AININIAN ARMED FORCES

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ORDER OF GENERAL MOBILIZATION

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Sergeant Antoine Meunier,

In the name of the people and government of Ainin, the National Assembly of the Republic has ordered an immediate and general mobilization of all Republican Guard units in Metropolitan Ainin. As a non-commissioned officer in the 23rd Light Reserve Division, you are hereby compelled to present yourself at your local Republican Guard barracks at the earliest opportunity.

Your operational unit, the 1st Mechanized Battalion of the 317th Light Infantry Brigade, will be activated and sent to Iberville, Jaspère, where it will report to Lieutenant-General Fabien Lefurgey and East Nautaryan Army Brigadier-General Jérémie de Saint-Hyacinthe, within the framework of the field army-level formation Joint Command Northwestern Border Area.

By the order of:

Cao Nima, President of the Republic
Hajar Maha, Minister of Defence
Carl d'Iberville, Field Marshal of the Aininian Army

[Luziyca]

June 1, 1988
Constitutional convention in Abishag

"... and why should Zelenagora have autonomy within Abishag?" Arthur C. Mngqosini asked Sasho Lukanov. Mnqosini was the head of the constitutional convention in Abishag, tasked with writing a new constitution.

This was when Sasho Lukanov began to speak.

"Gospodine," he began, "zoshto toj Zelenashuma zasluzhuva avtonomija e zatoa shto imaat razlichen jazik i kultura od ostatokot od zemjata."
Sir, the reason why that Zelenagora deserves autonomy is because we have a different language and culture than the rest of the country.

Lukanov paused for a few moments, but continued, stating "Toa ne e dovolna prichina. Nie, zelenashumaski se borele za da gi zashtitime nashite prava i nashite tradicii. Sme se borele za nashata sloboda, a se borevme do kraj tiranskiot rezhim, koj ni donese odluka ovde na zapad."
It is not reason enough, however. We Zelenagorans have fought to protect our rights and our traditions. We fought for our freedom, and we fought to end the tyrannical regime that ruled us here in the west[ern part of Abishag].

He paused again, before resuming speaking. "Jas go vodev buntovnicite pred deset godini, da se borime za nashata sloboda i nashite prava. Beshe toa predavstvo? Da. E toa opravdano? DA! Nie mozhe da se uspea vo nashshata potraga za suverenitet, no nie se borele kako gospoda, da se obide da stavi kraj na svojata vlast nad nas."
I led the rebels ten years ago, to fight for our freedom and our rights. Was it treason [against Abishag]? Yes. Was it justified? YES! We may have failed in our quest for sovereignty, but we fought like gentlemen, to try and end their rule over us.

Lukanov's tranquil fury was emerging. He continued, "Shto napravi za da se sprotivstavi na rezhimot? NISHTO! Ste bile zadovolni da slepo go poddrzhuvaat rezhimot kako paket na lemingi dobrovolno odi vo smrt. Samo koga tie pochnaa da odat za da si zeme akcija."
What did you do to oppose the regime? NOTHING! You were content to blindly support the regime like a pack of lemings willingly going to their deaths. Only when they began to go for you did you take action.

"No, nie se akcija protiv rezhimot dolgo pred da duri i se smeta toa. Duri i koga nashiot bunt ne uspea, nie ne se potrudime da bidete sigurni deka nashata kultura i nashiot jazik se zachuvani. Nie ne ja poslushal nepravedni zakoni, nie uchime nashite deca i nashiot jazik, a nie ne se potrudime da dade izjava bez da bidat fateni od strana na vlastite," he explained.
But we took action against the regime long before you even considered doing so. Even when our rebellion failed, we did our best to make sure that our culture and our language get preserved. We disobeyed unjust laws, we taught our children our language, and we did our best to make a statement without getting caught by the authorities.

Sasho Lukanov then said, "Koga ke pochna da se krene, keja iskoristi i toa: nie isprati oficijalni pakuvanje, i nie ja iskoristi mozhnosta da se izjasni za privremenata vlada. Nie imame svoi administratori, našite sopstveni pretstavnici sega, i tie se gleda tebe."
When you began to rise up, we took advantage of that too: we sent the officials packing, and we took the opportunity to declare a provisional government. We have our own administrators, our own officials now, and they are watching YOU.

"Zatoa," he concluded, "jas preporachuvame deka vo svetlo na nashite pridonesi za ovaa revolucija, treba da se dodeli Zelenashuma avtonomija. Nie ne se borat samo za da se zapostaveni na krajot. Borevme taka da se napravi nashata zemja podobro, a ne samo za vas, ili nas, tuku i za site nas."
Therefore, I highly recommend that in light of our contributions to this revolution, you should grant Zelenagora autonomy. We did not fight only to get neglected at the end. We fought so to make our land better, not just for you or us, but everyone.

"Ti blagodaram."
Thank you.

[Namor]

State of the People's Republic Address - January 1
Broadcast on PTH and major Namorese networks

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The loudspeakers went on. "Tongjimon, Namora Iminguka Ongting (Comrades, the President-General of the Namorese People's Republic)!"

[minutes-long applause as President-General Fu Wen enters the Central Council Hall, then takes the podium]

My fellow countrymen, thank you for joining me in my last State of the People's Republic address. Before I begin the address, I just want to express my deepest gratitude to you - the people in the Central Council, and the people of Namor as a whole - for allowing me serve as your President-General for a decade. Before I began my first campaign, I was a political novice. As an outsider, I initially thought that my campaign wouldn't last long, that I would quickly be outdone by those who had experience. But lo and behold, I won all the races I've been in, and who knew the support of the people could bring the CEO of a chopsticks company this far, so that he could work for Namor for two terms. It really is my utmost honor to have served the Namorese people all the way, it really is.

Election Day is approaching fast. In less than 80 days, the Namorese people will head to the polls and decide who will bear the torch as the next President-General. I know my wife and I, as well as our children, will also exercise our rights and show up to vote, and I hope you do, too. This is an pivotal time for our nation, and we must exercise it well.

Election season has been in full swing. Everywhere, the people saw the candidates on television and were able to listen to what they have to say. I'm a New Democrat, so if I could I would spend this entire address telling you why you should vote New Democratic in March. But that's not what we're here for; the State of the People's Republic is an addressed delivered by the President-General to the Namorese people to inform the people and the world how Namor is doing. And that's what I'm here to do, tonight. I am here to report to you how Namor is doing, and how we can make Namor better beyond my presidency.

We faced multiple challenges, as did the rest of the world, but with the help of popular will we were able to tackle most of them. When the Namorese stock market experienced a turbulence in the autumn, I was in my office, consulting my cabinet and others about how to get the economy back on track. As a businessman who has ridden the waves of economy, I knew that if the administration failed to address this problem, the administration would have failed itself and the Namorese people. And so we took action; we did everything we could to tell the people that we cannot afford to let the market fall. We also told the business sector that as citizens of this country, they should exercise their patriotism by selflessly working to help the whole country recover. And we ourselves took action to save businesses that were being impacted by the turbulence. We did everything, we tried, and I am happy to report to the people today that we have succeeded. The stock market is no longer on a roller coaster ride, and it won't be a matter of time before it returns to pre-disturbance levels. Namor will not be a victim of the Great Recession.

[applause from New Democratic section of the hall, mild applause from the opposition]

We all learned lessons from this experience. At the same time, we demonstrated that saving the stock market doesn't require a massive buildup of government bureaucracy. It isn't right to save the taxpayer by giving him more taxes to pay. It's true that the government cannot sit back when something like this happens, but the government can do something without expanding so much that the economy is out of breath and we cannot sustain ourselves. And yet I know that as much as we have succeeded in preventing the disturbance from conquering us, there's still much work to do. And much of that work will have to be done after I leave office. That's why I'm speaking to you tonight.

I would like to address the people first, especially those who plan to vote in March. I know some of you are trying to jump back and forth between the rhetoric of politicians. That's what politicians do: they talk eloquently so that they can convince you to vote for them. [laughter] Not that that's a bad thing, though - it is important for politicians - everyone, actually - to express their opinions and let the people know where they stand. But you - the voter - have a responsibility as well, to separate truth from propaganda, to separate emotion from logic. Be open-minded. Be level-minded. Be logical. As you listen to those who want to lead this country, think about what's best for this country. If everyone voted like that, few will be dissatisfied with their choice for years to come.

This election season, I also want voters to be careful of a particular thing, and that is demagoguery. Some out there believe that the louder one is, the more votes one can buy. Unfortunately, they aren't wrong, because we have been inadequate in holding people responsible for their words, oftentimes indulging ourselves in empty but bombastic rhetoric simply because it sounds nice. As you head to the polls in March, I hope you can vote for the person you believe is prudent and has a correct vision for the nation, not the person who has the loudest mouth. If we succumb to empty rhetoric and demagoguery, we will all have lost.

I also want voters to think about what's happening in the world around us. I would love to say that Esquarium is becoming a more peaceful and safer place, but that's not the case. Almost everywhere, we're seeing an escalation in tensions and conflict. In Nordania, we're seeing the rise of what may become a Third Great War. Hopefully that's not the case, and many conflicts have been characterized as a Third Great War ever since the Second Great War ended, but - [laughter] like always, this is a serious matter. All the war, all the terrorism - we can't ignore these problems, because history has shown that if we turn a blind eye to these problems, these problems only get worse.

Now let's be honest here; what we can do to put an end to worldwide tensions is limited. Just because I want this so-called "Third Great War" in Nordania to end doesn't mean it's going to end. But we will be worse off if we do not do anything.

Have you ever wondered how peaceful this world will be if everyone vows to make love, not war? Yes, it's true that that won't happen, given the fact that it never has. Nevertheless, the Namorese people should commit themselves to the path of peace. As an influential nation in the East, we should do everything to assure the rest of the world that whenever someone extends a hand and means well, we will extend our hand in return. For years, we've already been doing that: the People's Republic of Namor has sent a signal to the surrounding region that it is willing to do its part in solving the region's problems peacefully. Other countries - including our neighbors - have responded. For example, great progress has been made in improving our relations with the Luziycans. We assured the rest of the world that our two countries are capable of solving our problems without going to war. The decrease in unfriendly rhetoric prior to the Luziycan presidential election demonstrates how far we've gone. My countrymen, this is not a victory for any individual or any one country - this is a victory for the whole world, us included.

It is essential that we improve our relations with foes who are willing to do the same. Now I understand that there are some in the audience who may not agree with what I'm saying. They feed their constituents rumors that we are forsaking our sovereignty, that we're forsaking our dignity. My fellow countrymen, that is one hundred percent pure rubbish! We -

[shouts from the audience. Fu looks at the direction from where the shouting occurred. More shouts, then applause]

We are not forsaking our sovereignty because that would be ludicrous to the highest degree. What we're doing here isn't reckless compromise. We're doing this for our grandchildren -

[More shouting, only to be met by retaliatory shouting. Applause. Shouting eventually dies; Fu continues]

Most of us get the idea, that what we're doing isn't cowardly, nor is it treasonous. We are sowing the seeds of peace and misunderstanding, so that someday the descendants of former enemies may hold each other's hands, not as descendants of former enemies, but human beings. Now, when some of you were expressing your...concerns while I was delivering this address, you mentioned "selling the economy" from the Namorese people. That, too, is false. As much as I want to cement a new era in regional history, I will do that at the expense of our hard-working people who are the driving forces of this economy. The Namorese economy will remain in the hands of the Namorese people, as it has always been.

Our history books teach us that as a nation, the Namorese have been a passive-assertive people - we've rarely engaged in acts of aggression, and we've stood up for ourselves when it was necessary to do so. It is essential that we retain this passive-assertive image, both in word and deed. In an unfortunate world where things can get messy and countries go to war because they think it's cool to do so, we must never be gung ho when trying to figure out how to conserve peace and prosperity for the next generation. We must never think of ourselves as the one-size-fits-all answer to international problems. President-General Gelai Antelope once said "You cannot subdue a storm by trying to shout louder than the thunder does. Instead, you keep calm." Tonight, I ask the people to listen to the Great Reformer. Namor should not brave the mess of the globe alone. A global responsibility cannot be exercised by one nation.

If you think I'm advocating for isolationism, you'd be wrong. I know that times are changing, that Namor must get along with other countries and play its part in making the world a better place. There are many problems where unless Namor does something, they won't go away. I'm talking about problems like climate change. Namor emits one of the most amount of gases each year. There are some who joke around and say that if everyone in Namor farts, the world becomes two percent less sustainable. [laughter] Whether that's true or not, we mustn't shy away from the very real problem that is climate change. Here in Namo, September felt like July! It doesn't have to be this way. And the only way in which the world can seriously tackle climate change is by holding an international summit dedicated exclusively to addressing the issue of climate change. I'm confident that together, we can find a solution that satisfies both developing and developed countries, and that the next President-General will do his part to address this problem on behalf of the Namorese people.

My fellow countrymen, a lot of us have long lives to live. As much as I've recognized the importance of my life, I've also recognized how trivial it is in the context of time. My lifespan is most likely not going to exceed a hundred years, and I am only your President-General for ten years, but this civilization has already lasted for millennia. Sometimes, it feels like life is too short, but as short as life may be, life is what you make it. I've dedicated my whole life to the betterment of society as a philanthropist, and I will continue to do so. I feel like I have done my utmost to serve the people, and I sincerely hope that the next President-General can do the same. Thank you all, have a good night, and long live the People's Republic! Thank you!

[minutes-long applause as Fu waves at the crowd before shaking some hands and walking off]

[Livancia]

September 4, 2008
RTA interview with Emir Yaqoob iben Rushdi

"Sir, what is your opinion on democracy?" the interviewer from RTA asked the Emir.

"I admire democracy," Emir Yaqoob iben Rushdi said to the reporter. "I want to see a world where there are no dictators, where people are not being oppressed. However, in terms of democracy for my country, for Livancia..."

He hesitated for a brief moment, before saying, "...I do not exactly think that democracy can be implemented fully here. As a matter of fact, I think that democracy is fundamentally incompatible with our Islamic values. I know, this might be a bit shocking, but within the Islamic world, these so-called 'democracies' in the countries of Kraq and Nautarya, they are not really democratic. They were imposed by Luziyca and Ainin respectively via colonial policy."

The Emir stated that "prior to the Colonial Age, there were no large-scale democracies anywhere in the Islamic world. Our values have evolved in such a way that we need a strong man to guide us, to unite all these tribes, since we... well, mainly eastern Nautasians, but also us to some extent, are very tribal. Our priorities are the tribe first, state second, especially if state control is weak. But once the white men began to colonize the Muslim nations, they imposed democratic systems. They were heavy restrictions at first, but after they gained independence, these democratic systems have faltered, especially within Nautarya, which has experienced several civil wars. Kraq is now a corrupt democracy, which borders on a dictatorship. Irvadistan is ruled by a military junta."

"I think as it stands now, democracy simply cannot work anywhere in the Muslim world on a national level," the Emir explained. "Well, except in areas where Islam is a minority, like in Sebħ Governorate, which was why I agreed to grant the inhabitants an elected legislature two years ago: primarily because I knew that it could work effectively on the governorate level, compared to the national level. Maybe in a few decades, Islam and democracy may finally be compatible with one another, but as it stands now, it is not."

[Luziyca]

January 28th, 2016
Frontiersburg, Upper York

Just a few weeks ago, where-ever Sera Svensson went, she was met with cheers and supports. But in a few days, her decision to completely fulfil the Three Conditions, as well as the decision to extradite top officials of the Otekian Government-in-Exile to Namor to be tried for terrorism saw her support drop dramatically.

She had just the Liberator article: she distrusted it, but today, it reassured her that even though Luziycans may hate detente right now, she could always count that Namor has more reason to hate detente than Luziycans. She felt pretty calm, and headed towards the podium. She waved to the crowd, but instead of cheers, she was met with boos and lots and lots of heckling.

Svensson chose to stay steadfast and resolute.

"Good morning!" she said in her Swedish accent. "I have come to Frontiersburg to help ensure that trust in the new Liberal administration shall be restored after the past decisions to try and improve relations with our eastern neighbor. Firstly, I would like to ensure that I will put Luziycans first. I am only tackling these issues first, because we want to continue the policy of detente for a while at least, with the goal of forming a close partnership with the Namorese government."

The crowd began to boo. She shrugged, and continued on.

"Anyways," Svensson continued, "because of concerns that the charges against top OGIE officials have been fabricated, I shall launch an inquiry. I have informed the National Rights and Liberties Index and the Esquarian Human Rights Monitor to observe the inquiry so to ensure that we are not hiding anything. After all, we want to make sure that we have nothing to hide, especially in such a serious matter as this."

The crowd applauded, with a few cheers.

"We will investigate all accusations that the tax evasion charges were fabricated for the sole purpose of transporting Yorskov Lhego and Valeriy Anisim to Namor," she stated, "and I pledge that it will begin as soon as..."

She suddenly felt a bullet hitting her head, going into the brain, followed by a loud bang. Svensson tried to continue, finishing "...possible," but noticed the blood coming out of her mouth. She then realized what had happened: somebody had shot her. She swiftly collapsed, and the crowd was shocked, and appeared to be in panic. She saw the sky for a brief moment, before her eyes shut themselves, plunging her vision into darkness. She heard people talking, but couldn't make much sense of it. She also heard the screams and crying of the crowd. Soon, she felt herself being placed on a stretcher.

Only God knows if she will survive this assassination attempt.

[The Ocelot Isles]

Azurite Avenue
Oxen City, Grondes
13:49 hours, Ocelotian Standard Time
January 30, 2015

"The municipal council gave us 48 hours to dismantle our camp," subordinate Motshan alerted Filipa Amdhi, managing to reach her in a sea of uncontrolled humans. "35 hours have passed since the ultimatum was declared. We should start preparing -"

Amdhi interrupted, "Let the ultimatum expire. Then we shall figure things out."

Ten months into the past Amdhi was an immigrant just as new to Ocelotian society as any newcomer Shudri. She was ushered by the hope of a "safe zone" for a people victimized throughout time, yet the choice of Amdhi to leave her birthplace was never an easy one. Sinhako was a land of blossoming opportunities and Shudri salvation, yet one marred by xenophobia and Ocelotian nativism.

After Shudriphobic terrorist attacks wind down, Ocelotian-Sinhakese relations improved until it reached its warmest point back in late 2015. But starting with the Esquarileaks revelations relating to the April 2 Deal, all the hard work to build coexisting communities crumbled. The beating death of Andrea Mirski was the straw that broke the camel's back, for it was followed by renewed Ocelotian nationalist demonstrations. With intermediate experience around her new land and with opponents once again attempting to antagonize the Shudri, Amdhi was determined to not let anyone deny her people their rights or their integrity.

"Very well." Motshan didn't have to answer back anyways, as his voice was marginalized by other blasting voices.

One side there were Ocelotian nationalists, believing they had the duty to defend their home country. The other side were the Shudris fighting in a frontline between bigots and migrants. In response to the aggression from the Ocelotians, over thirty tents were established near the usually-calming Azurite Avenue of Oxen City outskirts, under the oversight of Amdhi and Motshan.

Azurite Avenue was one of the many streets found in Oxen City, or in any city in the Ocelot Isles or elsewhere. Tall tropical trees and bushes flanked the lengthy road, and the two arrays of ranch-style houses are showing their age. What was otherwise a relaxing district hosted a battle marked by an atmosphere of anger and resentment. It was impossible to doubt that voice and intelligence - or at least the thought of having intelligence - were the weapons welded by demonstrating belligerents.

Amdhi did not proceed with establishing this camp without going over concerns herself. A peaceful neighbourhood should not have to be a battleground of words, yet every chance to make a cause known and something noble done must be seized. But debating that now wouldn't useful. In an attempt to support the crowd, Amdhi and other coordinators repeatedly exclaimed while aided with an electric megaphone, "Shudri rights are human rights! We are not the people who support Mirski's death! We were anre are always the brothers, sisters, and relatives of every Esquarian! Do not paint us with the same brush!"

The leading Shudri lost count of the times she glanced over the scene. The continuous and looping pattern of roaring and frustration was overshadowed by one small instance. Not Amdhi, an Ocelotian, a Shudri, or a bystander knew what exactly happened at that tiny point. All that's known was that the Ocelotians and Shudris were now aggressively exchanging punches and kicks. There was no way to turn back whatever is happening.

[Geadland]

The Liberal reports
AININ: LOTS TO CHOOSE FROM
In Ainin’s strangest and most fragmented election yet, we endorse the Citizen’s Alliance

18 July 2015 From the archives
HUIMONT – It is hard to believe that a mere 17 months ago, the Progressive Conservatives won a landslide victory. 15 years of government under the Social Democratic Party came to a dramatic end, as voters grew fed up with a scandal-plagued government and a slowing economy. Few commentators would have believed that the PC government would be fighting for its life within a year, before finally being brought down by a double split with the party’s centrist and social conservative wings. Ainin will now vote on Thursday in an election where, for most of the campaign, not even the date has been certain.

Part of the reason why the results have (in stark contrast to last year) have been so hard to predict is that public opinion has shifted so rapidly and unpredictably. The first-past-the-post voting system further complicates matters. It favours parties whose support is concentrated in regions rather than dispersed; thus a party could gain votes but lose seats, or take as much as 10% of the vote without winning a single seat. What is certain, however, is that the two-party system that has dominated Ainin’s political scene for 90 years is about to be broken, perhaps forever. With voters furious with the PCs but still holding memories of the SDP government that they booted out last year, support for alternative parties on the left, right and centre is at a record high.

If Ainin’s voters have become disillusioned with the political establishment, then no voters seem as disillusioned as those in West Ainin. The restive province has been the subject of a political crisis that helped bring down the government. The PC government authorised an independence referendum for West Ainin, only for the Supreme Court to make the unexpected and disastrous decision to rule it was unconstitutional. The crisis was not the fault of the PCs, although the response of President Stephen Mann and his government has since contributed to it, and neither the court nor the other parties offer a viable way of resolving the issue. Meanwhile, support for the West Ainin Independence Movement has surged and the party is on course to whitewash the province. In years to come, this may be remembered as the point of no return for the separatist movement.

Eight parties, yet one still isn’t a perfect fit
Some aspects of a multi-party system are beneficial. For starters, it is much easier for any person to find a party that represents his or her views: the palette includes the hard left (Greens and Socialist Freedom), mainstream left (SDP), centre (Citizen’s Alliance), mainstream right (PCs, FCF and arguably WAIM) and the hard right (National Alliance). For The Liberal, the question is whether there is a party or coalition that supports the progressive social policies typically favoured by the left and the pro-market economic reform agenda typically favoured by the right. Alas, although there are lots to choose from, no party provides an easy answer.

On the left, the SDP have consistently been leading in the polls and will probably be the largest party in the next Parliament. Marianne Thériault de Lotbinière has done an impressive job of rebuilding her party as a political force in the short space of time after their defeat. But her manifesto offers little in the way of economic reform, proposing spending commitments and tax increases. It is hard to see how the SDP would govern any differently from the one that was taken to the cleaners last year. Two issue stand in the SDP’s favour: the party has a better and firmly progressive stance on social issues. It may also be Ainin’s best hope for stability. With analysis predicting that the SDP will only win a plurality of seats (a good thing, as a party that polls less 30% of the vote hardly deserves a majority) and the right-wing parties at loggerheads with each other, a coalition between the SDP and Citizen’s Alliance may well be the only viable chance of a stable government.

The PCs, by contrast, are solidly committed to economic reform. Despite making the odd overtures to social conservatives, the party is fairly libertarian in nature. Would their agenda work in practice? It is hard to judge, given that the government Courtney Evaline lasted only a short time and achieved little due to being jammed by infighting. If the parties are to be judged by manifesto alone, the case for giving the PCs another chance would be persuasive. Yet we have two problems with how the party has conducted itself in government. Firstly, it is hard to recall any time a governing party self-destructed so quickly, and it makes it hard for us to take them seriously as a result. Secondly was their decision to declare martial law in West Ainin, an entirely unneeded move which was struck down by the Supreme Court.

Then there is the Citizen’s Alliance, which recently overtook the PCs in the polls. Formed by a former PC minister Maxime Bélanger, the party aims to sample the best aspects of the SDP and PCs and draw away support from both. In doing so, he has created a syncretic manifesto that may well be the closest to what the average Aininian wants. Mr Bélanger’s record in government is rather poor, given that he played a crucial role in the collapse of the PC government, and he has been evasive over which party he would want to work with. In the view of this newspaper, his party nonetheless deserves a chance, largely because of their sensible policies. They propose reducing government waste and economic reform, perhaps not as much as the PCs but they are far more likely to deliver.

It’s good to stay at the CA
As noted above, the political situation is murky and a coalition government is almost inevitable. A party with good policies may join a coalition that implements bad ones. Realistically though, the election could probably produce only three viable results: either a coalition of all left-wing parties, a coalition between the SDP and Citizen’s Alliance and a coalition involving the CA and the right-wing parties. The former option would be the worst deal for Ainin; the SDP is left-wing enough even without requiring support from the Greens and Socialist Freedom Party. Neither would it be stable; the SDP do not get on well with the SFP and the three parties cannot hope to win anything more than a meagre majority. The SDP-CA coalition would probably be the most stable. It would be less certain as to whether the CA could persuade the SDP to support measures to liberalise the economy.

A coalition between the PCs and CA (either might end up leading) would probably be the best deal in terms of policy. There are also risks that this too would be unstable. The PCs are hardly likely to get on well with a party whose leaders are the same politicians who split their party apart. And unless the two parties defy expectations and win a majority between them, they probably could not form a government without working with the xenophobic National Alliance. The result is that as long as the left-wing parties fail to win a majority, the CA will be the kingmaker in the next Parliament and their participation in government will be inevitable. If all parties have their strengths and flaws, the same could be said about all possibly coalitions.

The Progressive Conservatives have long been an ideological ally of this newspaper; this time the situation is not so clear. Maybe the party will recover. Having split into three parties, it is plausible the rump PC will unite and turn into a party that is actually capable of leading a government. Currently, it is hardly in this state. In the districts where Citizen’s Alliance candidates stand no chance of winning, the PCs should still be defended. Otherwise, the CA would be the better bet. Mr Bélanger may have been one of the MPs who destroyed his former party. But he may compensate by building a better one.

[The Jahistic Unified Republic]

"LIIIIIIIIIIIVVVVEEEEEE from Studio 82 in Roosmore in always foggy New Ukruda, It's Unolia Tonight Starring Richard Thompson! Tonight, An Exclusive One-on-One Interview with Premier Zheng Zhuli. Please join me and the FUBS Orchestra in welcoming the King of Late Night Television and your miserable existence, Richard Thompson!

Applause roars from the crowd of seventy-five squeezed into Studio 82 as Thompson popped out of the rainbowed curtains that divided the stage from the backstage. He still loved doing what he did, but he only had a year and eight months left before he would take his final bow in front of the audience. But Unolia had forty-five days until a decision far greater. The Unolian elections were a referendum on Jahistic Rule, one that Zheng fully expected he would win.

"Hello, hello!" Thompson flailed his arms in a futile attempt to quiet the crowd. The crowds the show have experienced since he announced his retirement had grown louder. Many fans, originally Roosmori in nature, had traveled far and wide in an effort to see the pillar of Unolian culture since the eighties.

"Thank you so much. No, seriously, thank you. Tonight we have a special guest, and I try to not bring political guests on, but he begged to be on. We have Premier Zheng Zhuli on to discuss the upcoming elections and his plans for reform...

I promise the funny stuff will resume next week." Laughter.

"Well, without further ado, I give you the Chairman of the State Council of the Jahistic Union, and running as de facto leader of the All-Union Libertarian Party, Zheng Zhuli."

Zheng comes out to a loud applause. He abhorred wearing neckties whenever he had to, so he had on a typical western business suit complete with an open-collared dress shirt. He shakes Thompsons hand before taking a seat on a couch next to the host's desk.

There is a very brief silence. "You would not believe the amount of waivers I had to sign to shake your hand," says Thompson. Zheng chuckles lightly but genuinely as the crowd laughs and claps.

"I think if you did something bad to me your crowd of supporters and devout followers would hurt me more than if it was the other way around," Zheng responds. This also prompts applause from the crowd.

"So, the election. It seems the only reason this is happening is because of your friend Jacob Connors deciding to take his ball and go home."

"Well," Zheng nervously chuckles, "Premier Connors is a unique case. He comes to power by purging a well respected general and the designated number two in the Thuman administration. Y'know, and he doesn't expect to face any criticism because of it. Then I'm the bad guy if I say 'Hey, this isn't right'. Especially after propping up his rule with agrarianism and managing to screw over the peasantry by advocating the destruction of communal living in Unolia."

Minor claps.

"This is going to get me in trouble if he wins, but I didn't like him. He's... well, special," Thompson chuckles, "No, guys, seriously. I'm a pretty apolitical guy, but Connors... well Connors just scares me. And what scares me is his poll numbers, where he seems to be playing spoiler to your party with his."

Zheng breathes in. "Connors party, the so-called Radical Jahistics, has been doing surprisingly well in agrarian areas. This is less than a year after Connors tries to ban communes through the use of state force. That's not Jahisticism or Voluntarism. I hope our candidates in agrarian areas keep fighting the good fight."

"So, take me through the parties you're running again. Besides the Radical Jahistics."

"Well, I feel that the nation was in a bad place when we adopted a Constitution that expressly forbid the establishment of most leftist parties, so I gave an exemption for the Social Democratic party to run. I've had lunch with their leader, Li Zhou. She's an economics professor over at Brookopolis University, and I have talked to her for advise on economic issues. She's definitely a leftist, but she's also a really nice person." Some claps emerge for Zheng's honesty.

"Then there's the 'People's Party', which are a pragmatic centrist collective. They seem to have some minor support. Then there's the Green Party, which is centrist but with an environmental skew."

Thompson interrupts. "Well, that's because the Thuman government found a lot of oil, right?"

"Yes. We believe we should allow private companies to bid for the right to drill for said oil. The revenue can help the economy and give the government and people more revenue."

"Well, don't you think the government can do that well? Lower the price of gas and oil?"

"Business can do it better. That is the philosophy of the Libertarians and the Jahistics. We think individuals do things better."

Thompson looks at his papers for a half a second and resumes eye contact. "I'm sorry, I'm not used to this serious reporting business. It seems unlikely, due to the actual method of election, that the AULP, or any party for that matter, are going to grab two-hundred and fifty-one seats in the Assembly. Are you willing to work with the Connorists to bring an all-Jahistic coalition to power if need be?"

"I'd rather work with the Social Democrats and People's Party. Connors is a tyrant and a demagogue and not fit for Unolian leadership in any position."

"I see. Well, there's a debate scheduled before the elections. And, in order to collect my paycheck from FUBS, I must announce it will be held on April 2nd, right here on my personal favorite network, the Free Unolian Broadcasting Station. Tweet questions to the candidates using #FUBSDebate and #Ask2016. I'm sure issues like this will come up.

However, not too far away, the Namorese are scheduled to have their presidential elections, which I guess are a big deal."

Zheng chuckles. "Did you hear what that Antelope fellow said about Thuman?"

"No, what did he say?"

"In his own special incoherent mumbling, he said a 25% tax rate for citizens would be like Jarrod Thuman Thought. Can I just say a word to Deputy Antelope?"

"The floor is yours."

Zheng turns to the hard camera. "You're right that a 25% income tax is a bit draconian. But you're being antagonistic. I am willing to sit down and work with whomever the next Namorese President-General will be, but negotiations and the ultimate goal of world peace cannot be achieved with that attitude. Yunglang you are not, you do not have a mass appeal that he did. You are merely a privileged beneficiary of a political dynasty who would have nothing to do with Namo if it were not for your forefathers. You are not Yunglang Antelope, you are not Jarrod Thuman. Prove that you deserve the Executive House by not making such inflammatory comments."

Outrageous applause.

"So I take it you're a fan of Huan An?"

"Definitely. He is running a class campaign in a bad system. For Namorese Politicians, he seems like someone who can foster a relationship between Namo and Unolia City. He's what we need as a region."

"Well, with that said, we'll be back after a quick message with Zheng Zhuli."

[Namor]

"Huan An: Namor's force for positive change"

The entire ad consists of slowed clips showing Huan An embracing supporters, speaking to enthusiastic crowds, shaking hands with people in the streets and engaging in conversation with citizens in restaurants and cafes. Excerpts from Huan An's speeches are heard.

"The last ten years of New Democratic administration have been a wild success. But there's still much to do, much more positive change to deliver for the sake of our children and grandchildren."

"Believe me, I know change. I know positive change. There is a difference between mere 'change' and 'positive change.' See, 'change' can be for the better or for worse, nobody knows. But 'positive change' is not just change, but that - 'positive change.' How can you deny that that's what we need as a country?"

"I am a libertarian. Unlike some others, I see the problem in its entirety. And I understand that it is pure irresponsibility for the government to regard itself as the solution or part of the solution. It is a part of the problem, if not the problem. If we do not realize this, we're never going to experience positive change."

"I can go into the political aspects of things, but let me tell you this - I'm sure most Namorese are in agreement that we desire two things - that is peace and prosperity."

"Normally, we should be asking ourselves: how are we going to achieve peace and prosperity? What's the best way to achieve peace and prosperity? But this election is different in that we aren't discussing how to bring peace and prosperity. Instead, voters are finding themselves listening to the rhetoric of certain politicians who do not want peace or prosperity at all."

"Leftists scream 'national interests' and 'patriotism,' but what do these mean, really? No peace. No prosperity."

"Today, I'm reaching out to you. I am asking you - do you want change? And if so, what kind of change do you want? Positive change? Or negative change? The choice is yours'."

"I know this sounds corny sometimes, but it's true - you can make a difference. Show up, vote, make the right choice. If every Namorese who truly desires peace and prosperity come to the polls millions-strong, no force can stop us from winning.

"This election, let us bring positive change to Namor!"

Applause.

Хуан Ан 2378

"Namor needs a leader"

Everything is pitch dark at first. Gradually, a figure emerges from the darkness. It is then when the viewer realizes that the ad is in black and white and the figure is none other than Deputy Shohai Antelope himself.

The figure speaks. "In March 20, the people of Namor have three choices to choose from and one choice to make. To some, it will be a difficult choice to make. I'm here to address you who feel that way."

A black-and-white footage of average citizens walking in the streets of a major city is shown in the background as Antelope continues.

"Of the three choices you have, there are two that stand out in the wrong way."

Footage of Huan An in a campaign rally.

"A neoliberal who deserves a failing grade in trying to understand what's important for our nation."

Footage of Kuo Zhang (shouting at supporters) in his rally.

"And a radical who thinks he knows what's best for us, but really doesn't know what he's talking about."

The ad returns to Antelope, who is now seen holding a horseshoe to the camera.

"Ever heard of something called the 'horseshoe theory?' It's when you have two sides that seem to be on opposite ends, but are actually closer to each other than they think. You'll never see Huan An and Kuo Zhang coming together to agree on anything substantial, but neither candidate knows what's right for Namor. It's what they have in common. Isn't that strange?"

All of a sudden, the ad begins showing multicolored images and clips of Shohai Antelope meeting with supporters young and old alike, hugging an infant and speaking to the masses. Antelope speaks again; this time, the viewer sees a close up of his face.

"Namor is a great country that deserves great leaders. It does not deserve the neoliberal end of the horseshoe. Neither does it deserve the radical end."

The figure recedes into the shadows as a message, inscribed in green letters, appears in his place.

Шохаи
Намора но санзе

"This country is ours' to rebuild, but it's ours' to ruin as well"

A clip of Storegavan and a voiceover in a foreign language, with Namorese subtitles.

"Ko ahau i Whitinga. Ko ahau ki konei ki te korero ki a koutou e pā ana ki te mea i tupu ki toku whenua."

Clips of Tangata protesting the construction of a telescope in their land as the voiceover continues.

"Mai riro to matou whenua he koroni o nga Pakeha, kua tatou i huia o to tatou tura.

"Ko tenei to matou whenua, me te hiahia tatou ki te pupuri i te reira i taua ara, engari e kore e nga Pakeha mahino taua ariā.

"Hohonu i roto i to tatou aau, e hiahia ana matou i taea e tatou te haere hoki i roto i te wa ki te faaore i te kino i mea ki a tatou, engari e mohio ana tatou katoa e kore e taea e tatou e e.

A clip of legislators in the Luziycan Congress. They are smiling, seemingly diabolically.

"Katoa e nehenehe ia tatou ia rave i teie nei he whakatupato ia vetahi i mua i te reira te mutunga rawa."

End of the voiceover. Kuo Zhang appears.

"Many warned us, and for a while we listened. But in the past decade, Namor under President-General Fu Wen is giving unnecessary concessions to those whom we were taught by our grandparents' generation to be wary of. It's become clear to everyone that another five years of New Democratic rule will only reduce Namor's sovereignty and dignity. Hopefully, this won't happen. And it can only not happen if the Namorese people rise up and put a leader who is going to stand for them, first and foremost.

"This country is ours' to rebuild, but it's ours' to ruin as well."

Куо Жанг - Иминдеюни Дженсен
3 - 20

[Katranjiev]

May 11, 1989
Dissolution of the People's Republic of Katranjiev
11:00 am

The room was austere, and had two flags: the flag of the Liberationist era, and the flag of the monarchy, side by side. Baikun Qing took his seat, and began his speech.

"Citizens and compatriots," Qing began in Katranjian. "For nearly four decades, this government has tried its best to serve the people. But no longer how hard we have tried to sugarcoat it, or deny it, the truth is that we did not follow the principles set out in the Four Stages of the Revolution within our country, from the fact that Chen did not bother with an insurrection, to the fact that this country was democratic from 1883 to the December Revolution in 1951."

"Therefore, when I saw the results on PBC this morning, I was not shocked: I completely expected this to happen," Qing explained. "Chen spent his rule thinking of his power and how to best please his power base among the Kannei, while crushing any resistance from the Slavs, and forcing them to obey our every command. The political crisis that came after his death exposed the weaknesses of the regime here, and with my efforts to try and implement a sort of Minjuha here, it has become clear that the foundations of Liberationism here are like a house of cards: they are flimsy and if you change just one thing, the whole structure falls down."

"Thus," Qing declared, "this is why I am going to follow my promise to respect the results of this referendum, which a lot of people voted to restore the monarchy. I will respect the wishes of the people, and I am very certain that this would result in nothing but good for my beloved Katranjiev."

Qing stated, "The Shuvet i Khorata will continue to serve as the legislature until elections take place, on a date decided by the King, but after these elections occur, the National Assembly shall be restored to its rightful place. Blazhe Hristov shall become the provisional Prime Minister until these elections take place, when a new PM takes over."

He then concluded, "I hope that we will have a bright future ahead, and that Liberationists around the world learn what not to do."

[Ainin]

FOURTH ARMY (SEA OF NAUTARYA) COMMAND REGION
AININIAN ARMED FORCES

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NOTICE TO ALL COMMANDERS
-- STRICTLY CONFIDENTIAL --

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Attention:

The following units are hereby ordered mobilised and ready for rapid intervention in Pisdara on 24 hours' notice if ordered by Supreme Commander Aininian Armed Forces and/or President of the Republic.

ARMY
16th Brigade, 4th Light Division, I Concordian Corps
27th Brigade, 5th Mechanised Division, Notasia Corps
29th Brigade, 5th Mechanised Division, Notasia Corps
1st Brigade, 1st Light (Airborne) Division, Expeditionary Corps

The following units are ordered to be on 72 hours' readiness for potential activation:

ARMY
13th Brigade, 4th Armoured Division, I Concordia Corps
29th Brigade, 5th Mechanised Division, Notasia Corps

NAVY
1st Brigade, 1st Naval Assault Division, Naval Fusiliers Corps

By the order of:

Cao Nima, President of the Republic
Hajar Maha, Minister of Defence

Carl d'Iberville
Supreme Commander, Aininian Armed Forces

[Qianrong]

March 10, 2016

Xiangmen, Qianrong (QSR)

"You know we need to get Namor's recognition. We have to prevent them from siding with the Yucheng regime. We need to be the government with a Namorese embassy," Long Jiao-Dan said to Soong Gen-Cheng, his foreign affairs minister. "We cannot afford to be beaten by the dictator's daughter and the ex-chancellor in that area, or everything else falls apart."

"...and why would that be, Chairman?" Soong cautiously ventured. He knew his boss could be fickle, and didn't like being questioned. Soong was very concerned with keeping his job, and his head. Thankfully, though, Long seemed eager to prove himself correct. "Have you heard the phrase panem et circenses, Minister Soong?" he queried. Soong shook his head. "I cannot say I have, Chairman." Long nodded. "Then that is your issue. You do not understand panem et circenses. You must understand that we are eternally in a war with the Yucheng regime at all times, even as the Xiangmen Ceasefire holds. Not only in the sense that we signed a ceasefire, not a peace treaty- no. We are in a perpetual struggle for the hearts and minds of the Qianrongese people. We seek to lead them to prosperity, liberty, peace, equality; our enemies seek to lead them astray."

"Our plan is radical," Long continued, "but it is the truth and the way of the future- and one day, it will dominate not only Qianrong but the whole world. Equalitarianism calls for the total abolition of the five classes of society- peasantry, proletariat, military, intelligentsia and bourgeoisie- and thus their effective merger into one unified block, wherein all people will have the best aspects of all and worst aspects of none. This new unified people would have the tenacity of the peasantry, the industriousness of the proletariat, the bravery of the military, the wisdom of the intelligentsia, and the initiative of the bourgeoisie. Working together, they would be invincible. This is what the goal of the revolution is. And it is known that to oversee the bringing about of this new society, a vanguard force must initiate the revolution, protect this progress from counter-revolutionaries, and then cede power once the process is complete. Once the revolution is complete, the vanguard force will hand power to the people- but until then, the vanguard must protect the revolution from those who would sabotage it, whatever the means or cost required. We are that vanguard, Minister Soong, you and I and all the other good men and women in this government. We have that noble duty of protecting the revolution from its enemies. It is a duty that I do not take lightly, and I am sure you do not take it lightly evil."

Soong realized that this would be one of Chairman Long's speeches- painfully verbose things in which Long covered some subject in painstaking detail, covering in thirty minutes what the average person would cover in five. Soong remembered Long's first speech in the Hall of the Qianrongese Nation, once the meeting hall of the Nationalist People's Party and now where the rubberstamp presidium and Qianrongese Equalitarianist Party's committees met. It was supposed to be a half-hour speech on the glorious liberation of Xiangmen and on the inevitable victory of the QSR. Instead, Long had discussed the histories of the Qianrongese Revolution, First War of Liberation (what the Yucheng regime called the Qianrongese Civil War), and Second War of Liberation (what the Yucheng regime called the Second Domestic Terror War) in relation to each other in depth, analyzed the success of the RPAE in comparison to the failure of the ASQ, denounced the SISQ as little more than a continuation of the FDRQ and went over the ties several prominent SISQ politicians had to the FDRQ, pontificated on the ideological tenets of Equalitarianism and why it was superior to similar theories like Liberationism and communism, and tied the entire thing into his personal life story, in six excruciatingly long hours. The worst part, Soong thought, was that you had to look interested for the entire thing; Long took disinterest in his tirades as both a grave personal insult and as a sure sign of poorly-hidden counter-revolutionary intent, and to be accused of those crimes could easily be a death sentence.

"Unfortunately, we are constantly under threat. Counter-revolutionaries are everywhere, malcontents and traitors and greedy fools," Long intoned. "They cannot be allowed to triumph. And unfortunately, they have backing from the Yucheng regime. Qi and her dogs will do everything in their power to see us fail. They will oppose us at every turn. They will spread anger and discontent and treason wherever they go. And we must stop them." Long sighed before continuing. "Even more unfortunately, most people find change to be... painful. And we are calling for very radical change. It will not matter if it is change for the better to many people; they will attempt to resist it, the way a child spits out a foul-tasting medicine or the way a dog tries to pick at the stitches keeping a wound closed. The Yucheng regime will offer them the cruelties and injustices of the past as a palliative, as a sedative or an opiate- and too many will blindly accept. Driven by fear, they will allow the old shackles and chains to be returned to their wrists and ankles, they will cry out to be whipped and beaten. Driven by fear, they will be easily convinced to join in the plots of our enemies. We must protect them from themselves, Minister Soong. We must keep them on the straight path, at any and all costs and by any and all means- and I hope that is clear. We must not allow foolishness or sentimentality to compromise us and thus compromise the revolution. We must remain resolute and unwavering at all times. And we must not allow our people to be led astray."

"And the easiest way to do that, Minister, is panem et circenses. It's a Latin phrase, Minister, meaning 'bread and circuses'. The Yucheng pigs and dogs will seek to provide the abuses of the past as an opiate, and while we will do everything in our power to convince the people of the righteousness of our cause and that this is the way by which a better society is created, there will be some who will never be convinced. So to keep the loyalty of those errant few until the truth is revealed to all and the vanguard needed no longer, we must provide our own opiates. Steady jobs. Good pay. Entertainment. Lots of food. Comfortable shelter. By keeping them happy we will minimize the impacts of the pain of change and streamline the process of the revolution. When the saboteurs approach them and talk of pain and misery, the citizenry will not know what they are talking about- so long as we continue to provide bread and circuses. If they are well-fed, happy, clothed, sheltered, then they will see no reason to be unhappy and thus they will remain loyal."

"Already this has been a crucial strategy. With civil service initiatives and militarization and similar programs, we have drastically cut unemployment at a rate the Yucheng regime has been unable to match. We have provided security in a fashion that their military cannot. This has been critical in obtaining defectors and refugees. News of our prosperity convinces the people of Qianrong- both within our Soviet Republic and within the occupied territories- that Equalitarianism is the way of the future. The construction and then opening of a factory which makes munitions, or the mine that provides the raw materials for that factory, or the farm that feeds the workers there- these have contributed far more to our success than the firing of those munitions at enemy troops. It is paramount that we continue to guarantee panem et circenses, lest we risk losing all the progress we have made for the revolution."

"Unfortunately, there are several issues standing in our path. More nations recognize the Yucheng regime than us. They have more access to the world economy, to luxury goods and critical resources. If we remain so isolated- recognized primarily by other outcast nations as we presently are- then we risk economic catastrophe and thus allowing our people to become susceptible to the propaganda of the Yucheng regime. We thus must become connected to the world economy, and to all the resources on it. In that way we will be able to guarantee the best standard of living for our people and protect them from counter-revolutionary propaganda, all at the same time."

"Namor has 900 million people, Minister Soong. Their gross domestic product is in the trillions. The economic boon from their recognition would be gift enough, but not only that, Namor is a respected member of the international community. They have many allies across Esquarium, and trade with even more nations. To be recognized by such a prestigious, well-respected nation, a nation with such political and economic clout- it would give to us a legitimacy that would no doubt convince other nations to abandon the pigs and dogs in Yucheng in favor of us. Recognition from Namor and a Namorese embassy in Xiangmen could reverse the stances of other major Esquarian nations, opening us up to all the benefits of international trade. That would secure the revolution in Qianrong- and from there, well, connection with the international community could allow for the eventual spread of Equalitarianism all across Esquarium!" Long crowed. "A brilliant analysis, Chairman!" Soong said with legitimate enthusiasm. The concept of Equalitarianist triumph did elate him- and he had expected Long's analysis to be at least three times as long.

"What are your recommendations for obtaining Namor's favor, though? How do we convince them to side with us and not the Yucheng regime?" Long nodded quickly. He'd been waiting for the question. "Well, it's obvious that- barring some serious catastrophe- Shohai Antelope is going to be elected President-General. And as it happened, a reporter from one of the Yucheng regime's so-called free press corporations asked the candidates what their criteria would be for recognizing a government in Qianrong. Unfortunately, Shohai appears to be primarily on the fence. But the words of the other candidates- even those who don't agree with Shohai- and the words of Namorese leadership can give us a general sentiment as to what the Namorese people and government want, and what will likely see them compel Shohai to favor us."

"We know that President-General Fu Wen has campaigned for the denuclearization of Qianrong. The Yucheng regime, which has the nuclear weapons of the FDRQ repressors, refuses to concede. If we vow to never construct nuclear weapons, and to destroy the nuclear weapons the Yucheng regime possesses if we should ever come to possess them, then we look better than the Yucheng dogs. We know the Namorese dislike the allegation that they were discriminating against Otekians. The Yucheng regime has refused to retract this- indeed, it was this allegation that saw Qi Chien-Xuan rise to power. If we acknowledge that no such thing occurred, we meet a criteria set by Tuyet An, who was the favored candidate of the establishment New Democrats. And, of course, we could reward the Front for the Liberationist Revolution in Qianrong for their loyal support in the Second Domestic Terror War by announcing special elections for the Presidium and allowing them to run a few candidates and win a few seats- akin to how we rewarded other leftist and communist groups by allowing the United Worker's Party and People's Radical Party to run. Of course, the FLRQ would remain under the firm control of the QEP- as the UWP and PRP are, but so long as it appears independent then we can claim to be pluralistic. This would help especially if Shohai is elected and the Liberationist Party does well. And, last but not least, there's the criterion set by Kuo Zhang. The Yucheng regime continues to recognize Txotai as separate from Namor. If we were to list Txotai as Namorese territory, and formally refuse to recognize the Otekian rebels, then-"

"What?" Soong exclaimed. "Chairman, all of your other points have been brilliant, and I am sure the logic behind this one is sound too, but- Heaven above, Oteki is a sacred cow in Qianrongese politics! No one dares to touch it! If we recognize it as Namorese, the reaction will be apoplectic. When Otekian Qianrongese rioted, even the FDRQ oppressors refused to try and stop them- and the general population sympathizes with them. The potential for internal chaos, the potential for counter-revolutionaries to seize the day and- and- it's astronomical, catastrophic!" Long sniffed disdainfully. "If they riot then they prove that they have already been infiltrated by counter-revolutionaries. We must do everything in our power to guarantee the success of the revolution, even if it is not immediately obvious to the people. Most otekitowns aren't under our control anyways, and Yulia Rastirenko and the People's Association of Ethnic Otekians are in our pocket. They'll accept the decision if we tell them to, and try to compel obedience among ethnic Otekians. And if there's still resistance- well, Huang Jun-Tseng wrote that the vanguard's duty is to do anything and everything to protect the progress of the revolution. I will do anything for the Equalitarianist revolution, and I mean anything- even if it means gunning down traitors and counter-revolutionaries in the streets. Anyone who stands in the way of the future will be made to move willingly or pushed aside. Anyone who attempts to stop the wheel of progress will get their fingers crushed. Is that understood, Minister?" Soong nodded meekly. "Yes, my Chairman. I will not fail in my duty to the revolution." Long smiled. "Good."

"Tomorrow, I will announce the points we have discussed here," Long said with an intense finality. "We will vow to never make nuclear weapons, acknowledge there was no discrimination, announce early elections, and recognize Txotai as Namorese. Hopefully this convinces Namor to favor us over the Yucheng regime, and hopefully the risk of invoking the ire of a few fools will be enough to keep cowards like Qi and Lin and the Yucheng pigs in check. I want you to keep your eyes open and ears pricked for any Namorese response. Have a good day, Minister Soong."