WINTER 2015 SHORT STORY CONTEST

[Respubliko de Libereco]

I thought the deadline was the 28th? Or is it already the 28th where you are?

The end of the 28th. So at 23:59 February 28.

So I still have a day-ish? Excellent.

[Vancon]

The end of the 28th. So at 23:59 February 28.

So I still have a day-ish? Excellent.

I don't know for NFP, but it is 22:43 for me right now.

[Respubliko de Libereco]

So I still have a day-ish? Excellent.

I don't know for NFP, but it is 22:43 for me right now.

On which date? I'm somewhat confused right now.

[Vancon]

I don't know for NFP, but it is 22:43 for me right now.

On which date? I'm somewhat confused right now.

27th for me.

[Respubliko de Libereco]

On which date? I'm somewhat confused right now.

27th for me.

Good. For a second there I was worried that timezones didn't work the way I thought they did.

[Vancon]

27th for me.

Good. For a second there I was worried that timezones didn't work the way I thought they did.

I'm on the pacific seaboard.

That being said, I needn't tell you that you're running out of time if you still haven't posted.

[Nazi Flower Power]

You still made the deadline.

Last day to enter if anyone else has been meaning to. Post now or forever hold your peace.

I thought the deadline was the 28th? Or is it already the 28th where you are?

The deadline is the 28th, yes. It is after midnight where I am.

[Forsher]

The end of the 28th. So at 23:59 February 28.

So I still have a day-ish? Excellent.

Be glad I don't run these. March starts in ten minutes...

[Estenia]

The next attempt to reach the Spice Islands is made by García Jofre de Loaisa. A synopsis of contemporary documents is here presented: discussion as to the location of the India House of Trade; concessions offered by the Spanish government to persons who aid in equipping expeditions for the Moluccas; instructions to Loaisa and his subordinates for the conduct of their enterprise; accounts of their voyage, etc. Loaisa's fleet departs from Spain on July 24, 1525, and ten months later emerges from the Strait of Magellan. Three of his ships have been lost, and a fourth is compelled to seek necessary supplies at the nearest Spanish settlements on the west coast of South America; Loaisa has remaining but three vessels for the long and perilous trip across the Pacific. One of the lost ships finally succeeds in reaching Spain, but its captain, Rodrigo de Acuña, is detained in long and painful captivity at Pernambuco. The partial log of the flagship and an account of the disasters which befell the expedition are sent to the emperor (apparently from Tidore) by Hernando de la Torre, one of its few survivors, who asks that aid be sent them. Loaisa himself and nearly all his officers are dead—one of the captains being killed by his own men. At Tidore meet (June 30, 1528) the few Spaniards remaining alive (in all, twenty-five out of one hundred and forty-six) in the "Victoria" and in the ship of Saavedra, who has been sent by Cortés to search for the missing fleets which had set out from Spain for the Moluccas. Urdaneta's relation of the Loaisa expedition goes over the same ground, but adds many interesting details.

Various documents (in synopsis) show the purpose for which Saavedra is despatched from Mexico, the instructions given to him, and letters which he is to carry to various persons. Among these epistles, that written by Hernando Cortés to the king of Cebú is given in full; he therein takes occasion to blame Magalhães for the conflict with hostile natives which resulted in the discoverer's death. He also asks the Cebuan ruler to liberate any Spaniards who may be in his power, and offers to ransom them, if that be required. Saavedra's own account of the voyage states that the time of his departure from New Spain was October, 1527. Arrivingat the island of Visaya, he finds three Spaniards who tell him that the eight companions o Magalhães left at Cebú had been sold by their captors to the Chinese.

Undaunted by these failures, another expedition sets forth (1542) to gain a footing for Spanish power on the Western Islands—that commanded by Ruy Lopez de Villalobos; it is under the auspices of the two most powerful officials in New Spain, and is abundantly supplied with men and provisions. The contracts made with the king by its promoters give interesting details of the methods by which such enterprises were conducted. Various encouragements and favors are offered to colonists who shall settle in those islands; privileges and grants are conferred on Alvarado, extending to his heirs. Provision is made for land-grants, hospitals, religious instruction and worship, and the respective rights of the conquerors and the king. The instructions given to Villalobos and other officials are minute and careful. At Navidad Villalobos and all his officers and men take solemn oaths (October 22, 1542) to carry out the pledges that they have made, and to fulfil their respective duties. In 1543 complaint is made that Villalobos is infringing the Portuguese demarcation line, and plundering the natives, which he denies. An account of his expedition (summarized, like the other documents), written by Fray Jerónimo de Santistéban to the viceroy Mendoza, relates the sufferings of the Spaniards from hardships, famine, and disease. Of the three hundred and seventy men who had left New Spain, only one hundred and forty-seven survive to reach the Portuguese settlements in India. The writer justifies the acts of Villalobos, and asks the viceroy to provide for his orphaned children. Another account of this unfortunate enterprise was left by García Descalante Alvarado, an officer of Villalobos; it also is written to the viceroy of New Spain and is dated at Lisbon, August 1, 1548. Like Santistéban's, this too is a record of famine and other privations, the treachery of the natives, and the hostility of the Portuguese. Finally, a truce is made between the Castilians and the Portuguese, and part of the former embark (February 18, 1546) for the island of Amboina, where many of them perish.

Nearly twenty years elapse before any further attempt of importance is made to secure possession of the Philippine Archipelago. In 1564 this is begun by the departure from New Spain of an expedition commanded by Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, with which enterprise begins the real history of the Philippine Islands. Synopses of many contemporaneous documents are here presented, covering the years 1559-68. This undertaking has its inception in the commands of Felipe II of Spain (September 24, 1559) to his viceroy in New Spain (now Luis de Velasco) to undertake "the discovery of the western islands toward the Malucos;" but those who shall be sent for this are warned to observe the Demarcation Line. The king also invites Andrés de Urdaneta, now a friar in Mexico, to join the expedition, in which his scientific knowledge, and his early experience in the Orient, will be of great value. Velasco thinks (May 28, 1560) that the Philippines are on the Portuguese side of the Demarcation Line, but he will follow the royal commands as far as he safely can. He has already begun preparations for the enterprise, the purpose of which he is keeping secret as far as possible. By the same mail, Urdaneta writes to the king, acceding to the latter's request that he accompany the proposed expedition. He emphasizes the ownership of "the Filipina Island" (meaning Mindanao) by the Portuguese, and thinks that Spanish ships should not be despatched thither without the king's "showing some legitimate or pious reason therefor." Velasco makes report (February 9, 1561) of progress in the enterprise; the ships have been nearly built and provisioned, and Legazpi has been appointed its general. Urdaneta advises (also in 1561) that Acapulco be selected for their embarcation, as being more convenient and healthful than Navidad. He makes various other suggestions for the outfit of the expedition, which show his excellent judgment and practical good sense; and asks that various needed articles be sent from Spain. He desires that the fleet depart as early as October, 1562. Legazpi in a letter to the king (May 26, 1563) accepts the responsibility placed upon him, and asks for certain favors. Velasco explains (February 25 and June 15, 1564) the delays in the fleet's departure; he hopes that it will be ready to sail by the following September, and describes its condition and equipment. Velasco's death (July 31) makes it necessary for the royal Audiencia of Mexico to assume the charge of this enterprise. Their instructions to Legazpi (September 1, 1564) are given in considerable detail. Especial stress is laid on the necessity of discovering a return route from the Philippines; and Urdaneta is ordered to return with the ships sent back to New Spain for this purpose. By a letter dated September 12, the members of the Audiencia inform the king of the instructions they have given to Legazpi, and their orders that he should direct his course straight to the Philippines, which they regard as belonging to Spain rather than Portugal. In this same year, Juan de la Carrión, recently appointed admiral of the fleet, writes to the king, dissenting (as does the Audiencia) from Urdaneta's project for first exploring New Guinea, and urging that the expedition ought to sail directly to the Philippines. He says that he has been, however, overruled by Urdaneta. Legazpi announces to the king (November 18) his approaching departure from the port of Navidad; and Urdaneta writes a letter of similar tenor two days later. On that date (November 20) they leave port; and on the twenty-fifth Legazpi alters their course so as to turn it from the southwest directly toward the Philippines. This displeases the Augustinian friars on board; but they consent to go with the fleet. After various difficulties and mistakes in reckoning, they reach the Ladrones (January 22, 1565), finally anchoring at Guam. The natives prove to be shameless knaves and robbers, and treacherously murder a Spanish boy; in retaliation, their houses are burned and three men hanged by the enraged Spaniards. Legazpi takes formal possession of the islands for Spain. Proceeding to the Philippines, they reach Cebú on February 13, and thence make various journeys among the islands. They are suffering from lack of food, which they procure in small quantities, and with much difficulty, from the natives—often meeting from them, however, armed hostility. A Spanish detachment succeeds in capturing a Moro junk, after a desperate engagement; its crew are set at liberty, and then become very friendly to the strangers, giving them much interesting information about the commerce of those regions. Finally the leaders of the expedition decide to make a settlement on the island of Cebu. It is captured (April 28) by an armed party; they find in one of the houses an image, of Flemish workmanship, of the child Jesus, which they regard as a valuable prize, and an auspicious omen for their enterprise. The fort is built, and a church erected; and a nominal peace is concluded with the natives, but their treachery is displayed at every opportunity.

On May 28, 1565, the officials of the Western Islands write a report of their proceedings to the Audiencia of New Mexico. They have ascertained that the hostility of the natives arises from the cruelty and treachery of the Portuguese, who in Bohol perfidiously slew five hundred men and carried away six hundred prisoners. The Spaniards ask for immediate aid of soldiers and artillery with which to maintain their present hold, and to relieve the destitution which threatens them. They advise the speedy conquest of the islands, for in no other way can trade be carried on, or the Christian religion be propagated.

Another account of the expedition is given by Esteban Rodriguez, pilot of the fleet; it contains some interesting additional details. On June 1, 1565, the ship "San Pedro" is despatched to New Spain with letters to the authorities, which are in charge of the two Augustinian friars, Urdaneta and Aguirre. The log of the voyage kept by the pilot Espinosa is briefly summarized. When they reach the coast of Lower California the master of the vessel and Esteban Rodriguez, the chief pilot, perish from disease. The ship reaches Navidad on October 1, and Acapulco on the eighth, "after all the crew bad endured great hardships." Of the two hundred and ten persons who had sailed on the "San Pedro," sixteen died on the voyage, and less than a score were able to work when they arrived at Acapulco, all the rest being sick.

The previous record of the expedition is now continued. Legazpi makes a treaty with the chiefs of Cebú, who acknowledge the king of Spain as their suzerain. Gradually the natives regain their confidence in the Spaniards, return to their homes, and freely trade with the foreigners. Legazpi now is obliged to contend with drunkenness and licentiousness among his followers, but finds that these evils do not annoy the natives, among whom the standard of morality is exceedingly low. They worship their ancestors and the Devil, whom they invoke through their priests (who are usually women). Legazpi administers justice to all, protects the natives from wrong, and treats them with kindness and liberality. The head chief's niece is baptized, and soon afterward marries one of Legazpi's ship-men, a Greek; and other natives also are converted. The Spaniards aid the Cebuans against their enemies, and thus gain great prestige among all the islands. They find the Moros keen traders, and through them obtain abundance of provisions; the Moros also induce their countrymen in the northern islands to come to Cebú for trade. An attempt to reduce Matan fails, except in irritating its people. A dangerous mutiny in the Spanish camp is discovered and the ringleaders are hanged. The Spaniards experience much difficulty in procuring food, and are continually deceived and duped by the natives, "who have no idea of honor," even among themselves. Several expeditions are sent out to obtain food, and this opportunity is seized by some malcontents to arouse another mutiny, which ends as did the former. On October 15, 1566, a ship from New Spain arrives at Cebu, sent to aid Legazpi, but its voyage is a record of hardships, mutinies, deaths, and other calamities; it arrives in so rotten a condition that no smaller vessel could be made from it. A number of men die from "eating too much cinnamon." Portuguese ships prowl about, to discover what the Spaniards are doing, and the infant colony is threatened (July, 1567) with an attack by them.

A petition (probably written in 1566), signed by the Spanish officials in the Philippines, asks for more priests there, more soldiers and muskets ("so that if the natives will not be converted otherwise, they may be compelled to it by force of arms"), rewards for Legazpi, exemptions from taxes for all engaged in the expedition, grants of land, monopoly of trade, etc. A separate petition, by Legazpi, asks the, king for various privileges, dignities, and grants. Still other requests are made (probably in 1568) by hit son Melchor, who claims that Legazpi had spent all his fortune in the service of Spain, without receiving any reward therefor.

Certain documents illustrative of this history of Legazpi's enterprise in 1565 are given in full. An interesting document—first published (in Latin) at Manila in 1901, but never before, we think, in English—is the official warrant of the Augustinian authorities in Mexico establishing the first branch of their order in the Philippines (1564). It was found among the archives of the Augustinian convent at Culhuacan, Mexico; and is communicated to us in an English translation made by Rev. T. C. Middleton, of Villanova College. The other documents are: the act of taking possession of Çibabao (February 15); a proclamation that all gold taken from the burial-places of the natives must be declared to the authorities (May 16); several letters written (May 27 and 29, and June 1) by Legazpi and other officials to the king; a letter (May 28) from the officials to the Audiencia at Mexico, with a list of supplies needed at Cebu. To these is added a specially valuable and interesting document—hitherto unpublished, we believe—Legazpi's own relation of his voyage to the Philippines, and of affairs there up to the departure of the "San Pedro" for New Spain. As might be expected, he relates many things not found, or not clearly expressed, in the accounts given by his subordinates.

Next is presented (in both original text and English translation) a document of especial bibliographical interest—Copia de vna carta venida de Sevilla a Miguel Salvador de Valencia. It is the earliest printed account of Legazpi's expedition, and was published at Barcelona in 1566. But one copy of this pamphlet is supposed to be extant; it is at present owned in Barcelona. It outlines the main achievements of the expedition, but makes extravagant and highly-colored statements regarding the islands and their people.

In a group of letters from Legazpi (July, 1567, and June 26, 1568) mention is made of various interesting matters connected with the early days of the settlement on Cebú Island, and the resources and commerce of the archipelago. He asks again that the king will aid his faithful subjects who have begun a colony there; no assistance has been received since their arrival there, and they are in great need of everything. The Portuguese are jealous of any Spanish control in the Philippines, and already threaten the infant colony. He sends (1568) a considerable amount of cinnamon to Spain, and could send much more if he had goods to trade therefor with the natives. Legazpi advises that small ships be built at the Philippines, with which to prosecute farther explorations and reduce more islands to subjection; and that the mines be opened, and worked by slave-labor.

The Spanish settlement on Cebu was regarded with great jealousy by the Portuguese established in the Moluccas, and they sent an armed expedition (1568) to break it up. As the two nations were at peace, the Portuguese commander and Legazpi did not at once engage in war, but carried on protracted negotiations—a detailed account of which is here presented, from the official notarial records kept by Legazpi's chief notary, and transmitted to the home government. Legazpi claims that he has come to make new discoveries for his king, to propagate the Christian religion, and to ransom Christians held captive by the heathen in these regions; and that he had regarded the Philippines as being within the jurisdiction of Spain. If he has been mistaken, he will depart from the islands at once, if Pereira will provide him with two ships. The latter refuses to accept Legazpi's excuses, and makes vigorous complaints against the encroachments of the Spaniards. Pereira summons all the Spaniards to depart from the islands, promising to transport them to India, and offering them all aid and kindness, if they will accede to this demand; but Legazpi declines these proposals, and adroitly fences with the Portuguese commander. These documents are of great interest, as showing the legal and diplomatic formalities current in international difficulties of this sort.

[Forsher]

Spoiler please. Makes it easier to browse the thread. Thanks in advance.

[Nazi Flower Power]

So I still have a day-ish? Excellent.

Be glad I don't run these. March starts in ten minutes...

The deadline is midnight Pacific time, even though I am on the east coast.

[Nerotysia]

Be glad I don't run these. March starts in ten minutes...

The deadline is midnight Pacific time, even though I am on the east coast.

So what is it in EST? Like 8 PM?

[The High Lords]

Well, shoot. I won't be able to finish it by then. I'll have to submit in the spring one, then.

[Nazi Flower Power]

The deadline is midnight Pacific time, even though I am on the east coast.

So what is it in EST? Like 8 PM?

3AM.

The deadline is Pacific time because they are the last time zone that has a significant population living in it, and I don't want anybody to miss the deadline because it is earlier than midnight for them. It will be after midnight for everyone who isn't on Pacific time.

[Nerotysia]

So what is it in EST? Like 8 PM?

3AM.

The deadline is Pacific time because they are the last time zone that has a significant population living in it, and I don't want anybody to miss the deadline because it is earlier than midnight for them. It will be after midnight for everyone who isn't on Pacific time.

So I have even less time than I thought xD.

[Nerotysia]

Here we go. I wrote this in January, hated it utterly, and then softened as time went by. Now I don't hate it (as much). After a quick clean-up here it is!

Driving Around

I guess I should write about this. That’s what my lawyer said, anyways.

It was my seventh Sunday without a place to sleep, so I was curled beneath this crumbling expressway. Every now and again a car would slide by, wheels sighing like a baby. Sometimes I’d be sprinkled with water, but really I didn’t mind, I’d always liked being underwater. It’s lovely, if you haven’t tried it. When I was younger I would just float underneath the pool’s surface for hours, taking breaths like I did everything else – quick and mindless. Sometimes I’d even curl into a fetal position, it was weird but fun. Really you should try it for yourself.

Anyways I was dozing, waiting for a car to stop. Sometimes cars would stop and let me in, I guess cause the people felt bad for me. I’d finished shivering and now I was just cold – my fingertips felt fake and I could hardly feel the concrete beneath me. I kinda liked this as well, it was nice to just not feel sometimes, like in the water, but it made me slow and sloggy and slowly my toetips began to burn so it wasn’t good. And I knew about frostbite and all that, so occasionally I’d shift myself to warm myself a bit. But really I think if I ever get outta this I might try being really cold every so often. It’s kinda fun. Really you should try it for yourself.

It musta been like one in the morning when a car finally stopped. It was a damp red sedan, crouching low to the ground like those awful beetles I always found in my clothes. A man in an overcoat stepped out and hurried over to me, and I shook all the wetness from my coat.

“Are you alright, sir? I have some leftovers in the car – do you need help?” He stood over me like a mother bear and I was a cub, and I blinked groggily and nodded. I used to try to hibernate like a bear would. I thought it would be so fun to do, so when I was six I just refused to get out of bed for days, trying to force hibernation. It didn’t work, but I would recommend trying it, it was kinda fun.

Anyways he lifted me up and I rubbed some redness back into my shoulders. “Yea, I’d like a ride I guess. You said you have food?”

“Yes, yes, I do.” He looked at me and I got a good shot of his face. He was one of those men who are fashionably wrinkled, who have these sharp noses and thrust-out chins that can take some wrinkling. He looked like a business exec or something. I followed him into his car, blowing heat into my hands. Sliding inside the passenger side was like sliding into Mary’s womb.

The place was Godly, I tell you, warm as oven mitts with the intoxicating scent of McDonald’s floating around. I used to want to be able to float too. I guess hovering underwater was kinda like floating, but I mean I wanted to float in the air like a ghost or something. Seemed really peaceful. I told the man about this while I unwrapped one of those juicy quarter-pounders. I also told him about the water stuff, and hibernation.

“Really? Sounds like you were an imaginative kid,” he said, giving me a grin with the corner of his mouth. “Musta been a handful for your parents, though.” The man chuckled kindly.

“Yea, I guess.”

“You still in contact? Maybe I could drop you off at your parents’ house?”

“Nah,” I said, biting into one of the pickles. “They stopped talkin’ to me after I left high school. Fracking bastas.”

“What, they didn’t help you through college? That sounds awful.” The man looked around, leaning over the wheel. The empty grasslands were at the moment spongey with water, but he wasn’t looking at that, he was looking to a cluster of lights in the distance. “Maybe there’ll be a shelter there - ”

“I didn’t go to college. I – dropped out junior year.” He looked back to me, concern in his eyes. I threw the wrapper out the window and began sinking my fingers into the fries.

“Oh, well I suppose we all make mistakes. Or not - I mean hey, look at all the high school dropouts who became millionaires.”

“Yea,” I mumbled, salt spraying from my lips. I was feeling a lot like a hibernating bear now, the warmth had started to seep past my cracked-up skin. I felt my thoughts melting into the past, and I sighed. Playing at the playground I remember pretty clearly, I really liked that, in kindergarten. No worries, relaxation, light exhilaration. Mostly I just slid down the slides, usually the same slide several times in a row, and I really liked it. It was pretty fun. God, it was fun. I sure was warm in there, warm as piss in a kiddy pool. You should try sliding yourself sometime.

I musta fallen asleep, because in what seemed like moments the car jolted to a stop outside a white-bricked building shadowy with darkness.

“I’ll leave ya here, alright? I can give them my number so if you need something you can call.” I looked. It was a shelter – one that I’d been to before. I shook my head.

“Nah, I’ve been here before, they kicked me out cause I drank too much.” Drinking was really nice too, y’know. I didn’t have the money to do it anymore but it was nice, it’s nice to just kinda let the world drizzle itself into puddles around you. Like when you’re drunk it’s like all the tables are round and all the chairs are recliners. It’s weird but nice. You should try it yourself sometime.

“Well, surely we can convince them to let you in.” I was getting agitated, like a bear waking from hibernation, which is just as horrible as it sounds. The shelter was awful anyways, they made you work and fill out forms and things, and they nagged me not to drink. It was fracking ridiculous. I looked over to the man.

“Can’t we just drive around for a while?” It was really comfortable in there, I tell you, that car was like Mary’s womb. The man chewed his lip.

“No, I really need to get home, the wife’ll be missing me. Let’s go, you’ll be fine.” The man left the car and came over to my side. I shifted, mumbling insults. This is what people always do. You think they’re going to just drive you around for a while and then they fucking don’t. They’re all tricksters, I hate that. That’s the one thing about this world I can’t stand. Fucking hypocrites. Why can’t people just drive you around, without trying to pawn you off to someone else?

The man opened the door for me to step out and I did the thing you’ve probably seen all over the news the past few weeks. I had a piece of glass in my pocket for muggers, somehow there’s always a piece of glass somewhere under bridges, and I stabbed him quick and mindless. Then I huffed to the driver’s side door and sped off in the car.

And that’s it, I guess. I mean, I killed a fucking asshole and took his car because I’m homeless. What, do you want me to be nice to assholes who hate homeless people? I don’t get all the hype, myself, really. It just doesn’t make sense. It’s the one thing about getting caught that I can’t stand, all the fucking media attention.

Anyways, that’s it. You should really acquit me because I really didn’t do anything wrong, really, if you think about. I’m a victim of consequence. Or a victim of circumstance. Or whatever, something like that. If you had been in the car you’d understand.

[ImperialistSalvia]

The next attempt to reach the Spice Islands is made by García Jofre de Loaisa. A synopsis of contemporary documents is here presented: discussion as to the location of the India House of Trade; concessions offered by the Spanish government to persons who aid in equipping expeditions for the Moluccas; instructions to Loaisa and his subordinates for the conduct of their enterprise; accounts of their voyage, etc. Loaisa's fleet departs from Spain on July 24, 1525, and ten months later emerges from the Strait of Magellan. Three of his ships have been lost, and a fourth is compelled to seek necessary supplies at the nearest Spanish settlements on the west coast of South America; Loaisa has remaining but three vessels for the long and perilous trip across the Pacific. One of the lost ships finally succeeds in reaching Spain, but its captain, Rodrigo de Acuña, is detained in long and painful captivity at Pernambuco. The partial log of the flagship and an account of the disasters which befell the expedition are sent to the emperor (apparently from Tidore) by Hernando de la Torre, one of its few survivors, who asks that aid be sent them. Loaisa himself and nearly all his officers are dead—one of the captains being killed by his own men. At Tidore meet (June 30, 1528) the few Spaniards remaining alive (in all, twenty-five out of one hundred and forty-six) in the "Victoria" and in the ship of Saavedra, who has been sent by Cortés to search for the missing fleets which had set out from Spain for the Moluccas. Urdaneta's relation of the Loaisa expedition goes over the same ground, but adds many interesting details.

Various documents (in synopsis) show the purpose for which Saavedra is despatched from Mexico, the instructions given to him, and letters which he is to carry to various persons. Among these epistles, that written by Hernando Cortés to the king of Cebú is given in full; he therein takes occasion to blame Magalhães for the conflict with hostile natives which resulted in the discoverer's death. He also asks the Cebuan ruler to liberate any Spaniards who may be in his power, and offers to ransom them, if that be required. Saavedra's own account of the voyage states that the time of his departure from New Spain was October, 1527. Arrivingat the island of Visaya, he finds three Spaniards who tell him that the eight companions o Magalhães left at Cebú had been sold by their captors to the Chinese.

Undaunted by these failures, another expedition sets forth (1542) to gain a footing for Spanish power on the Western Islands—that commanded by Ruy Lopez de Villalobos; it is under the auspices of the two most powerful officials in New Spain, and is abundantly supplied with men and provisions. The contracts made with the king by its promoters give interesting details of the methods by which such enterprises were conducted. Various encouragements and favors are offered to colonists who shall settle in those islands; privileges and grants are conferred on Alvarado, extending to his heirs. Provision is made for land-grants, hospitals, religious instruction and worship, and the respective rights of the conquerors and the king. The instructions given to Villalobos and other officials are minute and careful. At Navidad Villalobos and all his officers and men take solemn oaths (October 22, 1542) to carry out the pledges that they have made, and to fulfil their respective duties. In 1543 complaint is made that Villalobos is infringing the Portuguese demarcation line, and plundering the natives, which he denies. An account of his expedition (summarized, like the other documents), written by Fray Jerónimo de Santistéban to the viceroy Mendoza, relates the sufferings of the Spaniards from hardships, famine, and disease. Of the three hundred and seventy men who had left New Spain, only one hundred and forty-seven survive to reach the Portuguese settlements in India. The writer justifies the acts of Villalobos, and asks the viceroy to provide for his orphaned children. Another account of this unfortunate enterprise was left by García Descalante Alvarado, an officer of Villalobos; it also is written to the viceroy of New Spain and is dated at Lisbon, August 1, 1548. Like Santistéban's, this too is a record of famine and other privations, the treachery of the natives, and the hostility of the Portuguese. Finally, a truce is made between the Castilians and the Portuguese, and part of the former embark (February 18, 1546) for the island of Amboina, where many of them perish.

Nearly twenty years elapse before any further attempt of importance is made to secure possession of the Philippine Archipelago. In 1564 this is begun by the departure from New Spain of an expedition commanded by Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, with which enterprise begins the real history of the Philippine Islands. Synopses of many contemporaneous documents are here presented, covering the years 1559-68. This undertaking has its inception in the commands of Felipe II of Spain (September 24, 1559) to his viceroy in New Spain (now Luis de Velasco) to undertake "the discovery of the western islands toward the Malucos;" but those who shall be sent for this are warned to observe the Demarcation Line. The king also invites Andrés de Urdaneta, now a friar in Mexico, to join the expedition, in which his scientific knowledge, and his early experience in the Orient, will be of great value. Velasco thinks (May 28, 1560) that the Philippines are on the Portuguese side of the Demarcation Line, but he will follow the royal commands as far as he safely can. He has already begun preparations for the enterprise, the purpose of which he is keeping secret as far as possible. By the same mail, Urdaneta writes to the king, acceding to the latter's request that he accompany the proposed expedition. He emphasizes the ownership of "the Filipina Island" (meaning Mindanao) by the Portuguese, and thinks that Spanish ships should not be despatched thither without the king's "showing some legitimate or pious reason therefor." Velasco makes report (February 9, 1561) of progress in the enterprise; the ships have been nearly built and provisioned, and Legazpi has been appointed its general. Urdaneta advises (also in 1561) that Acapulco be selected for their embarcation, as being more convenient and healthful than Navidad. He makes various other suggestions for the outfit of the expedition, which show his excellent judgment and practical good sense; and asks that various needed articles be sent from Spain. He desires that the fleet depart as early as October, 1562. Legazpi in a letter to the king (May 26, 1563) accepts the responsibility placed upon him, and asks for certain favors. Velasco explains (February 25 and June 15, 1564) the delays in the fleet's departure; he hopes that it will be ready to sail by the following September, and describes its condition and equipment. Velasco's death (July 31) makes it necessary for the royal Audiencia of Mexico to assume the charge of this enterprise. Their instructions to Legazpi (September 1, 1564) are given in considerable detail. Especial stress is laid on the necessity of discovering a return route from the Philippines; and Urdaneta is ordered to return with the ships sent back to New Spain for this purpose. By a letter dated September 12, the members of the Audiencia inform the king of the instructions they have given to Legazpi, and their orders that he should direct his course straight to the Philippines, which they regard as belonging to Spain rather than Portugal. In this same year, Juan de la Carrión, recently appointed admiral of the fleet, writes to the king, dissenting (as does the Audiencia) from Urdaneta's project for first exploring New Guinea, and urging that the expedition ought to sail directly to the Philippines. He says that he has been, however, overruled by Urdaneta. Legazpi announces to the king (November 18) his approaching departure from the port of Navidad; and Urdaneta writes a letter of similar tenor two days later. On that date (November 20) they leave port; and on the twenty-fifth Legazpi alters their course so as to turn it from the southwest directly toward the Philippines. This displeases the Augustinian friars on board; but they consent to go with the fleet. After various difficulties and mistakes in reckoning, they reach the Ladrones (January 22, 1565), finally anchoring at Guam. The natives prove to be shameless knaves and robbers, and treacherously murder a Spanish boy; in retaliation, their houses are burned and three men hanged by the enraged Spaniards. Legazpi takes formal possession of the islands for Spain. Proceeding to the Philippines, they reach Cebú on February 13, and thence make various journeys among the islands. They are suffering from lack of food, which they procure in small quantities, and with much difficulty, from the natives—often meeting from them, however, armed hostility. A Spanish detachment succeeds in capturing a Moro junk, after a desperate engagement; its crew are set at liberty, and then become very friendly to the strangers, giving them much interesting information about the commerce of those regions. Finally the leaders of the expedition decide to make a settlement on the island of Cebu. It is captured (April 28) by an armed party; they find in one of the houses an image, of Flemish workmanship, of the child Jesus, which they regard as a valuable prize, and an auspicious omen for their enterprise. The fort is built, and a church erected; and a nominal peace is concluded with the natives, but their treachery is displayed at every opportunity.

On May 28, 1565, the officials of the Western Islands write a report of their proceedings to the Audiencia of New Mexico. They have ascertained that the hostility of the natives arises from the cruelty and treachery of the Portuguese, who in Bohol perfidiously slew five hundred men and carried away six hundred prisoners. The Spaniards ask for immediate aid of soldiers and artillery with which to maintain their present hold, and to relieve the destitution which threatens them. They advise the speedy conquest of the islands, for in no other way can trade be carried on, or the Christian religion be propagated.

Another account of the expedition is given by Esteban Rodriguez, pilot of the fleet; it contains some interesting additional details. On June 1, 1565, the ship "San Pedro" is despatched to New Spain with letters to the authorities, which are in charge of the two Augustinian friars, Urdaneta and Aguirre. The log of the voyage kept by the pilot Espinosa is briefly summarized. When they reach the coast of Lower California the master of the vessel and Esteban Rodriguez, the chief pilot, perish from disease. The ship reaches Navidad on October 1, and Acapulco on the eighth, "after all the crew bad endured great hardships." Of the two hundred and ten persons who had sailed on the "San Pedro," sixteen died on the voyage, and less than a score were able to work when they arrived at Acapulco, all the rest being sick.

The previous record of the expedition is now continued. Legazpi makes a treaty with the chiefs of Cebú, who acknowledge the king of Spain as their suzerain. Gradually the natives regain their confidence in the Spaniards, return to their homes, and freely trade with the foreigners. Legazpi now is obliged to contend with drunkenness and licentiousness among his followers, but finds that these evils do not annoy the natives, among whom the standard of morality is exceedingly low. They worship their ancestors and the Devil, whom they invoke through their priests (who are usually women). Legazpi administers justice to all, protects the natives from wrong, and treats them with kindness and liberality. The head chief's niece is baptized, and soon afterward marries one of Legazpi's ship-men, a Greek; and other natives also are converted. The Spaniards aid the Cebuans against their enemies, and thus gain great prestige among all the islands. They find the Moros keen traders, and through them obtain abundance of provisions; the Moros also induce their countrymen in the northern islands to come to Cebú for trade. An attempt to reduce Matan fails, except in irritating its people. A dangerous mutiny in the Spanish camp is discovered and the ringleaders are hanged. The Spaniards experience much difficulty in procuring food, and are continually deceived and duped by the natives, "who have no idea of honor," even among themselves. Several expeditions are sent out to obtain food, and this opportunity is seized by some malcontents to arouse another mutiny, which ends as did the former. On October 15, 1566, a ship from New Spain arrives at Cebu, sent to aid Legazpi, but its voyage is a record of hardships, mutinies, deaths, and other calamities; it arrives in so rotten a condition that no smaller vessel could be made from it. A number of men die from "eating too much cinnamon." Portuguese ships prowl about, to discover what the Spaniards are doing, and the infant colony is threatened (July, 1567) with an attack by them.

A petition (probably written in 1566), signed by the Spanish officials in the Philippines, asks for more priests there, more soldiers and muskets ("so that if the natives will not be converted otherwise, they may be compelled to it by force of arms"), rewards for Legazpi, exemptions from taxes for all engaged in the expedition, grants of land, monopoly of trade, etc. A separate petition, by Legazpi, asks the, king for various privileges, dignities, and grants. Still other requests are made (probably in 1568) by hit son Melchor, who claims that Legazpi had spent all his fortune in the service of Spain, without receiving any reward therefor.

Certain documents illustrative of this history of Legazpi's enterprise in 1565 are given in full. An interesting document—first published (in Latin) at Manila in 1901, but never before, we think, in English—is the official warrant of the Augustinian authorities in Mexico establishing the first branch of their order in the Philippines (1564). It was found among the archives of the Augustinian convent at Culhuacan, Mexico; and is communicated to us in an English translation made by Rev. T. C. Middleton, of Villanova College. The other documents are: the act of taking possession of Çibabao (February 15); a proclamation that all gold taken from the burial-places of the natives must be declared to the authorities (May 16); several letters written (May 27 and 29, and June 1) by Legazpi and other officials to the king; a letter (May 28) from the officials to the Audiencia at Mexico, with a list of supplies needed at Cebu. To these is added a specially valuable and interesting document—hitherto unpublished, we believe—Legazpi's own relation of his voyage to the Philippines, and of affairs there up to the departure of the "San Pedro" for New Spain. As might be expected, he relates many things not found, or not clearly expressed, in the accounts given by his subordinates.

Next is presented (in both original text and English translation) a document of especial bibliographical interest—Copia de vna carta venida de Sevilla a Miguel Salvador de Valencia. It is the earliest printed account of Legazpi's expedition, and was published at Barcelona in 1566. But one copy of this pamphlet is supposed to be extant; it is at present owned in Barcelona. It outlines the main achievements of the expedition, but makes extravagant and highly-colored statements regarding the islands and their people.

In a group of letters from Legazpi (July, 1567, and June 26, 1568) mention is made of various interesting matters connected with the early days of the settlement on Cebú Island, and the resources and commerce of the archipelago. He asks again that the king will aid his faithful subjects who have begun a colony there; no assistance has been received since their arrival there, and they are in great need of everything. The Portuguese are jealous of any Spanish control in the Philippines, and already threaten the infant colony. He sends (1568) a considerable amount of cinnamon to Spain, and could send much more if he had goods to trade therefor with the natives. Legazpi advises that small ships be built at the Philippines, with which to prosecute farther explorations and reduce more islands to subjection; and that the mines be opened, and worked by slave-labor.

The Spanish settlement on Cebu was regarded with great jealousy by the Portuguese established in the Moluccas, and they sent an armed expedition (1568) to break it up. As the two nations were at peace, the Portuguese commander and Legazpi did not at once engage in war, but carried on protracted negotiations—a detailed account of which is here presented, from the official notarial records kept by Legazpi's chief notary, and transmitted to the home government. Legazpi claims that he has come to make new discoveries for his king, to propagate the Christian religion, and to ransom Christians held captive by the heathen in these regions; and that he had regarded the Philippines as being within the jurisdiction of Spain. If he has been mistaken, he will depart from the islands at once, if Pereira will provide him with two ships. The latter refuses to accept Legazpi's excuses, and makes vigorous complaints against the encroachments of the Spaniards. Pereira summons all the Spaniards to depart from the islands, promising to transport them to India, and offering them all aid and kindness, if they will accede to this demand; but Legazpi declines these proposals, and adroitly fences with the Portuguese commander. These documents are of great interest, as showing the legal and diplomatic formalities current in international difficulties of this sort.

This whole thing can be found here

[Laerod]

The next attempt to reach the Spice Islands is made by García Jofre de Loaisa. A synopsis of contemporary documents is here presented: discussion as to the location of the India House of Trade; concessions offered by the Spanish government to persons who aid in equipping expeditions for the Moluccas; instructions to Loaisa and his subordinates for the conduct of their enterprise; accounts of their voyage, etc. Loaisa's fleet departs from Spain on July 24, 1525, and ten months later emerges from the Strait of Magellan. Three of his ships have been lost, and a fourth is compelled to seek necessary supplies at the nearest Spanish settlements on the west coast of South America; Loaisa has remaining but three vessels for the long and perilous trip across the Pacific. One of the lost ships finally succeeds in reaching Spain, but its captain, Rodrigo de Acuña, is detained in long and painful captivity at Pernambuco. The partial log of the flagship and an account of the disasters which befell the expedition are sent to the emperor (apparently from Tidore) by Hernando de la Torre, one of its few survivors, who asks that aid be sent them. Loaisa himself and nearly all his officers are dead—one of the captains being killed by his own men. At Tidore meet (June 30, 1528) the few Spaniards remaining alive (in all, twenty-five out of one hundred and forty-six) in the "Victoria" and in the ship of Saavedra, who has been sent by Cortés to search for the missing fleets which had set out from Spain for the Moluccas. Urdaneta's relation of the Loaisa expedition goes over the same ground, but adds many interesting details.

Various documents (in synopsis) show the purpose for which Saavedra is despatched from Mexico, the instructions given to him, and letters which he is to carry to various persons. Among these epistles, that written by Hernando Cortés to the king of Cebú is given in full; he therein takes occasion to blame Magalhães for the conflict with hostile natives which resulted in the discoverer's death. He also asks the Cebuan ruler to liberate any Spaniards who may be in his power, and offers to ransom them, if that be required. Saavedra's own account of the voyage states that the time of his departure from New Spain was October, 1527. Arrivingat the island of Visaya, he finds three Spaniards who tell him that the eight companions o Magalhães left at Cebú had been sold by their captors to the Chinese.

Undaunted by these failures, another expedition sets forth (1542) to gain a footing for Spanish power on the Western Islands—that commanded by Ruy Lopez de Villalobos; it is under the auspices of the two most powerful officials in New Spain, and is abundantly supplied with men and provisions. The contracts made with the king by its promoters give interesting details of the methods by which such enterprises were conducted. Various encouragements and favors are offered to colonists who shall settle in those islands; privileges and grants are conferred on Alvarado, extending to his heirs. Provision is made for land-grants, hospitals, religious instruction and worship, and the respective rights of the conquerors and the king. The instructions given to Villalobos and other officials are minute and careful. At Navidad Villalobos and all his officers and men take solemn oaths (October 22, 1542) to carry out the pledges that they have made, and to fulfil their respective duties. In 1543 complaint is made that Villalobos is infringing the Portuguese demarcation line, and plundering the natives, which he denies. An account of his expedition (summarized, like the other documents), written by Fray Jerónimo de Santistéban to the viceroy Mendoza, relates the sufferings of the Spaniards from hardships, famine, and disease. Of the three hundred and seventy men who had left New Spain, only one hundred and forty-seven survive to reach the Portuguese settlements in India. The writer justifies the acts of Villalobos, and asks the viceroy to provide for his orphaned children. Another account of this unfortunate enterprise was left by García Descalante Alvarado, an officer of Villalobos; it also is written to the viceroy of New Spain and is dated at Lisbon, August 1, 1548. Like Santistéban's, this too is a record of famine and other privations, the treachery of the natives, and the hostility of the Portuguese. Finally, a truce is made between the Castilians and the Portuguese, and part of the former embark (February 18, 1546) for the island of Amboina, where many of them perish.

Nearly twenty years elapse before any further attempt of importance is made to secure possession of the Philippine Archipelago. In 1564 this is begun by the departure from New Spain of an expedition commanded by Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, with which enterprise begins the real history of the Philippine Islands. Synopses of many contemporaneous documents are here presented, covering the years 1559-68. This undertaking has its inception in the commands of Felipe II of Spain (September 24, 1559) to his viceroy in New Spain (now Luis de Velasco) to undertake "the discovery of the western islands toward the Malucos;" but those who shall be sent for this are warned to observe the Demarcation Line. The king also invites Andrés de Urdaneta, now a friar in Mexico, to join the expedition, in which his scientific knowledge, and his early experience in the Orient, will be of great value. Velasco thinks (May 28, 1560) that the Philippines are on the Portuguese side of the Demarcation Line, but he will follow the royal commands as far as he safely can. He has already begun preparations for the enterprise, the purpose of which he is keeping secret as far as possible. By the same mail, Urdaneta writes to the king, acceding to the latter's request that he accompany the proposed expedition. He emphasizes the ownership of "the Filipina Island" (meaning Mindanao) by the Portuguese, and thinks that Spanish ships should not be despatched thither without the king's "showing some legitimate or pious reason therefor." Velasco makes report (February 9, 1561) of progress in the enterprise; the ships have been nearly built and provisioned, and Legazpi has been appointed its general. Urdaneta advises (also in 1561) that Acapulco be selected for their embarcation, as being more convenient and healthful than Navidad. He makes various other suggestions for the outfit of the expedition, which show his excellent judgment and practical good sense; and asks that various needed articles be sent from Spain. He desires that the fleet depart as early as October, 1562. Legazpi in a letter to the king (May 26, 1563) accepts the responsibility placed upon him, and asks for certain favors. Velasco explains (February 25 and June 15, 1564) the delays in the fleet's departure; he hopes that it will be ready to sail by the following September, and describes its condition and equipment. Velasco's death (July 31) makes it necessary for the royal Audiencia of Mexico to assume the charge of this enterprise. Their instructions to Legazpi (September 1, 1564) are given in considerable detail. Especial stress is laid on the necessity of discovering a return route from the Philippines; and Urdaneta is ordered to return with the ships sent back to New Spain for this purpose. By a letter dated September 12, the members of the Audiencia inform the king of the instructions they have given to Legazpi, and their orders that he should direct his course straight to the Philippines, which they regard as belonging to Spain rather than Portugal. In this same year, Juan de la Carrión, recently appointed admiral of the fleet, writes to the king, dissenting (as does the Audiencia) from Urdaneta's project for first exploring New Guinea, and urging that the expedition ought to sail directly to the Philippines. He says that he has been, however, overruled by Urdaneta. Legazpi announces to the king (November 18) his approaching departure from the port of Navidad; and Urdaneta writes a letter of similar tenor two days later. On that date (November 20) they leave port; and on the twenty-fifth Legazpi alters their course so as to turn it from the southwest directly toward the Philippines. This displeases the Augustinian friars on board; but they consent to go with the fleet. After various difficulties and mistakes in reckoning, they reach the Ladrones (January 22, 1565), finally anchoring at Guam. The natives prove to be shameless knaves and robbers, and treacherously murder a Spanish boy; in retaliation, their houses are burned and three men hanged by the enraged Spaniards. Legazpi takes formal possession of the islands for Spain. Proceeding to the Philippines, they reach Cebú on February 13, and thence make various journeys among the islands. They are suffering from lack of food, which they procure in small quantities, and with much difficulty, from the natives—often meeting from them, however, armed hostility. A Spanish detachment succeeds in capturing a Moro junk, after a desperate engagement; its crew are set at liberty, and then become very friendly to the strangers, giving them much interesting information about the commerce of those regions. Finally the leaders of the expedition decide to make a settlement on the island of Cebu. It is captured (April 28) by an armed party; they find in one of the houses an image, of Flemish workmanship, of the child Jesus, which they regard as a valuable prize, and an auspicious omen for their enterprise. The fort is built, and a church erected; and a nominal peace is concluded with the natives, but their treachery is displayed at every opportunity.

On May 28, 1565, the officials of the Western Islands write a report of their proceedings to the Audiencia of New Mexico. They have ascertained that the hostility of the natives arises from the cruelty and treachery of the Portuguese, who in Bohol perfidiously slew five hundred men and carried away six hundred prisoners. The Spaniards ask for immediate aid of soldiers and artillery with which to maintain their present hold, and to relieve the destitution which threatens them. They advise the speedy conquest of the islands, for in no other way can trade be carried on, or the Christian religion be propagated.

Another account of the expedition is given by Esteban Rodriguez, pilot of the fleet; it contains some interesting additional details. On June 1, 1565, the ship "San Pedro" is despatched to New Spain with letters to the authorities, which are in charge of the two Augustinian friars, Urdaneta and Aguirre. The log of the voyage kept by the pilot Espinosa is briefly summarized. When they reach the coast of Lower California the master of the vessel and Esteban Rodriguez, the chief pilot, perish from disease. The ship reaches Navidad on October 1, and Acapulco on the eighth, "after all the crew bad endured great hardships." Of the two hundred and ten persons who had sailed on the "San Pedro," sixteen died on the voyage, and less than a score were able to work when they arrived at Acapulco, all the rest being sick.

The previous record of the expedition is now continued. Legazpi makes a treaty with the chiefs of Cebú, who acknowledge the king of Spain as their suzerain. Gradually the natives regain their confidence in the Spaniards, return to their homes, and freely trade with the foreigners. Legazpi now is obliged to contend with drunkenness and licentiousness among his followers, but finds that these evils do not annoy the natives, among whom the standard of morality is exceedingly low. They worship their ancestors and the Devil, whom they invoke through their priests (who are usually women). Legazpi administers justice to all, protects the natives from wrong, and treats them with kindness and liberality. The head chief's niece is baptized, and soon afterward marries one of Legazpi's ship-men, a Greek; and other natives also are converted. The Spaniards aid the Cebuans against their enemies, and thus gain great prestige among all the islands. They find the Moros keen traders, and through them obtain abundance of provisions; the Moros also induce their countrymen in the northern islands to come to Cebú for trade. An attempt to reduce Matan fails, except in irritating its people. A dangerous mutiny in the Spanish camp is discovered and the ringleaders are hanged. The Spaniards experience much difficulty in procuring food, and are continually deceived and duped by the natives, "who have no idea of honor," even among themselves. Several expeditions are sent out to obtain food, and this opportunity is seized by some malcontents to arouse another mutiny, which ends as did the former. On October 15, 1566, a ship from New Spain arrives at Cebu, sent to aid Legazpi, but its voyage is a record of hardships, mutinies, deaths, and other calamities; it arrives in so rotten a condition that no smaller vessel could be made from it. A number of men die from "eating too much cinnamon." Portuguese ships prowl about, to discover what the Spaniards are doing, and the infant colony is threatened (July, 1567) with an attack by them.

A petition (probably written in 1566), signed by the Spanish officials in the Philippines, asks for more priests there, more soldiers and muskets ("so that if the natives will not be converted otherwise, they may be compelled to it by force of arms"), rewards for Legazpi, exemptions from taxes for all engaged in the expedition, grants of land, monopoly of trade, etc. A separate petition, by Legazpi, asks the, king for various privileges, dignities, and grants. Still other requests are made (probably in 1568) by hit son Melchor, who claims that Legazpi had spent all his fortune in the service of Spain, without receiving any reward therefor.

Certain documents illustrative of this history of Legazpi's enterprise in 1565 are given in full. An interesting document—first published (in Latin) at Manila in 1901, but never before, we think, in English—is the official warrant of the Augustinian authorities in Mexico establishing the first branch of their order in the Philippines (1564). It was found among the archives of the Augustinian convent at Culhuacan, Mexico; and is communicated to us in an English translation made by Rev. T. C. Middleton, of Villanova College. The other documents are: the act of taking possession of Çibabao (February 15); a proclamation that all gold taken from the burial-places of the natives must be declared to the authorities (May 16); several letters written (May 27 and 29, and June 1) by Legazpi and other officials to the king; a letter (May 28) from the officials to the Audiencia at Mexico, with a list of supplies needed at Cebu. To these is added a specially valuable and interesting document—hitherto unpublished, we believe—Legazpi's own relation of his voyage to the Philippines, and of affairs there up to the departure of the "San Pedro" for New Spain. As might be expected, he relates many things not found, or not clearly expressed, in the accounts given by his subordinates.

Next is presented (in both original text and English translation) a document of especial bibliographical interest—Copia de vna carta venida de Sevilla a Miguel Salvador de Valencia. It is the earliest printed account of Legazpi's expedition, and was published at Barcelona in 1566. But one copy of this pamphlet is supposed to be extant; it is at present owned in Barcelona. It outlines the main achievements of the expedition, but makes extravagant and highly-colored statements regarding the islands and their people.

In a group of letters from Legazpi (July, 1567, and June 26, 1568) mention is made of various interesting matters connected with the early days of the settlement on Cebú Island, and the resources and commerce of the archipelago. He asks again that the king will aid his faithful subjects who have begun a colony there; no assistance has been received since their arrival there, and they are in great need of everything. The Portuguese are jealous of any Spanish control in the Philippines, and already threaten the infant colony. He sends (1568) a considerable amount of cinnamon to Spain, and could send much more if he had goods to trade therefor with the natives. Legazpi advises that small ships be built at the Philippines, with which to prosecute farther explorations and reduce more islands to subjection; and that the mines be opened, and worked by slave-labor.

The Spanish settlement on Cebu was regarded with great jealousy by the Portuguese established in the Moluccas, and they sent an armed expedition (1568) to break it up. As the two nations were at peace, the Portuguese commander and Legazpi did not at once engage in war, but carried on protracted negotiations—a detailed account of which is here presented, from the official notarial records kept by Legazpi's chief notary, and transmitted to the home government. Legazpi claims that he has come to make new discoveries for his king, to propagate the Christian religion, and to ransom Christians held captive by the heathen in these regions; and that he had regarded the Philippines as being within the jurisdiction of Spain. If he has been mistaken, he will depart from the islands at once, if Pereira will provide him with two ships. The latter refuses to accept Legazpi's excuses, and makes vigorous complaints against the encroachments of the Spaniards. Pereira summons all the Spaniards to depart from the islands, promising to transport them to India, and offering them all aid and kindness, if they will accede to this demand; but Legazpi declines these proposals, and adroitly fences with the Portuguese commander. These documents are of great interest, as showing the legal and diplomatic formalities current in international difficulties of this sort.

This whole thing can be found here

Wow. Kinda feeling like "banned for life" would be the appropriate response to that. We've had people plagiarize settings, names, and characters before, but this really takes the cake.

[Conserative Morality]

Fuck it. I wrote this yesterday during lunch. It's ridiculous, it abuses semicolons, it's unnecessarily verbose and purple, and I think the tense might be inconsistent. But hell, I've nothing else.

There is a car. It is not real. It is a child's toy. In it is a fully grown adult pug. This is his carriage and his throne. Pushed along by his loyal servants, he wants for nothing. His life is spent in the utmost luxury. He is a pudgy little king. All his vassals simper and bow before him.

Yet deep down, it means nothing to him. He is a nihilist, you see. He believes in nothing. His pleasure means nothing. He has no ideals, no dreams, no future. When he lays to sleep, his legs do not; he not dream of prey to run down, nor a pack to run beside. He has nothing to wish for, nothing he desires, nothing he fears. He is empty, save for the rolls of fat which threaten to suffocate him.

The seneschal approaches – a boy of perhaps eighteen, a replacement for the previous seneschal. This one's hand does not tire when pressed against the divine underside of a king. "There is an outlaw; he is caught like a rat. Like a rat, he brings disease, an artifact of the Outside. The prisoner has it in his possession; none may approach him." The seneschal's arms recede into his sleeves, head bowed in fear and despair. "It is forbidden."

The King jumps to his feet. There is madness in his eyes. Lust. The seneschal knows there is no refusing his liege. His master. The low growl grows into the bark of a larger dog, a greater dog. There is no refusing him. The king has spoken: his word is law.

Wide-eyed and disheveled, the outlaw is herded into the court. The ball, red, vibrant against the gray court, draws every eye towards it. His hand raises it high for all to see; there is defiance yet left in his eyes. The command is given, and the outlaw is clapped in irons. He is no longer outside of the law; he is condemned by it; he is a slave.

The King made his demand – he knew he should not, but with the artifact before him, he can no longer resist. He must have it. The slave, wretched creature that it was, raised the ball. Those beady little eyes followed. His black lips drew back, revealing dull and long-misemployed teeth, ground to flat little nubs. His nose crinkled, steam coalescing before his face. The ball moved the man's hand back, and then forward – flying through the air with the grace of an albatross. Hunting instincts awaken deep within the king's soul; legs spring forward rushed and uncoordinated. His eyes widen, the whites consuming separate corners, each pupil pointing in the direction opposite of the other.

His belly slams against the hood of the car, legs splayed in every direction. Saliva spews from his mouth, mucus mixing in with the concoction. He scrambles, but his weight is too great. He cannot lift himself. The pug apparatus is broken. His retainers rush to his aid, grasping the king by his sides and bringing him to his royal feet. He snorts: they must be put to death, for no mortal man may touch a king. Each one kneels in anticipation of their sentence, judgement is passed down from but a single yap. There is no forgiveness for duty.

The ball is retrieved, and brought before the king's slavering jaw. Within his grasp, even the most circular of objects cannot escape.

The slave speaks, there is contempt and defiance in his voice. "You are a coward."

The king snarls. He takes exception to the slave's tone.

"A true king would catch the ball himself. A true king would catch a ball even from his foe."

He jumps to his feet. The hunter's instinct is awoken within him. There is a fire in his eyes. The challenge is accepted. The slave grasps the ball, and the King pulls – he does not wish to relinquish it, even as he desires to . He growls, but his sedentary existence has weakened him. He cannot contend with the slave, and his blubber is no replacement for bodily strength. At last, the slave retrieves the red object, and the King shakes with anticipation. This is worthy! This is right! This is purpose! He believes in the ball, if nothing else! No, not if; he believes in the ball, and nothing else!

The slave brings the ball back behind his head – the king starts. Yet the ball is not thrown. A villein's ruse. His ankle suffers for his deception, the bone is ground down like a mill grinding flour by the King's royal maw. When there is nothing left but a nub more pathetic than the King's incisors, he is allowed to throw the ball once more – he has learned his lesson; now it leaves his hand. Every atrophied muscle in the King's pudgy little corpus contracts and expands. He does not jump, he does not run: he leaves the ground through the sheer vibration of his preposterously rotund body.

When his feet touch ground, he has the spring of dogs younger and longer-legged. There is an impetus within him, a single driving purpose that he does not understand. He must have it. It is his, his birthright! It is to be arrested, to be grounded, to be slain. Every step compresses the strained bones with the weight and the force. His passion is reawakened. It cannot be slaked. His blood is up – he yearns for urges long stripped from him.

His feet are as wingéd Mercury, carrying him through the clouds. Though the force strain the limits of his pug skeleton, each step is as soft on his feet as the velvet blanket on which he sleeps. He is the hunter. His prey is before him; he is no coward. He is a king, and his rule needs be justified only by the divine. He is certain of this – there is no other power that could give him the speed and strength given to his frame now. He is invincible. He is nearly godlike himself. A bronze-age deity of the hunt.

He turns his head around in midair, eager to see the fruit of his chase. The red sphere spins like a planet out of orbit. He was wrong. He was too fast; he was too slow. The ball strikes him on the nose, flattening it beyond the limits of euclidean geometry.

This kills the pug.

[The High Lords]

Alright, against all odds, I finished it! Not edited properly, but I don't have the time

Hope you like it!

He couldn’t see. He couldn’t hear. He couldn’t move. He couldn’t speak. He lay motionless on the ground, helpless, vulnerable to anything around him. His arms and legs were splayed out, with a leg precariously hanging over an edge. His shirt was dirty and torn, and his pants had holes in them. He could only feel the dull thuds of the ground below him, and something lightly tickling his neck.

Slowly, he regained his hearing, only to be met with the noise that accompanied the thuds of the ground. Faint booms surrounded him, growing in loudness and intensity. Some were louder than others, the ground shook more violently some times, and only trembled at other times. Suddenly, a loud bang took him with surprise, nearly tossing him around on the ground, and he felt sharp pains on the back of his neck.

He could make something out, amidst the cacophony, a yelling, something human. “mic”, it said. He didn’t know what a mic was, and he couldn’t hear what the word really was. Patience was one of his virtues, so he lay there, waiting. The word grew clearer with the third uttering, but it was still a ways away from him. “meh-ic!”, it yelled.

He waited, listening to the constant booming and feeling the thudding. The voiced yelled out twice more, and on the fifth time, he understood. “MEDIC!” Everything sounded so clear, each whistle sharp, and each boom terrifying, each scream cruel and morbid. It hit him like a tsunami – emotions flooding in, pains registering, memories exploding with colorful fervor. He tried to yell, but his mouth was met with the foul and powdery taste of dirt. He didn’t dare open his eyes, lest they be met with the same fate.
He didn’t have to wait long for things to change, and his world was turned upside down. He could see, light flooded in. He could feel, spasms shot through his body. He could speak, and exclaimed profanities to the skies. He could move, and thrashed wildly on the ground.

“Dammit, Karstark! Don’t worry, we’ll get you fixed up.” Someone said, but he couldn’t tell who it was, between the noise that obscured his voice and the light that obscured his image. “MEDIC!” the man called out, again. Another set of hands came upon Karstark’s body, tore open the leg of his pants, and he could feel the cold bite at his leg. That soon went away, and was replaced with a sharp needle going inside his thigh.

Karstark groaned in pain, and tried to roll over, but the hands of the man were holding him down. The medic withdrew the needle, having delivered the payload, and handed something to the other man. As soon as he had arrived, the medic ran off to people unknown.

“It’s fine, Karstark! You’ll feel fine in a minute, just hang on!” he said, leaning over him, lightly slapping him in the face. Karstark could see more clearly, and looked again at the man. He saw his uniform’s arm, and saw three gold chevrons. It took him a minute to remember, but when he did, he muttered, “Sarge?”

“Yeah, it’s me, Lieutenant! You seem alright, just gotta take care of this thing.” Sarge said, pressing down hard on Karstark’s leg. He screamed out, while the other man wrapped a cloth around his thigh. “Dammit, dammit, dammit,” Sarge muttered, looking around for something. When he had found what he was looking for, he let out a happy exclamation, then returned to work. Karstark felt his thigh get pressed unto itself, and grunted with every constriction.

“That ought to do it.” The sergeant rose back up into Karstark’s view, and he could see what he really was. For a sergeant, he thought, that man was incredibly young. He was certainly not someone to be sent out to such an inhospitable environment such as this. Karstark felt sorry for the Sarge, but then his feelings switched from sorrow to pain again, thousands of needles stabbing his thigh.
Lieutenant Karstark screamed out once again, hoping that the verbal torrent would excise the pain from his leg. To his surprise, it did alleviate it somewhat.

“Come on, Karstark, time to get out of here.” Sarge said, pulling him up. Karstark took the hand and lifted himself onto his good leg, leaning on the sergeant and limping. He didn’t know where he was going, since the ground all around him was bombed out, covered with dirt and blood. He let himself be guided by the sergeant, heading toward something that he didn’t quite know yet.
Ahead, he could see the faint green haze, what must be the forest’s edge. “Sergeant. Regis. Where is it?” Karstark slurred, repeating himself just to be sure that Regis heard it.

“It’s back at the HQ.” Sergeant Regis said, visibly slowing down. “Just shush for a bit, we gotta get you back there first.” He kept his forward advance, but his pace slowed and he was turning his head more often. Then it struck Karstark – the shelling was over. What was once a consistent drumbeat of high explosives now became a piercing silence.

“It’s over.” Karstark muttered. “Did we make it?”

“I don’t think so.” Regis muttered back, “Best to keep moving, then. We’re not that far.” The two shuffled forward, restoring their steady progress to the white and green tree line. Karstark remembered that there was snow, but the ground showed no signs of it. Brown blanketed the earth for miles to the left and right, like a river of dirt flowing between the two tree lines.

Karstark barely remembered the last ten seconds of his life, as they continued to trudge to the HQ, just remembering brown, white, and blue. There was nothing particular to remember. Except for one thing.

“Shit, what’s that? Stop.” Sergeant Regis whispered, looking backward. Karstark nearly stumbled over, caught unawares by the halt of his support. They stood there, in silence, for roughly half a minute, tuning their ears to the silence. However, it wasn’t all quiet – a low noise crept up on them, growling. It was very distant, but Regis’ ears instantly picked it up, having heard it many times before. “Navorske!” he whispered with urgency.

Karstark’s face must have been something, since the sergeant nodded in confirmation. The advance had failed in the face of the barrage, and the Eörlingan line remained unbroken. Now, they were exacting their price.

“Try not to shout, Lieutenant. We gotta haul ass.” Regis said, shoving a cloth into Karstark’s mouth, and the lieutenant quickly adjusted it. After he was satisfied, Karstark nodded, and wrapped his hand around the Sarge’s back. He wasn’t prepared for what came next, but that’s what the cloth was for.

Lifted by the sergeant, he was grabbed around the back and by the knee, lower thigh exploding with pain. Every nerve must have been screaming, firing out as quickly as they could, as often as they could. They standard response for Karstark was to scream, but he bit down on the cloth, grunting and groaning as he went. The sergeant tried his best to ignore his compatriot, but he did grimace.

Speeding up his pace, Regis made progress over the brown sea, getting closer to the tree line – only a few hundred meters away now. But the rumbling and growling was approaching with frightening speed as well, putting all sorts of images in Regis’ head, since he couldn’t look back.

Shouts were coming from the tree line, Karstark noticed, as his attention finally drifted away from the wound. He also was bothered by the background noises of the Navorske tanks behind him, rumbling and belching smoke as they crawled over the bombed out dirt. Karstark and Regis were at the tree line, ready to enter the safety of the forest. It would be a while before the Eörlingans came, he reasoned, since the craters they made would impede their own progress. Everything would be all right.

A tree splintered to the right, proving him wrong. And another, farther right, blew into thousands of wood toothpicks, spraying in all directions. Dull booms were sounding out, followed soon by the cracks of trees.

“Get in, get in!” the voices behind the trees were calling, beckoning them to come. Karstark looked away from Regis, into the trees, and saw his own men flowing out to receive him. It was a good sight, men helping their own man, but that was quickly spoiled with a flash. Someone fired a rocket away from the trees, presumably toward the Navorske tanks.

“Alright, Lieutenant, you made it!” someone said, taking him from Regis’ arms. “We’re gonna take you back into the woods.” He placed Karstark onto a flat, cold surface, which must have been a truck. Other men were drawing a curtain, no, a roof over the truck, while someone else strapped him down, taking care to not aggravate the leg wound.

The driver turned back around to see him in the truck bed, and Karstark looked up behind himself, everything all turned upside down. “Is it there, is it safe?” Karstark asked.

“Yes, it’s fine. Don’t worry about it. I’ll get you back to headquarters, and you’ll be all patched up.” The driver said, and then asked the soldiers at the end of the truck. “All ready?”

After the affirmative was given, the driver turned back around. Karstark let himself loose, and rested on the truck bed. To his surprise, someone was reaching over him.

“Don’t worry about it. Just breathe into this.” The soldier said, putting a dampened cloth over the lieutenant’s mouth. Before Karstark could notice the red cross and realize what was going on, he was losing his control.

“Staahhhp… iiit… Nooo…” Karstark groaned, not pleased. Several minutes later, he was removed from the earthly world.

---

The next thing he knew, he was being carried across a row of tents, with soldiers looking on him. Karstark tried to say something, but his mouth was too fatigued to respond to his brain.

“Hey, there he is. You’re all fixed up now. Don’t worry about it.” His carrier said, looking down. The man looked up again, and said, “Here’s HQ. We’ll let you sit down for a while, get back up to speed.”

Karstark’s head still hurt, throbbing against his skull, and his eyes were threatening to close. He didn’t care, since there was nothing he hadn’t seen in the HQ camps. Giving into the dark world once again, he closed his eyes, but he remained aware of the bounces and turns of the man who was carrying him, tracing his way through the camp.

After several rights, lefts, and hills before Karstark opened his eyes, looking upon the HQ tent itself. It was small, compared to the towering coniferous trees around it, but quite large, compared to the neighboring tents in the camp. It housed all essential operations of the Dozheri military in Janeris. The tent consisted of two stories of scaffolds, and covered with thick white cloth and small light blue ribbons draped from the top, symbolizing the colors of the Dozher Empire – White and Blue.

Karstark was carried inside, where he saw many people bustling around, trying to get their own tasks done, like ants in a giant colony. He could see the object that he was looking for, a black cube, a foot’s length in all three directions. Karstark sighed, reassured.
Before entering a walled off room at the end of the massive tent, the man let Karstark down, and assumed the post of a support for his leg. Shuffling his way into the room, Karstark was saluted by his fellow officers. He leaned away from the man, onto a chair, and nodded to his helper. The soldier let go of him cautiously, waiting for Karstark to be securely seated.

“Lieutenant Karstark. Let’s get straight to it, shall we?” Someone at the opposite end of the steel table said, seated higher than the others.

“Sure,” Karstark said, adjusting his position in the chair, “I seem to be capable of discussion, General.”

“Good. Then it’s time that,” the general said, tugging at his collar, “we, uh, informed you of the current situation. Maks?” he said, looking to the right of the room. Maks was a wiry young man, not much older than the sergeant he had been with today. Not wasting any time, he pulled down a map of the local area in Janeris.

“Lieutenant Karstark, the assault this morning has failed,” He said, not sparing Karstark of anything, “due to the shelling that the Eörlingans unleashed on the fields. It turns out they had more artillery pieces than we were expecting. After a while, the shelling finally ceased, and shortly after, you were retrieved at the tree line. While you were being transported back here, several Navorske divisions were crossing the fields and attacking our positions.” Maks slowed, and hesitated on giving the next few bits of data.

“And they’re coming for us.” The general said, sparing Maks. “They broke through our principal lines, and are making their way through the woods. Our camp is in danger of being overrun. We have to go.”

“So…” Karstark said slowly, trying to formulate a plan. “What do we have?”

“Nothing.” The general said, “We can’t stop a Nadorske tank division, not with what we have. You can’t get a plan out of this one, Karstark.” He slouched back in his chair, gazing at the lieutenant.

“You’re sure?” Karstark said. “Nothing?”

“Nothing. All our missiles were exhausted, our anti-armor destroyed by the initial Navorska advance, all we have are a bunch of men and guns.”

Karstark sat there, thinking, forcing his gears to run until he came up with something. “Men and guns…” he muttered, “and the Staug.”

“What?” The general said, in surprise. “You can’t–”

The general was cut off by a large rabbling sound, the sound of many high ranking officers expressing their surprise and anger at Karstark’s suggestion. The general barked out, calling for order.

“We can’t use the Staug. That’d mean the loss of the entire 5th Division front. Over twenty thousand men!” The general said.
“We can.” Karstark said, calmly, “If you get out fast enough. Get to the 7th Division front, or the 14th, if you wish. Just get away from the Nadorske advance.”

“But Karstark,” The general continued, “we can’t.” He insisted. “We can’t remotely activate the Staug. We can open it remotely, but it can’t do anything past that. The Eörlingans aren’t going to just waltz right in and turn it on! It doesn’t work like that.”

“It won’t be remotely activated. If you can get out fast enough, it can be used.” Karstark said with such finality that everyone didn’t respond. The general stood, and gave his last farewell to Karstark. Many others didn’t say anything, dumbstruck. Some gave their farewells, and left. One by one, many a high ranking officer that Karstark had served with, spoke with, shared his life with, left out the door.

“Thank you, Karstark.” Major Wellis said, stopping at Karstark’s chair. “Thank you.” His eyes looked into Karstark’s, red with sorrow, but not quite yet ready to overflow with tears. Karstark shook his hand, and nodded with solemnity. The Major left out the door, last out of the room. Soon, someone entered.

A black box was brought into the room by a soldier of unknown rank and name. He simply set the perfect cube in front of Karstark, saluted, and left as quickly as he had come. Karstark sat there for what seemed to be the longest time, contemplating his next moves. He didn’t have long, before the Nadorske divisions arrived at the camp, which meant that the 5th didn’t have that long either. He could hear the rumblings of troop vehicles departing, soldiers packing their belongings and running out of the vicinity.

Shortly after, there was silence. Alone, he sat. He drew upon his patience, waiting. Thinking about his childhood, his school years, college, his military career, and now this. It was true, a man’s life did flash before him. But the silence was quickly broken by rumbles, gunfire, and explosions. The Eörlingans had arrived at the camp, and were treating it as if it were heavily defended.

Well, Karstark thought, it is defended, in a sense.

He sat there nervously, waiting for the next move. Explosions came more often, but the gunfire ceased. They had figured it out – the camp was empty. Suddenly, Karstark was startled with the box splitting in two. A fine white line appeared in the center of the box, horizontally dividing it. The general had given the signal, and the 5th was safely away.

Karstark took a deep breath, and opened the box. Switches, levers, buttons, and lights decorated the foot by foot by foot box’s interior. Karstark quickly got to work programming the Staug, setting the radius, yield, mix, and other things. He was adept at this, being the creator of it.

Karstark took another deep breath, stared at the yellow button at the top-right corner, and let his finger fall. The yellow button was depressed, and a great white light consumed Karstark’s vision, and then Karstark himself.

[Nazi Flower Power]

3AM.

The deadline is Pacific time because they are the last time zone that has a significant population living in it, and I don't want anybody to miss the deadline because it is earlier than midnight for them. It will be after midnight for everyone who isn't on Pacific time.

So I have even less time than I thought xD.

Where are you, then?

[Nazi Flower Power]

The next attempt to reach the Spice Islands is made by García Jofre de Loaisa. A synopsis of contemporary documents is here presented: discussion as to the location of the India House of Trade; concessions offered by the Spanish government to persons who aid in equipping expeditions for the Moluccas; instructions to Loaisa and his subordinates for the conduct of their enterprise; accounts of their voyage, etc. Loaisa's fleet departs from Spain on July 24, 1525, and ten months later emerges from the Strait of Magellan. Three of his ships have been lost, and a fourth is compelled to seek necessary supplies at the nearest Spanish settlements on the west coast of South America; Loaisa has remaining but three vessels for the long and perilous trip across the Pacific. One of the lost ships finally succeeds in reaching Spain, but its captain, Rodrigo de Acuña, is detained in long and painful captivity at Pernambuco. The partial log of the flagship and an account of the disasters which befell the expedition are sent to the emperor (apparently from Tidore) by Hernando de la Torre, one of its few survivors, who asks that aid be sent them. Loaisa himself and nearly all his officers are dead—one of the captains being killed by his own men. At Tidore meet (June 30, 1528) the few Spaniards remaining alive (in all, twenty-five out of one hundred and forty-six) in the "Victoria" and in the ship of Saavedra, who has been sent by Cortés to search for the missing fleets which had set out from Spain for the Moluccas. Urdaneta's relation of the Loaisa expedition goes over the same ground, but adds many interesting details.

Various documents (in synopsis) show the purpose for which Saavedra is despatched from Mexico, the instructions given to him, and letters which he is to carry to various persons. Among these epistles, that written by Hernando Cortés to the king of Cebú is given in full; he therein takes occasion to blame Magalhães for the conflict with hostile natives which resulted in the discoverer's death. He also asks the Cebuan ruler to liberate any Spaniards who may be in his power, and offers to ransom them, if that be required. Saavedra's own account of the voyage states that the time of his departure from New Spain was October, 1527. Arrivingat the island of Visaya, he finds three Spaniards who tell him that the eight companions o Magalhães left at Cebú had been sold by their captors to the Chinese.

Undaunted by these failures, another expedition sets forth (1542) to gain a footing for Spanish power on the Western Islands—that commanded by Ruy Lopez de Villalobos; it is under the auspices of the two most powerful officials in New Spain, and is abundantly supplied with men and provisions. The contracts made with the king by its promoters give interesting details of the methods by which such enterprises were conducted. Various encouragements and favors are offered to colonists who shall settle in those islands; privileges and grants are conferred on Alvarado, extending to his heirs. Provision is made for land-grants, hospitals, religious instruction and worship, and the respective rights of the conquerors and the king. The instructions given to Villalobos and other officials are minute and careful. At Navidad Villalobos and all his officers and men take solemn oaths (October 22, 1542) to carry out the pledges that they have made, and to fulfil their respective duties. In 1543 complaint is made that Villalobos is infringing the Portuguese demarcation line, and plundering the natives, which he denies. An account of his expedition (summarized, like the other documents), written by Fray Jerónimo de Santistéban to the viceroy Mendoza, relates the sufferings of the Spaniards from hardships, famine, and disease. Of the three hundred and seventy men who had left New Spain, only one hundred and forty-seven survive to reach the Portuguese settlements in India. The writer justifies the acts of Villalobos, and asks the viceroy to provide for his orphaned children. Another account of this unfortunate enterprise was left by García Descalante Alvarado, an officer of Villalobos; it also is written to the viceroy of New Spain and is dated at Lisbon, August 1, 1548. Like Santistéban's, this too is a record of famine and other privations, the treachery of the natives, and the hostility of the Portuguese. Finally, a truce is made between the Castilians and the Portuguese, and part of the former embark (February 18, 1546) for the island of Amboina, where many of them perish.

Nearly twenty years elapse before any further attempt of importance is made to secure possession of the Philippine Archipelago. In 1564 this is begun by the departure from New Spain of an expedition commanded by Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, with which enterprise begins the real history of the Philippine Islands. Synopses of many contemporaneous documents are here presented, covering the years 1559-68. This undertaking has its inception in the commands of Felipe II of Spain (September 24, 1559) to his viceroy in New Spain (now Luis de Velasco) to undertake "the discovery of the western islands toward the Malucos;" but those who shall be sent for this are warned to observe the Demarcation Line. The king also invites Andrés de Urdaneta, now a friar in Mexico, to join the expedition, in which his scientific knowledge, and his early experience in the Orient, will be of great value. Velasco thinks (May 28, 1560) that the Philippines are on the Portuguese side of the Demarcation Line, but he will follow the royal commands as far as he safely can. He has already begun preparations for the enterprise, the purpose of which he is keeping secret as far as possible. By the same mail, Urdaneta writes to the king, acceding to the latter's request that he accompany the proposed expedition. He emphasizes the ownership of "the Filipina Island" (meaning Mindanao) by the Portuguese, and thinks that Spanish ships should not be despatched thither without the king's "showing some legitimate or pious reason therefor." Velasco makes report (February 9, 1561) of progress in the enterprise; the ships have been nearly built and provisioned, and Legazpi has been appointed its general. Urdaneta advises (also in 1561) that Acapulco be selected for their embarcation, as being more convenient and healthful than Navidad. He makes various other suggestions for the outfit of the expedition, which show his excellent judgment and practical good sense; and asks that various needed articles be sent from Spain. He desires that the fleet depart as early as October, 1562. Legazpi in a letter to the king (May 26, 1563) accepts the responsibility placed upon him, and asks for certain favors. Velasco explains (February 25 and June 15, 1564) the delays in the fleet's departure; he hopes that it will be ready to sail by the following September, and describes its condition and equipment. Velasco's death (July 31) makes it necessary for the royal Audiencia of Mexico to assume the charge of this enterprise. Their instructions to Legazpi (September 1, 1564) are given in considerable detail. Especial stress is laid on the necessity of discovering a return route from the Philippines; and Urdaneta is ordered to return with the ships sent back to New Spain for this purpose. By a letter dated September 12, the members of the Audiencia inform the king of the instructions they have given to Legazpi, and their orders that he should direct his course straight to the Philippines, which they regard as belonging to Spain rather than Portugal. In this same year, Juan de la Carrión, recently appointed admiral of the fleet, writes to the king, dissenting (as does the Audiencia) from Urdaneta's project for first exploring New Guinea, and urging that the expedition ought to sail directly to the Philippines. He says that he has been, however, overruled by Urdaneta. Legazpi announces to the king (November 18) his approaching departure from the port of Navidad; and Urdaneta writes a letter of similar tenor two days later. On that date (November 20) they leave port; and on the twenty-fifth Legazpi alters their course so as to turn it from the southwest directly toward the Philippines. This displeases the Augustinian friars on board; but they consent to go with the fleet. After various difficulties and mistakes in reckoning, they reach the Ladrones (January 22, 1565), finally anchoring at Guam. The natives prove to be shameless knaves and robbers, and treacherously murder a Spanish boy; in retaliation, their houses are burned and three men hanged by the enraged Spaniards. Legazpi takes formal possession of the islands for Spain. Proceeding to the Philippines, they reach Cebú on February 13, and thence make various journeys among the islands. They are suffering from lack of food, which they procure in small quantities, and with much difficulty, from the natives—often meeting from them, however, armed hostility. A Spanish detachment succeeds in capturing a Moro junk, after a desperate engagement; its crew are set at liberty, and then become very friendly to the strangers, giving them much interesting information about the commerce of those regions. Finally the leaders of the expedition decide to make a settlement on the island of Cebu. It is captured (April 28) by an armed party; they find in one of the houses an image, of Flemish workmanship, of the child Jesus, which they regard as a valuable prize, and an auspicious omen for their enterprise. The fort is built, and a church erected; and a nominal peace is concluded with the natives, but their treachery is displayed at every opportunity.

On May 28, 1565, the officials of the Western Islands write a report of their proceedings to the Audiencia of New Mexico. They have ascertained that the hostility of the natives arises from the cruelty and treachery of the Portuguese, who in Bohol perfidiously slew five hundred men and carried away six hundred prisoners. The Spaniards ask for immediate aid of soldiers and artillery with which to maintain their present hold, and to relieve the destitution which threatens them. They advise the speedy conquest of the islands, for in no other way can trade be carried on, or the Christian religion be propagated.

Another account of the expedition is given by Esteban Rodriguez, pilot of the fleet; it contains some interesting additional details. On June 1, 1565, the ship "San Pedro" is despatched to New Spain with letters to the authorities, which are in charge of the two Augustinian friars, Urdaneta and Aguirre. The log of the voyage kept by the pilot Espinosa is briefly summarized. When they reach the coast of Lower California the master of the vessel and Esteban Rodriguez, the chief pilot, perish from disease. The ship reaches Navidad on October 1, and Acapulco on the eighth, "after all the crew bad endured great hardships." Of the two hundred and ten persons who had sailed on the "San Pedro," sixteen died on the voyage, and less than a score were able to work when they arrived at Acapulco, all the rest being sick.

The previous record of the expedition is now continued. Legazpi makes a treaty with the chiefs of Cebú, who acknowledge the king of Spain as their suzerain. Gradually the natives regain their confidence in the Spaniards, return to their homes, and freely trade with the foreigners. Legazpi now is obliged to contend with drunkenness and licentiousness among his followers, but finds that these evils do not annoy the natives, among whom the standard of morality is exceedingly low. They worship their ancestors and the Devil, whom they invoke through their priests (who are usually women). Legazpi administers justice to all, protects the natives from wrong, and treats them with kindness and liberality. The head chief's niece is baptized, and soon afterward marries one of Legazpi's ship-men, a Greek; and other natives also are converted. The Spaniards aid the Cebuans against their enemies, and thus gain great prestige among all the islands. They find the Moros keen traders, and through them obtain abundance of provisions; the Moros also induce their countrymen in the northern islands to come to Cebú for trade. An attempt to reduce Matan fails, except in irritating its people. A dangerous mutiny in the Spanish camp is discovered and the ringleaders are hanged. The Spaniards experience much difficulty in procuring food, and are continually deceived and duped by the natives, "who have no idea of honor," even among themselves. Several expeditions are sent out to obtain food, and this opportunity is seized by some malcontents to arouse another mutiny, which ends as did the former. On October 15, 1566, a ship from New Spain arrives at Cebu, sent to aid Legazpi, but its voyage is a record of hardships, mutinies, deaths, and other calamities; it arrives in so rotten a condition that no smaller vessel could be made from it. A number of men die from "eating too much cinnamon." Portuguese ships prowl about, to discover what the Spaniards are doing, and the infant colony is threatened (July, 1567) with an attack by them.

A petition (probably written in 1566), signed by the Spanish officials in the Philippines, asks for more priests there, more soldiers and muskets ("so that if the natives will not be converted otherwise, they may be compelled to it by force of arms"), rewards for Legazpi, exemptions from taxes for all engaged in the expedition, grants of land, monopoly of trade, etc. A separate petition, by Legazpi, asks the, king for various privileges, dignities, and grants. Still other requests are made (probably in 1568) by hit son Melchor, who claims that Legazpi had spent all his fortune in the service of Spain, without receiving any reward therefor.

Certain documents illustrative of this history of Legazpi's enterprise in 1565 are given in full. An interesting document—first published (in Latin) at Manila in 1901, but never before, we think, in English—is the official warrant of the Augustinian authorities in Mexico establishing the first branch of their order in the Philippines (1564). It was found among the archives of the Augustinian convent at Culhuacan, Mexico; and is communicated to us in an English translation made by Rev. T. C. Middleton, of Villanova College. The other documents are: the act of taking possession of Çibabao (February 15); a proclamation that all gold taken from the burial-places of the natives must be declared to the authorities (May 16); several letters written (May 27 and 29, and June 1) by Legazpi and other officials to the king; a letter (May 28) from the officials to the Audiencia at Mexico, with a list of supplies needed at Cebu. To these is added a specially valuable and interesting document—hitherto unpublished, we believe—Legazpi's own relation of his voyage to the Philippines, and of affairs there up to the departure of the "San Pedro" for New Spain. As might be expected, he relates many things not found, or not clearly expressed, in the accounts given by his subordinates.

Next is presented (in both original text and English translation) a document of especial bibliographical interest—Copia de vna carta venida de Sevilla a Miguel Salvador de Valencia. It is the earliest printed account of Legazpi's expedition, and was published at Barcelona in 1566. But one copy of this pamphlet is supposed to be extant; it is at present owned in Barcelona. It outlines the main achievements of the expedition, but makes extravagant and highly-colored statements regarding the islands and their people.

In a group of letters from Legazpi (July, 1567, and June 26, 1568) mention is made of various interesting matters connected with the early days of the settlement on Cebú Island, and the resources and commerce of the archipelago. He asks again that the king will aid his faithful subjects who have begun a colony there; no assistance has been received since their arrival there, and they are in great need of everything. The Portuguese are jealous of any Spanish control in the Philippines, and already threaten the infant colony. He sends (1568) a considerable amount of cinnamon to Spain, and could send much more if he had goods to trade therefor with the natives. Legazpi advises that small ships be built at the Philippines, with which to prosecute farther explorations and reduce more islands to subjection; and that the mines be opened, and worked by slave-labor.

The Spanish settlement on Cebu was regarded with great jealousy by the Portuguese established in the Moluccas, and they sent an armed expedition (1568) to break it up. As the two nations were at peace, the Portuguese commander and Legazpi did not at once engage in war, but carried on protracted negotiations—a detailed account of which is here presented, from the official notarial records kept by Legazpi's chief notary, and transmitted to the home government. Legazpi claims that he has come to make new discoveries for his king, to propagate the Christian religion, and to ransom Christians held captive by the heathen in these regions; and that he had regarded the Philippines as being within the jurisdiction of Spain. If he has been mistaken, he will depart from the islands at once, if Pereira will provide him with two ships. The latter refuses to accept Legazpi's excuses, and makes vigorous complaints against the encroachments of the Spaniards. Pereira summons all the Spaniards to depart from the islands, promising to transport them to India, and offering them all aid and kindness, if they will accede to this demand; but Legazpi declines these proposals, and adroitly fences with the Portuguese commander. These documents are of great interest, as showing the legal and diplomatic formalities current in international difficulties of this sort.

This whole thing can be found here

*Sigh*

Don't do that, Estenia. It's disqualified. Public domain characters are allowed, but public domain works that you didn't write are a different thing.

Ever-wandering Souls, please don't make a habit of posting links instead of putting the story in the thread because it makes it more difficult to determine whose it is. My gut feeling on it is that it is your own work, but between the link and the admission that you have submitted it elsewhere, it is kind of pushing the limits of what is allowed. I'm not disqualifying it, just pointing out that posting links to your google drive or whatever is not encouraged because there is the potential for abuse.

[Schiltzberg]

You said it ends at midnight today, but which time zone are you in?

[Nazi Flower Power]

You said it ends at midnight today, but which time zone are you in?

I live in Massachusetts, but the deadline is midnight Pacific time because I want it to be fair for people who live on the West Coast.

[Respubliko de Libereco]

A literal eleventh-hour entry. Or, at least, it would have been, had I not hit 'submit" when I meant to hit "preview."

The Fate of the Theresa Wilburne

I don’t really remember the departure of the Theresa Wilburne. At the time, she was just another steamer leaving Alexandria for some distant, more civilized shore. I have no doubt that it was a joyous affair for all involved - after all, who wouldn’t want to celebrate leaving this unrefined, uncultured, and, at times, downright barbaric city? Still, amongst hundreds of vessels passing through the port daily, one luxury liner was hardly worth the attention of a businessman such as myself. Yes, the departure of the Theresa Wilburne was completely unremarkable; her return, however, was anything but.

I had risen early that morning, as was my custom. The brilliant Egyptian sun was just beginning to peek over the horizon, throwing a path of brilliant light across the surface of the Mediterranean. With the smoke of a hundred engines hanging in the crimson sky, it looked as if the sea itself were on fire - truly a sight to behold! I remember musing to myself that, had the ancient Pharos still been standing, this scene might have rivaled even the magnificence of my native London. Just then, as if summoned by thoughts of my homeland, the Theresa Wilburne came gliding majestically into view with the Red Ensign fluttering proudly from one of her smokestacks. Strangely, however, her appearance did more to unnerve me than anything else; something about her movement struck me as disturbingly lifeless. She seemed to loom over everything in her path, giving no heed to the myriad smaller boats that were now scattering before her. Alarmed, I saw her approach the harbour at full steam and crash, with a sickening thud, into the breakwater.

As the owner of a salvage company, I was, naturally, among the first on the scene. Upon arrival, I was surprised to find that the ship’s crew - and, indeed, her passengers - were nowhere to be seen. Were they still below decks, or had they abandoned ship some time ago? There didn’t appear to be any lifeboats missing, so abandonment seemed unlikely, but the lack of crew members on deck was inexplicable, especially after such a crash. Curious, I made up my mind to find out more.

My employees were, at first, reluctant to board the liner. Egyptians are a superstitious lot, and I have no doubt that they were unsettled by this strange occurrence. Still, I eventually persuaded them to accompany me, and, using a jury-rigged grappling hook, we were able to scale the towering hull of the ship.

The deck was completely deserted. There was no sign of an emergency, no indication that anything out of the ordinary had happened. If not for the significant slant of the ship as it rested on the breakwater, I could almost have believed that the ship was simply sitting unmanned in dock. How strange it was that a ship in such good condition should be completely empty! Perhaps the crewmen were belowdecks? A couple of minutes of searching revealed an unlocked door leading to an interior corridor. After a moment’s hesitation, I opened it and headed into the depths of the ship, followed by two of my more strong-willed employees.

The ship’s corridors were lined with cabins on both sides, to secure windows for the first-class passengers. As a result, the only source of natural light in the corridor was the door I had just opened. The lamps inside were unlit, meaning that we were soon engulfed in darkness. Fortunately, I had brought with me an electric torch, a novelty given to me by a business acquaintance some time ago. I had yet to use it, but the dark interior of the Theresa Wilburne proved an excellent testing ground. The device illuminated the path ahead of us sufficiently, though it left near-total darkness behind us. I must admit that I found the experience unsettling; the combined effect of the unnatural tilt of the ship, the darkness, and the intense silence, punctuated by an occasional groan of the hull, was quite eerie. Though my rational mind remained focused on the task at hand, my primal instincts were disturbed like never before. Still, we pressed onwards.

At length, we came to a wider, red-carpeted corridor which led to large dining hall. Here, at least, there was light, though not much; the room was lit by a skylight, but due to the early hour and the tilt of the ship the sun had yet to work its way down the wall. We were left in shadow. The skylight was severely cracked - no doubt due to the collision - and some sunlight was bent at strange angles, casting a spectral web of light over the otherwise unlit floor. Above us hung a half-shattered crystal chandelier, which contributed to the strangely scattered lighting. Due to the ship’s orientation, it seemed to hang at an almost gravity-defying angle, and the occasional movements of its components produced a haunting clinking sound, like the distant rattle of ghostly chains. Otherwise, there was nothing unusual about the room; except for that which had been damaged in the crash, everything appeared to be in perfect order.

By this point, my companions were visibly disturbed, and insisted on leaving. I tried to reason with them, but they were convinced that further exploration would incur supernatural consequences. Reluctantly, I let them leave, and continued my investigation alone.
I decided to head for the boiler room. The ship had approached the harbour at an incredible speed; there surely must have been someone operating the engines. I soon found a stairwell that seemed to lead deeper into the ship, and began to descend. The darkness enveloped me once more, and I must admit that, without the company of my employees, I was almost loath to go any further. My electric torch was beginning to flicker unsteadily, casting strangely-moving shadows which led even my rational mind to entertain all manner of terrifying fantasies. Despite this, I crept onwards, determined to find out what had caused this increasingly unsettling situation.

At length, I arrived in the boiler room, and was faced with a jungle of pipes and dials. It was deserted, cold, and damp; there was no sign that the engine had been in operation recently. Confused, and more than a little disturbed, I was preparing to turn back when something caught my eye.

One wall panel seemed slightly different from the others. My instinct was to leave it alone, but curiosity got the better or me. I reached down and pushed on the panel lightly. To my surprise, it swung inwards, revealing a decently-sized compartment of some sort. It seemed that someone on the Theresa Williams had been smuggling something. My heart racing, I knelt down and crawled through the opening.
I couldn’t believe my eyes - the room was filled with treasure! I quickly forgot my fear. From where I stood, I could see marble statues, ancient vases, slabs covered with hieroglyphs, and all manner of golden jewelry and amulets. I felt as if I had stepped into a long-lost burial chamber. However, one object seemed out of place: in the middle of the room was an unmarked wooden crate. Unable to contain my interest, I walked over and attempted to open it.

The lid slid aside easily - it had clearly been opened before. Brimming with anticipation, I peered into the shadowy bottom of the crate, and found a terrible visage staring back at me. After a moment, I realized that it was engraved on a sarcophagus the size of a young child, and I had no doubt that the sarcophagus was not empty. My fear came rushing back with the force of a hurricane. Shocked, I dropped my torch, which shattered. I was plunged into pitch blackness. I felt a blast of hot air strike me as I heard the sound of stone scraping against stone, followed by an echoing thud - the sound of a tomb door sliding shut! In panic, I stepped blindly backwards, and felt some round object crack beneath my foot with a sickening crunch. I stumbled, and reached for the wall to steady myself. To my horror, I felt not a wooden panel, but cold, dry stone. I froze, not daring to move a step further.

I don’t know how long I stood there, paralysed, contemplating my situation with the utmost dread. After what felt like an eternity, I dared to move slightly, searching my pockets for anything that could bring even the slightest comfort. To my relief, I found a box of matches. I pulled one out and froze again, not daring to light it for fear of what I might see. Eventually, however, some slight sliver of courage returned, and I struck the match against my shoe.

A tiny flame burst into existence, casting a feeble, flickering light over my environment. I nearly shouted for joy - I was still onboard the Theresa Wilburne! The statues, the vases, the golden idols were all still before me, glimmering eerily in the faint light of my match. I looked down. The object I had crushed was simply a vase, nothing more. What I had taken to be a stone wall was simply a slab inscribed with hieroglyphs, one of several stacked amongst the other artefacts. Still, the thought of spending any longer in that accursed room still filled me with terror. I wasted no time in rushing back through the engine room and up the stairwell.

When I finally reached the dining hall, it was no longer buried in shadow; the sun had risen significantly, bathing the room in the light of day. As the sunlight washed over me, I fell to my knees, shaking. To this day, I have never felt so relieved, so glad to be alive, as I did in that moment. And still, as I write this on my deathbed, I feel confident in the knowledge that whatever awaits me on the other side is nothing compared to the fate that befell the crew of the Theresa Wilburne.