Strait of Troubles: The Years in Ghaisab [MT/IC/OPEN]

[Seleucid Pergamon]

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STRAIT OF TROUBLES: THE YEARS IN GHAISAB

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OOC Thread

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Get out! Get out! Sadness, hate and the reign of arbitrary.
Get out! Get out! Destruction, jealousy; there is no trust left.
Get out! Get out! No honour, but oppression and slavery.
Get out! Get out! Ruin and war and the blood is flowing.

- Rachid Taha, Barra Barra


Pergamese forces remain in Ghaisab to assist Government forces in retaking the recent gains made by the UGNR and al-Duru in the Qizarian Peninsula (ADQP).
The official approximate deadline conveyed by the Armed Forces Headquarters lay between the ends of September and December 2020.
Irida Simatupang, Deputy Press Secretary of the Armed Forces Headquarters, stated in a press conference that
"the current situation in the country requires additional military effort to ensure long-term stability."

- Galaneas, 15 January 2021


Ghaisab unleashed a storm that was brewing for years...of which we shall come to regret playing a part in

- Leonidas Fotallis, former Minister of Foreign Affairs, 2025 interview with O Angeliofóros

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Pergamese troops of the 51st Mechanized Infantry Regiment overlooking the semi-arid landscape in the Zahi State, May 2021
Photograph by Christodoulos Vasceas of Galaneas

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17 July 2018
FOB Astacos, 2 miles east of Marhiyyan, Nasrist Ghaisab

Yorgos Roussakis slacked against his chair as he watched a Galaneas news report presented by a female newscaster. Her looks reminded him of his daughter who recently graduated, and her voice alongside helped him to forget the battlefields of the past and the approaching future for a moment. It was as if he were back home, until she mentioned the names Ta'izm and Marhiyyan. A sigh escaped him to alleviate the tinge of surprise that returned him to reality. Footage from the recent engagement at Marhiyyan played, displaying soldiers of the Pergamese 3rd Foreign Infantry Regiment and the Nasrist 61st Motorized Infantry Regiment exchanging fire against their UGNR counterparts positioned far away, all in the Taajuddeen al-Mitri District. He squinted his eyes and fidgeted his thumbs, staring as if reliving the experience on that same ground as a grunt. His lips were stretched, then formed a half-smile as footage from the engagement at Ta'izm showed.

A young man in his late twenties opened the door, and left one foot past the threshold. The sight was enough to pull him away from the flat-screen television facing him from the opposite wall. The man proceed to inform him that General al-Mansur is now available to see him, and Roussakis ordered him to send his guest in. From the open door, the young man disappeared, and al-Mansur walked in. The general's uniform remained clean, despite an accumulation of some dust on the way. The man's countenance remained stern, eyes betraying dignity. Yet, upon seeing him, the smile emerging on his face shredded the formal veneer.

"My brother," Roussakis greeted in Pergamese.

Both embraced, and gave themselves three pats on the back as was the Pergamese custom between close friends.

"How's it feel to be back in a town you just regained?"

"Great, brother. Great! Thanks be to God Almighty," al-Mansur replied, making a sign of the Cross after shaking his head in relief.

"We can rest easy knowing that the rebels are officially out of the Al-Hasadmur State. But, we need to ready for the future as there is more action to come."

"Wars are not won in a day, after all."

"Let's walk outside. I'm tired from sitting my ass in this office all day. And I'm hungry for fatoot with eggs." Roussakis smiled and clapped, eyes as eager as a child's.

Once they exited the building, the afternoon sun did not hesitate the bask them with its blanket of summer heat. They put their hands against their foreheads like a salute to help their eyes guide them to the mess hall building. Relief riddled their faces as the coolness of the room gripped them, and the wall's grey color seemed to have amplified its resonance further. They disregarded attention to their surroundings as they walked inside, until they were shaken by the men and women standing at attention. Roussakis returned a half-smile, and ordered them to be at ease and gave them the primary objective of finishing their meals. His smile morphed into a laugh as the soldiers acknowledged with merriment before sitting back down. Receiving a plate's worth of fatoot, both sat at a separate spot far from the nearest soldiers at their table.

"So delicious," Roussakis exclaimed as he took a single bite, "You need to get your wife to share the recipe with me as soon as possible."

"I'll try to." Al-Mansur finished one slice of bread. "I'm really grateful that you are able to help us, my friend. You don't know how much I and the rest of my colleagues are appreciative of your guys' presence here."

"Glad to help out."

"Seriously, those rebels almost got us at our laurels at that time. Very bad, very bad." He shook his head, and drank his water. "God knows what will happen if we didn't hold on for much longer."

Roussakis recalled those moments hearing of the UGNR's Spring Offensive back home. At first, the Ghaisabi government seemed the handle the military situation well. At least, decently. Initially rocked by attacks from Opposition-aligned military units throughout the country in June 2016, the government were able to repel them out of Al Marabanah, Ghaisab's capital, Western Ghaisab, and parts of Northern and Southern Ghaisab by September. The tug-o-war between sides mostly over the Central Region ran for little more than a year, enough for an avid watcher of the conflict to burn out. Then came the government forces' retreat from December 2017. Roussakis remembered how distraught and increasingly distressed he felt watching the crisis unfold throughout the days, even more so for his friend. He felt it all as if they all occurred yesterday. Despite the government's stubbornness, the UGNR proved the hold the upper hand, and progressively held it firmly as those months passed by. The UGNR's advance into the Al-Hasadmur State on April 2018 was the final straw that led al-Nasr to request military assistance from Pergamon. Upon hearing word of his country's official declaration of armed intervention and his infantry brigade being a participant in the expeditionary force, Roussakis was all too happy to accept the decision.

"Do not think too much about it, my friend," he said, "Just be happy that we are not in that future."

"Right. Still, with much to do in the future, something may be bound to go wrong, and we may end up back to square one."

"That may happen, but we will stand our ground and adjust."

"I just hope we'll able to exploit our successes this time. I'd hate to have a repeat of September."

"And we will not. Now, come on. Eat. Remaining anxious won't do you any good."

They continued eating. Roussakis complained about the absence of Ghaisabi tea as he was about to finish. Al-Mansur reassured him that his men will deliver a shipment to the base, and Roussakis enthusiastically thanked him. He saw his friend's face brighten further, and he remained grateful for lifting the anxiety off him at this moment. After finishing, they exited the mess hall, and walked outside the base to view the picturesque landscape of sparse trees, farmlands, and the mountains across. They discussed their daily lives outside of the military conflict as they paced around the perimeter until heading back in the beginning of evening to discuss plans for a joint offensive towards the Waadi as Majid Region.

[Seleucid Pergamon]

OOC Note: I know I did not rename all cities in this map, as I was not in the mood currently to do so. I will update this map soon, but it should give you a sufficient overview of the current situation.

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Military Situation in Ghaisab as of 17 July 2018

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Belligerents

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The Second Ghaisabi Civil War observes two belligerents: the Government of Ghaisab (Government Forces), and the United Government of National Reformation.

The Government Forces, unofficially termed the Nasrists, comprises the political leadership, the nation's military forces, and various militias deemed the Holy Defense Brigades. It is led by President Tariq Faisal al-Nasr, a devout Pergamese Orthodox practitioner who implemented unpopular policies that attempted to alleviate the economic crisis that emerged under the last two years of his predecessor's term. His government also held strong favoritism for the Orthodox population, which composed the second-largest religious demographic in the country, and held a pro-Pergamese stance. Altogether, the political decisions from early-2014 to mid-2016 and the prefrential mentality led to the eventual rebellion in the southern and eastern regions of the country. Upon the deteriorating situation since December 2017, the Government requested military assistance from the Pergamese Kingdom, and the military intervention helped to secure the Government's standing.

Additionally, the following political parties are aligned with the Government Forces, each having their own armed wings:

• Conservative League (dominant party): Conservative, Orthodox nationalism, economic liberalism
• Popular Democratic Front: Centre-right, liberal conservatism, Orthodox nationalism
• Green Ghaisab Party: Green politics

The United Government of National Reformation, abbreviated as the UGNR, is a quasi-state that declared itself a separate polity on 16 June 2016. Headquarted in Qatasaniyah, the capital of the South Muzesab State, the big-tent organization aims to dismantle the Nasrist government and transform Ghaisab into a state free from Nasrist shortcomings, repressions, and Pergamese political and economic influence, including replacing the Erthyrean CFP drachma with their national currency.

The UGNR is comprised of the following organizations:

• Pillars of People’s Unity: Conservative, Ghaisab nationalist, and right-wing populist
• National Democratic Party: Liberal democracy, secularism, Ghaisab nationalist
• Socialist Party of Ghaisab: Socialist, left-nationalist, social democracy, big-tent with religion
• National Religious Revival Movement: Islamism, conservative, Islamic nationalist
• Imam Al-Mukamnat Political Front: Islamism, caliphalism, federalism
• Al-Durūʻ: Islamic fundamentalist, Salafi jihadist, Muslim supremacism, desecularization, political unitarism, caliphalism

[Al Mased]

ATTN: The Government of Ghaisab
FROM: LTGEN Anthony Massad
CC: MAJGEN Lillian Sabbat, COL Mason Al Akkad
RE: Humanitarian Assistance

Greetings,
I am the Commander of the Al Mased Foreign Intervention Corps. We are a humanitarian and peacekeeping force dedicated to keeping the civilian population safe and out of harms way. The FIC has been in continuous operation for nearly 70 years now, and is considered amongst the most elite peacekeeping and armed humanitarian force in the region. Following the completion of our objective, this force can be turned into support roles within government forces supplying aid through:
- Reconissance
- Engineering
- Medical Assistance
- Asset Denial

The force is small, however. We are only 1,000 strong, with only 700 of those in direct soldiering roles. What we lack in personnel we make up for in experience and equipment. We are a full package. We have mobile hospitals, kitchens, motorized equipment, and all the resources to set up a Forward Operating Base where we can focus civilian evacuation and support efforts. The Forward Operating Base can be moved within 24 hours. The FIC is transported via a specially designed vessel which contains the entire force and can be used for minor naval support roles such as mine-sweeping and aerial take-off and landing. The FIC also has a compliment of nearly 30 helicopters for large scale personnel transport and close air support, which can be launched from the sea and ground.

With all this in mind, and with the approval of the Department of Maritime Defense, I offer the Foreign Intervention Corps for the assistance of you and your people. On receipt of approval, we can be off shore and in the capitol city within a week. Additionally, we also have a discretionary budget for direct assistance which we can send goods:
- Medicine
- Foodstuff
- Utilities
- Select Luxuries (can be negotiated)

I await your response. I am sending the frequency codes and necessary passwords to reach back out to this line should you wish to go forward.

- Commander of the Al Mased Foreign Intervention Corps Anthony Massad

[Avilarosia]

My fellow Avilarosians, I bring forth to you the worst news yet.

- President Carlos Anderson on March 7th, 2018

[Kharilia]

Commonwealth Humanitarian and Aid Corp
Missive of intent

To all governments involved in combat,

The Commonwealth of Kharilia has authorised a humanitarian mission inside the Republic of Ghaisab. We shall be providing our own operational security, our forces are instructed only to engage as a LAST RESORT. Our convoys, and humanitarian base are to be considered neutral, please respect any and all regulations regarding neutral zones.

I remain,
Jacklyn River
Captain, Humanitarian and Aid Corp.

Task Force Valkyrie

Five ekranoplans entered Ghaisab waters, heading towards the Zadir province. Ships and planes from both sides watched them but did not interfere, as they were clearly marked as humanitarian and medical vehicles. They landed on an area a few kilometers south of the front line. Initially the MSV flatbeds drove from the first ekranoplan, loaded on them was the flatpacked buildings that were to be put up over the next few hours. While this was happening, the third ekranoplan opened and some soldiers came out, along with some more MSV trucks, this time loaded with the LADS laser defense and CRAM (landbased cousin of the CWIS seen on ships) defence guns, that all set up around the humanitarian base.

A few hours later the base was filled and the ekranoplans unloaded, with three of them heading back to Kharilia in case more supplies were needed. Inside the headquarters the three main officers met. "The first convoys are ready to deploy. Mostly food and medical supplies for now, some of the other trucks are being prepared as mobile clinics as well" LT Kai Luxembourg said. "I have communications set up, and have been busy updating all our systems with out new OS, it's a CachyOS fork, specially desiogned for us" Captain Kevindra Metmini reported. "Very good. We can send out the first convoy shortly then. Hopefully this operation runs smoothly. Have we made contact with local governments to transport critically injured people to them in the event our hospital ship can't make it?" CPT Jacklyn asked. "I was just about to do that when this meeting was called" Kevindra said. "Good, good. Well since you two have everything under control I see no reason to prolong this meeting, adjurned" Jacklyn said, smiling at her fellow officers.

The first convoy left, heading towards a nearby village that was close to the front line, this was simply a supply convoy, handing out food and other needed supplies to civilians. Meanwhile back at the base, the call went out to local governments, mostly provincial or city level, to see if they would accept critically injured patients from the humanitarian and later refugee camps.

[The Green Union]

The hyperearth is a broad place, with multiple large conflicts breaking out seemingly every month. At a certain point one might assume it becomes difficult for the average resident of a stable, prosperous region to care about yet another civil war. Even moreso citizens of a small country like the Green Union, which had been all but disarmed for decades, in a region like Markion which had been kept peaceful by a benevolent hegemon since the mid '70s. And while such assumptions may hold true for most masses of individual people, it would be misguided to attribute that same attitude to those within halls of power both in the Green Union's capital. Internal politics would wax and wane, the attention of policymakers swinging from one hot-button issue to the next. But all remained aware of the ripple effects that far off instability could have if left to grow and become an interregional problem, and so it was that the nation had maintained a longstanding policy to remain engaged in the broader hyperearth: That of the interregional patrols.

These patrols were tiny, often just one or two small frigates sailing from region to region, showing the flag in distant ports along those ever-critical trade lanes. Indeed for the past several months that was life for the Green Union frigate Himmelsdorf; Checking in on friends, monitoring the global situation, occasionally rendering small amounts of aid in emerging crises where they could, though the capability to do so was always limited. Yet all that had changed when, while the patrol was passing near the a certain particularly important strait, Ghaisab had decided to spontaneously implode.

The frigate Himmelsdorf shortly before departure on her solo interregional patrol, which has been redirected to Ghaisab

Captain John Pellew, commanding the patrol from aboard Himmelsdorf, theoretically had a great degree of freedom with how he could approach the crisis, up to and including simply ignoring it altogether. Such was the power of an interregional patrol commander with a loose mandate and a task so far from oversight. But Pellew was a man who lived by a his code, and so quickly their course had been set for the embattled country.

En route, Pellew and the ship's political officer had time to consider what they might do. Their solo ship did not have meaningful firepower to threaten much of anyone, nor did they possess the landing troops to meaningfully swing even a small part of the war. Even if they could, the idea of getting stuck into Ghaisab's deranged political contest was off the table. This civil war was a domestic Sylvarian affair, to be resolved by the Ghaisabi themselves without foreign meddling. So it was that, while the two could find plenty to condemn about the local factions themselves, their attention was quickly drawn to those elements like Task Force Valkyrie, which seemed plenty willing to stomp on Ghaisab's sovereignty in order to pursue their own interests. And so it was that they began to draft a condemnation.


The address, penned by Capt. Pellew as essentially the Green Union (GU) and Coalition Military and Economic Pact (CMEP)'s representative in the region, condemned the outbreak of violence in Ghaisab and urged an end to fighting among the native Ghaisabi factions while recommitting the alliance to their longstanding condemnation of the regime's human rights abuses. At the same time, it warned that CMEP would not race to recognize any new government brought to power through violence or attempts to compromise the nation's territorial integrity through violent secession. Pellew's message further condemned reports of foreign military hardware unilaterally entering Ghaisabi and urged other nations, especially those in the region, to renew their own commitment to Ghaisab's territorial integrity while meeting together in order to discuss all necessary steps for preserving that territorial integrity in the face of a weakened local military capacity. He warned that a prolonged war, drawing in foreign vultures, would be catastrophic both for Ghaisab and the safety of shipping in the region, to say nothing of the general regional instability such an eventuality would contribute to.

[Woodlock Corporation]

Of all Businesses, conglomerates, syndicates, cartels, and monopolies, the Woodlock Corporation had long maintained one of the most dubious reputations in the world.

While the Corporation had rarely been accused, or successfully proven, of directly creating conflicts itself, its willingness to finance, arm, and conduct business with governments and factions involved in some of the world's bloodiest wars, insurgencies, riots, and political crises had earned it a reputation as one of the world's foremost profiteers of instability. It is an Empire of Enterprise; despite promoting and taking pride in its goal to dismantle all crime and limited physical wars, they are the foremost entrepreneur of continuing and causing instability for all others. Woodlock's position was generally simple: if a legitimate customer could afford its products and satisfy its contractual requirements, the Corporation had little interest in determining whether the customer was morally deserving of them. The worsening situation in Ghaisab therefore presented another potential market for Woodlock's Ordnance Workshops, even if it was among the smallest of markets it ever entered.

On June 10th, 2018, the port city of Jibischa, deep in UNGR territory, reported the arrival of an unusually large commercial vessel. The ship was unmistakably Woodlan, carrying the black, the grey, and the gold colourings of the Corporation, though its exact purpose was initially unclear. More concerning to local authorities was the fact that the vessel was heavily armed despite being classified as a cargo ship. It was identified as the WNSS Annabell, or Woodlan National Service Ship Annabell. The arrival itself appeared almost deliberately theatrical. The enormous vessel approached Jibischa from the direction of a rapidly developing storm, with dark clouds and heavy rain forming behind it as it entered the harbour. Lightning illuminated the ship as it passed into port, an image which Woodlock's own media personnel were conspicuously prepared to capture. Despite its military appearance, the ship was officially operating as a commercial logistics vessel under the authority of Woodlock's Ordnance Workshops, a military manufacturing branch of Woodlock. Its presence in Jibischa represented one of the Corporation's most visible appearances in the Ghaisab conflict to date.



Containers unloaded from the ship contained weapons manufactured by Woodlock Ordnance Workshops, also known as W.O.W., including the older JLAT-10 “Javelin-10” Light Assault Tank, Timberwolf heavy assault rifles and machine guns chambered in a very hefty 8.50×50 mm round, and a limited quantity of Orion-series sniper weapons chambered in 8.50×80mm. The Javelin-10 was being offered at a comparatively much lower price due to being outdated in its age, while its ammunition and maintenance requirements remained expensive.

The ship's captain, Jacobo Quincy, was the representative. Adorning a navy blue captain's suit and a captain's hat. The Hat was Grey, with the Woodlock Sea Heraldry on the front of it. A Golden W with a Silver Kraken reaching outward. The Armed Republic of the Woodlock Corporation, or A.R.W.C., nodding itself for being All-consuming and reaching in financial power.

Rep. Adarimash: “Captain Quincy.”

Captain Quincy: “Representative Adarimash.”

Rep. Adarimash: “You picked an interesting time to arrive.”

Quincy glanced toward the storm behind the harbour.

Captain Quincy: “We were hoping for better weather.”

Rep. Adarimash: “You came here knowing what is happening in Ghaisab.”

Captain Quincy: “We came here knowing there was a customer interested in our equipment. Let's make this short and sweet; I don't want to waste time during conflicts. Improper. We are just here to offer old equipment. JLAT-10s, as you have seen before in the presentation our company representatives sent you, and the newer Timberwolf and Orion weaponry. I am here to just see if the deal will go through and go cleanly. Otherwise, this ship of mine is heading out to the next conflict."

Rep. Adarimash: “You don't seem particularly concerned about who receives these weapons.”

Quincy: “That's above my pay grade.”

Rep. Adarimash: "While it would be better to have this meeting elsewhere, currently I am bound to another meeting soon..... I will accept this deal on behalf of my fellows. If these items turn out well, we shall expand on our financial endeavors."

Adarimash raised his hand to shake the captain's hand, to which the captain took the invitation and shook the hand of the representative. The Deal was done and the large and armed crew began to unload more and more crates into the harbor. And so another deal was done, as how all things are done with the Woodlan's.