ṢUʿŪDIYŪN, HYGANAN
War ebbs and flows. Gains in Central Magdaran came as quickly as losses. The PRR's spectacular Western Magdaran offensive had outrun its supply lines. A triumphant offensive became a rout, and the pendulum now swung violently back toward disaster. Although the Ordenite-backed UNF forces had not yet continued the offensive toward Hyganan, the bombed-out city was once again in a very precarious position.
As the PRR continued its western offensive, weary-faced ṣuʿūdiyūn had been ordered to dig in within and around the city. These lines were pushed up somewhat to accommodate a growing number of forces, but also to provide some room for maneuver to the defending troops in case the Ordenite-UNF army decided to eliminate Coalition-aligned units in Hyganan once again. By now, Zenitharian numbers had increased to just under 250,000. This number would have been almost 100,000 men larger had it not been for the horrendous casualties suffered during the first phase of the drive toward Hyganan. Alas, the ṣuʿūdiyūn would be suffering many hundreds of thousands more casualties by the time this war was over.
While these men continued digging trenches, preparing fortified defensive positions, and littering their battlespace with decoys to soak enemy munitions, a separate army of laborers had driven up from Kalinog in the interim. Following a strict coastal route to avoid being caught by the withdrawing PRR frontlines, about 10,000 civilian contractors were moved into Hyganan to begin the reconstruction of the port facilities. Having their work cut out for them, their toil started with clearing out the rubble that now made the harbor largely unusable.
Regardless, these port facilities would do neither the ṣuʿūdiyūn nor allies any good if the SLOCs to it and Kalinog were cut off by the Ordenites. In this sense, the fate of the Hyganan strategy lay in the hands of the Coalition fleets slogging it out with the Ordenites.
All the same, Kalinog remained the primary port-of-entry in Western Magdaran for imperial supplies, equipment, and proxy personnel. Through this harbor moved thousands of tanks and artillery pieces, tens of thousands of mortars and machineguns, as well as millions of munitions. With them trudged through thousands of jihadists precedent from New Empire, the determination on their faces not yet fazed by the venomous realities of war. These forces would soon be brought up to snuff in terms of combat capabilities. But with Ordenite fleets pressing the sea lanes and whispers of a renewed UNF-Ordenite offensive in the sector, the success of that plan balanced on a knife’s edge.
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DOMINGA, ISLA DOMINGA
Fascinating how bright days for some could be dark for others.
The conditions set by the new heads of the Commonwealth's freshly minted ruling party were accepted. Nobody in the Imperial Bureaucracy wanted to let the opportunity to reshape the Commonwealth's government go, both in a bid to strengthen it and to increase imperial influence on their military decisions. Over the long run, the minutiae would have little relevance anyway.
Providing the new government with as stable a start as possible was the immediate priority. Kríergrup Beda Fromm, anchored directly off the western coast of the island, was the primary protagonist of this process on Isla Dominga.
Almost 6,000 naval infantry, known as terkos, offboarded on the western side to rendezvous with Commonwealth forces on the island. These combined troops, along with additional local security forces, were responsible for arresting politicians, judges, police leadership, and other individuals deemed potentially dangerous to Queen Trinidad's rule. Their names came from "war crime" lists provided by the Golden Throne and then refined by the High Committee of the Commonwealth (HCC), which in practice implied removing excess names from the original lists. These included between 20,000 and 40,000 names, though a significant share lived under PRR or UNF rule. While the Imperial Bureaucracy was inclined to eliminate these threats through on-the-spot military trials, the HCC was able to moderate even this approach. Instead, the arrested individuals were crammed onto civilian passenger ships, placed under military guard, and shipped to the provinces. They would receive their trials in Fedala, whereupon, if found guilty, they would be sentenced to exile in the "new cities" of eastern New Empire. Surrounded by Zenitharian migrants transplanted from Ordenite Scythia, as well as tens of millions of settled imperial military veterans, these exiled Magdarans would be well-guarded in what was one of the most remote and mountainous corners of the empire.
Meanwhile, a communication line was opened with Vietnamese command on the island. Per Mokan-provided intelligence, the RVN led Coalition forces on Isla Dominga. A meeting was requested between Beda Fromm fleet command and local Vietnamese command, in which the situation and objectives were plainly laid out. The Golden Throne's primary intention was to reassure the RVN that the Commonwealth would continue to honor its Coalition commitments, and that the regime change was an attempt to reinvigorate and shore up Commonwealth leadership in the face of its crumbling hold of the mainland and outlying islands. Nothing would change in the war effort, except hopefully a more effective ally in the Commonwealth.
More importantly, by directly communicating with the RVN, it was hoped that a greater degree of coordination could be achieved between the Coalition members. This would be crucial if the Coalition were to take western and central Magdaran again. Otherwise, the mainland would undoubtedly fall to the UNF and PRR, both of which were considered enemies despite the shaky alliance-of-necessity between the Dominga-based Commonwealth government and the PRR.
Another priority was to begin carrying out the Golden Throne's commitments to the new Commonwealth government. Primarily, the empire was now responsible for arming and training the Commonwealth military. In this, it had a head start thanks to the efforts of the RVN, but these efforts were immediately shored up with new military instructions from Arras. Also arranged was the almost immediate departure of the first wave of new equipment for Commonwealth forces, starting with those on the island. This first wave focused almost entirely on defensive equipment, including land-based surface-to-surface and surface-to-air missile launchers, as well as sea mining equipment and other area denial weapons deemed an immediate priority given the overall strategic situation. Offensive weapons would come in subsequent waves of military aid shipments.
However, the lack of clarity over the ongoing naval battle's outcome pushed back one of the empire's initial goals. Fuermak High Command, which was now dispatching advisory leadership to Isla Dominga to help direct the war effort, wanted the Commonwealth to reinforce the ṣuʿūdiyūn's position in Hyganan. This was as much to bolster its defenses against a potential enemy attack as to secure the local political initiative. There was a growing anxiety that the PRR would make good the decreasing presence of the Commonwealth on the mainland to entrench themselves in the political apparatuses of the territory they held. This would make dislodging the PRR from these areas much more difficult when the time for that came.
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ISLE BAGARANA
Kríergrup Quitiruzú, named after its primary port of operations (a city in southern Nicaro), straddled both Mananakop Island and Isle Bagarana. More of an inevitability given the geographic proximity, rather than a conscious choice. Until now, the Golden Throne had little interest in the island north of Mananakop. After PRR and UNF forces had been soundly defeated, the Commonwealth position was more or less assured.
However, with the regime change in Dominga, it was crucial to secure the loyalty of the Commonwealth's General Rizaldo Guillermo. Guillermo essentially now ruled over Bagarana like a feudal lord, or rather he could if he wanted to given that the island's military force was loyal to him. To avoid splintering over Queen Trinidad's contested ascension and its imperial backers, the Imperial Bureaucracy authorized Kríerlords Surr and vis Konkordán to cut a deal with the commander.
After a flight to Mananakop City from Matagalpa, Surr and vis Konkordán boarded a tiny eight-person propeller aircraft and made the turbulent journey to the city of Fayuria. There, they'd meet with their host.
To avoid politics, jealousies, and setbacks, these negotiations took place largely without the HCC's involvement. The HCC was made aware of the Golden Throne's intentions and objectives, but they were not kept to date with the day-to-day. The Golden Throne would inform them of the outcome afterwards. Regardless, given the empire's investment in the new government, it was evident that ultimately whatever was agreed upon would be in the interests of Queen Trinidad, the HCC, and the National Unity Party (NUP). To sweeten the deal, the kríerlords offered to expand, equip, and train Guillermo’s forces into a modern strike army. Included would be the provision of 4.5-generation fighter aircraft. All of this, of course, to the end of fueling the commander's grand vision of moving his forces off the island onto the mainland.
However, there was a catch. If General Guillermo agreed to the deal, he would have to look the other way as the Golden Throne quietly purged the island of inconvenient persons.
If he didn't agree, the Golden Throne would need to find a way to replace him with someone more friendly to the new regime and its imperial backer.














