Jabal Akhdar – 1 (1)
el-Abdul; al-Jalil, al-Idris(62’ el-Hamad
), el-Saladin; el-Basha; Zaman, el-Moustafa, Hakimi, el-Karim
(62’ Kassis
![]()
(80’)); el-Fadel
(62’ el-Nasir
), Akram
(24’)
Equestria – 1 (0)(84’)
Article from news magazine The New Week National Atlantic News Spectating Economist Time Man.
- In a Sweating Sultanate, Questions of Regional Pride Blunt An Outsider’s Aggression
When Jabal Akhdar’s national football team took to the pitch in Mar Sara for MD1 of AOCAF 67, it was widely understood that far more than a ball game was at stake. Prime Minister Kaija Michaelsdóttir of Græntfjall had previously stated that her nation would not act before the AOCAF Cup began – but that that was the final deadline for the handing over of Prince Hakim el-Masri, alleged mastermind of the Steinaux terror attacks and leader of the el-Masri network (Wahash Bahriun ’Usturiun). When MD1 arrived with no sign from a defiant Crown Prince Siddeeqi Ghaazi el-Masri that he would deliver up his cousin, the unmistakeable assumption was that Græntfjall would initiate offensive operations against the desert emirate. So through the game, it was obvious the Green Falcons were playing under a heavy cloud. There was little celebration when Rayyan Noor Zaman powered an impressive attacking throw into the box, flicked on by Wajeeh el-Fadel and headed home by Misfar Akram; the reaction when the Equestrians pulled back a late equalizer barely registered. The players practically rushed from the field as soon as the whistle blew for full time, eschewing hoof-shakes with their opponents to scramble for the cellphones that anti-corruption regulations had prohibited them from accessing during the game. They clustered outside the stadium, calling home to Jabal Akhdar City. And, unexpectedly, being connected. There was no assault on their country.
Or perhaps – has not been. Yet.
Græntfjall, still unused to wielding power on a global stage after decades of isolation, has largely confined to its former colonial territories as it seeks to stake out a role for itself. Its involvement in the Nyowani Kitara crisis on its borders was largely seen as disastrous, and its failure to prevent Eura developing a naval base in the Pavola region has left its analysts smarting. The Steinaux terror attacks, terrible and tragic as they were, have at least had the effect of currying significant international sympathy and goodwill, but that goodwill appears not to stretch so far as to allow any kind of retribution against the country the Queendom claims is effectively responsible for the attacks, or at least, responsible for harboring their mastermind. While only one of the Steinaux attackers was born in Jabal Akhdar, two claim Akhdari ancestry and all five had visited the Emirate prior to the attack. Public protests outside the Akhdari embassy have been rancorous, if not rancid, in tone, while AOPIC company facilities were attacked and daubed with anti-Akhdari (and in some cases anti-Muslim) slogans.
Yet the fact remains that Atlantian Oceania is a proud and independent region with a history and community far eclipsing that of the Rushmori upstart threatening violence against one of its members. Jabal Akhdar may not be a beloved member of the Atlantian community but they did host the most recent AOCAF Cup, have invested in members of the region through AOPIC, and have generally enjoyed friendly relations. The accusation that they harbor or even sponsor terrorists no doubt shocks and appals AO members, and there is no suggestion any other nation in the region has anything but contempt for the el-Masri network. Yet Atlantian nations including the Commonwealth of Baker Park, Milchama and the Busoga Islands have clearly indicated their opposition to any military incursion into what they will regard as their own regional territory. That leaves Græntfjall, which has friendly relations with many Atlantian nations and ongoing economic concerns in the region, at something of an impasse. An impasse neatly demonstrated by the line of ships currently toiling in Atlantian waters.

TNWNANSWTM is a very serious news magazine, which is why they use only the TOP graphic designers
Operation Storm of the Light’s Bane is the codename of the Græntfjaller deployment to Jabal Akhdar. Under Phase One: Operation Fathomless Depths, elements of the Second Fleet have been deployed to Atlantian Oceania and are currently anchored in international waters (“IW”), just outside the line of Jabal Akhdar’s territorial waters. But with observers reporting littoral combat and amphibious warfare elements among the fleet, remaining at sea indefinitely seems unlikely to be the next phase of the plan, especially given Græntfjaller sailors’ well known dislike of remaining at sea for long periods, fearing as they do kraken attacks. Their position represents a situation of considerable geopolitical complexity given Jabal Akhdar’s location. Approach from any direction other than the Vilitan Cove is impossible owing to the Great Calanian Desert (“GCD”, which the frostbound Græntfjallers regard as a particularly hellishly impassable barrier. Yet in lingering to the Emirate’s west, the Græntfjallers are risking straying off course.
Four islands (two unoccupied islands “1” and “2”, AO Isle, and a lengthy barrier “3” split between Nellietopia, unclaimed territory, and Jabal Akhdar) lie in their immediate vicinity. Any movement to take the unoccupied islands as a staging point for an assault on Jabal Akhdar would, given their proximity to the regional capitol island, no doubt further antagonize Atlantian sentiment against the Græntfjallers, who are left with only a narrow possible approach. The Queendom has launched many air strikes against alleged terrorist camps in the Emirate in recent years, and prior to AOCAF Cup 66 launched a major strike against the Emirate’s air force, but now it seems possible Atlantian nations will deny Græntfjallers use of their air space, which would make it impossible to refuel given the long distance from Rushmore. If Græntfjaller vessels cannot refuel, they will have to limp home in ignominy having failed, in the public eye, to achieve any measure of vengeance for the blood shed on their streets. Yet proceeding ahead risks dragging Græntfjall and Atlantian Oceania into outright opposition. For their part, the Emirate has retained a defiant tone throughout. The Crown Prince has resolutely refused to surrender his cousin. Threading the needle’s eye will not just be a challenge for Græntfjall’s sailors, but for their Prime Minister.


(62’ el-Hamad
), el-Saladin; el-Basha; Zaman, el-Moustafa, Hakimi, el-Karim
(80’)); el-Fadel
(24’)

















