FLAMES OF LIBERTY (1960 Alt-History American Political RP)

[Catalaonia]

However, I'm actually pleased this RP got a decent amount of traction.

[The Rio Grande River Basin]

Couldn't care? Joyner is an outspoken National Socialist that is leading a coalition of Dixiecrat and far right radicals in response to the Civil Rights movement. Unlike George Wallace or George Lincoln Rockwell, Joyner has the skills and the right connections to have the opportunity to form a coherent reactionary movement to poison US politics now that Fascism won WWII.

If the Liberal Republicans don't care about the Civil Rights at all, they should be at least concerned with his foreign policy of detente. They should be worried of the implications of Joyner's success

To be honest, 2 of characters are fairly moderate conservatives, and also be the epitome of the US Establishment. A daddy's boy governor and a long-time moderate Democrat. Only Zamari is considered radical cause of his socialist economic views, but all 3 of my characters would be a free shot for dixie's and the far-right/left.

Well, you see, the liberals couldn’t care, because they were never going to get the south anyways. Meanwhile, Long, also couldn’t care, because if he wants to be a reactionary, then Long can outspeak, outfund, and outmanoeuvre him. Long can say he loves nazis one place, and say he’s a communist somewhere else, and get away with it, but at the same time, like Johnson, like Long, lots of scandals in the closet, which is quite possibly the only way to take him down. And he can certainly out-populist anyone.

[Catalaonia]

To be honest, 2 of characters are fairly moderate conservatives, and also be the epitome of the US Establishment. A daddy's boy governor and a long-time moderate Democrat. Only Zamari is considered radical cause of his socialist economic views, but all 3 of my characters would be a free shot for dixie's and the far-right/left.

Well, you see, the liberals couldn’t care, because they were never going to get the south anyways. Meanwhile, Long, also couldn’t care, because if he wants to be a reactionary, then Long can outspeak, outfund, and outmanoeuvre him. Long can say he loves nazis one place, and say he’s a communist somewhere else, and get away with it, but at the same time, like Johnson, like Long, lots of scandals in the closet, which is quite possibly the only way to take him down. And he can certainly out-populist anyone.

So long can simply change from one end to the other, without it's gaining much national traction?

[The Rio Grande River Basin]

Well, you see, the liberals couldn’t care, because they were never going to get the south anyways. Meanwhile, Long, also couldn’t care, because if he wants to be a reactionary, then Long can outspeak, outfund, and outmanoeuvre him. Long can say he loves nazis one place, and say he’s a communist somewhere else, and get away with it, but at the same time, like Johnson, like Long, lots of scandals in the closet, which is quite possibly the only way to take him down. And he can certainly out-populist anyone.

So long can simply change from one end to the other, without it's gaining much national traction?

Well. Kinda. He’ll never say his ideology (ie. Fascism, etc.), but when he speaks to different groups, he’s similar to a Huey Long/LBJ in that he’ll say what people want to hear, without anyone actually being able to accuse him of flip-flopping, ie. “I would end segregation”, whilst in the South, “I am opposed to busing, etc., something something state’s rights”
He’s a populist, he says what you want to hear, in a way that charms a snake.

[Azekopolaltion]

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Azekopolaltion
Character Name: Thomas "Tommy" Conor Byrne
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 40
Character Date of Birth: April 21, 1920
Character Position/Role/Job: Representative for New York's 7th Congressional District, Member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee and subcommittee on Africa, as well as the Committee on Government Operations (predecessor to the modern House Oversight Committee)
Character Country/State of Birth: Brooklyn, New York City
Character State of Residence: New York
Character Party Affiliation: Democratic (modern American liberal)
Faceclaim: Ted Kennedy
Main Strengths:

The Flashy Resume: Tommy is a former soldier and lawyer, and he comes from a long line of businessmen from his district. He is intimately aware of Brooklyn's economic history as a former industrial base, the importance of global geopolitics, and the cost of war.

The Gift of the Gab: Though he is not a fiery populist orator like many other politicians of his time, Tommy has become used to a calm, cool style of rhetoric that suits his image as the clean-cut former courtroom lawyer. He is methodical, firm, and convincing in his speeches, which can help him come across as a capable young man despite his relative political inexperience.

District Connections: His family were never powerful political donors, but they are still a prominent name in the Brooklyn economy, given that the company is manufacturer dating back to the mid-19th Century. People in Br

Main Weaknesses:

The Dreaded 'Silver Spoon': Tommy's family remains a wealthy group of corporate profiteers in an otherwise deindustrialized, struggling Brooklyn borough. It is difficult for him to convincingly portray himself as a man of the people because of his privileged upbringing; he cannot speak from a place of personal experience when it comes to struggles with finances.

Policy Vagueness: Beyond his staunch anti-war stance, Tommy takes few other firm positions on policy. Perhaps this is due to his past a largely apolitical young man; he voted for Jonathan Jackson in 1952 and strongly opposed fascist Europe during his war service, but otherwise he has never held any strong policy beliefs until the news about the war in Free France. When questioned on welfare, healthcare, and infrastructure, he often speaks in platitudes rather than specifics, opening himself up to attacks from opponents.

Racial Cluelessness: Though his representation of working-class Hispanics and African Americans as a labor lawyer made him sympathetic to the plight of American minorities, race is hardly a number one consideration for Tommy—and he is often shockingly uninformed about the primary domestic issue of his time.


Biography:

Thomas C. Byrne was born to an established Irish-American family in Brooklyn. His father was the head of an old pharmaceutics and medical goods manufacturer, the Byrne-Riley Corporation, with a factory headquartered in Brooklyn ("the Riley plant"). The company has a long, rich history, having served as a major supplier to the Union Army during the Civil War. The company used to export break-bulk cargo from ships on Brooklyn's vibrant waterfront in the 1920s. Tommy's uncle, Colin F. Byrne, was a very senior officer in the U.S. Navy, and was professionally close to FDR; President Roosevelt appointed Colin Byrne as president of the Brooklyn Navy Yard in the 1930s, putting him in charge of thousands of workers constructing ships, preparing to fend off increasingly hostile world powers in Europe and Asia. Thus Tommy was born into a family that was very invested in the fate of Brooklyn's waterfront, seeing it as the intersection between the global economy and global politics.

Tommy was the middle child of his family, forcing him to push himself in order to stand out in comparison to his older brother and younger sister. Though his uncle was a military man close to Roosevelt, the Byrne family was more or less apolitical. If anything, the family values instilled in Tommy leaned conservative: his parents believed in the importance of hard work and personal responsibility to eventually realize the American Dream. He grew up in a very shielded environment that did not pay attention to the real issues of the world; race politics and poverty were never at the top of Tommy's mind. The only discussions about current events in his household related to geopolitics—not from an ideological standpoint, but purely for practical considerations. Tommy became knowledgeable about world leaders, their international agendas, and military affairs from conversations at the dinner table.

Though he worked hard in school, Tommy did not possess the natural intelligence of his younger sister nor the outstanding academic achievements of his older brother, who was a proper Harvard man. Tommy enlisted in the U.S. Naval Reserve a few weeks before his 18th birthday in 1940, and enrolled in Northwestern University the same year. In 1943, he was sent into active duty against Japan in a long campaign aboard the USS Brooklyn—a ship, coincidentally, commissioned from the Brooklyn Navy Yard. He was discharged at the rank of lieutenant in 1946. Tommy returned to enroll in law school, earning his J.D. from NYU in 1952. He was admitted to the NY State bar that same year.

At law school and as a young lawyer, Tommy spent time with a crowd that was hyperaware of politics and social issues. He began to become more politically engaged and cast his ballot for Republican candidate Jonathan Jackson in the 1952 presidential election, having served under his leadership during the war years. He would end up voting for President Jackson's reelection campaign in 1956 as well. Returning to live in Brooklyn in 1952, Tommy found his old hometown facing severe demographic changes; the borough was suffering from extreme deindustrialization, and the shipyard workforce had been halved as shipbuilding activities moved to more central locations in Virginia nearer to military bases. Even his father's company was facing reduced profits. Much of the white middle class of the borough had moved out to suburbs in Long Island and Staten Island, while many of the borough's neighborhoods faced increasing gentrification. The new working class of Brooklyn was much more diverse and composed of a rising Puerto Rican community.

Facing these changes—a borough with a declining manufacturing sector and corporations that were increasingly paying workers poorer wages and enforcing worse safety standards to survive—young Tommy Byrne joined a small Brooklyn law firm that specialized in labor law. With company bosses that treated workers poorly and union bosses in deep with the American mob, few remained to truly litigate for workers. Tommy did not approach his job ideologically, and did not even win many of the cases he took up. But the very fact that he had chosen to go into labor law rather than a more lucrative sector—or a sector that was less directly confrontational to the interests of company heads like his father—created a small rift between Tommy and the rest of the Byrne family.

His clientele occasionally included Black and Puerto Rican workers suing abusive employers, and Tommy began to become slightly more sympathetic towards the problems of minorities in America—an issue he had been painfully blind to in his adolescent days. He began to see the parallels between the plight of racial minorities at home and other races internationally, and became more disillusioned with the course of U.S. foreign policy post-World War II. Though he was by no means a passionate Civil Rights advocate, nor a staunch pro-labor crusader, like most other Americans Tommy was horrified by the increasingly violent and oppressive war in Free France. It was perhaps this issue that struck the deepest cord with him, given his background in the U.S. military. He had always seen military intervention as a means of fighting the injustice of oppressive regimes like the one in Japan, or the current fascist one in Germany—not as a means of propping up such governments. Ultimately, it was these mixture of experiences—as a former soldier and a labor lawyer for a diverse Brooklyn clientele—that solidified Tommy Byrne's political identity as a modern American liberal.

Knowing he had enough deep-seated connections in Brooklyn given his family history and name, Tommy Byrne ran as a Democrat for the NY-7 Congressional seat in 1958. His platform did not endorse any specific legislation on Civil Rights, poverty, or the economy, but he positioned himself as a native son of Brooklyn who understood the significance of the district's economic and demographic changes. Most importantly, his campaign was centered around the U.S. war in Free France: he calmly but firmly attacked the Jackson administration's foreign policy, invoking his own military service as an example of when war was justified and when it was not. He also positioned the American military aid to France's colonial government as a waste of money when communities in Brooklyn were struggling. Tommy defeated the Republican candidate in '58, officially becoming a member of the U.S. House of Representatives. From his position on the House Foreign Affairs Committee, he has hammered away at the "unjust and wasteful intervention in Free France," becoming a prominent national spokesperson against the war; many of the pictures of the massacres in Senegal were broadcast by him in committee hearings. Voters in his district see him as emblematic of a new political style and a flashier political future, though many scoff at his platitudes and occasional gaffes when it comes to commenting on domestic policy that he is less knowledgeable and passionate about (such as racial tensions in the South).

Other Info: Married to Erin O'Reilly, a young socialite from another prominent Irish-American family based in Westchester County. They have one five-year-old son, Jack.

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: (Your Nation's Name Here)

Do Not Remove: COLDWAR

[The Rio Grande River Basin]

Hey, I already dibsied NY-12…

[Azekopolaltion]

Hey, I already dibsied NY-12…

Ah shoot, but it's not there as reserved on the main post..

Also realized I made some mistakes with timeline, since the current date is Jan 1960. Might need to edit and make him a candidate for the seat instead...IRL NY12 was a Republican seat. Maybe your guy can be the incumbent?

[The Rio Grande River Basin]

Hey, I already dibsied NY-12…

Ah shoot, but it's not there as reserved on the main post..

Also realized I made some mistakes with timeline, since the current date is Jan 1960. Might need to edit and make him a candidate for the seat instead...IRL NY12 was a Republican seat. Maybe your guy can be the incumbent?

Well, it’s a Republican Shirley Chisholm expy. But yeah, it’s being reviewed, I think, like my McGovern expy

[Azekopolaltion]

Ah shoot, but it's not there as reserved on the main post..

Also realized I made some mistakes with timeline, since the current date is Jan 1960. Might need to edit and make him a candidate for the seat instead...IRL NY12 was a Republican seat. Maybe your guy can be the incumbent?

Well, it’s a Republican Shirley Chisholm expy. But yeah, it’s being reviewed, I think, like my McGovern expy

Ah gotchu. I will look and see what changes I might make. Maybe I can move him to another Brooklyn district? Not sure what the map looked like at this time.

[The Rio Grande River Basin]

Well, it’s a Republican Shirley Chisholm expy. But yeah, it’s being reviewed, I think, like my McGovern expy

Ah gotchu. I will look and see what changes I might make. Maybe I can move him to another Brooklyn district? Not sure what the map looked like at this time.

Idk. Apparently ninth is the current Brooklyn district.

[Newne Carriebean7]

I'm pretty excited about this. I've got a hell-raising Governor and a braggadocios Alabaman senator all prepped and ready to fire. I've thought about a possible third char, but I'm going to just stick with these two interesting characters.

I'm thinking that Governor Welles will lambast the President from the right while Senator Sparks will probably be the one to run for President. I mean, he was selected as (Not Stevenson's) VP in 1952, so he's got experience campaigning.

[Azekopolaltion]

(Image)

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(Image)

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Azekopolaltion
Character Name: Thomas "Tommy" Conor Byrne
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 40
Character Date of Birth: April 21, 1920
Character Position/Role/Job: Freshman Representative for New York's 7th Congressional District, Member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee and subcommittee on Africa, as well as the Committee on Government Operations (predecessor to the modern House Oversight Committee)
Character Country/State of Birth: Brooklyn, New York City
Character State of Residence: New York
Character Party Affiliation: Democratic (modern American liberal)
Faceclaim: Ted Kennedy
Main Strengths:

The Flashy Resume: Tommy is a former soldier and lawyer, and he comes from a long line of businessmen from his district. He is intimately aware of Brooklyn's economic history as a former industrial base, the importance of global geopolitics, and the cost of war.

The Gift of the Gab: Though he is not a fiery populist orator like many other politicians of his time, Tommy has become used to a calm, cool style of rhetoric that suits his image as the clean-cut former courtroom lawyer. He is methodical, firm, and convincing in his speeches, which can help him come across as a capable young man despite his relative political inexperience.

District Connections: His family were never powerful political donors, but they are still a prominent name in the Brooklyn economy, given that the company is manufacturer dating back to the mid-19th Century. People in Br

Main Weaknesses:

The Dreaded 'Silver Spoon': Tommy's family remains a wealthy group of corporate profiteers in an otherwise deindustrialized, struggling Brooklyn borough. It is difficult for him to convincingly portray himself as a man of the people because of his privileged upbringing; he cannot speak from a place of personal experience when it comes to struggles with finances.

Policy Vagueness: Beyond his staunch anti-war stance, Tommy takes few other firm positions on policy. Perhaps this is due to his past a largely apolitical young man; he voted for Jonathan Jackson in 1952 and strongly opposed fascist Europe during his war service, but otherwise he has never held any strong policy beliefs until the news about the war in Free France. When questioned on welfare, healthcare, and infrastructure, he often speaks in platitudes rather than specifics, opening himself up to attacks from opponents.

Racial Cluelessness: Though his representation of working-class Hispanics and African Americans as a labor lawyer made him sympathetic to the plight of American minorities, race is hardly a number one consideration for Tommy—and he is often shockingly uninformed about the primary domestic issue of his time.


Biography:

Thomas C. Byrne was born to an established Irish-American family in Brooklyn. His father was the head of an old pharmaceutics and medical goods manufacturer, the Byrne-Riley Corporation, with a factory headquartered in Brooklyn ("the Riley plant"). The company has a long, rich history, having served as a major supplier to the Union Army during the Civil War. The company used to export break-bulk cargo from ships on Brooklyn's vibrant waterfront in the 1920s. Tommy's uncle, Colin F. Byrne, was a very senior officer in the U.S. Navy, and was professionally close to FDR; President Roosevelt appointed Colin Byrne as president of the Brooklyn Navy Yard in the 1930s, putting him in charge of thousands of workers constructing ships, preparing to fend off increasingly hostile world powers in Europe and Asia. Thus Tommy was born into a family that was very invested in the fate of Brooklyn's waterfront, seeing it as the intersection between the global economy and global politics.

Tommy was the middle child of his family, forcing him to push himself in order to stand out in comparison to his older brother and younger sister. Though his uncle was a military man close to Roosevelt, the Byrne family was more or less apolitical. If anything, the family values instilled in Tommy leaned conservative: his parents believed in the importance of hard work and personal responsibility to eventually realize the American Dream. He grew up in a very shielded environment that did not pay attention to the real issues of the world; race politics and poverty were never at the top of Tommy's mind. The only discussions about current events in his household related to geopolitics—not from an ideological standpoint, but purely for practical considerations. Tommy became knowledgeable about world leaders, their international agendas, and military affairs from conversations at the dinner table.

Though he worked hard in school, Tommy did not possess the natural intelligence of his younger sister nor the outstanding academic achievements of his older brother, who was a proper Harvard man. Tommy enlisted in the U.S. Naval Reserve a few weeks before his 18th birthday in 1940, and enrolled in Northwestern University the same year. In 1943, he was sent into active duty against Japan in a long campaign aboard the USS Brooklyn—a ship, coincidentally, commissioned from the Brooklyn Navy Yard. He was discharged at the rank of lieutenant in 1946. Tommy returned to enroll in law school, earning his J.D. from NYU in 1952. He was admitted to the NY State bar that same year.

At law school and as a young lawyer, Tommy spent time with a crowd that was hyperaware of politics and social issues. He began to become more politically engaged and cast his ballot for Republican candidate Jonathan Jackson in the 1952 presidential election, having served under his leadership during the war years. He would end up voting for President Jackson's reelection campaign in 1956 as well. Returning to live in Brooklyn in 1952, Tommy found his old hometown facing severe demographic changes; the borough was suffering from extreme deindustrialization, and the shipyard workforce had been halved as shipbuilding activities moved to more central locations in Virginia nearer to military bases. Even his father's company was facing reduced profits. Much of the white middle class of the borough had moved out to suburbs in Long Island and Staten Island, while many of the borough's neighborhoods faced increasing gentrification. The new working class of Brooklyn was much more diverse and composed of a rising Puerto Rican community.

Facing these changes—a borough with a declining manufacturing sector and corporations that were increasingly paying workers poorer wages and enforcing worse safety standards to survive—young Tommy Byrne joined a small Brooklyn law firm that specialized in labor law. With company bosses that treated workers poorly and union bosses in deep with the American mob, few remained to truly litigate for workers. Tommy did not approach his job ideologically, and did not even win many of the cases he took up. But the very fact that he had chosen to go into labor law rather than a more lucrative sector—or a sector that was less directly confrontational to the interests of company heads like his father—created a small rift between Tommy and the rest of the Byrne family.

His clientele occasionally included Black and Puerto Rican workers suing abusive employers, and Tommy began to become slightly more sympathetic towards the problems of minorities in America—an issue he had been painfully blind to in his adolescent days. He began to see the parallels between the plight of racial minorities at home and other races internationally, and became more disillusioned with the course of U.S. foreign policy post-World War II. Though he was by no means a passionate Civil Rights advocate, nor a staunch pro-labor crusader, like most other Americans Tommy was horrified by the increasingly violent and oppressive war in Free France. It was perhaps this issue that struck the deepest cord with him, given his background in the U.S. military. He had always seen military intervention as a means of fighting the injustice of oppressive regimes like the one in Japan, or the current fascist one in Germany—not as a means of propping up such governments. Ultimately, it was these mixture of experiences—as a former soldier and a labor lawyer for a diverse Brooklyn clientele—that solidified Tommy Byrne's political identity as a modern American liberal.

Knowing he had enough deep-seated connections in Brooklyn given his family history and name, Tommy Byrne ran as a Democrat for the NY-7 Congressional seat in 1958. His platform did not endorse any specific legislation on Civil Rights, poverty, or the economy, but he positioned himself as a native son of Brooklyn who understood the significance of the district's economic and demographic changes. Most importantly, his campaign was centered around the U.S. war in Free France: he calmly but firmly attacked the Jackson administration's foreign policy, invoking his own military service as an example of when war was justified and when it was not. He also positioned the American military aid to France's colonial government as a waste of money when communities in Brooklyn were struggling. Tommy defeated the Republican candidate in '58, officially becoming a member of the U.S. House of Representatives. From his position on the House Foreign Affairs Committee, he has hammered away at the "unjust and wasteful intervention in Free France," becoming a prominent national spokesperson against the war; many of the pictures of the massacres in Senegal were broadcast by him in committee hearings. Voters in his district see him as emblematic of a new political style and a flashier political future, though many scoff at his platitudes and occasional gaffes when it comes to commenting on domestic policy that he is less knowledgeable and passionate about (such as racial tensions in the South).

Other Info: NA

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: (Your Nation's Name Here)

Do Not Remove: COLDWAR

edited.

[Sao Nova Europa]

Will be reviewing apps pretty soon.

One thing I want to note, however, just so that we are clear: while radical candidates can possibly win in the primaries (Goldwater did win the nomination after all despite a radical reputation), being a radical makes things harder. So if you give your character too radical political positions (especially for the era and the setting) do not complain if they end up not polling as well in the primaries as would expect them to.

Simply clarifying this to avoid any disappointments when IC is launched.

[Union Princes]

Well. Kinda. He’ll never say his ideology (ie. Fascism, etc.), but when he speaks to different groups, he’s similar to a Huey Long/LBJ in that he’ll say what people want to hear, without anyone actually being able to accuse him of flip-flopping, ie. “I would end segregation”, whilst in the South, “I am opposed to busing, etc., something something state’s rights”
He’s a populist, he says what you want to hear, in a way that charms a snake.

A sound strategy but that unfortunately only works once. If he wins the white house but doesn't go through with maintaining segregation and other campaign promises, it will drive away some of his former supporters. By appealing to everything, he might just end up appealing to no one.

Northern Voters would pay attention to his messages and vice versa with the Southern voters

[Sao Nova Europa]

NS Nation Name: Azekopolaltion
Character Name: Thomas "Tommy" Conor Byrne

ACCEPTED

[The Central Federation]

NS Nation Name: Azekopolaltion
Character Name: Thomas "Tommy" Conor Byrne

ACCEPTED

I edited my character on page 3

[Turkducken]

I would like to point out that my character at the top of page 4 is done

[Sao Nova Europa]

NS Nation Name: Turkducken
Character Name: Elizabeth Goodyear Roosevelt

ACCEPTED

[Sao Nova Europa]

Is it possible to play a non-political character which still plays an important role (technically) in the politics? Somewhat like Westmoreland did back during the Vietnam War

Sure. You can join as a non-political character.

[Sao Nova Europa]

NS Nation Name: The Rio Grande River Basin
Character Name: George Graythorpe

A minor issue is about implementing universal healthcare on the state level. This seems like something too radical and should be removed. You can still have your character advocate for it though.

Another issue, which is more important and I should have clarified it before (apologies for this), is that this character is too far left to be Republican. Yes, the GOP at the time had moderate and even liberal Republicans but not so much to the left. I would suggest either:

A) moderating the character somewhat, so that he is still liberal but not a left-wing populist (either on social or economic issues): you can take ideas from Nelson Rockefeller
B) change the character into a Democrat

In the second case, it should be important to note that for reasons of fairness, your character should not outright endorse the Long character unless it would make sense to do so IC. Also you cannot have them both running for the presidential primaries. Perhaps you can focus more on Governorship (which is important work) or running for the Senate or campaigning on specific policy issues? Not every politician needs to be running for President to be influential and I do expect people to also app as characters who will not enter the primaries.

[Sao Nova Europa]

NS Nation Name: The Central Federation
Character Name: Alexander Kane

ACCEPTED

[Sao Nova Europa]

NS Nation Name: The Rio Grande River Basin
Character Name: Judy Cheshire

There are a few issues I would to see fixed:

1) Perhaps you can add a social conservative position or mention one moderate position on economics? You can keep the stuff about her legislation for expanding unemployment benefits, just add something that does not make her look like a left-wing populist.
2) You mention "she staged an upset victory over James Farmborne, the former director of the Congress of Racial Equality who was running as a Liberal Party candidate with Republican support" - if she is a Republican, why would the Republicans support another candidate?
3) Her strengths and weaknesses are almost the same as Graythorpe. Would like to see them changed as the characters should be unique.

I would recommend either moderating a bit her stances or turning her into a Democrat. Also, as a general rule, characters should not be created simply to complement another character (with very rare exceptions). So her existing simply to support Graythorpe is somewhat problematic. I would like to see her be a bit more independent.

Also, I need to state, that perhaps you should consider deleting this character. Yes, the hard limit is 3 characters, but the primaries are bound to be hard and juggling between 3 different characters can be difficult. More is not better in some cases and focusing more on Long could benefit you IC, especially since at least one of the contenders for the Dem nomination will focus on one character only. But that is just a suggestion. If you feel confident managing three characters at once, you can go ahead with it.

[Sao Nova Europa]

NS Nation Name: Catalaonia
Character Name: Oliver Murray

ACCEPTED

[Sao Nova Europa]

NY Gov and Senator reserved for CSR. Will be updating roster later.

[Union Princes]

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Commonwealth of Union Princes
Character Name: Wallace Disney
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 59
Character Date of Birth: December 5th, 1901
Character Position/Role/Job: Animator, film producer, entrepreneur, President of the Disney Brothers Studio, Coalition Leader of the Disneyites (Free Market Social Conservative Republicans)
Character Country/State of Birth: Chicago, Illinois
Character State of Residence: Burbank, California
Character Party Affiliation: Republicans - Market Liberal
Faceclaim: Walt Disney
Main Strengths:

• Deep Connections - While Disney had achieved success prior to WWII, it was the Pacific War that really made his brand the household name throughout the US. From his animation shorts to Disneyland in California, there is not a single American who has not heard of Wallace Disney. His contributions to the American war effort were indispensable, with over half of US propaganda films and animation shorts produced in Disney Bros, and with it the gratitude of many established politicians, war veterans, and young-blooded advocates.
• Deeper Pockets - If there is one thing that separates Disney from the rest of the political competition, it's that he is unbeholden to the lobbyists operating in Washington D.C. More than being just a principal zealot, he just doesn't need them. His media empire and the brand have made Disney one of the richest men in the entire world. His films, being one financial success after another, have raked in tens of millions of dollars into Disney's pocket. An almost infinite fund to spend on his political campaign. As such, Disney can afford to be a truly independent politician in the Capitol.
• The Master of Magic - Disney Brothers Studio, once a humble animation studio, is now a corporate media empire whose influence built Americana culture. Even the Fuhrer of Germany watches Bambi, Snow White, and Sleeping Beauty! As a media producer, Disney Bros is without rival; as a propaganda industry, surpasses even the best efforts of the US Federal Government and the invasive censorship of Nazi Germany. Everywhere Americans look, the Disney brand is there, in the streets, in the movies, and in their homes. The Mickey Mouse Club and its eager children and parents use patriotism and accusations of Un-American activity to browbeat (or just beatdown) any of Disney's political rivals.

Main Weaknesses:

• No Political Experience - Though well-meaning, Disney is ultimately inexperienced in the intricacies of politics and diplomacy, oblivious to the struggles of the Civil Rights Movement, and unaware of the consequences of his idealistic agenda.
• The Business Plot - It is no coincidence that Disney's allies and associates are all big-name industrialists and bankers who see his political campaign as an opportunity to expand their business interests at the expense of the workers and consumers. A unique sentiment similarly shared given Disney's anti-union and anti-communist views. Beware Club 33, the 33 most powerful and richest business leaders and industrialists in America aligned with Disney.
• Too Clean, Too Safe - As an experienced businessman, Disney knows the importance of mass appeal through appropriate words and colors. As a politician, Disney is controversial. Controversial due to his lack of controversy. His words are wind, promises are vague, and the people are subject to bread and circuses by the animation films and shorts to keep the masses docile and distracted.

Biography: Of the many things said of Wallace Disney, none of them deny his ambition and pursuit of perfection. Like the Great Man Theory, it was as if he was born to be an artist.

Native to Chicago, Disney developed an early interest in drawing and took art classes in his youth. As a young adult at 18, he was hired as a commercial artist, giving Wallace his first taste of the business world. But in the 1920s, he moved to California with his brother, Ray, and there they founded the Disney Brothers Studio. There in 1928 the company mascot, Mortimer (Morty) Mouse, was made and voiced by Wallace Disney. It was an instant success that enabled further expansion of the studio and allowed for greater opportunities for experimentation with the new field of animation. Disney Bros became synonymous with adventures, full-color, feature films that sparked joy in both children and adults alike. Snow White and Seven Dwarves (1937) was the first international hit for the studio with Fuhrer Hitler reported to have a private screening of the movie with his party comrades. Pinocchio, Fantasia, Dumbo, and Bambi (1940 1941, and 1942 respectively) solidified Disney's foothold on the foreign and domestic market. His films were so popular that they were one of the few media that went uncensored in Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy.

When the US entered the Pacific War, Wallace and Ray formed the Disney Brothers Training Films Unit within the studio to produce films and propaganda for the US military and civilians. The two brothers even met Roosevelt's Secretary of the Treasury and agreed to produce an animation short to sell war bonds. One of which went on to win an Academy Award. After the war, Wallace, with his brother, expanded the interests of the studio into other media such as television, theme parks, comics, radio, and musicals. All of which was raking in millions of dollars for Disney Bros. The 1950s saw tremendous growth for the studio, whose influence went as far as collaborating with NASA.

Although Wallace could continue down this path as an entertainer, his ambitions to build a utopia did not end with his toys and movies. After Christmas in 1959, Wallace announced to his brother that he would embark on his path to become a politician. Disney joined the Republican Party by storm, seeing their values are most aligned with his, campaigning as the next Governor of California. A celebrity in its ranks! Many pundits thought that this would greatly boost the party's popularity but it was clear that Disney cares about his vision and his vision alone. To build the utopia he always dreamed about. The one thing that kept him moving forward.

A World of Laughter and a World of Tears. The Happiest Place on Earth.
Other Info: Happily married and a father of two daughters. Invited to participate in the planning of the future Olympic Games. Disney quit smoking when he started his political career and has gone clean since then. The first person to be nominated and win Academy Awards in six different categories.

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: Union Princes

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