IFC Council (IC)

[Aviran]

Certainly. Resolution 66 would read as follows:

(Image) The Imperial Commonwealth of Libraria and Ausitoria Vice President & Speaker His Grace Alexias Stella Constitutional Jurispudence [Resolution Number: 66] Noting that there is some confusion over existent legislation, The Council hereby: Part I: Repeals 1. Repeals any remaining resolutions between 1 and 44 except Resolutions 3, 21, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 32, 39, and 41; and any legislation relating to the government not passed by the Council and in force; or any other legislation not produced pursuant to existent Council legislation, 2. Repeals all Clauses except Clauses 1-3 of Resolution 32, and removes the Secretary General from the list in Section 2 of Resolution 51 and adds the Secretary for Admissions at no. 8, 3. Requests that the Speaker and Prime Minister ensure that members can easily read all existent legislation, and that potential contradictions be resolved more speedily, Part II: Opt-outs 1. Declares that any members may opt-out of the decisions and jurisprudence of this Council and the associated Government; and only be a part of the Defensive Arm of this Coalition, by simply informing this Council, 2. Confirms Bratislav’s position as Secretary General and leader of the part of the Defensive Arm of this Coalition not party to or with the Council and its associate Government; and Bratislav’s power to veto decisions made in that part of the Coalition only, unless overruled by a three-fifths majority, Part III: Constitutional Conventions Moves Resolutions 32, 45, 51, 56, and Clauses 1 to 3 of Resolution 61 to establish the following Charter and Constitution, and confirms: Section 1: The Principles of the International Freedom Coalition 1. Declares its abhorrence of egregious acts of violence and crimes against humanity, including acts of genocide, torture, and mass attacks upon civilians, 2. Declares its allegiance to the principles of liberty and self-determination, in all times and in all places, 3. Declares its commitment to actively support the security of the free world, Section 2: The Powers and Prerogatives of the Council Subsection 1: 1. Affirms itself to be a permanent institution within the International Freedom Coalition with legislative supremacy over the alliance and the power, right and duty to scrutinize the activities of the executive and offer advice and support to the executive, 2. Clarifies that the Council: (a) Possesses the ability to make in a vote the final ruling on any interpretation of their own Resolutions, (b) May not under any circumstances be dissolved or otherwise inhibited from making and interpreting resolutions, except with its express permission, 3. Charges the Speaker & Vice President and any other specifically elected protectors of the Senate with ensuring that these rights are protected. Subsection 2: Basic Parliamentary Principles: a) The council has legislative supremacy and sovereignty over the coalition. b) Any decision by a majority of the Council is the decision of Parliament, wherever or however it may be reached; and any past decision contrary to the most recent decision is invalid. c) The Council may set whatever conditions it likes for membership of the Council; and all nations in the Coalition shall continue to automatically be granted membership. d) The Council may not bind a future majority under any conditions whatever. e) Councils are advised to be sensible. Subsection 3: The Conduct of Members: a) Members, subject to future limitations, have the right to communicate with other Council members whenever someone else finishes and may communicate on any subject they like or however they like except for personal remarks. b) Members are advised to be sensible. Subsection 4: The Conduct of Meetings a) Members may from time to time elect a Speaker. Should there be no speaker, the Prime Minister shall function in that capacity. b) Elections shall be held by the Secretary-General or any other person demanded by the Senate, whenever more than three Senators demand such an election. During the period of an election, which should be long enough for grievances to be aired; the Secretary-General or any other person demanded shall maintain order. c) The Speaker may maintain order by any measures he regards as necessary, including formulating rules pursuant to this Resolution. d) The Speaker is advised to consult with the Council and revise such measures frequently according to popular demand. Section 3: The Prime Minister and Government Subsection 1: 1. Declares that the Prime Minister shall be an elected position, elected as other legislation may provide, with powers defined in this and other legislation, and shall lead a government in a manner prescribed by this and other legislation, 2. Renders the elected post of Prime Minister a permanent position within the alliance, and charges the Prime Minister with protecting the voice of individual nations and the Council as a whole within the Executive Council, 3. Grants the Prime Minister the power to appoint and remove Executive Council Ministers, including the Treasurer, should it be clearly necessary for the proper governance of the Coalition, 4. Permits the Cabinet and any appointed Executive Ministers, under the direction of the Prime Minister, to otherwise interpret Council Resolutions and to take any measures not contrary to Council Resolutions that such empowered persons may consider necessary and proper for carrying out the delineated tasks of government, without waiting for the Council to discuss such matters, 5. Reiterates that a Prime Minister should, where possible, only permit fully reversible measures, and that any Prime Minister overusing these executive powers without sufficient support in the Council should be subject to a no-confidence motion and dismissed from office, Subsection 2: High Office Terms and Elections I.) The office of the Prime Minister shall be occupied in a yearly succession of four three-month terms II.) The first of these terms shall commence on the first Friday of January each year, and proceed normally thereafter until the first Friday of the next January III.) If a Prime Minister is unable to execute their responsibilities effectively, or the general membership feels otherwise disenchanted, a motion of no confidence carried by the Council shall have the power to remove said Prime Minister from office IV.) Elections for a new Prime Minister shall immediately be held following a passed motion of no confidence V.) If a motion of no confidence occurs within a week prior to the next normally scheduled election, or if the voting process is otherwise impractical, command shall revert to the immediate next-in-line as according to the chain of command (see below) until elections can be held Subsection 3: I.) The official cabinet chain of command is as follows: 1.) Prime Minister 2.) Vice President/Speaker of the Council 3.) Chief Policy Administrator 4.) Chief of Staff 5.) Secretary of Defense 6.) Secretary of Foreign Affairs 7.) Secretary of the Treasury 8.) Secretary for Admissions 9.) Director of the Coalition Intelligence Group 10.) Press Secretary II.) Should any member of the chain of command find themselves unable to execute their responsibilities for a period of time, their duties are diverted to the immediate next-in-command until a permanent solution can be reached III.) Amendments to this chain of command as a result of new or deducted positions may be effected through council vote if not detailed in establishing legislation. [Vice President & Speaker His Grace Alexias Stella, The Imperial Commonwealth of Libraria and Ausitoria]

My many thanks to the Speaker, I extend my gratitude to him for his hard work on this very well thought out bill. The Avirani delegation votes for a motion with attachment thus. That Resolution 66 be voted on with inclusion of the plan brought forth by the Secretary General, amended to read that Res. 66 would be exclusive to Council, the Secretary's plan, exclusive to our defense forces, and all parts of either bill that detail a crossover, be struck out.

[Valaran]

Alex Helghan, having examined the document in fornt of him, stood. "The Valaran Empire is frankly unsure about Resolution 66 as of the present moment. It is clear that the current system needs overhaul, but not the extreme of removing the Secretary General. It would also seem that Resolution 66 is the key to that compromise."

"However, a few questions must be raised first. Firstly, what are the specifics of resolutions not being repealed, and why do we have to repeal so many? Secondly the wording on Basic Parliamentary Principles & The Conduct of Members (Subsections 2 & 3 of Part III), while a welcome addition to what has gone before it feels noticeably vague. Can the Speaker, or Council stop a member if they feel he/she is not being sensible? I'm also not sure we should be legislating in that subject anyway..." he paused, somewhat uncomfortable. "My final concern is this (Subsection 3, Section 3). This may be semantics but having 10 positions is a large number. It seems overly bureaucratic, which has been a complaint of the IFC as it is. I'm not sure they are all needed. In fact I believe they aren't."

"I also have an addition to suggest, namely that we make a list of all member nations opting out of each resolution or have some other form of record. And on this note I would like to ask that the following be clarified: unless they request a specific desire to opt out (and that this can be done at any time), should we assume all members are bound by the legislation until they decide otherwise?"

[Libraria and Ausitoria]

"We would like to thank the Arvrani delegation. However as Speaker I should point out that the provisions of Resolution 66 would already not be in effect to those opting out.

As for the comments of the Valaran delegation, my office informs me that they range from the sublime to the ridiculous. Starting with the sublime, the question of the Secretary General is an interesting one. Certainly part 2 of Resolution 66 certainly could be amended. As Speaker I would suggest a wording as follows: "The Valaran Empire moves that Part 2 be changed to: blah blah blah blah" - one option that we would be ambivalent too would be declaring the Secretary General Ceremonial Leader.

The resolutions mentioned are being repealed as they are either no longer significant or have been effectively replaced; and everybody is always complaining that our legal code is too long and complicated. It is in fact not too long and complicated - in fact it should be longer and more complicated, with trade agreements and intelligence pooling and defensive networks - but some of the length and complications we have at present are unnecessary. (When I say fact, I mean both that that is what I think and that is what Ausitoria thinks, and I know some other nations think it too).

Resolution 45, which considers the Basic Parliamentary Principles etc., is indeed vaguely worded: it is intended to be so. There is no easy way to codify being sensible: being sensible thus becomes a matter of judgement, an imperfect art. Yes, the Speaker and the Council could both stop a member. So far I think we have done an excellent job.

As for the number of government ministers, our Prime Minister has always argued that to govern one needs a government, and to govern properly one needs a proper government, and to govern comprehensively one needs a comprehensive government. If you can think of any particular Ministers who should be removed, then that would certainly be a subject of possible future discussion - although as Speaker on I would recommend we discuss that later.

Finally, on the ridiculous, as for opt-outs, it would be chaos (and quite impractical) if members could cherry-pick individual resolutions, as many of them rely upon each other. Therefore I believe members should either opt out of the whole lot or none at all, and learn to compromise.



If I may talk on a related subject, regarding Part 2, it has been suggested that instead of having the defensive arm function separately then we should use a higher standard - some say unanimity - for legislation.

The thing about unity is that it will never happen. We will never agree on everything, and it is pointless to try to get us to do so. Indeed it would be stupid to try to do so: how could we possibly improve if we all thought the same way? Disagreement and debate is a strength not a weakness.

So, as this argument demonstrates, to expect unanimous agreement is ridiculous. To get unanimous support for requiring unanimous support will never happen - and for that matter I'd be surprised if the Bratislav delegation could get a two-thirds majority to support switching to a two-thirds majority.

What we can do is remember that we agree on some things, remember that we will each all sometimes be in a minority at some point (I have had half a dozen proposals voted down), and let the majority get on with spreading freedom their way. The minority can always opt-out and do it in a different way, if it wants to.

Does it want to opt-out? Is Bratislav the only nation who does?

If, as I slightly hope, they are, I can modify Part 2 so that the Council will continue as before: ruled by any majority of all us freedom-loving members. Any opinions would be gratefully received."

[Aigeantir]

"I'm glad that the Speaker has clarified "opting out" a little bit more, as this is a major concern of mine. It would be chaotic to allow members to pick and choose which resolutions they might follow, and could lead to difficult questions later of whether or not a nation may opt-out of being bound by the same rules that everyone else must follow, since the section on Opting-out falls before Constitutional Conventions, and could be used as a way to change the rules of war if so decided by some members.

I would strongly recommend that Part II, 1 be amended to read: 'Declares that any members may opt-out of the decisions and jurisprudence of this Council and the associated Government regarding political, economic, or humanitarian commitments; and only be a part of the Defensive Arm of this Coalition, by simply informing this Council,'

I realize that this is a minor change, but a major clarification, and boundary to set up and prevent the interpretation of opt-outs to be used in application against procedural resolutions, or structural resolutions."

[Bratislav]

"I'm glad that the Speaker has clarified "opting out" a little bit more, as this is a major concern of mine. It would be chaotic to allow members to pick and choose which resolutions they might follow, and could lead to difficult questions later of whether or not a nation may opt-out of being bound by the same rules that everyone else must follow, since the section on Opting-out falls before Constitutional Conventions, and could be used as a way to change the rules of war if so decided by some members.

I would strongly recommend that Part II, 1 be amended to read: 'Declares that any members may opt-out of the decisions and jurisprudence of this Council and the associated Government regarding political, economic, or humanitarian commitments; and only be a part of the Defensive Arm of this Coalition, by simply informing this Council,'

I realize that this is a minor change, but a major clarification, and boundary to set up and prevent the interpretation of opt-outs to be used in application against procedural resolutions, or structural resolutions."

"I do see that the opting-out scheme will make it rather complicated to manage and follow. It will be ideal if we are all follow the same laws that are passed by the organization. Any nation that joins the IFC should be aware that the organization spreads to both the defensive and political realm."

[Libraria and Ausitoria]

"I'm glad that the Speaker has clarified "opting out" a little bit more, as this is a major concern of mine. It would be chaotic to allow members to pick and choose which resolutions they might follow, and could lead to difficult questions later of whether or not a nation may opt-out of being bound by the same rules that everyone else must follow, since the section on Opting-out falls before Constitutional Conventions, and could be used as a way to change the rules of war if so decided by some members.

I would strongly recommend that Part II, 1 be amended to read: 'Declares that any members may opt-out of the decisions and jurisprudence of this Council and the associated Government regarding political, economic, or humanitarian commitments; and only be a part of the Defensive Arm of this Coalition, by simply informing this Council,'

I see now where the confusion was from. Actually I would suggest the wording: Declares that any members may opt-out all of the decisions and jurisprudence of this Council and the associated Government; and only be a part of the Defensive Arm of this Coalition, by simply informing this Council

But should I take it that Bratislav is prepared to accept majority rule anyway?

[Shazbotdom]

"The Delegation from the Shazbotdom Empire suggests that all Resolutions currently up for vote be tabled until discussions about the future of the Alliance be held."

[Libraria and Ausitoria]

"Thank you. I don't think it neccesary: Resolution 65 failed 6-3-3."

"Resolution 66 is currently in line with the Novo Wagondia - Zunkwentania solution, whereby members can opt out from the political matters relating to this alliance. I understand that this is now the favourite. I should clarify that although Ausitoria authored it after consultation with Novo Wagondia, they didn't entirely agree with effectively having a two-tier alliance.

Those were incidentally exactly the same concerns as both our Prime Minister and our Secretary General (although the Secretary General has a different vision of which way we should move (and are moving), Ausitoria agreed with our both that we should move together).

However, with the arguments put forth by our Chief of Staff, Ausitoria has concluded that for the moment, allowing opt-outs is the only workable solution, and I am anyway confident that most opt-outs will opt-in again later - or most potential opt-outs, despite their threats, won't opt-out.

Incidentally I have also added a clause to allow the Prime Minister and Secretary General to jointly wield a veto, since this seems to be a preferred compromise.

Thus Resolution 66, an 'option-2 resolution', is, from now, up for vote. If you think option 2, the Novo Wagondia - Zunkwentania solution, should be adopted, along with these various other repeals and amendments, please do vote."

Resolution 66

6 AYES *^S
0 ABSTENTIONS
0 NAYS

"Incidentally, please do note that if you are unhappy with which resolutions have been/haven't been repealed, the Ausitorian delegation intends to consider another resolution to review more recent resolutions: more resolutions can always be brought back/repealed."

[Krjder]

IFC HQ, Musrum Bratislav
Ândré-Aleçandró Bleuklośpont made his way through the building of the Headquarters of the organisation his Empire had recently been admitted to. He wore a sharp and smart blue three piece-pinstripe suit, white shirt, red tie, red silk pocket handkerchief and a light beige overcoat. He was flanked by two aides-de-camp who were similarly dressed. Ândré was a typical Dalktrésian; short black hair, tanned skin and of tall stature. Of his two aides; one was a young and blindingly handsome Germanic Krïdan, Steffann-Walter Bijkerjädl and the other was another young man, a Konćjewese, not bad looking either; Kópernikuś Rźellsiwię. They approached the entrance to the main council room.
"Tja, hëer geköe kijnthenk!" He exclaimed jovially to them in Krïdan, his second language.

Steffann opened and held the doors to allow the other two to enter. Ândré, upon entering made a low bow in the direction of the council members and made his way to his seat, his aides positioned behind him.

[Libraria and Ausitoria]

"Welcome, your excellency!" said Alexias Stella, breaking off to hand over a transcript of the conversation in the previous five days. "If you have any vaguely sensible questions, please don't hesitate to ask," he added, returning to his position and waiting for the votes.

[Aigeantir]

"Seeing as Resolution 66 takes into account the interests of the majority, I will vote AYE for this resolution."

[Krjder]

"Thank you!" Exclaimed Ândré, taking the transcript from Mr. Stella. He gasped at its length and handed it over to Kópernikuś.
"Briefe mij ann tsåt en ije weinisch mijnüteren bothrük." He said, gesturing for him to make a start on reading it. Ândré cleared his throat.
"I sincerely apologise on behalf of the Krïdan Empire and perhaps even my watch, of my late arrival and also for interrupting your all important vote. I too, after my wonderful minion here..." Ândré paused and smiled. He patted Kópernikuś on the back and continued; "Has informed of what you are voting on, will also vote. Whilst he does that, I would like to introduce myself and my empire. I am Ândré-Aleçandró Bleuklośpont, the Krïdan Empire's representative to the International Freedom Coalition. Despite being a monarchy, my nation is a democratic one, which enjoys most of your rights, your freedoms and liberties. We cherish our nation, our culture and our values, and now we can share our success with you, and your's with us for the betterment of the states not yet rennaisanced in the ways of democracy. Now, before I relieve of my voice, I have been given an offer from His Imperial Majesty's Ministry of Military Affairs." He showed a piece of paper to those assembled. "Isn't that nice, even on official stationary. Now, our empire modestly prides itself on many things; cuisine, geography, history, the list is extensive. But there is one thing that we would like to share with you; Krjder has an impressive military history and tradition which has been fuelled by our world class Officer Training Cadre at Schwanitzbrükk Military College. The Krïdan Empire offers unto you the use of this officer training facility for your nations budding officers so that future commanders of the IFC are well versed and trained in the art of war from not only their own nation, but the other members of the IFC."

Ândré retook his seat and gazed around the room for feedback. In the meantime Kópernikuś had read through the latest section of transcript in order for him to vote. André stood up again and cleared his throat.
"In addition to the above statement, On behalf of the Krïdan Empire, I will vote Aye regarding resolution 66."

[Novo Wagondia]

César Emilio of Wagondia votes Aye on Resolution 66

[New Carloso]

Eben Davies nodded as the Wagondian delegate cast their vote. "The Federal Republic of Carloso wishes to vote FOR Resolution 66"

[Bratislav]

It is stated:

The Secretary General shall be the Ceremonial Leader of the alliance, and with the agreement of the Prime Minister, may veto any resolution that the pair consider unfitting to match with the Coalition's principles,

yet:

Confirms Bratislav’s position as Secretary General and leader of the part of the Defensive Arm of this Coalition not party to or with the Council and its associate Government;

The Secretary General is only the leader of the Defensive Arm of the Coalition? I was under assumption that Sec. Gen is leader of the entire coalition. Please clarify.

[Libraria and Ausitoria]

Certainly: ceremonial leader of everything and leader of the defensive arm.

Thank you for all who have voted so far. Given the unanimity of the vote so far, I shall close voting in two days unless otherwise requested.

[Bratislav]

Certainly: ceremonial leader of everything and leader of the defensive arm.

Thank you for all who have voted so far. Given the unanimity of the vote so far, I shall close voting in two days unless otherwise requested.

"From that it is assumed, that the Sec. Gen. will continue to appoint the Defense Minister, is that correct?"

[Bratislav]

EXECUTIVE ORDER

May it be known that Elemental North has been relieved of duty as Chief Policy Administrator and the position, which was within the Executive Branch, has been abolished.

Dimitri Sledan
Secretary Genreal of IFC

[Libraria and Ausitoria]

"Revenge is sweet, eh?" said the Speaker, before proceeding swiftly.

"Regarding the appointment of the Defence Minister, that legislation is being repealed, which means that the authority would lie with the Prime Minister, as head of government. If you wish to propose a resolution to retake that power, by all means do so."

[Bratislav]

"Revenge is sweet, eh?" said the Speaker, before proceeding swiftly.

"Regarding the appointment of the Defence Minister, that legislation is being repealed, which means that the authority would lie with the Prime Minister, as head of government. If you wish to propose a resolution to retake that power, by all means do so."

"We take issue with that because the power to appoint defense minister has always lied with the Secretary General. It has served to balance the power between the PM and Sec. Gen. If that point is not reversed, we will not support the resolution, and bring forth the use of a veto. We also condemn that such a point has not been clearly defined in the resolution. How many more hidden provisions do you have in the resolution?"

[Libraria and Ausitoria]

"You cannot use a veto which you do not have," replied the Speaker, crossly. "The Council has sovereignty, and it also has the sole power to interpret legislation. There is no need for the Secretary General to keep the Prime Minister in balance: that is what the Council is for."

[Bratislav]

"You cannot use a veto which you do not have," replied the Speaker, crossly. "The Council has sovereignty, and it also has the sole power to interpret legislation. There is no need for the Secretary General to keep the Prime Minister in balance: that is what the Council is for."

"The real danger here is pushing in provisions without clearly stating them. Nowhere in the resolution is it stated that the Sec. Gen. loses the right to appoint the Defense Minister. Yet you state it as such. What other provisions will you somehow infer from the resolution? God knows. And We do reserve the right to veto. A major element in the check of balances in this coalition has been the power to appoint Defense Minister by Sec. Gen. "

[Libraria and Ausitoria]

"Whether you have a veto or not is a decision for the Council to interpret. And do I take it you wish to veto a proposal which has the support of 6 nations and the objection only of yours?"

[The High Lords]

Certainly: ceremonial leader of everything and leader of the defensive arm.

Thank you for all who have voted so far. Given the unanimity of the vote so far, I shall close voting in two days unless otherwise requested.

I will request that the voting window remain open, as to hear all aspects of the debate before making a decision.

[Bratislav]

"Whether you have a veto or not is a decision for the Council to interpret. And do I take it you wish to veto a proposal which has the support of 6 nations and the objection only of yours?"

"The real issue here is firstly honesty. As speaker, you need to be honest. Now because of this, I do not trust at all any resolution you bring forth, because God knows what you infer from that resolution. Like the fact that the Sec. Gen. does not have the power to appoint the Defense Minister. Either state specifically or don't infer. Secondly, you are dismantling a very important check of power that was in place for a long time, and we strongly condemn that. We were ready to endorse the resolution, but because of this provision, we strongly condemn it, and will work against. Any fundamental restructuring of the coalition, needs to be done in coordination with the Sec. Gen. and of course the Prime Minister."