33 Provinces in 33 Days (News Thread in Laeral, Open)

[Laeral]

Les Couloirs

Within the Corridors of Power

Thousands Gather in Laeralsford for Global Climate Protests
An estimated 22,000 protesters assembled in Laeralsford and other cities worldwide to demand climate action.
By Jiang Sengyi, published June 20, 2020

Protestors bearing pro-environmental signs marched through downtown Laeralsford today.

Laeralsford- Thousands of protestors took to the streets of Laeralsford and other Laeralian cities today, demanding government action against climate change and calling for an international conference for governments to mandate immediate carbon emission targets. An estimated 22,000 demonstrators in Laeralsford marched through the 1st and 3rd Arrondissements and in front of Republic House and Assembly Hall in largely peaceful protests taking place simultaneously in nations worldwide.

The organizers of the protest, the environmental advocacy group Climate Alliance Laeral, announced a series of five demands it has called upon governments worldwide to follow: an immediate international climate conference, a commitment to net zero carbon emissions by 2025, an end to the import of fossil fuels from abroad, investments in renewable energy and public transport, and legal protections for all heritage forests.

“Scientists have warned us for decades that climate change is an existential threat to human life across the planet,” said Léa Prieur, a leader in Climate Alliance Laeral who spoke at the protest. “If we do not take immediate, drastic action to curb emissions and safeguard our future, then the consequences will be dire and they will be felt in every corner of the world.”

Smaller demonstrations also took place in Althea, Hanshui, Songshan, and Lyrene, as well as capital cities worldwide. In Lauchenoiria, seen as the heart of global climate activism, mass demonstrations in Buttercity and other cities have prompted Prime Minister Josephine Alvarez to schedule an address to Parliament on climate change, where she is expected to call for a global climate conference. Other nations with large-scale climate protests include Libertas Omnium Maximus, Eiria, Tsiba, Milintica, and Kerlile.

In Laeral, Green party leader and current Environment Minister Alexis Fleury joined protestors outside Assembly Hall. Fleury has asserted that Prime Minister Martin’s government would welcome a global conference on climate change, and has promised swift government action to curb emissions. “As the first-ever Laeralian government to give Green parties a seat at the table, we are committing to swift and comprehensive action to immediately tackle the threat of climate change.” He also pledged that the government would incorporate its promised complete climate action plan into law within two months.

About the Author

Jiang Sengyi ('David Jiang') is a senior at Laeralian International University, majoring in Journalism and Political Communications. He was born in Enara, and currently interns with Les Couloirs. He's fascinated by how national politics interacts with local officials and policymaking, and previously spent four months interning in the office of Mayor Nathalie Lefevre of Laeralsford Municipality. He hopes to one day work full-time in the journalistic field. In his free time, he works for Laeralian International University's student newspaper and enjoys reading and the occasional video game. He can be reached at jiang.sengyi@lescouloirs.net.

[Laeral]

Les Couloirs

Within the Corridors of Power

National Assembly Passes Landmark Public Housing Law
The 21st Century Social Housing Act creates a nationwide social housing authority and enshrines a “right to housing” in law.
By Emeline Lesage, published June 21, 2020

The Hangmei Estate public housing complex on the outskirts of Hanshui dates to the 1960s, whose thousands of residents face high crime rates and deteriorating living conditions.

Hanshui-- The National Assembly passed the 21st Century Social Housing Act on Saturday, enshrining a right to housing in Laeralian law and fulfilling a key campaign promise of President Liu’s to establish a nationwide public housing authority and improve conditions in social housing complexes. Supporters of the legislation say that wide-ranging reforms are necessary for Laeral’s aging public housing, which is home to roughly 18 million Laeralites yet has become associated with low standards of living and dilapidated surroundings.

Social housing complexes, also known as ”Habitation à Loyer Modéré” (HLM, or “Housing at Moderate Rent”), are subsidized public housing available for long-term rent by those in need. Consisting primarily of large-scale apartment blocks in urban areas, HLM makes up around 24% of housing in Laeral, and is a key factor in providing affordable living spaces in cities such as Laeralsford and Hanshui, where for many, home ownership is out of reach.

Social housing complexes, however, are often in poor condition. While HLM buildings vary greatly nationwide, apartment complexes such as the Shizuiliang Estates in Meilinis have thousands of residents living in squalid conditions. A 2019 study by researchers at François Guiraud National Open University found harmful substances, such as mold infestations or lead paint, in nearly 30% of the 3,000 HLM apartment units surveyed. Researchers also found that living in HLM residences built before 2000, or roughly 70% of HLM premises, was associated with lower life expectancy and greater risk of fire and infectious disease.

Cramped conditions in a Miaoshi, Peichen HLM apartment.

Efforts to improve these conditions have been hampered by the wide array of authorities operating HLM complexes at the provincial or municipal level: a patchwork of around 45 public and private organizations. The new 21st Century Social Housing Act creates the new Laeralian Housing Authority to oversee and coordinate social housing nationwide, as well as writing and enforcing uniform standards for HLM complexes. The Laeralian Housing Authority will also have the power to seize and operate directly any public housing complexes which fail to meet standards or fall empty.

“This is an entirely new approach in the way social housing has been approached in this country,” says President Liu Mei-han, a major proponent of the legislation. “It’s difficult to believe, but in the six decades of the Allied Provinces’ existence, there has never before been a meaningful federal body charged with managing social housing nationwide.”

President Liu is a long-time advocate for increased government investment in public housing. Her childhood home was the Jiaoyuan Estate housing complex, a massive apartment building located on the outskirts of Hanshui and built during the 1950s to house several thousand families, many of them Rén workers moving from the countryside in search of jobs in the city.

As governor of Neidong from 2013 to 2016, she oversaw major investments in HLM refurbishing and renovation, and during her presidential race, she frequently referenced her upbringing at Jiaoyuan Estate. Her appointment of Yang Wanzhou, New Democratic representative and former director of the nonprofit Fair Housing Coalition, as Housing and Urban Affairs Minister was taken as a signal that broad public housing reform was ahead.


President Liu Mei-han appears alongside residents of Hanshui’s Jiaoyuan Estate public housing complex, her childhood home.

Minister Yang and the Fair Housing Coalition had long advocated for a federal right to housing, which appears among the first lines of the legislation: “It is declared the policy of the federal government that the right to adequate housing is an essential and fundamental human right for all Laeralites.” The right is legally enforceable for as long as the legislation stands, meaning that the judiciary could in future find a law in violation of the right to adequate housing, although the exact impact of this right on future cases is uncertain.

As proposed in Liu’s campaign platform, the 21st Century Social Housing Act also creates the new Tenants’ Purchase scheme, which allows HLM residents to purchase their apartments at subsidized prices, as well as the Path to Ownership scheme, intended to allow first-time homebuyers such as college graduates to buy their first homes inside new and refurbished HLM complexes. According to the bill’s backers, the legislation is intended to promote home ownership and increase standards of living within social housing estates.

“For decades, long-term rentals in public housing has been a means for our nation’s most vulnerable to stay out of shelters and off the streets,” said Progressive Delegate Sophie Meng, who co-sponsored the bill in the General Assembly. “This act allows these vulnerable Laeralites, from elders to working-class Laeralites to single parents raising children, to save up and one day attain their goal of homeownership.”

The bill passed largely along party lines, with no members of the governing coalition breaking ranks to vote with the opposition. People’s Party lawmakers and local housing authority trade groups roundly criticized the bill, calling it an inflexible bureaucratic imposition on local housing authorities.

Housing Minister Yang Wanzhou, longtime head of the Fair
Housing Coalition and chief architect of the bill.

“President Liu and her allies in government are calling for another overbearing federal board that will do nothing but flood local housing authorities with red tape and stifling housing innovation at the local level,” said LPP Rep. Ye Qingshan. “Poll after poll shows that ordinary Laeralites trust their local governments far more than they do the unelected bureaucrats in Laeralsford. So why is it that this administration’s first impulse when dealing with local problems is to centralize power and stop local authorities from adapting to conditions on the ground?”

The parliamentary left-wing also criticized the bill, citing concerns that the four-year prohibition on reselling homes bought under the Tenants’ Purchase scheme would be insufficient to prevent gentrification within HLM communities. “Tenants’ Purchase has absolutely none of the safeguards necessary to stop predatory property developers from buying homes straight from the tenants as soon as the four-year limit expires,” said Rep. Karine Paillard, a Socialist. “This program may be well-intentioned, but it opens the door to opportunistic developers buying up residences within HLM communities and gentrifying low-income Laeralites out of the very communities meant to be their own.”

Having passed the National Assembly, the 21st Century Social Housing Act will go into effect August 1st, the date when the Laeralian Housing Authority begins operations. Under the guidance of Yang Wanzhou’s activist Housing ministry, it’s expected that new regulations will be swiftly forthcoming. “It’s the responsibility of the LHA to turn today’s social housing estates into the safe, welcoming, and hospitable housing communities of tomorrow,” said Minister Yang. “A lot of HLM residences are lacking in health, safety, and general tenant well-being. In some cases, the LHA may have to step in to turn around HLM estates that aren’t meeting these standards for their residents.”

Public housing community advocates, meanwhile, have generally praised the legislation, but say that more could be done to better the lives of those in social housing. “This is a tremendous step forward,” said Solène Auffret of the Fair Housing Coalition, “but it can’t take the place of the major investment in public housing that’s essential for the well-being of the 18 million Laeralities living in HLM estates.”

About the Author

Emeline Lesage is a reporter for Les Couloirs, where she covers the Assembly of Commons. She previously covered healthcare policy for Les Couloirs, where she investigated medical regulations and the influence of pharmaceutical industry lobbyists. Her 2018 reporting on the role of nuclear energy industry groups played a key role in the parliamentary debate surrounding the role of nuclear power following the 2018 Laeralsford Blackout. Lesage was born in Celeste and graduated from Althea City University in 2013 with degrees in Political Science and German, and completed the University of Laeralsford’s Graduate Program in Journalism in 2015. She can be found on Setsuzoku at @Emeline.Lesage or via email at emeline.lesage@lescouloirs.net

[Laeral]

Out-Of-Character (OOC) Note: This is an excerpt from the Artists of Progress roleplay hosted on the IDU regional forums. The story centers on the Mesoamerican-inspired nation of Xiomera, where the popular reformist Empress Yauhmi was overthrown by conservative elements in a military coup. Her son, Crown Prince Texōccoatl, who was at the time on a state visit to Laeral, has formed a government in exile, supported by Xiomeran military forces abroad and backed by much of the international community. Meanwhile, the increasingly beleaguered Minister of Defense, Bernard Errante, faces opposition from within his own party, as the ambitious Education Minister Gwendoline Schneider paints his views as old-fashioned and plots the end of his political career. In this series of scenes, we see Schneider recruit allies within the Conservative party, as Errante meets with his counterpart in the Xiomeran loyalist government to plan a military invasion to restore Yauhmi to the Xiomeran throne.

Narrative: A Beleaguered Errante
Laeralsford, Laeral

Even though Delegate Bernard Errante (Conservative from Meridoc) was Defense Minister, he’d never served in the military. But he didn’t need to have been a soldier to realize the perils of being surrounded and forced into an un-ideal course of action by a superior foe. The foe who had him outgunned and surrounded at the moment sat two seats to his right at cabinet meetings-- Representative Gwendoline Schneider, the Conservative Minister of Education.

She’d stolen a march on him, getting her hands on a bombshell video of Shuellian mercenaries attacking civilians at a political protest in Xiomera. In an interview with TV1, she’d spoken passionately about the necessity of ending the killings in Xiomera and bringing democracy and freedom to the far-flung nation. Worst of all, she’d made herself out to be representing the official coalition government stance, forcing Errante and the other members of the government to put themselves on the record as agreeing with her position.

“The murder of protesters, the arbitrary detention of civilians, the use of torture-- these actions violate every principle of international law,” Errante had said to the media, acting as if this strident message had been what he’d been intending to say all along. “If Xochiuche and his regime do not back down, their actions will warrant a decisive and forceful international response.”

With that, the Liu government’s prior cautious stance with regards to Xiomera took a swift turn towards the belligerent-- all due to pressure from one Education Minister who was far too good at using the media to her advantage. There would be a reckoning for Gwendoline Schneider someday. Liu and her backers were too strong-willed to let Schneider’s blatant breach of discipline go unpunished. But day by day, Errante was growing more convinced that he would not be around to see it.

---

Assembly Hall, Laeralsford, Laeral
Gwendoline Schneider was working in her office at Assembly Hall- as head of the Conservative caucus, she rated a decent-sized office within the legislative building- when she heard a knock at the door. As expected. She stood up to open the door, greeting the man standing there with the customary kisses on the cheek.

“Victor! It’s a pleasure to see you!”

“And you as well, Gwen,” said Victor Bailly, a balding, brown-haired man in his fifties who was a representative under her in the Conservative caucus. “So what is it you’d like to discuss today?”

“I was hoping I might have your thoughts on some...broader questions than we typically consider here in the Commons. Thoughts on the future of the party.”

“I might need a cup of coffee to talk about that sort of thing so early in the morning!” Victor said, with a smile.

Gwendoline passed him a sealed cup of takeout coffee, still warm. “One of the interns stopped by just twenty minutes ago,” she said. Victor sipped it appreciatively- he wasn’t a snob about coffee, just as long as it warmed him up and put a kick in his step.

“So,” Gwendoline said. “You’ve been following the news regarding Xiomera, haven't you? The military government there is losing its allies on all fronts, and facing a popular uprising in the streets. But like a cornered rat, Xochiuche and his followers are lashing out, rather than seeking to negotiate. Mercenaries running wild on the streets, killing with impunity. Civilians thrown into brutal prison camps for daring to raise their voices against the regime. The people of Xiomera will rise up against their mistreatment soon, but without foreign assistance, it will be a bloodbath.”

“That’s my perspective as well,” Victor said. “It’s been good to see so many voices here in the party and in government coming together to denounce these crimes.”

“Exactly,” Gwendoline said. “You know, Victor, I’ve been seeing the effort that you and the others have been putting into the Xiomera Working Group. You’ve got a lot to be proud of there. Thanks to your sterling efforts in raising awareness, the atrocities in Xiomera, and what we must do to put an end to them, are at the top of the public conscious and the legislative agenda.”

“Thank you,” Victor said. “It’s satisfying to be doing such good work. Knowing that we’re standing up for those unable to stand up for themselves.”

“Precisely,” Gwendoline said. “In fact, I think the efforts of the working group you lead played a key role in getting President Liu to sign the targeted sanctions last week. Why, if I’d had the authority, I would’ve made sure that you and your colleagues in the Xiomera Working Group would’ve been there at the signing.”

“Well, knowing that we’re making an impact is reward enough,” Victor said. “But I appreciate the thought.”

“Of course,” Gwendoline said. “Good work deserves to be recognized. And that brings me to my next point…” she let the words hang in the air for a moment. “I’ve been speaking with Bernard, and he’s been coming under a lot of stress lately. Being Defense Minister at a time like this, and being Party President, and serving in the General Assembly-- it’s a lot of stress for anyone, and I don’t know how much longer he can bear it. You know he started his political career back in 1966? That’s longer than you or I have been alive.”

Victor nodded, and Gwendoline forged ahead. “Don’t tell him I said this-”

“My lips are sealed.”

“Good, good. Now please don’t tell him I said this, but I think he’s planning to announce his retirement soon. Defense Minister and leader of the party makes a fine end to a distinguished career, don’t you think?”

Victor nodded. “He’s been good in Defense, but I’d been thinking for a while that he’s getting up there in years. It doesn’t surprise me that he’s thinking about settling down in retirement.”

“Exactly,” Gwendoline said. “That said, it’s essential that we avoid a damaging battle for the party president position. After our poor showing in 2018, we simply can’t afford it going into the midterms in December. So...I’m asking for your support in my bid for the party presidency.”
She didn’t mention that she was the obvious candidate, because it would be better if he came to understand that on his own. His sequence of thought would be that she was the leader in the Commons, the Education Minister, the architect of the Conservative victory in the Meilinis provincial elections...it was unthinkable that anyone else could take up the position.

Besides, the only other Conservative ministers were Antoine Lambert in Agriculture and Elise Pernot in Transportation-- hardly leadership material. There was a vacuum of leaders at the top of the party, as beyond Schneider and Errante, there were no other Conservatives with a national profile.

“You’re the only possible contender who would be fit for the position,” Victor said. “Yes, I will support you. Assuming Delegate Errante retires or resigns his position, of course.”

“Of course,” Gwendoline said. “Thank you for your support. If it comes to pass that I take up the leadership of the party, we’ll need good leaders to take over leadership in the Commons. And with the good work you’ve been doing lately, I thought of you. I think you’d be good for Chief Whip at the least. Perhaps even something higher.” She leaned back in her seat to gauge Victor’s reaction.

He seemed surprised. “I-- I’m flattered, but I don’t have the seniority. Lambert, or Fabre...both of them would be next in line for those positions.”

“Traditionally, yes,” Gwendoline said. “Those two you mentioned would typically ascend to leadership roles in the parliamentary group. But frankly, Victor, we’re at 38 seats in the Assembly of Commons. We can’t afford to name our leaders on anything besides merit. And I know that you’ve been showing plenty of merit lately. I want your voice in leadership.”

“Yes, thank you very much for thinking of me,” Victor said. “I sincerely appreciate it. And I’ll do my best not to disappoint you.”

“Thank you, Victor,” Gwendoline said. “Now let’s just get on out there and make change, shall we?”

---

Château de Clamur, Neidong, Laeral
The Xiomeran loyalist government was headquartered at a centuries-old château that had been kept on display as a historic house before being leased to Crown Prince Texōccoatl and his followers. It made a suitable home for a government in exile, Bernard Errante thought as he walked along the gravel path through the gardens to reach the entrance. The grand yet antiquated facade of the manor house was imposing yet also had a strong sense of faded glory. The château and its residents had been mighty and powerful once, but now they languished in a world that had changed dramatically since their glory days. Perhaps a suitable analogy for himself, he thought. Doing his best to banish such morose thoughts from his mind, he stepped into the foyer of the manor house and followed the uniformed aide there to his appointment with the Xiomeran loyalist defense secretary.

The Xiomeran military aide opened the door to the room where Brigadier General Tlanexchel was waiting. Tlanexchel was a muscular man in full Jaguar Warrior military uniform, who looked as if he could have stepped right off of a military recruitment poster. Errante stepped forward to shake his hand. "General! It's a pleasure to meet you at last. I've heard nothing but good things about you and the forces under your command."

"Minister Errante, thank you for coming. It's a pleasure to meet you as well," Tlanexchel said politely, shaking Errante's hand firmly. The Jaguar Warrior was beginning to master the formalities of diplomatic conduct that came with being a defense secretary, even if he had drawn the line at wearing a suit instead of his uniform. The formal uniform should be formal enough. That's why it's called a formal uniform, he had told his advisors bluntly, and no one was inclined to argue with him. "Please have a seat. Would you like some coffee, or perhaps tea?" Xiomerans always offered their guests refreshments; it was considered rude otherwise.

"A cup of coffee would do me good," Errante said. He'd been drinking a lot of the stuff lately. He made small talk with the general while the coffee arrived, and he sipped it appreciatively. It wasn't bad. Evidently someone in the Xiomeran government-in-exile had taken care in sourcing their caffeinated drinks. "My government," he said, "has spent plenty of time lately discussing the possibilities when it comes to a coming military invasion- er, liberation- of Xiomera, and I'm here to let you know what assistance we can provide when it comes to toppling the Xochiuhue regime. That is, assuming your government still sees a military conflict as inevitable?" He raised an eyebrow.

Tlanexchel sighed slightly. "I've been a military man my whole life, Minister. I'm not afraid to die - or to kill. But I will admit, I never thought I would have to fight my own people." The Jaguar Warrior rolled his coffee cup speculatively in his hands. "If it were up to us, we would be willing to negotiate with the junta and their fake Emperor. But as Xochiuhue makes clear with every brutal act he commits, he's not really giving us that option."

“Every death in war is a tragedy," Errante said. "But the reports of the terrors that Xochiuhue and his regime are committing within Xiomera are more tragic still. Over the course of the discussions within my government, we've decided to work alongside your forces in hopes of putting an end to the tragedy. Ending Xochiuhue's rule. We can't send our soldiers to fight alongside yours, because of the political barriers in the way. But we've made a plan to provide your troops with our support as they go into battle."

"Any support would be greatly appreciated. We understand that you cannot send your own troops - and I am honestly reluctant to ask other nations to commit their own people to fight and risk themselves for what is ultimately a Xiomeran fight, one we should wage and win ourselves. However, I certainly wouldn't say no to a few friendly airstrikes or a bit of naval support while we do that," Tlanexchel said with a slight smile. "But in all seriousness, even in a 'support' role, your people will be at risk."

"Every calculation, every plan that we've produced so far has taken that risk into account," Errante said. He opened his briefcase and opened it to produce a slate-grey policy folder, still standard for military documents, which he passed to the general. "These files contain the details of plans for coordination between our support forces and your troops. We envision Laeralian warships escorting your naval force on the way to the landing site. In particular, we have some frigate and corvette designs ideal for anti-submarine duties and capable of providing missile fire support for allied ground troops. According to the report, one of the enemy's chief advantages will be their superior logistics. Shorter supply lines, more medical facilities, that sort of thing. We have medical ships which can be anchored offshore to tend to your wounded, and medical teams that can go to the front line alongside your soldiers. We are trying to do everything short of sending Laeralian soldiers to fight with you." He nodded to the folder. "The details are all in there, along with instructions for how to contact our defense ministry and National Security Council to discuss the fine points."

Tlanexchel leafed through the folder, pausing every once in a while to make an appreciative noise at various details in the folder. "This is an excellent plan for support, and it actually dovetails very well with my plan for our eventual move to bring the junta down. I will go over the full details of that plan with your defense ministry and National Security Council, of course. But it won't hurt to give you a brief overview."

Tlanexchel tapped on a Cala tablet, eventually producing a map of the Xiomeran mainland. He turned the tablet around so that Errante could see it, one of his fingers pointing at a very unique geographic feature labeled as quechtli, with the city of Zapotlán at its center. "Quechtli - the Neck of Huenya. The narrow bit of land that connects western Huenya, the non-Xiomeran-ethnic area of the island, with the Xiomeran eastern half. The easiest way to launch our fight against the junta will be to take control of the Neck and strangle them there. If we cut off eastern Xiomera from the rest of the country, we can isolate them and use western Huenya as our base to eventually defeat them once and for all."

"Of course, they will know this is the weak spot in their defenses, and will try to prepare for it. But it doesn't take many men to hold off an attacking force once you get control of such a spot. My goal is simple: for Zapotlán, and the Neck, to be our Thermopylae - except this time, the Spartans win. I suppose since we're technically the invaders, we'd be more like the Persians. But I've always seen the Spartans as the good guys in that battle. So....we'll let the junta forces be the Persians in my little scenario. Xochiuhue does make a good Xerxes, after all."

Bernard Errante raised an eyebrow again, and stroked his chin. "Well," he said. "That's...daring. I'm no military man myself, but I can see the risks involved. And the potential pay-off." He gazed down at the tablet Tlanexchel had handed him. "It makes keeping your forces well-supplied all the more important. There would be enemy forces to the east and the west, making the safest resupply be by sea. Which, I suppose, makes it all the more important that the attacking fleet is protected from enemies, whether they're on the sea, under it, or by air."

"Indeed. Securing the initial landing site and fending off junta forces until we can secure the city of Zapotlán will be very challenging - and crucial for success. But I will add that the enemy forces to the west are far less of a threat than the ones to the east. Many of the units in the western half of Huenya, by our assessment, are far less loyal to the junta. Many of their soldiers are from the same ethnic groups that Xochiuhue is repressing. Those that are Xiomeran in ethnicity, having been raised from the West, often have ties to people from those ethnic groups - family, friends, and so on. Their loyalty to the regime will be far shakier than units raised in the east, in the Xiomeran homeland. We expect that once we launch our attack, many of those units will break and begin supporting us. Part of our plan is also to begin raising supplemental levies from the Necatli, Itotemoc and Tepiltzin once we can secure a bridgehead and get weapons to them. Once that happens, it will be much easier for us to implement the plan. We just have to hold initially and fend off the junta." Tlanexchel grinned. "It's an ambitious plan, but not an impossible one."

Errante had been nodding throughout as Tlanexchel outlined his plan. It was daring, certainly, but General Tlanexchel's clear confidence as he explained made its ambitious goals seem entirely achievable. "What is your staff's intended timeline for the initial attack?" he asked.

"Not for another several weeks, at a minimum. We don't want to rush into this; we want to increase the pressure on Xochiuhue, and also to make sure we do have enough potential support inside Xiomera for all of this to work. In addition, we need to be sure our initial assault forces are fully prepared for the attack. The timing of this will be crucial. We don't want to give the junta forces too much time to entrench themselves, but if we attack prematurely, we could lose our one chance to succeed."

"That makes sense. Several weeks will also hopefully give time for discontent within Xiomera itself to simmer, and for the sanctions to take further effect." He nodded thoughtfully. "Thank you very much, General. You've given myself, and our respective military policy staffs, plenty to think about. Don't hesitate to reach out to me should the need arise." He had almost said "me or whoever the Defense Minister is a month from now," and he was grateful he hadn't slipped up.

"I shall, and thank you again for stopping by, as well as for the assistance your country is providing. I'm sure you may have heard it already, but it bears repeating - we're quite grateful for the support you've shown us," the general replied, standing up and offering his hand once more. "Once this is all over, we will be very happy to return the favor."

[Laeral]

La Sentinelle

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Laeral | World | Politics | Investigations | Culture | Opinion

Trending: Conflict in Xiomera | Kaijan Separatism | Liu's Economic Plan | Netlcoātl Islands

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National High Court Paves Way for Maraixian Independence

Mathis Riou; November 11, 2020 at 16:22

Moma-luka beach, in Maraix.
Source: Posner Images

Laeralsford- In a 6-1 decision, the National High Court in Laeralsford today sided with the Homeowners' Association of Maraix in declaring that Laeral never rightfully held control of the island of Maraix, allowing the miniscule Tenebric Ocean archipelago to gain independence as the IDU's smallest sovereign nation. The decision came in response to new historical evidence unearthed by researchers at Althea City University and Legionas’s Bayview University, indicating that the shipwreck survivor Tom Morrison, in whose name the Maraix archipelago was claimed for Laeral, was never a Laeralian citizen.

Since the founding of the First Allied Provinces, Maraix has been an overseas territory of Laeral, with a population of only around 150. The isolated archipelago, comprising one inhabited island, Maw Island, and several smaller islands, is hundreds of kilometers from other inhabited lands, and is populated predominantly by vacationers attracted to the islands' solitude and pristine white-sand beaches. In contrast to other Laeralian territories such as the Xianjiapo and Xueyan Special Administrative Regions, Maraix has drawn scarce attention over the decades, rarely appearing on Laeralian maps and with an economy relying primarily on honey, handicrafts, and tourism.

The lawsuit began in 2018, when the Homeowners’ Association of Maraix filed to incorporate their organization in court yet refused to pay the relevant fees, arguing that the Laeralian government had no authority to impose them. Maraix had been governed from abroad since 1830, when a Laeralian merchant ship found the orphan Tom Morrison, the sole survivor of a 1788 shipwreck, living with a small band of descendants. While Maraix was governed with a light touch from Laeral for the coming decades, it was used primarily as a waypoint for passing merchant ships. Despite mounting financial issues and a period of ownership by the drug lord Juan Rossi Gutierrez, the small population of Maraixians endured and purchased communal ownership of the island chain in 2015, paving the way for the court case which proved their independence.

The Maraix archipelago, with the sole town of Apōiti-Vex shown.

The newly-independent nation of Maraix faces looming threats due to its extremely isolated location and miniscule population, coupled with the withdrawal of Laeralian support. As of 2019, the Laeralian government provided M3.9 million in financial assistance per year, providing a primary school for the island's children, subsidized food and water, and security in the form of Gendarmes. Maraix's economy is also highly dependent on cruise ship tourism and Laeralian government assistance. Although the island's provisional government has entered a tentative agreement with Legionas to import food and other necessities, the long-term viability of the nation is uncertain.

Despite these looming threats, the island's inhabitants were cheered by the news of independence. President of the Homeowners' Association and de-facto leader of the new nation Karen Kreider said in a statement that Maraix’s independence was “absolutely momentous, wonderful, fantabulous news.” For its part, Republic House signalled approval of the news. Foreign Minister Tanvi Misra stated that Laeral wished Maraix well, and expressed her hope that "the historic bonds of friendship and mutual collaboration between Laeral and Maraix will lead to everlasting friendly relations as we welcome Maraix to the international community."

Author: Mathis Riou
mathis.riou@lasentinelle.net
Setsuzoku: @MathisRiou

Mathis Riou is a Foreign Correspondent for La Sentinelle, based in Laeralsford. Prior to joining La Sentinelle, he worked for the consulting firm Furlong & Company, analyzing Catican foreign policy decisions for a variety of clients in the corporate, public, and non-profit sectors. Riou attended the University of Sarene, graduating with an honors degree in media and communications.

[Laeral]

Les Couloirs

Within the Corridors of Power

Liu Denounces “Ethnic Cleansing,” Calls for Dialogue in Netlcoātl Islands
The separatist government of the Netlcoātl Islands in Xiomera has ordered all residents of Xiomeran ethnicity to leave the islands by November 28th, spurring fears of ethnic cleaning and civil unrest.
By Mila Sheng, published November 27, 2020


Laeralsford- President Liu Mei-han let loose a blistering condemnation of the forced deportations of ethnic Xiomerans by the separatist government of the Netlcoātl Islands in Xiomera, declaring that “ethnic cleansing is a crime against humanity that will lead to consequences from the international community.” Liu called upon the provisional government led by nationalist leader Ahuac to immediately rescind the order of deportation against ethnic Xiomerans, and called for dialogue on the future status of the islands at the upcoming peace talks in Jinyu, Therese.

The Netlcoātl Islands, an island chain of around 300,000 inhabitants located in the far west of Xiomera near Legionas, has long been home to both the native Netlcoātl Islanders, comprising roughly half of the population, and ethnic Xiomerans who began settling the islands long before the islands were formally annexed by Xiomera in 1894. Ethnic Xiomerans, who represent roughly 40% of the islands’ population, have long held dominant positions in the islands’ government, military, and economy, while native Netlcoātl have been consigned to the islands’ working class and barred from positions of power. In late August, amidst the ongoing civil war in Xiomera, an uprising led by Ahuac, the son of longtime nationalist leader Itzamatul, forced Xiomeran government troops off the island and established a provisional government which declared independence from Xiomera.

In late November, a decree from the provisional Netlcoātl government ordered all Netlcoātlans of Xiomeran ancestry to leave the islands before a November 28th deadline, an act which if carried out would constitute ethnic cleansing. Xiomerans refusing to leave have begun stockpiling weapons, raising fears of further conflict. “We are as much ‘natives’ of these islands by now as anyone else,” said Necacoehua, the ethnic-Xiomeran mayor of the Netlcoātl capital city of Citlamina. “We will not give up our homes and our lives.”

Ahuac, leader of the unrecognized
Netlcoātl state.

For their part, provisional government authorities have defended the expulsion decree as a redress for historical oppression. “Xiomerans oppressed us and siphoned off our wealth to send back to Tlālacuetztla for centuries,” read a statement from Ahuac’s government. “We will reclaim what is ours from their tyranny.”

President Liu’s firm condemnation of the decree is in line with the Xiomeran central government’s response, which has included threatening sanctions and the use of force against the Netlcoātl separatists. Negotiators from both Empress Calhualyana’s government and the Huenyan Federation led by former empress Yauhmi have been rebuffed, while it is uncertain whether the Netlcoātl government intends to send representatives to pan-Xiomeran peace talks in Jinyu.

Although the Netlcoātl Islands’ declaration of independence has largely gone unrecognized by the international community, the emergence of a new faction further complicates an already complex civil war. The islands occupy a strategic location between the Aegir and Nereus seas, and have been a site of long-running border disputes between Xiomera and Legionas. “Both Calhualyana and Yauhmi’s Xiomeran governments, Legionas, and every nation with trade running through the two seas now has a stake in Netlcoātl,” said Ren Jinhai, an analyst with the Foreign Affairs and Diplomacy Council. “Interventionists in President Liu’s government will be appealing to the president’s well-known sensitivity to human rights issues to push for Laeralian involvement in the region. You can expect ongoing instability in the region, and the growing influence of foreign powers.”

About the Author

Mila Sheng is a Foreign Affairs Correspondent, currently working for Les Couloirs. She works freelance for a variety of news publications, bringing her experience as a 15-year veteran of the Foreign Service to analysis of Foreign Ministry policy. She graduated with a degree in International Relations from Laeralian International University, serving as a Public Diplomacy specialist in posts from Eiria to Samudera Darussalam. She now writes for Les Couloirs, La Sentinelle, and other publications. You can find her at @milasheng on Setsuzoku, or visit her website and blog at milasheng.com.

[Laeral]

Out-Of-Character (OOC) Note: This is an excerpt from the Kaijan Affair roleplay hosted on the IDU regional forums. This roleplay, directed by Slokais Islands, centers on a surge in tensions on the restive Slokaisian province of Kaijan, where a separatist insurgency known as the Kaijan League has launched a string of violent attacks against the central government. This piece, however, centers on a documentary crew from Serriel, a puppet of mine. In this roleplay piece, my aim was to explore more of Kaijan's rich culture and feature the setting to a greater extent, in what I hope is a poignant and tense RP piece. The entire thread can be read here.

Narrative: Kaijan, the Beautiful Island
Alvaro Feng had been chief of the Kascan township police for nearly two years, and in the last week his out-of-the-way police force had gotten more attention from the media than it had in the last decade. Why, he'd heard that today, a camera crew from halfway across the world was coming to film a documentary in his little township in the very northern tip of North Kaijan province, and he'd been as excited as anyone to greet them and give them a tour. Why, he'd never even met anyone from Serriel before! He straightened his green police uniform and epaulettes as he walked out of the police station to greet them.

Standing in the gravel parking area in front of the police station were two people, evidently the Serrielans, with wide grins on their face.
"Hello, Chief Feng!" said the woman standing there. She was a shorter woman in her mid-thirties, with doeish brown eyes and dark hair beneath a turquoise hijab, like those many Kaijanese women wore. The man with her was a tall, balding man with deep-brown skin, holding a heavy movie camera and perspiring a bit in the tropical morning heat.
"Welcome to Kascan!" Chief Feng said. "You must be the crew from 4M Productions. I'm so glad that you've come all the way from Serriel to be here. I hope your trip wasn't too difficult?"
"No, not at all," said the woman. "We flew in to Kaijan City and took the train most of the way up the valley. It's been an adventure."
"Of course," Feng said. "A lot of the time we get adventure tourists, hoping to find some of our unexplored wilderness. If you weren't here on business, I'd recommend a motorcycle tour. There's some beautiful waterfalls nearby, in the jungle."
"Perhaps after we're done filming," the woman said. "I'm Meryem Gökmen, the chief documentarian. This is my cameraman, Serkan Açik."
"Hullo," Serkan said.
"Good to meet both of you," Feng said. "I'm Alvaro Feng, chief of the township police here in Kascan. But call me Alvaro. I heard you wanted to see some of the mountain villages, and maybe talk with some townspeople?"
"That's right," Meryem said. "There's a lot of interest in Serriel about foreign places, and the lives of the people who live there. We want to learn more about the tribal people here in Kaijan. The Muslim community here is very interesting to the people back home in Serriel, and so we're filming a documentary on their lives."
"Well, I can certainly help with that. I'm taking some supplies up into the town of Asalacca, about fifty minutes' drive from here. You can catch a ride with us, and then talk with the townspeople. There's a very pretty mosque up there, and some beautiful views of the mountain and jungle."
"Sounds wonderful," Meryem said.

Fifteen minutes later, Meryem, Serkan, and Serkan's massive movie camera were packed into the cab of a beat-up police pickup truck, along with Chief Feng and two of his officers.
"Why are your men carrying so many weapons?" Meryem asked from the passenger seat. "Is there anything to worry about?" From the backseat, Serkan panned his video camera to show the two police officers in the backseat with their machetes and rifles.
"The area was home to insurgents about a decade ago, during the war," Alvaro said from the driver's seat. "The NRK, terrorists who wanted Kaijan to be independent. The danger's passed, but we hold on to our guns just in case."
They were passing over a particularly bumpy stretch of road through the jungle, and ahead of them a lone motorcycle, the first vehicle they'd seen since setting out, sped up into the distance.
"It's a very pleasant area you live in," Meryem said. "I can't imagine that anyone would want to commit violent acts in such a tropical paradise! What sorts of issues does your department typically deal with?"
"Well, about a decade ago right after the war we were kept busy with confiscating the weapons of the NRK fighters, that sort of thing," Alvaro said. "I'd just joined the force then. Since then, we mostly deal with run-of-the-mill things. The occasional theft, lost children, occasionally domestic squabbles or that sort of thing. A lot of the time, we're just bringing supplies to the small villages, like the gas generators we have in the back. Mail and packages too."
"So it's like you're the face of the provincial government out here," Serkan said from behind the camera.
"You could say that, yes," Alvaro said. Just then, the truck pulled out from the trees and onto a cliffside road, and the Serrielans oohed and aahed at the mountain view.
"Let's pull over and take a look!" Meryem said. "If it's not too much of a delay, of course."

After the documentary crew had spent about twenty minutes taking video of the jungle vista and the officers had stretched their legs, they all piled back into the beat-up pickup for the drive to Asalacca. Apart from Serkan catching a glimpse of a beautifully-feathered tropical bird in the jungle canopy, the final stretch of the drive passed uneventfully.

Asalacca was a picturesque mountain town of maybe three dozen small homes amid the jungle, and a small mosque, just the size of a single house, that had evidently been kept up well over the decades. The documentary crew had scrambled out of the truck almost as soon as they had come to a stop, and were rushing about the village trying to strike up conversations with the villagers. Chief Feng could see them out by the mosque, talking animatedly with an elderly man in a vibrant patterned sarong. Alvaro himself was helping his officers unload the heavy gas generator, along with the sacks of food and small bag of mail, to present to the village headman.

Delivering the supplies to the villagers was always a process. The headman would always insist on inviting them in for tea, and then profusely thanking them for the supplies. The gas generator was meant to help keep the village's lights on even if a sudden storm knocked the power line to the village down, and the mail meant letters and gifts from the town's young people who worked in other towns or other islands. The headman was exceedingly pleased to have gotten a letter from his often-wayward son, now working as a peddler in New Brighton, and insisted the officers stay for longer. By the time Alvaro finally managed to extricate himself and his men, it had been almost two hours. The Serrielan documentarians were still filming, and were now interviewing a village child.
"Hey Chief," one of his officers said. "Can I borrow your mobile? Mine's not getting a signal."
Alvaro passed the officer his mobile, a sturdy flip-phone that could usually get a signal even in the rural highlands. A moment later, the officer handed it back to him. "I'm trying to call Nerang back at the station, but I'm not getting a signal. Text won't work either."
Alvaro looked at his phone. This was odd. Maybe this was why he hadn't gotten any messages while he was dining with the headman. "Probably just another outage. Signals get lost up here in the mountains."
"I don't want the station to get worried. You know how Nerang is."
"We've should have a radio back in the truck," Alvaro said. "See if you can get a signal on that."

The officer came back a moment later with the heavy radio, static emanating from the speaker as he turned the dial. "108.2, right?"
"Right," Alvaro said. "Here we go."
"Hey, chief?" Nerang's voice said. "Chief, is that you?"
"Hey, Nerang," Alvaro said. "Everything okay back at the station?"
"We've been trying to get reach of you," Nerang said. "The cell towers are down, it's the terrorists. You need to get back here, the mayor needs you. And there's soldiers here too? It's absolutely crazy!"
"Wait, terrorists? What terrorists?"
"Some soldiers are here, and they say it's the terrorists from the news. In New Liverpool? The seppies that were blowing shit up. They're here in Kascan, and they've been shooting up people's houses. You need to get back here, stat."
"Well, shit." Alvaro said. "Soldiers? From the government?"
"Uniforms and guns and everything!" Nerang said. "We need you down here right now, I don't know what to do!"
"Okay, okay!" Alvaro said. "Okay. We'll get back in the truck and be down there in forty minutes, inshallah. Just stay calm until then, okay? We'll be back in forty minutes."
"Godspeed, chief."
Alvaro handed the radio back to the officer. "Hey Rashid!" he shouted to the other officer. "Grab the film crew and get them to the truck! We need to go!"

Moments later, Alvaro, the officers, and the film crew had piled back into the police truck and were speeding down the mountain road back to the police station.
"Wait, explain this again," Meryem said. "You said there's terrorists? Here in Kascan?"
"That's right," said Alvaro, gripping the wheel as the pickup truck rounded a bend. "They're Kaijanese separatists. The same group you might have seen in the news, with the attacks in New Liverpool? That's them. And apparently they're here, and so is the army, and they want us all back at the station." The truck hit a pothole, and the entire cab shook.
"But I thought you said there was no danger here anymore!" Meryem said.
"Guess I was wrong!" Alvaro replied. "Look, we'll be back at the station in just thirty minutes. You can wait there, we're in no danger." The road was bumpy in this stretch as well, and the people in the cab were tossed about. Suddenly, there was a tremendous bump, throwing the passengers to the right. With a sudden lurch, the truck swerved off the road, ramming into a tree with a crunch.

Alvaro was the first to recover from the daze of the crash. He'd been thrown forward, but his seatbelt had kept him in place. The windshield had a large crack running across it, and the nose of the car had rammed into an immense tree; the front was noticeably damaged by the impact. Alvaro looked around. Meryem was whimpering in the passenger seat, but as Alvaro watched she moved her arms out from where they'd reflexively gone in front of her face. Alvaro looked to the backseat; the people there seemed okay.
"I'm going to go take a look at the damage," Alvaro announced. He unclicked his seatbelt, opened the driver's-side door and went to inspect the hood of the truck. The metal was crumpled at the point of impact with the tree trunk. "You think this is drivable?" he asked Rashid, who had come out to take a look.
"I dunno, chief," Rashid said. "It doesn't look good."
Alvaro got back into the driver's seat and turned the keys in the ignition. The engine stuttered, and kept stuttering. "Well, damn," Alvaro said. "Anyone here know how to fix an engine?" No one responded.
"Okay," Alvaro said. "We'll just radio down to the station for help. Rashid, try and reach Nerang. Tell him we need a pickup. Bassil and I will keep an eye out for any vehicles coming down the road. Meryem, Serkan, just stay in the cab."
He stepped out of the vehicle and onto the packed dirt of the road. Birds were squawking and insects chirping in the jungle, but besides that there was no noise. After staring out at the deserted road for a moment, he reached back into the cab and grabbed a rifle. A solid bolt-action, old but sturdy. "Bassil, head up the road about fifteen meters and keep an eye out for anyone coming. I'll head about that far down the road. Rashid, call for me as soon as you hear from Nerang back at the station." He took a look at the Serrielans, now presumably in a much more frightening situation than they'd been expecting. "Hey, Rashid," he said softly. "Try and keep the film crew calm, okay?" He picked up the heavy rifle and walked down the dirt road, until he was just around the bend from the crashed pickup truck. He leaned against a tree, cradling his rifle, and muttered a brief prayer that the other police officers would get here before any terrorists did.

[Laeral]

La Sentinelle

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Laeral | World | Politics | Investigations | Culture | Opinion

Trending: Jinyu Peace Talks | Kaijan Unrest | Midterm Elections 2020

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Kaijan Insurgency Looms Over Slokais's General Election

Felicia Li; December 25, 2020 at 4:16 p.m.

Slokaisian President Joseph Zhang’s re-election bid faces stiff opposition from former president Joseph Chavez’s comeback attempt.
Source: La Sentinelle

New Liverpool- Joseph Zhang, the pro-business president of the Slokais Islands for all but two years since 2010, faces two very familiar challenges ahead of the ethnically-diverse archipelago’s December 30th elections. One of them is a charismatic former president who shares his name. The other is unrest in the island of Kaijan, which has bedevilled generations of Slokaisian statesmen before him. With such challenges ahead, the politician who has been a central figure in Slokaisian politics since the beginning of the decade now may be poised to exit the national stage with the decade’s close.

To begin, President Zhang faces a challenge from former president (and current prime minister) Joseph Chavez, who previously defeated Zhang in elections in 2016. The two politicians share more than a first name-- both attended the University of New Liverpool, Slokais’s flagship university, and both were previously elected to office under the banner of the Centrist Party, Slokais’s long-dominant political force. Under the Zhang presidency, from his initial election in 2010 and re-election in 2014, Chavez had been a rising star, lauded for his role in completing prestigious rail lines as Transportation Minister. In 2016, Chavez mounted a challenge to Zhang for leadership of the Centrist Party, unseating Zhang as party leader and then taking advantage of an unusual constitutional provision allowing for an incumbent president to be ousted mid-term by the legislature.

Chavez won the ensuing election, and once in office adopted left-leaning stances on policy issues which alienated the party’s pro-business wing, including members such as Zhang. Fissures within the party deepened until President Chavez announced his intent to run for re-election in the 2018 federal election under the banner of his new-founded National Alliance, a center-left outfit of breakaway Centrists. Although Zhang defeated Chavez in the race for the presidency, the success of National Alliance candidates in the country’s unicameral Legislature allowed Chavez to be anointed as prime minister, leading the center-left “Grand Coalition”, while Zhang opted to align the Centrists with the parliamentary right, as the “Coalition for Slokais.” The two Josephs will thus lead opposing party alliances into Wednesday’s legislative and presidential elections.

The second challenge faced by President Zhang is a recurring one-- that of Kaijanese separatism. The Muslim-majority island of Kaijan, home to five million inhabitants, is culturally and linguistically distinct from the rest of Slokais, and has long struggled with poverty and underdevelopment. These tensions had previously erupted in a 2007-2010 war which claimed the lives of tens of thousands in battles between New Kaijan Republic (NKR) insurgents and federal forces. Although the defeat of the NKR and the creation of development programs and a new Tribal Council to represent Kaijan’s indigenous peoples calmed tensions, Kaijanese affairs are once more on the mind of Slokaisian voters after a series of headline-grabbing terror attacks in Slokaisian cities, perpetrated by the Kaijan League, an Islamist group designated as a terrorist organization by most foreign governments.

Slokaisian soldiers on patrol in restive North Kaijan province.

With the terror attack at the forefront of political discourse, President Zhang has been forced to pivot from his favored message for re-election, Slokais’s booming economy, to defending his handling of the Kaijan crisis. Perhaps due to pressure from his conservative allies (which include the far-right New Right party), Zhang has advocated a hardline stance, calling for a robust military response to the Kaijan League insurgency. Chavez, meanwhile, has advocated the measured use of force, and has used his slim majority in the legislature to frustrate Zhang’s aims. In a high-profile defeat for Zhang’s government, the legislature adopted a declaration of war against the Kaijan League on Thursday giving the Legislature itself, rather than the presidency, chief decision-making power over the war effort in Kaijan. Federal troops are already on the ground in the rural highlands of North Kaijan province, where Kaijan League forces have apparently taken control of several towns. Voters are likely to judge Zhang harshly should the central government be seen as stumbling in the conflict.

With a powerful opponent harrying him from the left and ready to point out any slip-ups with regards to Kaijan, Joseph Zhang now faces a difficult fight for re-election to his third full four-year term. A recent poll shows Chavez leading Zhang, 30% to 28%, with first-choice votes, while the right-wing Conservative candidate George Oliver behind at 20%. Former president Sean Khan, a member of the Green party who led Slokais during its previous war against Kaijanese separatists, trails at 10%. Should Chavez turn his polling lead into victory in the presidential race, however, this would not necessarily translate into control of the legislature. Polls indicate a tight race for a majority in Slokais’s 402 single-member constituencies, and while the two opposing alliances have largely fielded only one candidate apiece in the majority of districts, regional parties such as the Muslim Union, an autonomist party competing in many Kaijanese constituencies, make forecasting election results difficult. With the two party alliances separated by only a slim number of seats in the present legislature, even small fluctuations in the nationwide vote share could easily alter the balance of power. Against the backdrop of violence in Kaijan, it’s clear that Wednesday’s elections will be wholly unpredictable.

Author: Felicia Li
felicia.li@lasentinelle.net
Setsuzoku: @felicia_li
Felicia Li is a Chief International Correspondent for La Sentinelle, and the former Bureau Chief of La Sentinelle's North Hespia office in Noskv, Kvask. Li has worked for La Sentinelle for over 20 years; in her free time, she enjoys ice skating and engaging with history. She grew up in Sendrasi before receiving a Bachelor of Arts in Communications from University of Therese and a master's degree in International Business from the University of Laeralsford.

[Laeral]

Le Pays | Laeral's Oldest National Daily

Defense Minister Bernard Errante Dead at 77

Longtime delegate Bernard Errante, who served in government for over five decades and twice ran for president, passed away last night.
By Rousel Zhou
22nd February 2021

Laeralsford- A giant of the Conservative party has passed away. Bernard Errante, the serving Minister of Defense, three-term delegate from Choisel, former leader of the Conservative party, former Minister of Agriculture and Fisheries, and two-time presidential candidate passed away suddenly at his home in Choisel. He was 77.

Born to a farming family in Choisel province in 1943, Errante enlisted in the Laeralian National Security Force in 1961, serving during some of the fiercest fighting of the Great War and rising to the rank of sergeant. Traumatic head injuries suffered during the Parasnath campaign led to continued headaches throughout his life, and may have led to his sudden death. Following the war, Errante became involved in local government, elected as mayor of Marist as a Conservative and shortly after being elevated to the Assembly of Commons. His lengthy ensuing career in the National Assembly saw him known as a mentor to newly-elected legislators and as the annual host of a much-loved General Assembly Christmas party, where he would often take to the piano in costume as Santa Claus and lead fellow delegates in belting out Christmas carols. As chairman of the General Assembly's Committee on Infrastructure and National Development, Errante was known as a friend to infrastructure projects, particularly road upkeep, while the Bernard Errante Dam in the Vierge River Valley is named for him.

During his career, Errante served as Minister of Agriculture and Fisheries and as Minister of Defense under the Martin government, where he oversaw military modernization efforts yet came under criticism following the deadly January 2, 2019 terrorist bombing of the frigate LNS Celeste, which left 16 sailors dead. He twice ran for president, where he was the runner-up at the 2010 Conservative nominating convention before becoming the Conservative standard-bearer in 2018, where he received 11% of the nationwide vote and led the party to a record-low showing in the National Assembly, dropping to fifth-place in the Assembly of Commons. Conservative party figures nevertheless retained him as Party President, a position he held until his death Monday evening. He leaves behind a widow and three adult children. He will lie in state at Assembly Hall on Wednesday until his memorial service, announced for Friday.

To read the profile of Bernard Errante originally released during the 2018 presidential election, visit:

https://lepays.org.lr/day-twenty-one-errante-conservative

[Laeral]

KDP Arena
St. Clair, Laeral

On the floor of KDP Arena, the vast indoor arena home to the Laeralian Handball League's Aumont Eagles, the home team's starting 7 were warming up with tight, quick passes as they prepared for the match ahead. The fans, many with Eagles gear and banners, were starting to file in to take their seats, and from the owner's box, Foreign Minister Tanvi Misra sat with Gwendoline Schneider of the Conservatives, looking onto the arena below.

"You aren't planning to take the Defense ministry," Misra said, leaning back in her seat. She took little interest in sports, but when Schneider had sent her an invitation with owner's box tickets to see the Eagles play, she could hardly have declined. She didn't have the measure of Minister Schneider in the way that she would have wanted, and with the events of last night, the Conservatives were already due for some sort of shake-up.

"No, I'm not," Representative Schneider said. If she'd been newer to Assembly Hall she would've been startled by the older woman's fore-knowledge of her announcement to the press later that afternoon, but Tanvi, it seemed, always knew things before they happened. "I'm perfectly content as Minister of Education, and with the tragedy that's struck our party with the passage of our dear Bernard....I think it's best that a seasoned military officer fill in, in an interim capacity."

"I will look forward to reviewing your suggestions," Misra said. "Alongside Nicolas and Alexis, of course," naming the leaders of the other two coalition parties. "That said, Gwendoline, you're hardly one to sit back and let someone else take the reins of influence. One of the five great offices of state is yours for the taking, and yet you'd turn it down."

"You wouldn't believe that I did it out of respect for my dear friend, Delegate Errante, would you?" Schneider said.

Misra nearly snorted. "There was little lost love between you two. Certainly not enough for you to turn down a position of tremendous influence out of respect for him. No, there's another factor at work in your mind...." she paused. "You don't want to be seen as taking too much advantage from his sudden and untimely death. Such a sudden passage; he seemed to be in such good health."

On the court below, the Eagles took to the field in formation, facing off against the visiting side. The game clock thundered down to 0 seconds, and with a blast of a horn, the Eagles grabbed the ball and sprinted down the court in an offensive formation towards the opposite goal. Schneider was quiet and staring down onto the court, letting the silence build, and Misra was beginning to think that she'd miscalculated and angered her into silence, before Schneider finally began to chuckle.

"You think that I killed him?" Schneider said. "You think that I donned a ski mask, broke into his house in Choisel and choked him to death, is that it? Or that I slipped into his house and poured cyanide into his wine at dinner? Goodness, Tanvi, you've been reading too many thriller novels. Bernard took some hits to the head in the war, and he was a heavy drinker. It was bound to catch up with him someday."

"You're not the blushing violet that you like to portray yourself as," Tanvi said. "I have a feeling you and your husband were giving a toast to his passing the night that you heard the news. Bernard was a good man, a better one than either of us, and you know that he hated what you wanted to do to his party. With him out of the way, you'll be named party president as soon as the party elders convene. You've reached the helm of one of the four great parties in your late thirties. The whole world lies ahead." On the field below, the Eagles' star striker catapulted the ball straight into the opposite net, and the crowd erupted in cheers.

"You know, Tanvi, insisting that your personal opponents are all conniving, evil bastards is part of that partisan polarization that our mutual friend Bernard always decried," Schneider said. "When the party leaders name me president on Saturday, I will be honored by their faith in me and saddened that it's after our tragic loss that I must take on this burden. But yes, you are right that this is something which I've been looking forward to for a long time."

Misra shook her head. "You're a political creature through and through, Gwendoline. It's why you and Bernard never did get along."

Schneider ran a hand through her blonde hair. "Isn't it awfully patriarchal of you to denounce a woman in politics for immorality while accepting the same behavior in men? I hear that there's a special place in Hell for women who tear each other down."

The statement had so floored her that Misra couldn't say a word for a moment as Gwendoline looked on with an affected look of curiosity.

"Surprised to hear someone from the other side of the spectrum sending your own rigid dogma back at you?" Schneider said.

"I've also heard," Misra said, "that the Devil can quote Scripture for his own ends. Perhaps that one resonates with you."

Schneider gave her a patient smile, as below the Eagles scored for a fourth time, bringing the tally to 4-2. "This Saturday, I will be named Party President at a convention of the Conservative leadership. On Monday, I will send word to the First Minister of Choisel province, a Conservative, of who he should name as interim Delegate for Choisel. And on Tuesday, I will continue as Minister for Education at the regularly-scheduled cabinet meeting."

"The only difference being that you hold the position as party leader de jure which you formerly held only de facto," Misra said. "Congratulations, then, on your upcoming promotion to head of a party that's weaker than it's ever been."

Schneider chuckled. "We're not so different, you and I," she said. "I'll leave you to ponder on that." She turned back to watch the court, where the Eagles were putting up a fierce defense around their net. Sensing that the conversation was over, Misra gathered up her things and left quietly. She had much to think about indeed.

[Laeral]

Raoul Chen, Laeral’s Minister of Trade, got along well with Liu Mei-han because they both understood each other pretty well: they’d both grown up in Rén-majority neighborhoods in the Riverlands, both hustled in high school and attended the Laeralsford College of Political Studies in later life, both worked their way up through the Progressive Party ranks by avoiding aligning too closely with any of the party’s factions. And while they’d both developed into good public speakers and affable campaigners, both always been most in their element with a set of powerpoint slides, speaker’s notes, and an ambitious policy proposal. Raoul Chen had recently delivered one of those policy presentations to the president at Republic House, and what had been scheduled for a twenty-five minute slot had turned into over an hour of back and forth discussion between Chen and President Liu. That had been yesterday; despite Liu’s enthusiasm for the idea, Minister Chen had yet to hear an official go-ahead from Republic House. Just as his thoughts were turning once again to the project, a new email in his inbox caught his eye.

It was from Alexandre Herault, the president’s Chief of Staff. The president is 100% on board, the email read. You’ll have all the resources and support from Republic House that you need, plus meetings on Mondays and Thursdays for you and your team with the president and Ministers Misra and Jin as needed. Good luck with this, it’s something Liu is very interested in. With a smile, Raoul fired off a quick response to Herault and then sent out another email for the Trade Ministry’s top officials to meet him in his office in a matter of hours.

“I’ve just received some exciting news from the president,” Raoul Chen announced to his ministry’s top officials and negotiators, assembled in the main conference room with a view of downtown Laeralsford outside. “The Laeral-Huenya Economic Corridor, preliminary details of which you can see in your briefing packets, has been approved as a high-priority project by President Liu. Tanvi Misra and Jin Liqing, from the Foreign and Finance ministries, are expected to weigh in as well. The central idea of the project is a mammoth public-private venture, facilitated by the Laeralian government, which will work with partners on the ground to build transportation, energy, and manufacturing infrastructure to help Huenya rebuild from its civil war.”

There were looks of surprise and dawning realization all across the room as they understood what this project entailed. It wouldn’t simply be a trade agreement, or even establishing a joint economic zone. It meant helping Laeralian companies be at the forefront of an entire country’s rebuilding.

“The Laeral-Huenya Economic Corridor will involve both public investment from our state-owned firms and private investment from private corporations. President Liu is speaking with a roundtable of industry leaders tomorrow, but preliminary indications are that big business is salivating at the chance to get involved in a market that was entirely closed off to Laeralian business under the old Xiomeran economic model. As a ministry, we will be working with our counterparts at the Huenyan Trade Secretariat to fast-track these deals. Broadband internet, port expansion, highways and rail lines, the electrical grid, and heavy manufacturing are all on the table, depending on what our Huenyan counterparts say. We’re also directed to facilitate deals for our state-run companies. In particular, ENL* is interested in selling nuclear power infrastructure, which could be quite lucrative, and before you ask, I’ve been assured we’ll get regulatory approval for the export of reactors. While the exact details and numbers are still to be determined, early projections say that we could be talking about investment in the range of 50 billion marks.”

The room was hushed as Chen finished outlining the initiative. Finally, one of the trade ministry’s longest-serving career bureaucrats, a grey-haired Arrivée man whom ministry gossip insisted planned to die at his desk someday, raised his hand. “This economic corridor plan sounds enticing,” he said. “But what makes us think that Huenya will be interested in choosing us as a trade partner over an ally located in their region?”

“We have better relations with Huenya than most of their neighbors do,” Chen said. “In particular, their crown prince, Texoccoatl, was given sanctuary by our government last year, and so there’s plenty of goodwill in our relationship. The Jinyu Agreement legitimized their independence as a sovereign state, and it was President Liu’s doing. All indications suggest that the Huenyans are anxious for our investment, and gift-wrapping it all as the “Laeral-Huenya Economic Corridor” will only make it more appealing.”

“What about GDIB?” asked a Rén woman sitting by the door, referring to the Global Development Investment Bank. “Wouldn’t this initiative supplant them in some ways?”

“We’re obviously still a huge proponent of GDIB, and this agreement won’t do anything to change it,” Chen said. “The reason we’re pursuing this rebuilding and investment effort bilaterally, instead of through the auspices of GDIB, is because developing our relationship with Huenya directly is a priority for Republic House. Given our close ties with GDIB, we’ll be able to cooperate with them on a range of lower-priority, lower-profile projects like road construction and sustainable agriculture, but the Laeral-Huenya Economic Corridor will be how we’ll spearhead the rebuilding effort of Huenya’s core infrastructure. GDIB will also be our main means of engagement when it comes to Manauia Island and the Netlcoatl Islands, which are more...auxiliary focuses.”

“Seeing no more questions,” Raoul said, “I’m going to dismiss this meeting. I have a virtual conference in a matter of hours with some Huenyan officials to formally propose the idea to them. Within the next few days, we can assign working groups and match you all up with Huenyan intermediaries. Republic House is confident in us, and I am too. Thank you for your work, everyone.”

*Énergie Nucléaire Laeralien, Laeral’s state-run nuclear power provider.

[Laeral]

Written by Xiomera

Secretariat of Trade offices
After the call with Raoul Chen


After the video call with Minister Chen had concluded, his counterpart in the Huenyan government sat back with a pleased smile. "This certainly seems very promising."

"Promising? You've a gift for understatement. It's a lifeline, just when we needed it." Talcueitlaco, the Secretary of Infrastructure, Development and Planning, had an even bigger smile on her face. "Do you think they'll go for it?"

By they, Talcueitlaco meant the people who had to be convinced, more than anyone, before the plan could go forward. "I doubt they will hate the idea, unless some of the less trusting ones raise objections. If they do," Yaochtzin said, "we will just have to out-argue them. We need this deal."

On that note, the two of them stood up to walk over and present their report.

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An hour later, having concluded their presentation, Yaochtzin and Talcueitlaco waited for the members of the Chamber of Executives, along with Tiacihitli, to review their notes. "This is an excellent opportunity for us, and one that could not have come at a better time," Yaochtzin said.

"So it would seem. However, I have my reservations." Huacue, the leader of the Necatli, raised an eyebrow as he looked at the two bureaucrats. "This arrangement could open the door for foreign domination of our future economy, and our infrastructure. I am not eager to simply switch Laeral for the Xiomeran Empire as some kind of outside controlling force. I was no more enthusiastic about the arrangements that were made with the Eirians, but this is yet another foreign state that will be involved in our affairs - and at a far more massive scale, at that."

"We will retain ultimate control over who has access to any and every aspect of our infrastructure," Talcueitlaco replied. "We are well aware of the concerns of independence and sovereignty involved."

"I would also raise a simple point - if we don't start making deals with other countries to jump-start our rebuilding, is there a better suggestion anyone has?" Yaochtzin tapped his laser pointer impatiently. "Rebuilding on our own will take decades, and even then, we may never get back to what we were before the Empire sacked us. These kind of deals will ensure that we can rebuild much faster, and to a far greater degree. I know that some of you, and some in our military and security establishments, may have concerns. I would simply remind everyone to bear in mind that Laeral has never shown us ill will. But the Empire is still lurking over our horizon, watching us, and I don't think I need to remind everyone that Calhualyana has definitely shown us ill will-"

"You just reminded us," Huacue interrupted sardonically.

"-and the longer we remain in a weakened state, the more likely that when Calhualyana finally decides to try to attack us once more, we won't be ready or able to stop her," Yaochtzin said, refusing to acknowledge the interruption. "We need to get back on our feet as quickly as possible. This deal will help us do that."

Texōccoatl spoke up next. "I would add that if we have strong ties with other countries - countries with a vested interest in making sure the Empire doesn't just swallow us up again at some point - those ties could well deter Calhualyana from trying to harm us. She didn't agree to peace at Jinyu because she liked anything whatsoever about the agreement. She agreed to it because she was forced to, by countries with the will to do so. That international pressure may be the only thing that deters her from attacking us. Agreements like these form the ties with other nations that are the foundation of mutual restraint over people like her."

"I must agree," Tiacihitli said next. The Vice-Speaker nodded as he looked over the notes once more. "This agreement also helps us reverse the pillaging the Empire did in a few swift strokes, and sets us on the path to recovery and rebuilding."

"It does more than that." Yauhmi raised her head, looking over the rest of the room. "We've all been so focused on fixing the damage that was done to us, on rebuilding. We have forgotten that we should be seeking more. I don't know about all of you, but when I look past the walls of this city, I see a bit more than the empty plains stretching around it. I see a new Chuaztlapoc rising, with temples to democracy, freedom and equality serving as a symbol of our aspirations and our values. I see that city becoming a beacon to the rest of Huenya, and Huenya rising to its example to become a beacon to the world. We want to become a new and great force for good in the world - fair enough. But we can't do that alone. No one can." Yauhmi laughed, mainly at herself. "I learned the hard way about trying to do everything by yourself, didn't I? We can't afford to make that mistake now."

"Your judgement may be flawed," Huacue retorted. "The Laeralites protected your son during the war, after all."

"So they did. I am a bit grateful to them for not letting Xochiuhue toss my son into the same kind of torture chamber I was in, I suppose," Yauhmi said dryly, looking at Texōccoatl with a lopsided smile. "If that colors my judgement, so be it." Yauhmi looked Huacue squarely in the eyes. "But for that, I trust them. And in the end, we better start trusting other countries if we want Huenya to survive, much less thrive. Honestly, Huacue, this cynicism and distrust of foreigners is positively...Imperial of you, in its attitude."

"There's no need to insult me," Huacue grimaced.

"Just a gentle wake-up call," Yauhmi replied in what everyone had come to recognize as her grandmotherly tone. "Look, I, of all people, am hardly naive nor blind to how international relations work, and what people may expect or hope for in return for their generosity. But I trust that Huenya can protect its own interests while working with the world to our mutual benefit. We want this country we're building to be an example for the world - well, we can't do that without being part of the world, and forming ties with the rest of it. We can remain distrustful and wary, and slap away hands that are offering us a life preserver, or we can choose not to drown. I like not drowning, myself."

"As long as we remain vigilant that this is not some prelude to being taken over, economically or otherwise," Huacue finally said, "I can agree to this plan."

"Well, how nice. I was afraid for a moment that the rest of us might just have to agree to it on our own and leave the Necatli lands out of it," Cusuyo, the leader of the Tepiltzin, replied archly. Huacue favored his fellow leader with a sour expression in response.

"I believe we are in agreement then," Tiacihitli said. "Yaochtzin, please inform Minister Chen that we are ready to move forward."

[Laeral]

La Sentinelle

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Laeral | World | Politics | Investigations | Culture | Opinion

Trending: Former Xiomeran Territories Approve Independence | 2021 IDU Olympics in Eiria | Anti-Government Protests in Cape Auria

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Wild Bamboo Rats Back in Vogue—and in Restaurants

Qian Suyin; May 21, 2021 at 2:16 p.m.

Once scorned as peasant's cuisine, wild bamboo rats are once again coming into favor in southern Laeral.
Source: La Sentinelle

Miaoshi- As Bai Jingfu walks through a rice field on a balmy afternoon in Peichen province, slung across his shoulder are tough wire-mesh traps. At the edge of the field, Bai carefully lays one down, baited with tender bamboo shoots. "There were many burrows in the next field over.," Bai says. "You can tell by the little mounds of dirt. Inside each one—a rat."

Bai Jingfu is a rat-trapper, who lays his traps around cultivated fields in the region throughout the harvesting season in exchange for a token fee to the farmers who grow rice and other crops on the field. It's a win-win situation: Bai's hunting keeps down the population of a rodent pest who eats the crops, and Bai himself makes a tidy living from the bamboo rats he catches. On a good day, he can catch over 70 of the rats grown plump on rice and bamboo shoots, which he sells to local restaurants.

Laeralian bamboo rats, large furry rodents native to southern Laeral, are traditionally considered peasant's fare, an item in grandparents' tales of the lean decades of the 60s and 70s. A traditional source of protein for Laeralian farmers and villagers, bamboo rats feature in many local stews and noodle dishes, or sold by street vendors after grilling or barbecuing with garlic and a variety of sauces. Yet rats fell out of vogue on the dinner table in recent decades, as the increased use of agricultural pesticides raised fears of poisoning, and rising standards of living turned chicken and pork from rare treats to dining-room staples.

Increased restrictions on pesticide use, coupled with growing affection for simple countryside cuisine, have recently led to the elevation of the humble rat. Cooks and Tailors, an upscale restaurant in Laeralsford, recently caused a mild stir after adding a pan-fried, breaded rat dish to its menu. At Tiánshu ("Field Rat"), a simple restaurant in the nearby village of Mianxing, long lines appear outside the restaurant in the early evenings as the proprietor begins to barbecue fresh local rats outside. "It's delicious," says Li Xiaopeng, a local deliveryman chowing down on a skewered rat outside. "Every I pass by in the evenings, my mouth starts watering just from the smell." It's a pleasing sentiment for Bai Jingfu, who supplies much of Field Rat's daily meals. "I wouldn't dare eat a rat from the city, with all the garbage and poisons they eat. But out here in the countryside, fed on nothing but rice, bamboo shoots, and fresh air? Perfectly safe, and perfectly delicious."

Author: Qian Suyin
qian.suyin@lasentinelle.net
Twitter: @LSQianSuyin
Qian Suyin is a Culture Correspondent for La Sentinelle, based in Laeralsford. Qian works as a cultural writer, scholar, and part-time musician, and is the author of Legions of Gold: Laeralsford's Ska Subculture of the 1960s-70s. She has worked for La Sentinelle for nearly 10 years, and won the Fu Huan Reporting on Art award in 2018 for a photography article focusing on the preservation of Laeral's artistic heritage. She attended Riverlands National University and was born in Laonong, Jinhua.

[Laeral]

[Laeral]

Les Couloirs

Within the Corridors of Power

Republic House Denounces Aurian Coup
Republic House has condemned the June 28th coup against Cape Auria's elected government and sanctioned key coup leaders.
By Mila Sheng, published July 25, 2021


Laeralsford- Republic House today denounced in harsh terms the recent coup in Cape Auria which removed the small Caxcanan nation’s government from power, calling for respect for human rights and unveiling targeted sanctions at officials supporting the Cordonnier regime.

“The government of Andrew Laurent-Cordonnier has shown little respect for human rights, particularly the freedom of assembly and freedom from torture and bodily harm, as evidenced by the disturbing videos of protestors and the country’s prime minister being mistreated and attacked by pro-Cordonnier forces,” said Republic House foreign affairs spokesperson Chang Chengzhi. “The government of Laeral hereby calls for the release of all political prisoners and the immediate end of the state of emergency. The targeted sanctions announced will further our goal of pressuring those responsible for this unlawful and unjust coup against Auria’s elected government.”

Sanctions announced by Republic House included the seizure of all assets and a ban on conducting business with Andrew Laurent-Cordonnier himself and over two dozen officials associated with the June 28th coup, including General Jean-Claude Michelin, a prominent military leader. Republic House did not renounce the possibility of future sanctions as the situation in Cape Auria develops.

Spokesperson Chang also revealed that Laeralian government officials, including Foreign Minister Tanvi Misra, had been in contact with prominent officials of the Aurian pre-coup government, currently residing in Eiria. “We are working with our partners in Eiria, as well as Queen Sophie and the elected representatives of the Aurian people, to resolve the situation and pressure the illegitimate military regime.”

View article on the IDU Media Company website.

About the Author

Mila Sheng is a Foreign Affairs Correspondent, currently working for Les Couloirs. She works freelance for a variety of news publications, bringing her experience as a 15-year veteran of the Foreign Service to analysis of Foreign Ministry policy. She graduated with a degree in International Relations from Laeralian International University, serving as a Public Diplomacy specialist in posts from Eiria to Samudera Darussalam. She now writes for Les Couloirs, La Sentinelle, and other publications. You can find her at @milasheng on Setsuzoku, or visit her website and blog at milasheng.com.

[Laeral]

Article written by Xiomera and originally posted on the IDU Media Company website on July 24, 2021.

Huenya, Laeral sign major agreement

The governments of Huenya and Laeral have signed a major agreement to accelerate the rebuilding of the former Xiomeran territory, officials from both states announced today.

The program, dubbed the Laeral-Huenya Economic Corridor, is being described by both countries as a public-private venture, facilitated by the Laeralian government, to help Huenya recover from the aftermath of its fight for independence from the Xiomeran Empire. The program has a focus on rebuilding Huenyan transportation, communications, energy and manufacturing infrastructure. “Prior to the civil war, Huenya had a highly developed infrastructure, but it was damaged both by fighting and by deliberate sabotage of withdrawing Imperial forces,” Vice-Speaker Tiacihitli told DTNS. “This agreement with Laeral will help us rebuild and improve that infrastructure, and get Huenya working again. It is an agreement that holds tremendous promise for both parties. We are very pleased to be working with Laeral, which has been a good friend to Huenya even before our independence, and we hope this is just the beginning of closer cooperation and friendship between our countries and peoples.”

Laeralian officials were just as optimistic about the agreement and what it could lead to for both countries. Speaking to La Sentinelle, President Liu Mei-Han said, “The Laeral-Huenya Economic Corridor is a showcase of our commitment to win-win international cooperation that leaves both parties more prosperous and sustainable. It’s my hope that this partnership between Laeral and Huenya will form a blueprint for international development in the future.”

The first major project for the new program will be the rebuilding of damaged infrastructure at the ports of Acalan, Oacalco and Ixtenco. “Getting the ports back to 100% functionality is a major need, both to ensure critical supplies and aid can get to Huenya, and also so we can begin exporting products once our industrial sector is back on its feet,” Talcueitlaco, the Huenyan infrastructure secretary, told DTNS. Rebuilding and expansion of secondary ports at Tacuitapa and Ahuacatlán will also take place as part of that project. Huenyan officials indicated that fully restoring the electrical, cellular and Internet grids, as well as transportation infrastructure, will be priority projects. Future phases include restoring Huenyan industrial facilities, and the construction of a new government center at Chuaztlapoc to house the Huenyan government in time for a new government to be seated in January 2022.