Eastern Promises [AMW]

[Nova Gaul]

Tokyo, Empire of Japan

After quiet decades of the post Great War status quo, the past few weeks witnessed the Empire of Japan embarking on a new economic policy designed to safeguard its financial future. This policy had become known as the Pacific Trade Organization and the short of it was that Japan intended to create a new trading dynamic where resource-rich countries would receive Japanese manufactured goods and technology in return for Japan gaining access to the oil, gas, lumber, minerals and other necessities its secondary and tertiary sectors craved. Initially things went well: the Grand Republic of the Indus, long a Japanese trading partner, was the first to sign on, and the Federated Islamic States had expressed an interest—the dialogue was ongoing.

But then Anahuac, with its numerous domestic problems, had joined, and Japan had seized the opportunity with both hands, promising the troubled Central American country the moon and stars. The brief result was an attempted Japanese intervention in its civil war, which resulted in a Californian sneak attack on a Japanese military transport. Over one hundred Japanese soldiers were killed, further intervention was made impossible, and the empire found itself facing a violent opponent intent on denying Japan access to the markets of America. Although in the short term an evacuation plan was authorized for the thousands of Japanese citizens stranded in Anahuac, the crisis brought the long-term goals of the Pacific Trade Organization and indeed Japan's fundamental foreign policy into question.

This question—what to do now—confronted the many different factions and cabals (which together constituted the de facto government of the Empire of Japan) equally. The more nationalist and right-wing elements, such as the Kokumin Dōmei political party and the Imperial Way Faction 皇道派 or 'Kōdōha' within the military, believed the time had come at last for the empire to openly challenge (by means of preemptive assaults) Euro-American 'interlopers' in the Pacific...namely Amerique and the Chrinthani Empire. They also advocated serious retaliatory strikes against California in response to the downing of the M-100 and a full deployment to Anahuac to secure the Directory's government and crush the rebels. Fortunately such a radical approach was hardly popular with the other factions, it was challenged most notably by the zaibatsu conglomerates and political moderates (such as the influential center-right Kenseitō ‘Constitutional Party’ and Mitsui-zaibatsu funded Rikken Seiyūkai ‘Friends of Constitutional Government’ party) and, importantly, by the military’s conservative Control Faction or 統制派 'Tōseiha'. On the opposite side of the policy discourse was the more left wing Rōdōnōmintō or 'Labour-Farmer Party'. Somewhat counter-intuitively the Labour-Farmer Party, inevitably along with left-leaning academics, wanted to government to continue support of Anahuac's government notwithstanding the perils and difficulties of doing so. They believed that without Japanese support Anahuac's lower middle class, always in a tenuous position, faced destruction. The traditionally distant, non-involved Imperial Family and its Imperial Privy Council, as well as the unelected Kizoku-in (the aristocratic House of Peers or upper house of the Diet) were conservative by their very nature, and inevitably supported whatever policy was seen to be the most sensible and least dramatic.

Debating between the factions, well behind closed doors, somewhat organized and moderated by the centrist Prime Minister Hiranuma Kiichirō (who despite a few setbacks retained the support of the emperor and corporate oligarchs) was fierce and continuous following the attack on and destruction of Military Flight 003. In the end it was political moderates and their zaibatsu overseers that triumphed, although it was only the hitherto unseen direct intervention of Emperor Ōtomo in support of his prime minister that finally ended the debate. Winning over the radicals on the right with military enlargement via S.L.O.R.C.A. (the Security, Law, Order and Commerce Act) and dissenters on the left with a few pro public sector pieces of domestic legislation Prime Minister Kiichirō was able to move forward with his plan to forge new economic alliances favorable to Japan and to increase membership in the Pacific Trade Organization. However given that the Anahuac Crisis was ongoing, and that California was now openly hostile to Japan, the government intended to focus its efforts on the Eastern Hemisphere.

Such efforts included, primarily, strengthening relations in all respects with the Grand Republic of the Indus, presently viewed as Japan's most important new ally and the premier signatory of the Pacific Trade Organization. They would also include working closely with the Federated Islamic States, to come to terms that the Ummah would find acceptable, so that the alliance would gain the F.I.S. as its newest member. Dealing with these nations, vital to the strategic future of Japan, occupied the majority of the Kiichirō government's attention.

But amidst the setbacks and negativity there was an important and positive development. News was finally received in Tokyo that, after months of secret negotiations, the Socialist Federation of the Congo was ready to openly discuss new terms of trade—and possibly of alliance—with the Empire of Japan. The Congo and Japan were decades-old trading partners, although only a fairly low-scale. This shared history would provide the basis, at least Hiranuma Kiichirō hoped it would provide the basis, of a new and enduring relationship. Therefore, the moment the news was received by Tokyo that new discussions were a 'go', the Deputy Prime Minister, who had been on a tour of South Asia to shore up the new relationship with the Grand Republic and to lead negotiations with the Federated Islamic States, hopped on a jet and proceeded immediately down to Kinshasa.

Kinshasa, Socialist Federation of the Congo

On the one hand the Congo presented the perfect ally and partner from a Japanese point of view. It was a massive country, still developing, possessed of a large population and (for all intents and purposes) abundant natural resources such as metals, oil, and timber (especially the Socialist Federation boasted a number of rarer minerals, such as uranium, that were a critical supply for Japan's growing energy needs). Such a growing population would need vehicles, electronics, and a rails and roads infrastructure—all things that the Empire of Japan would be happy to provide in any trade agreement. On the other hand the Congo's government, socialist with Kurosite predilections, hardly seemed to be a good fit with conservative, consumerist Japan. Yet this political disparity allowed Prime Minister Kiichirō to put into action one of his most common talking points, that Japan did not judge a country based on its political systems and domestic policies but on their 'willingness to do business, and on a shared history of commercial relations.' Ironically enough then Japan, fresh from the debacle in Anahuac where it had tried to save a government from a Kurosite insurgency, eagerly embraced the opportunity to form a new agreement and perhaps alliance with the Socialist Federation.

The arrival of Deputy Prime Minister Katō Komei in the urban sprawl of Kinshasa was a carefully choreographed event. The Japanese vice-executive and his delegation of Foreign Ministry staffers, various corporate representatives, and a handful of Defense Ministry attaches—all fresh from their South Asian Visit—greeted their Congolese counterparts on the tarmac of Kinshasa International Airport with bows, handshakes, smiles, and high-end gifts. Premier Dawoud Nkandu was presented with a 14th Century Kamakura period katana sword, formerly of the Imperial Collection and priceless. Dozens of Japanese media were embedded in the delegation as well, they were joined recording the historic event, no doubt, by hundreds of Congolese and international reporters.

After gifts and introductions came a scripted prologue in which Deputy Prime Minister Komei expressed his admiration of the Congolese people for enduring the past century's challenges: “In overcoming whole generations of attempted enslavement, the people of the Congo have given the world a noble example of how to triumph in the face of adversity. The Socialist Federation of the Congo is not a nation of victims, rather it is nation of conquerors. Of lions.” An optimistic vision of future co-operation between the 'land of the rising sun and the beating heart of Africa' followed. The arrival at the airport then concluded with some applause, whereupon Komei and the Japanese were driven off to the executive compound.

The Empire of Japan's appeal to the Congo would contain similar offers to those given the Federated Islamic States and the Grand Republic of the Indus, but as with both other countries some individual provisions would be marked out for the Socialist Federation.

Japan was, of course, interested in signing a free-trade agreement with the Congo, and interested in removing any tariffs that could obstruct one. Japan's heavy industries and mineral concerns were eager to increase the Congo's export of oils, metals, and other raw resources. If possible, these same companies wanted to directly participate in the Socialist Federation, to operate their own mines and operations under license. Certainly, if high levels of trade were to begin, at least some factories would needed to be built, probably in Kinshasa, to process the very raw materials before they were shipped away. The Japanese would also make another offer: for the Congo to invest in the Yen as a reserve currency. By no means was taking on the Yen as a reserve currency a requisite for any trade treaty or agreement—but it was offered as a means for the Congolese to invest in a strong currency and, when they had Japanese treasury notes, they would earn credit with Japanese commercial banks. Additionally, because more business meant more expats, the Deputy Prime Minister was going to ask—politely—about the possibility of building a new suburb of Kinshasa where the Japanese workers could live.

In any case the Japanese were going to be very delicate when making these fairly large requests for trade and alliance. In return Tokyo believe it had much to offer Kinshasa. Firstly, low interest development loans could be arranged. Secondly, if the trading economy was to grow, it would be in the interests of the Japanese to help develop the Congo's infrastructure—railways and roadways. New port facilities would probably need to be constructed. There was the specific offer of a technical university in Kinshasa that could focus on mathematics and the natural sciences. Toyota and Nissan and Honda were itching to sell basic, economy automobiles in the Socialist Federation, sold without any tax or tariff levied. Depending on how comprehensive an alliance chosen by the Congolese was, Japan was also willing to sell them varying amounts of their military hardware. Training would be provided, both to familiarize Congolese soldiers with any new weapons purchased and to instruct Congolese soldiers generally. Also, if this new level of trade started, it would no doubt create income for Congolese citizens. In time the Congo could work towards building a middle class perhaps.

So that would be Japan's proposition, more or less. It was hoped by Tokyo as well that since both states had histories of competition with the European powers, there would be a real basis for working together. And Japan could not overstate the importance of this agreement, to secure a new agreement with the Congo was irreplaceable goal in its foreign and economic policy. The S.F.C. would of course be free to add or modify any parts of the treaty they wished, as had been the case for every Japanese trade partner, most recently the Indus and Federated Islamic States. The Deputy Prime Minister frequently would mention that the empire was looking for a long term ally and was interested in helping the Congo as much as he was sharing profits. This was by no means a short-term get rich scheme at the Congo's expense, but a fair and balanced cooperation.

If the Congo did decide to purpose to join in any of trade agreement or alliance, they could do inside or outside the Pacific Trade Organization. Indeed there was a growing number inside Japan, followers of economist Yoshio Nasai, who thought the name no longer fitted the purpose and that the appellation World Trade Organization suited and made a great deal more sense. The goal was to create an economic bloc that would see all members thrive and become a competitive, if not the dominant, player in the world's arena.

Katō Komei had lofty thoughts, indeed the whole empire still had lofty thoughts, as his motorcade approached the executive compound. As large as his and his country's vision was, however, the Deputy Prime Minister intended to open up the negotiations delicately and only to begin with small ideas that were practicable for both parties. He was sure as well that the Congolese would have their own ideas, and was perfectly ready to entertain them. They were sailing into uncharted territory to be sure, but arguably had enough in common to start the voyage.

[United Kongo]

Many in the Congolese government had been somewhat surprised when the Japanese had begun opening up dialogue for trade talks with the Socialist Federation. While it was certainly true that in terms of the Mineral and Natural wealth, Congo truly was a blessed (or cursed) country in that it sat upon multitude of valuable resources that would have been highly sought after in the developed states of the West. Yet the Congolese regime made it shunned by most sensible states, as the blood soaked iron grip of her Dictator Dawoud Nkandu showed no signs of slacking despite being in his eighth decade of life. Her Socialist rhetoric, although debatable in it's authenticity under the Nkandu regime, still exercised heavy government influence over all aspects of the Congo, again scaring away most companies.

Therefore many in the Government, including the old dictator himself, expressed great surprise at the Japanese proposal. It was a country that had never really been considered in any serious discussions of Congolese policy given it's large geographic distance from Central Africa and lack of substantial historical interaction. Yet perhaps this was a boon, as the new relationship to bloom between the Japan and the Congo would not have been tied down by any past baggage. If the Conservative Japanese government could put aside her ideological differences with the Congo, then an unscrupulous dictator such as Nkandu certainly could. The Congo could certainly use an economic jump start with the Japanese business activity and two ongoing insurgencies meant that the military was a high priority.

Yet dealing with the Japanese brought it's own risks as well. For one, the Congo still had to worry about her relations with the other Socialist states in the world, and the brief Japanese escapade into Central America might raise some eyebrows to the Congolese socialist credentials to deal with Japan. Domestically however, their where many more puritan Party members who personally balked at the idea of dealing with Japan. Was Nkandu reversing the Congo path to Communism? Hadn't he carried out mass cullings in the late 90's/early 2000's of Party members who were deemed to advocate the very actions he carried out now? Was the old man simply going senile? None would dare challenge the man's reign, but still disunity between the party ranks could pose a problem to the Congo's future after Nkandu had passed.

The Japanese delegates were met at the airport in Kinshasa by a Party consisting of several Congolese Communist Party Members, Several important officers of the Congolese Peoples Army as well as a few dour faced Interior Police officers, the agency wishing to be present as a show force to it's rivals in the military then to make a statement to the Japanese. Nkandu's large frame of course made him the centre of attention among the Congolese, drabbed in his characteristic Green military suit and Peaked cap. Nkandu gave a big widefaced grin for the cameras as he shook Deputy Prime Minister Komei's hand for the cameras and thanked him for his kind words as well as commending Japans success in transforming herself into a mighty nation on her own terms.

The Villa on the banks of the Congo river where the Japanese and Congolese would meet was one that was lavish and unexpected for a country such as Congo . The conference room was spacious and well furnished with decorum that dated back to the 1960s under the military dictatorship and was still well preserved. Various swords, helmets and local artwork hung about the room all dating from various periods of Congolese history and from different regions of the diverse country, while the more modern portraits celebrating the achievements of the communist party also lay insight. Of particular note was a huge, imposing painting of a stern faced Nkandu in his youth.

A view of the mighty Congo river was seen through the open doors on the balcony, as well as the distant outlines of Kinshasa's twin city of Nkuna. The Japanese were offered drinks and refreshments, water especially given that it was assumed a few of the delegates may be uncomfortable in the Tropical heat. Fat, Lavish cigars were also offered out, with Nkandu helping himself to one and lighting it up before talking.

“So Mr Prime Minsiter, I shall cut straight to the chase if you would so mind. As has been made clear, the prime concern with the Empire in Congo is access to our mineral wealth. Given the current retarded state of development in our country, it would be of great boon to Congo as well as Japan”

Nkandu was not afraid to be bluntly honest when he was not dealing with the population “It would be greatly in the S.F.C interests too, to allow Japanese Companies to operate in mineral extractions, this we are willing to accept” For Nkandu their was no difference between himself and his country.

“Greater commercial ties to allow easier trade between our two states we would also accept as being beneficial to both our countries. A free trade agreement is something we have come to underhand as being greatly desired by Japan and of course we would be wiling to accept this, as well necessary Japanese investments into Congolese infrastructure”.

“In return, our main priority of course would be access to military hardware that the Japanese government would be willing to trade for such bountiful mineral concessions. Security is a top priority in our state with many enemies within and without, and military hardware is an area which we sorely desire to address”

While the Congolese army was certainly hardened by numerous conflicts, her pool of motor vehicles and hardware was woefully inadequate.

“ In addition, as Japan is such a learned nation renowned for it's education, it would be of great benefit to our Country to aid in the development of better learning facilities for tertiary education, particularly of science and engineering”.

Nkandu sat back and took another fat puff of his cigar to wait for the Vice Prime Minister to respond. While he knew that the Japanese had further interests they would like to pursue, Nkandu preferred to establish a definite agreement on what both parties greatly desired in the form of trade and investment before moving onto questions of Congolese involvement in a trade bloc with Japan. Nkandu was less thrilled about this idea and so was going to leave it to Komei to pitch the idea.

[Nova Gaul]

Kinshasa, Socialist Federation of the Congo

Deputy Prime Minister Katō Komei—the entire Japanese delegation really—was thrilled at the warmth of the Congolese welcome. Although (as was to be expected) some of the Congolese were less than please at the unheralded arrive of the imperial diplomats it was clear that Dawoud Nkandu was supportive. In Tokyo’s analysis, at the present time, that was all that really mattered. Pragmatism was the order of the day—perhaps this was something lost among the more ideological inclined among both the Japanese and the Congolese. There was an opportunity here for both governments, both peoples, to benefit tremendously. Truth be told, the Deputy Prime Minister was grateful for Nkandu’s strong hand…it meant the apparatchiks of the decaying progressive democracies (and in the mind of Tokyo, racist and Euro-centric democracies) would not be able to worm their way into this negotiation, and so prevent the rightful economic expansion of the Empire of Japan into Africa.

The distance between the two nations would be an obstacle to what was germinating, there was no doubt about it, but the lack of interaction between the two nations heretofore would most likely be a boon. Japan had long been hemmed in by European imperialism in Asia, just as the Congo had been subject to the more brutal aspects of imperialism. Surely, there was solid ground for agreement there. As to political differences between the two states, well, that was a clear and present barrier to closer relations, but it was the opinion of the Kiichirō administration that business made strange bedfellows and that the vast majority of the S.F.C.’s politburo would not reject the opportunity to strengthen their state. Really, the two facts that gave the Japanese envoys pause for thought was the fact that so much of this alliance depended on one man, Dawoud Nkandu, and that there were audible rumors of insurgency movements in the far provinces of the Congo. After the Anahuac debacle, despite a keen eagerness to access new markets, Tokyo was leery at best of becoming involved with a fractured state. Yet the die was cast, the imperial government had reached a consensus, and the negotiations and alliance were ordered to proceed.

Relaxed conversation that evening in Nkandu’s obscenely opulent villa would see Katō Komei and his aides in total agreement with the Central African strongman. Cigars and cocktails were enjoyed by all as conversation turned from the prospects of hunting a hippopotamus (some the Deputy Prime Minister was eager to try) to the matter at hand.

“Your excellency,” responded Komei at last after nodding for a long while as Nkandu made his points, “a joint effort between Japanese industrial conglomerates and the people of the Congo would indeed, I believe, yield astounding profits for both our nations. Allowing Japanese companies access to your vast mineral rights will also greatly enrich the poorer peoples of the provinces, who may well have the chance, for the first time in their lives, to gain full time employment. I am delighted beyond measure, sir, to hear that you have such an adroit view of the prospects we find ourselves facing.

“As to military equipment, given that Japan by law may now engage in arms trading with our allies, I can assure you that before the ink on the treaty is dry the first of a long assortment of military goods will be bound for the Congo. We can provide you will some of, if not the best, vehicles and infantry equipment in the world. The Empire of Japan, your excellency, believes that a vigorously strengthened Congo will benefit us both. I promise you that my government is in total agreement on this issue: you shall be sold all the arms that you desire. Fortuitously, a squadron of Ki-932 heavy fighter-bombers, fresh off the assembly line and originally dedicated for Anahuac, are now available and ready to be shipped. They can be in Kinshasa, I expect, by month’s end.”

“A new comprehensive school, with instruction from the primary grades to university, will be constructed by your Japanese friends your excellency, free of charge. It will be dedicated to the natural sciences and mathematics. Educated and dedicated pupils will be a strength to your nation, and graduates would be ideally positioned to find employment with our businesses. It would be an honor for us to construct this new university, as a symbol of our new alliance.”

“In return for this gift, may the Empire of Japan request a small favor? May we have your permission to construct new housing suburb outside Kinshasa to house the Japanese workers who will, if all goes as planned, will soon be arriving in the Congo? It will be hard for many of them to make an adjustment to African life, I suspect, and in the interim it would be good if they would inhabit their own community.”

The discussion, the Deputy Prime Minister felt, had proceeded excellently, indeed above all his wildest expectations, thus far. So he was cautious as he proceeded.

“Of course, sir, you know that the Empire of Japan has been attempting to construct a new trade bloc that will redefine the world’s markets and ensure strong economies for the members for decades to come. To date only the Grand Republic of the Indus and Anahuac have embraced this vision, although in the case of the latter with some domestic trouble, but I may tell you in confidence that we have every hope the Federated Islamic States will sign on too. The name is inconsequential…it has been called the Pacific Trade Organization, but perhaps that does not capture its goals well enough. It may very soon be renamed the World Trade Organization, which I personally think makes a great deal more sense. What we wish to achieve, your excellency, what we wish to invite you to achieve with us, is the construction of a tremendous new market that would empower each nation’s three economic sectors to levels perhaps never seen before. For example, a seamless interaction would be modeled whereby the insurance and banking sectors of Japan, which is to say the tertiary sector, strengthen the agricultural sector of the Indus, which in turn lowers commodity prices in the Congo and the Federated Islamic States.” He had to control his anger as he continued, he could still spit nails of what California had done to prevent Japan from gallantly rushing to the rescue of Anahuac. “Such a radical economic advance is threatening to the Western ‘Democracies’, because hitherto they have been the ones manipulating the world markets. But their products have become substandard, their vision weak, and they have now had to resort to military force to keep states from escaping their fiduciary prison. Their time is at an end. The new time, the time of Asian and African dominance, with our countless populations and steel-hard work ethic, is at hand.

“By no means, sir, does the Socialist Federation need to join on to our new economic alliance for our two states to do business. But if you do not sign on, I must ask, why? It will only help the members and only hurt our economic rivals, the vampires of San Diego and Sydney. With the Japanese Yen far stronger and more viable than the cold, dead pound sterling, we can forge a new, de facto world currency. Just imagine the profits for the government and the people of the Congo if your state was to adopt the Yen as its reserve currency…think of your expanded buying power. In little longer than a fortnight could hold billions in the world’s strongest and most dynamic currency, it would be more than an economic jump start, it would be total economic resuscitation.

“In any case membership in the economic bloc is completely optional on your part, although I would call it a wise move. The most important thing is that the Congo and Japan, which have so much in common, take their first steps forward as allies.”

Deputy Prime Minister Katō Komei stood and presented his snifter of cognac for a toast: “May I ask you all, gentlemen, to raise your glass in salute of one of the world’s true visionary leaders, Dawoud Nkandu. May he rule for a hundred more years!”

It was a heartfelt toast. The last thing the Empire of Japan needed or wanted was to draft a new treaty with the Socialist Federation of the Congo only to have it fall apart when the trade commenced due to a coup d’état. Long life to you indeed, Nkandu, thought Komei as he raised his glass.

[United Kongo]

Dawoud had been in the political game for far to long to show any change of expression on his face when Komei mentioned Japans almost ready shipment of fighter bombers, however several other Congolese present, most notably those of the military, could not stop themselves from grinning slightly at the thought. While the Congolese army might be struggling to maintain her vehicle pool, the Airforce was truly in a dismal state. Dawoud could not help but chuckle a bit at the thought of the Bombers originally destined to flatten the Revolutionary armies of Central America would now be used to prop up such a regime just across the Atlantic. Truly Japan had no qualms when it came to dealing with business. He of course graciously thanked Komei for his gift to the Congolese state. He even more graciously thanked Komei and Japan for the gift of education. Guns could always be bought from someone, education was more elusive, especially since the regime had been forced to completely rebuild an entire new schooling system once they seized power amongst a generation of adults who had never known it's value.

Komei's request for a suburb however caused Nkandu some pause. While he of course had no doubt that the suburb would of course be just that, a suburb, the implications of course would need to be thought out. An enclave of Japanese might incite anger amongst the residence of Kinshasa, especially the slums to see foreigners living in luxury right next to their own squalid existence. Or even worse, it might incite questions as to why these foreigners were able to be provided with such opulence by their own government in another state, while the slumdwellers saw so little from their own Marxist leaders? Worried outcomes no doubt, yet to deny Japan this request would seem absurd on the Congolese part and would of course no doubt ease Japanese companies into feeling secure in the not so reputable state.

Nkandu nodded after exhaling a significant plume of smoke from his lungs.

“Of course, we can understand the feeling of nostalgia and dislocation suffered by workers moving to such a foreign state. We'll have the city planners at once looking for the ideal location to house your workers” This meant tucked away in the cities wealthier districts somewhere the Police could keep an eye on them, for the safety of the Japanese and to keep their presence somewhat obscured.

Nkandu kept up an un-blinking, almost lizard like gaze of Komei as he explained his reasoning behind the new trade bloc. He had to give the man credit, he certainly pushed the idea behind hard enough to make Dawoud perhaps ponder the question a bit more. Certainly the way that Komei put the idea behind the organisation was appealing. Yet Nkandu was still not convinced that joining such an organisation was truly in Congo's best interest.

“Mr Komei”he begun, crushing the remains of the burnt out cigar in the ashtray “While of course we can sympathise with any organisation that wishes to break the stranglehold of the West on the world, and while you raise several good points as to the benefits of the organisation, We are still somewhat dubious as to whether joining the Pacific Trade Organisation is truly the best for the Congolese”

“Trade between Japan and Congo is greatly beneficial to both states, as is of course maintaining good relations. Yet joining the PTO will entail more commitments from our people, some perhaps that we aren't ready to make. Congo has relations with other states and other developmental commitments that might be somewhat jeopardised by a Congolese entry to the PTO”

Nkandu was of course alluding to the recent agreement reached with the Geletians for the construction of a space facility on Congolese territory. It was unspoken that Congo joining such an organisation would be seen as selling out by many Revolutionaries around the world, and while Dawoud was happy to be pragmatic, this also meant balancing the countries various partners. But perhaps the kost important reasons for his reservations, was simply due to the paranoid nature of the follised dictator himself. Nkandu was leery jumping to far into the Japanese camp that Congo would be reduced to a client state via economic dependence. How much of this was true was of course was debatable but in the mind of Dawoud it represented a legitimate threat to his tight fisted two decade long rule. But of course not of this was to be said neither.

“Another concern Mr Komei, would be the tying of the Congolese economy to such a volatile states such as Anahuac, to which I might add, would again reflect poorly on the Congolese leadership to be seen allying with the regime given the nature of Revolution their. While we would be happy to agree to a Bilateral alliance with Japan, that is as far as we would go as of the present”

The Japanese ministers toast was heartily accepted by the Congolese delegation and Nkandu proposed one in return (although sitting down given that he found movement difficult these days in such as physical age and condition) to the good health of Deputy Komei and the Emperor of Japan. As conversation returned to the norm, Nkandu mentioned to the Deputy that their would be ample opportunity for hunting the mighty Hippos of the Congo, far more superior, so he claimed, then their Nilosaharan cousins of which the eccentric Chingiz was so fond of.

[Nova Gaul]

Kinshasa, Socialist Federation of the Congo

Deputy Prime Minister Katō Komei listened carefully as the powerful man across from him responded to, and in some case, challenged, his talking points. The Deputy Prime Minister had not expected Nkandu—canny and authoritative as he was—to accept membership ad initio, indeed he was delighted that the leader of the Socialist Federation had embraced so much of the Japanese offer at all. The offer had been made…and, at least in the mind of Komei…if it had not been outright accepted neither had it been outright refused. It was still, again in the mind of Komei, under consideration, and that was enough.

Of course, refusal to join the Pacific Trade Organization did carry with it consequences, albeit minor ones. Only member-allies of the trade bloc were entitled to receive Japan’s most advanced weapon systems, such as: unmanned aerial vehicles, short and intermediate range missiles, third generation tanks and fighting vehicles, and cutting edge aircraft and naval vessels. As an example the Grand Republic of the Indus, arguably Japan’s closest ally, would shortly receive a dozen Mitsubishi Ki-251 ("Type 99 Assault Plane") fighter jets, among the world’s best. However, the Socialist Federation would still be able to purchase material and equipment form nearly 60% of Japan’s arsenal, all modern and deadly—material and equipment that could potentially transform the Congo into Africa’s preeminent military power.

On that military note, one last request by Komei, phrased as politely and circumspectly as possible in light of Nkandu’s already magnanimous concessions, was for a small Japanese naval base on the Congolese coast. As the perfidious Californians had already demonstrated, the corrupt West was terrified of Japan expanding her sphere of influence. To that end, the Empire of Japan wished a small navy base where a few vessels might be housed to protect the incredible wealth that would soon be en route around the Cape and across the Indian Ocean in Japanese merchant ships. Japan had naval assets even now securing its trade in the Indian Ocean, but nothing yet so far out as Africa. The hypothetical naval base might also serve a dual purpose, as it could be used to house the thousand or so Imperial Military advisors that were due to arrive in the Congo.

That request made, Deputy Prime Minister Katō Komei returned to the subject of the Pacific Trade Organization.

“You make good points Your Excellency, and I understand and accept your reasoning. However, if I may, even if the S.F.C. is not,” more quietly, “at this time”, then with a voice raised again “ready to become a member of the Pacific Trade Organization might I still suggest investment in the Japanese Yen as a reserve currency for your government. It need not, of course, be the primary reserve currency, or even the only reserve currency, that you and your people choose to buoy your financial assets. However I think, rather I know, that such an investment in our sound and dynamic currency will bolster your reserve in ways you cannot imagine. As well, it would be a remarkable sign of good faith and confidence in this remarkable new relationship our two great states are forging.”

In regards to the ‘other states’ which Nkandu mentioned, Komei was not surprised. As far away as Japan was from this part of the world, Tokyo had heard of forthcoming Geletian-Congolese plans to build a space launch facility in the Socialist Federation. But what he said, picking up on Nkandu’s cue, may well have surprised the African dictator.

“Far from being discomfited by such relations the Socialist Federation has with other nations, Your Excellency, you may be happy to learn that the empire is wholeheartedly supportive of them. For example, it has long been a desire of my government to build a relationship with Geletia. Some in my government are even hopeful that we might soon one day be able to trade with them properly, all the better to crush our competitors in Nibelunc. For you see, sir, in our mind the status quo government of every state is legitimate. Therefore we have no qualms dealing with states of any political ideology. Unlike the mischievous and grasping Western imperialist powers, our economy seeks to empower other states rather than subdue them. The Empire of Japan wants friends, friends of all kinds, that together we might build a new and better world.

“It is my honor sir, and the honor of my country, to know that Japan has found just such a friend.”

Others, particularly in the corrupt and nihilistic West, might be shocked at Japanese foreign policy, particularly its foreign policy as of late. But the Japanese saw nothing wrong with being allied with a rightist military dictatorship, a socialist state, and a functional kleptocracy all at once. Even though Japan maintained what basically a balanced military, imperial, and corporate oligarchy (and a radically conservative, at least politically, one at that) more or less masquerading as a limited democracy its desire was to grow economically. Period, full stop. Not just to grow economically, but to assume its rightful place as the supreme economy of the entire world. To do this, its allies would necessarily be a disparate lot, certainly compared to the linked, cold and dead but linked, hands of the ‘liberal’ Western democracies.

And the Deputy Prime Minister believed he had found a strong and useful friend and ally in the Socialist Federation of the Congo.

The alliance was deemed acceptable.

Two Months Later…

And so, with the preliminaries agreed upon, the alliance between the Empire of Japan and the Socialist Federation of the Congo was formalized. It was announced with great fanfare (to a probably stunned) world as the Congo-Japan Accord, and a strong accord it was, binding the world’s (by most definitions) most resource rich nation to the world’s most technologically advanced one. Indeed the Japanese media trumpeted the alliance day and night, evidencing it as another triumph of Prime Minister Hiranuma Kiichirō‘s ambitious and visionary foreign and economic policy.

Deputy Prime Minister Katō Komei had been on hand to sign the watershed agreement with gusto, waxing poetic as he defined the alliance as a ‘turning point’ in the history of the world; he had also partaken in some delightful hippopotamus safari. However, as he secretly confided to Dawoud Nkandu, with whom he felt a certain camaraderie and towards whom great respect, he had to leave immediately as the Japanese government was soon to embark on major ‘enterprises’ in the Pacific which would require his, and the entire government’s, full attention. But as was the case with Japan’s closest allies—such as the Grand Republic of the Indus and Anahuac—the Deputy Prime Minister would not be replaced by a mere ambassador but by a special envoy, empowered not just to represent the empire to the Congo but to organize and coordinate the vast, complex, and intricate interaction between the two states. His replacement was a confident of the Prime Minister and a man—of the hereditary peerage—who moved in the highest (even imperial) circles in Tokyo: Count (‘伯爵’ or hakushaku) Heizaemon Izawa.

Two months of frantic activity had given witness to the industrious reputation of the Japanese people while at the same time, perhaps, disproving stereotypical opinions about African backwardness. The new partners (although some in the Congolese Politburo may have expressed serious reservations about the alliance strongman Dawoud Nkandu seemed to be enthusiastically supportive) had taken to their alliance with gusto.

By plane and by ship thousands of Japanese coursed into the Central African state: corporate salarymen in the employ of the zaibatsus whose task it was to create and organize a native labor force, engineers who were charged with creating mechanisms and routes for mineral extraction, entrepreneurs who dreamed of opening businesses in downtown Kinshasa where Japanese imports—from Toyota trucks to DoCoMo smartphones—could be sold to the Congolese (including an enterprising nightclub promoter from Osaka intent on building the hippest dance venue in Kinshasa, fueled by JPop hits), architects who were even now designing a new infrastructure in port and rail that could accommodate a massive new level of trade, teachers who would staff the new joint Congolese-Japanese education complex, military advisors who would train the Congolese People’s Army in the use of shiny new Japanese weapons systems, and in many cases the families of all the above. It was estimated by various bureaux in Tokyo that by the time the necessary number of Japanese nationals needed to accomplish the work of the alliance with the S.F.C. had arrived they would number no less than 15,000.

These new Japanese expatriates would be housed, as Dawoud Nkandu had suggested (commanded), in the ‘better’ parts of Kinshasa in relatively isolated locations. The Japanese, although wholly committed to the new alliance, hardly wished to be conspicuous. They just wished to quietly go about their business of building a new and better world (at least, for Japan and her allies).

Of particular interest to the Socialist Federation would be two key points of the Congolese-Japanese Alliance—that is to say points regarding military and educational interaction.

Dawoud Nkandu had expressed a keen interest in ‘access to military hardware’. His new Japanese allies, eager to gain his goodwill and repay him for his generous concessions vis-à-vis resources, were only too happy to oblige. Over the past eight weeks the 210th Training Company (attached 7th Logistical and Training Brigade of the Imperial Japanese Army), at full strength with 350 soldiers, had been transported into the Congo. At a hastily constructed military base in Kinshasa named Camp Alliance, located between the city proper and the site of town where the majority of the Japanese were lodged, IJA Army instructors were bringing their counterparts in the Congolese People’s Army up to speed on Japanese weapons systems. At the present time, given the small amount of material able to be imported thus far, such equipment included a few hundred Sumitomo MINIMI 5.56mm and NTK/Sumitomo Type 62 machine guns, and equal number of Sumitomo M2 12.7mm heavy machine guns, several dozen Howa Type 96 40mm automatic grenade launchers and about thirty Type 64 81mm mortars. Besides training Congolese troops in the use of their sparkling new Japanese death machines IJA advisors also were slowly—but surely—helping troops of the Congolese People’s Liberation Army in drill, formation, and tactics. Although numbers were being kept strictly confidential, it was estimated that around 3,000 Congolese troops were currently in training at Camp Alliance. The proverbial icing on the cake was a squadron of Kawasaki Ki-932 heavy fighter-bombers, totaling seven aircraft, which had arrived on the first Japanese merchantman to the S.F.C. The jets, once intended for Anahuac, although relatively third-tier to more advanced Japanese models, were probably far and away better than anything the Congolese had heretofore operated. A select number of Congolese fliers was being trained in the use of the new aircraft by Imperial Japanese Army Air Force instructors, and the intimidating looking fighter-bombers could often been seen screeching over Kinshasa out towards the jungle on maneuvers. Soon, probably very soon, the Congolese pilots would be able to conduct live fire exercises.

And more, much more, military material was on the way.

On a more pacifistic note, the academic institution, spoken of before by Japanese Deputy Prime Minister Katō Komei and Congolese strongman Dawoud Nkandu, had the first bricks laid in downtown Kinshasa. Although the full campus would take years to construct, temporary prefabricated classrooms already dotted the fields which would become—in fact rather than just in name—the Japanese University in Kinshasa or JUIK. It was a unique educational institution in that it would take students beginning on a secondary level to graduate them with a degree. The school was specifically dedicated to the Natural Sciences, Mathematics, and Engineering. On the one hand it would provide the elite of Congolese society with most probably the finest education available in Africa, which would be a mighty boon for the Congo in and of itself. Secondarily, it would also in time provide the multiplicity of Japanese business interests ensconcing themselves in the Congo with a steady supply of middle-management to operate what would in time perhaps be the world’s largest and most elaborate mineral and resource extraction program. The groundbreaking ceremony, only several weeks past, had been attended by no less a figure than Her Imperial Highness Princess Michiko, third child of the Japanese Emperor Ōtomo. The dainty princess, dressed in an elaborate kimono, stood in fairly stark contrast to the other grandee in attendance, no less a person than Dawoud Nkandu.

It was expected by the Japanese that very shortly the first fruits of this alliance would be making their way towards the Home Islands. Cobalt, copper, niobium, tantalum, industrial and gem diamonds, gold, silver, zinc, manganese, tin, uranium, coal, rubber, as well as petrol and timber would, Tokyo hoped, soon be being sent by the shipload to ports in Japan. These resources, invaluable to meet Japan’s astronomic energy and production needs, would fuel an new level of economic activity that—in conjunction with petrol imports from the Federated Islamic States and cheap Indusi labor—would launch the empire’s commercial capacity into the stratosphere and beyond. In mere days, depending on how the Congolese laborers worked with their Japanese partners, a gargantuan new mineral extraction operation…perhaps one of the largest in the world’s history…would commence.

The Empire of Japan was making an awfully large investment into the Socialist Federation of the Congo, especially after the debacles in Anahuac. However, if the Congo-Japan Accord lived up to even half of its projected capacity, the economy of Japan would soon move light years ahead of its competitors.

To show Japan’s profound gratitude for the Congolese acceptance of alliance, an acceptance that took place in spite of both nations’ political difference, Count Heizaemon Izawa subtly went about delivering gifts to the various potentates of the Socialist Federation. Needless to say Dawoud Nkandu was first on this list: he received a fleet of 5 armored Lexus limousines, the very same type used by the Japanese Prime Minister and members of the Imperial Family. He also received, given his apparent taste for the finer things in life, an above sporty, custom made Lexus LFA two-seat supercar. It too was armored.

Other members of the Congo’s elite received gifts as well, top-end electronic entertainment systems for this Politburo member, a set of cutting-edge satellite phones for that general, even cute Japanese novelty toys for the children of the Socialist Federation’s rulers. Everybody who was anybody got a visit from the amicable count, and none left that visit empty-handed.

The Congo-Japan Accord had been realized. And the modern world, narcissistically involved in its own affairs and wars, could not yet even comprehend what its consequences would be.

[Kyr Shorn]

Palace of the Primus, Saidpur, Indus

His Highness, Delem Brahma, the Primus of Indus and Maharaja of Kashmir contemplated the latest news from Kutch with concern. The threats they were making to Japan were negligible, the military and trade ties between the Grand Republic and Japan had been strong for over a decade, solidifying them with membership in the PTO was a mere formality.

Delem shifted position in his bed, the large television in his personal bedroom was playing a Japanese news channel, he was learning the language but was still having some trouble grasping the colloquialisms, so he changed a local movie station. They were playing one of his favorite's Go Jaspreet! Go! a classical musical about a famous Kashmiri warrior-king of old.

With this on instead Delem found it easier to think, the money flowing into his, and his allies, coffers from Japan was nothing to laugh at. In fact if it hadn't been for Japan he highly doubt that Indus would have recovered as much as it did from the FIS/Indus War.

"Damn those Muslims to endless hells!" Delem hissed to himself by reflex. Between them and the rogue Kutch, the Grand Republic had been humiliated and hammered time and time again whenever they, the mother of all civilizations no less, dared to rise to greatness.

Delem heard a stirring and glanced to see one of the two concubines present stirring in her sleep, he didn't know her name, it didn't matter, they all looked the same to him.

He glanced at the nightstand and wondered if he had time to smoke some ganja before the day would really begin.

"No," Delem thought to himself, "I need to stay clearheaded today."

He thought of the seemingly 'light' day he would be having, in truth today's meeting would be important since he was meeting the new ambassador from Japan, and he would be given a formal reception with the 'First among Equals' of the nobility of the Grand Republic.

The man who saved the nation from destruction in the FIS/Indus War, the man who had been elected twice as Primus, and had strengthen the powers of that office, and had created the nation's first National armed forces from near scratch.

But there were still plenty of people who held power in Indus, a near byzantine labyrinth of feudal contracts, marriages, bloodlines, and rivalries that had to be navigated with care, lest you set off something that would cost blood and money.

Which is where the Primus came in, the man who (among other things) had the traditional duty of consulting with ambassadors and helping them through all of it was getting out of bed, his nude form betrayed a healthy vitality and physical fitness that mocked his 40 plus years on the Earth.

He pushed a call button for his servants to enter and wrap him in his robes before escorting him to his prepared bath and then dressing their monarch in all but name, and sending the concubines back to their harem.

Delem did notice the manila folder he had looked at the night before and smiled, soon enough he would have a new wife, or rather his old wife reborn once more.

"Sita," Delem said to himself with relish, "Soon you will be mine."

[Nova Gaul]

Saidpur, Grand Republic of the Indus

For the Empire of Japan, there was no ally closer, no state with whom relations were as important, as the Grand Republic of the Indus. But what had become a modern and vital alliance in fact had an interesting past.

In terms of ancient history scholars had long postulated that it was via the Indus that Buddhism had been transmitted to Japan, and contact between the two cultures arguably went back millennia. Certainly, for well over a decade the two nations had enjoyed voluminous trade—military, commercial, and labor-based—and the Grand Republic’s recent entrance into the Pacific Trade Organization had transformed an amicable history of commerce into a rock solid alliance. Moreover, the Indusi adoption of the Japanese Yen (to date, the Grand Republic was the only Pacific Trade Organization member to have done so) had inextricably bound the two ancient civilizations together.

Both nations had indeed profited mightily. The Grand Republic housed the largest number of Japanese expatriates, estimated to exceed thirty-thousand, in the world. Among their number were salarymen, accountants, architects, engineers, businessmen, and military advisors. For Japanese conglomerates, the Indus provided a superb source of cheap (so cheap as to be nearly free) manpower, manpower that was especially useful for dealing with highly toxic production for products indispensible to the larger scheme of the imperial economy such as lead-acid batteries and mineral processing. Near countless Japanese factories now operated in the Grand Republic, in some cases on a twenty-four hour basis, and there was no sign of construction slowing. In return the full range—bar none—of Japanese technological and military devices and apparatus was made available to the Indus. The empire’s most sophisticated weapon systems—such as all types and ranges of missilery and all generations of vehicles—were now regularly sold to the Indus, the only nation on earth that enjoyed such access to Tokyo’s arsenal. Indeed, not hours ago, a dozen Mitsubishi Ki-251 ("Type 99 Assault Plane") fighter jets, Japan’s twin-engine, all-weather air superiority fighter, had arrived in Saidpur. Even now, members of the Japanese Military Mission to the Indus (or ‘Jammi’) were instructing Indusi pilots on how to operate the advanced fighters. Hundreds of imperial Type 74 Main Battle Tanks had been sold to the Grand Republic over the past five years, and the Indusi government could soon look forward to the arrival of several dozen ultra-advanced Type 90 Main Battle Tanks and Type 270 Multiple Launch Rocket System vehicles.

The Grand Republic’s adoption of the Japanese Yen as its reserve currency meant that Japan’s financial institutions (among them the Bank of Japan itself) had unprecedented confidence in the Indusi economy. Hence loans flowed into the Grand Republic, enabling it to buy ever more lethal and advanced Japanese weaponry. Credit large and small was extended from the financial bastion of Tokyo to various interests in the Grand Republic, enabling native Indusi elites to found their own companies and concerns—although, perhaps inevitably, these concerns were linked the Japanese interests. Of course, as many near-sighted observers in the corrupt and imperialistic West had opined, trade thus far had only further enriched the elites of the Grand Republic and had achieved little to no success in lifting the South Asian state’s countless proles from their abject poverty. The Japanese attitude was that the vast sums being made in the Grand Republic would eventually ‘trickle down’ to the de facto factory slaves, but the fact of the matter was Tokyo had more pressing concerns.

Like helping the Grand Republic to become an even greater bastion of cheap labor, while at the same time providing enough guns, bombs, and other technology to the government that the status quo would be made insurmountable.

In the heart of the Old City, in fact not far from the Palace of the Primus, stood the Embassy of the Empire of Japan. It was a sprawling, labyrinthine affair of buildings centered around a skyscraper built in the likeness of a Japanese Pagoda. The Japanese embassy in the Indus was far, far more than a typical diplomatic mission. It was a complex and comprehensive organ of total alliance, which had grown to ensure and coordinate the ever greater levels of military and commercial interaction between the two states.

Given the importance of the relationship between the Empire and the Grand Republic, something more than a doctrinaire ambassador was required. Something special, someone special, was needed to provide the crucial link between the two states. A Special Envoy, of the type that Japan dispatched to its close partners, was what was called for. But not just any Special Envoy would do.

So it was that the Empire of Japan dispatched the nephew of Emperor Ōtomo himself, Prince Kenzō, to fulfill the role of Special Envoy to the Grand Republic. Even now the scion of the imperial family was being dressed at the embassy in white tie and tails, bedecked with a whole series of military awards and ceremonial orders to which he was entitled by virtue of his exalted birth. Perhaps the Hindu Indusi could appreciate the State Shinto religion of Japan, which held that divinity manifested itself in many ways: through geography, through nature, and through innumerable gods. Of these gods, or kami, one according to Japanese religion was alive even today and incarnate in the flesh. This concept of arahitogami (現人神) defines a kami (or "deity") who is a human being, and in Japan this arahitogami was the emperor, who could claim a direct and unbroken descent from the Sun Goddess Amaterasu.

So in a very real way, in his mind and in the mind over a hundred million Japanese, Prince Kenzō was the nephew of god. He quite liked the thought.

Today, as the Prince was formally presented to the “First among Equals' of the nobility of the Grand Republic and to His Highness Delem Brahma, he himself would present the Primus with one of the Empire of Japan’s highest honor: the Order of the Golden Kite, First Class. Created by the hallowed Meiji Emperor over a century ago, the prestigious honor was designed to acknowledge ‘bravery, leadership, and command in battle.’

The Primus of the Grand Republic would be the first non-Japanese in the empire’s history to receive the order. It was intended to symbolize the iron bonds that existed, and the golden future that lay ahead, the Grand Republic of the Indus and the Empire of Japan.

[United Kongo]

Nkandu lent his vast bulk back across the couch and paused for a few moments to consider the second Japanese request that was being made. While again, it carried the risk of upsetting many of his more Ideological driven brethren in the Party, and the military as well, it would not be hard to imagine Nkandu's political opponents using such developments against him to accuse the Dictator of being a Neo-colonial puppet to Tokyo. Fortunately, Nkandu had no political rivals, and a Japanese naval presence along the Atlantic would certainly help Congo's dismal maritime position. While the Dictator had no illusions that the Japanese could rival the naval power of Walmington, especially in the Atlantic, her presence might keep the Imperialists on their toes.

“This we can accommodate too”he said with a nod.

Nkandu wasn't entirely convinced of the need for his government to invest in the Japanese Yen, however. The way Nkandu saw it, the Socialist federation had managed just fine without it, so why adopt it? Of course the same argument could be made about the entire deal with the Japanese in general, and it certainly wouldn't hurt to show some faith in the Japanese system.

“You make a persuasive argument Deputy Prime Minister” Nkandu said with a grin “Very well, if adopting the Yen as part of our reserve assets will placate the minds of the Prime Minister and the Emperor, then by all means we will agree. And should it show itself promising We can promise further adoption of the currency as a full reserve system.

With the meeting having concluded it's business, the Japanese delegation was invited to lunch with the Premier and his closest circle along the backs of the Congo river. Nkandu had worked himself up to a ferocious appetite and was eager to stuck into a meal. How many Japanese had eaten Congolese food was probably around zero, but they could rest assured that when it came to chefs, Nkandu only accepted the best.


Just as the Japanese media would pronounce the success of the Japanese-Congo accord, so to would their Congolese counterparts in the Workers Truth , who were keen to educate the Congolese masses of the benefits of the relationship and the friendliness of the Japanese people. Of course, this meant educating the Congolese masses on the Japan as well, which for many Congolese remained a vague, exotic nation from the East. This had it's benefits of course, as without any preconceptions of the Japanese, the Leadership was given more power to try and mould attitudes towards the Nation. Common historical links were drawn between the history of anti-colonialism (Anti-Europeanism in reality) between Japanese and Congolese history, while Japanese actions in the Pacific were to be trumpeted as Japan attempting to establish her sovereignty and freedom of action in the face of Western encroachment (details on the Anahuac affair were kept scant however).

Heizaemon Izawa was accepted happily by the Congolese government, who after the Grand ceremony of his arrival at Kinshasa-Nkuna, was quietly pushed by the Congolese government to become a public face and tour the country in order to solidify the friendly face of Japan. His royal pedigree was highlighted, especially among rural Congolese where traditional Aristocratic systems still functioned, as the Government had long given up trying to destroy the Traditional power systems and simply renamed many of the old styles of aristocracy. The importance of Royal blood was greatly acknowledged amongst the Princely power-brokers of the Congolese country side.

Nevertheless, urban Congolese would seen become very acquainted with the Japanese. Starting in Kinshasa and spreading to her sister city of Nkuna, Japanese businesses would soon make their presence felt with an influx of new goods for the Urbanite. Although the government would quietly urge the Japanese businesses to set up shop in wealthier suburbs and officially call themselves joint cooperatives so as not to let the wretched mass of poor not become to fond of the Capitalist idea (Revolution was much worse for Business then regulation, being the justification), they were let alone largely unmolested as Nkandu had promised. Of course, a worrisome trend began to emerge among those daring entrepreneurs who established themselves in poorer suburbs and found themselves the target of robberies, prompting increased Police presence where ever they went.

Like the similar deal with the Geletians to train soldiers, the CCP kept a close eye on who and what regiments were to be training with the Japanese and receiving the shiniest new toys. Given Congolese history, the Party always remained paranoid about the threat of a military coup and so Secret Police presence was strong amongst the inhabitants of Camp Alliance. Yet the government was still keen improve it's military standing, and units fighting counter insurgencies in the Katanga and Kivu Republics soon found themselves in possession of newer and deadlier weapons to replace the iconic Geletian Md which drenched the country in it's numbers. The most public of the relationship between the two countries , was of course the Jets and the University. Photo opportunities of the pilots and Students were constant, with smiling Congolese and Japanese standing in front of the military war planes or University facilities being common posters, plastered around many cities.

While Nkandu could not offer the Japanese the same gifts in terms of cars, phones and other technological gadgets, he was still eager to return such gifts. Many a Japanese of affluence were given expansive gifts of Villas in the country side, the ideal lodge to retire from the duties of office for a weekend to enjoy the natural beauty of Congo and whatever vices took the owner as his fancy. Security of course was highly secure.

The Sleeping Giant that was Congo was soon being awakened, and the increased exports of her vast natural resources would stand testament to this. Mines which had not been in full operation for decades were soon digging more and more to feed to appetite of Japanese industries, and river traffic began to boom as local Congolese became more accustomed to the sight of large Cargo ships labelled with Japanese characters trawling up and down the Congo river network to feed their homeland. Such developments it was hoped, would change the balance of Power in Africa towards the Congolese after so many years.

[Nova Gaul]

Kinshasa, Socialist Federation of the Congo

Count Heizaemon Izawa continued to coordinate the import of Japanese weapons and technology into the Congo and the export of Congolese resources despite the many looming threats in the news as of late. The Empire of Japan, newly-appoint Prime Minister General Kenzo Kitano explicitly stated, was backing away neither from the Japan-Congo Accord nor the proposed naval base on the Congolese Coast. In fact General Kitano, in a highly charged appeal to the Japanese people, had more or less thrown down the gauntlet to the meddling empires of old Europe. And so the Accord progressed.

The arrival of two new Japanese Panamax-model cargo haulers—the Kyokusei Maru and the Yoshida Maru—had significantly increased the amount of military material sold by the Empire to the Socialist Federation. The 210th Training Company attached 7th Logistical and Training Brigade of the Imperial Japanese Army had been reinforced by the 212th Training Company of the same brigade, bringing the number of Imperial Japanese Army advisors up from 350 to 700. They too would serve at Camp Alliance, which was slowly growing from a hastily constructed installation to a proper and modern military base. Thousands more small arms, from Sumitomo M2 12.7mm heavy machine guns to Howa Type 96 40mm automatic grenade launchers to Type 64 81mm mortars poured into the Congo as well; these no doubt would soon be put into the hands of freshly trained Congolese troops (under the watchful eyes of the Congolese Communist Party’s secret police, of course). Another squadron of freshly manufactured Kawasaki Ki-932 heavy fighter-bombers arrived in the Congo, giving the Socialist Federation 14 of the Japanese aircraft. Heavier ground ordinance had arrived on the vessels as well, namely 10 Type 99 155 mm self-propelled howitzers and an equal number of Type 87 self-propelled anti-aircraft guns (to date the most advanced weapon system sold by the Empire to the Socialist Federation).

Recently, Premier Nkandu’s adoption of the Japanese Yen as the Congo’s de facto reserve currency had removed the last barriers to purchasing all types of Japanese arms. Prime Minister Kitano had said as much in his recent speech. Superior weapons now to be sold to the Socialist Federation would include Mitsubishi Ki-251 ("Type 99 Assault Plane") fighter jets and Type 74 main battle tanks—and, ever so secretly, Type 105 subsonic cruise missiles. However these new shipments were weeks and thousands of kilometers away, with the goods just having left Japanese ports. Nonetheless, as Count Izawa constantly reminded African strongman Nkandu, the Empire was completely living up to its end of the bargain.

In a few months time, the Japanese military advisors assured their Congolese counterparts, the Socialist Federation would have weapons sufficient to stamp out the various separatist movements with total ease.

And the Congo was living up to its end of the bargain completely. Japanese ships that had arrived with arms left brimming over with precious resources: Cobalt, copper, niobium, tantalum, industrial and gem diamonds, gold, silver, zinc, manganese, tin, coal, rubber, and of course oil. Uranium too, vital in that Japan derived nearly 80% of its domestic energy from nuclear power, was shipped back to the Empire. The mines of the Congo were indeed humming with activity, and the gigantic Congo River did indeed host significantly increased traffic. Many Congolese citizens, although indoctrinated to the principles of Communism, nonetheless found gainful (by Congolese standards) employment with the Japanese firms taking root, especially Mitsui Mining & Smelting Co., Ltd. which had set up a regional headquarters in Kinshasa. Indeed factories were even in operation now, as the Japanese were obliged to refine many of the rawer minerals before export to the Home Islands.

And of course, magnates of the Congolese Communist Party, not least of whom was the Premier himself, were able to line their pockets with the kickbacks and slush funds that were endemic to the whole enterprise.

In every way it seemed (not to forget as well the burgeoning Japanese University in Kinshasa) the Japan-Congo Accord was bursting with success, and exceeding by fairly large margins all initial estimates of profitability. This, the new government in Tokyo believed, was the reason the English and now the Romans were becoming openly hostile towards the Accord. The old imperial powers of Europe, it seemed, were anxious that—by purely commercial means—the Empire of Japan and the Socialist Federation of the Congo would grow significantly in strength. And there was no doubt that many in both Tokyo and Kinshasa harbored the thought that the Europeans, particularly the English with the world’s largest remaining colonial empire, wished to gain access to the Congo’s vast mineral wealth themselves.

This, no doubt, was the reason for Great Walmington’s dispatch of a warship squadron—fairly bristling with weaponry—to the South Atlantic.

In regards to the larger question of protecting maritime commerce, the thought of increasingly hostile Western powers interdicting Japanese cargo vessels would never have occurred. Never have occurred, that is, until the Republic of California, in many ways a proxy of their English masters, was able to blow a Japanese transport aircraft en route to support an ally from the sky without so much as a comment or concern from any of the world’s so called progressive and liberal democracies. Add to that illegal incident martial deployments by Amerique in Pacific, and statements that bordered on threats by Rome (which Japan had never even really had dealings with, much less cause for concern over). Tokyo now believed a shadowy alliance was forming that, at any moment, would be able to cut the Home Islands off from the trading partners of which Japan’s livelihood and even existence depended.

And so it was that Kenzo Kitano asked Premier Nkandu to break ground on the proposed Japanese-Congolese naval base.

The English were, needless to say, far more capable of projecting their strength into the region, with several enslaved colonies close, than the Empire of Japan which lay half a world away. Despite that, under the direct orders of General—Prime Minister—Kitano the English deployment would not go unanswered.

The Imperial General Headquarters received the orders ungratefully. The high command in Tokyo was already under a great deal of strain, to say the least: a full mobilization of the military was underway, naval deployments were being made across several disparate seas at a breakneck pace, a threat was brewing that Kutch might cut Japan off from its oldest ally the Grand Republic of the Indus, recruits were being inducted by the tens of thousands, and in general preparations were being made to defend the Empire against a host of potential enemies. War, the Imperial General Headquarters believed, was now imminent. And not a small regional war, but a concerted and massive offensive against Japan by her economic competitors.

Nonetheless the IGHQ was able to put together a naval force that would, firstly, sail to the Socialist Federation and, secondly, provide vessels that would constitute the new Japanese Atlantic Fleet. It was these vessels, which were preparing to get underway even now, that would be housed at the Japanese-Congolese naval base.

Okinawa, Empire of Japan

It went without saying that the Japanese force being dispatched to the Atlantic was not in any way comparable to the flotilla the English were dispatching: the Empire had more pressing concerns in the Pacific that would require its top-tier vessels. Furthermore, it would not arrive until at least two weeks after the warships of Great Walmington. Nevertheless the nascent Japanese Atlantic Fleet, constituted by ships which had mainly been refurbished under recent S.L.O.R.C.A. legislation, was scrambling to get underway.

In the Japanese port of Naha, Okinawa, the six ships of the squadron were slowly steaming out to sea. In many cases the vessels were so freshly refurbished that workers were still toiling away on the decks, installing new radar, missile, and other combat systems on the ships that were in some cases now about forty years old.

The Japanese Atlantic Fleet included the Tachikaze-class guided missile destroyer Sawakaze, the flagship and the most lethal of the vessels with a wide array of anti-air and surface-to-surface missiles. The Sawakaze was supported by three destroyer escorts, the Yamagumo-class escort Makigumo and the Yubari-class escorts Yubari and Yubetsu. Trailing in the wake of the destroyer and frigates was the fleet’s loan submarine, the Yūshio-class attack boat Mochishio. The fleet would be tended by the oldest ship of them all, the 1950s era Notoro-class oiler Erimo, which had been brought out of a venerable retirement as a museum-piece at Kure Naval District only out of desperation by the Imperial General Headquarters.

The fleet, to a ship, had skeleton crews as it departed Naha—the remainder of their hastily gathered compliment was being flown to Ishigaki City on Ishigaki Island about two hundred kilometers to the south. The voyage in the interim would have to serve as the ships’ brief sea trials, and any kinks in the refurbished vessels would have to be worked out in that short distance. At Ishigaki City the engineers and repairmen would depart, and the race to the Congo would begin in earnest.

Despite its humble stature and in most cases antiquated vessels the squadron was not merely a token force. For refurbished with modern systems the vessels had been, and they were fully stocked with the latest missilery and technology Japan could produce. It was not a carrier task force the Japanese were sending over the vast seas to support the Socialist Federation, it was true, but neither did the Japanese Atlantic Fleet lack teeth.

If push came to shove, the squadron would be able to give as well as it received.

[United Kongo]

Ambriz, Kwanza Socialist Republic, SFC

Ambriz. Up until the small sea side city had remained one of relatively minor importance in the grand scheme of governance in Congo. Although it had at one point been pegged as a potential area for further offshore Gas and oil exploitation, this had largely fallen out of favour as the city now mainly consisted of a fishing and agricultural industry which kept the population employed, if poor. As of yet the mostly conservative Muslim inhabitants of the city were yet to feel the impact of growing economic cooperation between the SFC and the Japanese Empire, as most commercial traffic in the Kwanza Republic was directed either north or South of the city to larger ports such as that at Sonho (IRL Soyo) or Luanda. However all of this was about to change.

The big news was announced by a personal visit to the city by the Congolese Minister of Defence, the ageing cousin of Nkandu, Uthman Kiwila, and the somewhat unpopular Chief of Staff Djello Bila, who had insisted vigorously on coming along to the ceremony as well. Also in attendance was the Count Izawa, whose presence sparked great interest from the local population, who had never seen a Japanese man before. Under a bleary sky, the trio announced to the people that their city had the honour of hosting the Japanese naval base that was to be constructed in Congo.

The inhabitants were told that this would be a major change in the history of Ambriz, which would go from being a sleepy sea side town to being a key strategic zone for upholding the sovereignty of the Congolese state. Such a privilege would revolutionize the lives of the Ambrizans, who could now enjoy the benefits of an influx of newer and better jobs for not only themselves but also their children, and the city itself would see an influx of business and development as the Japanese, they were promised, would lavishly invest in the town to turn it into a world class military facility Of course, such changes were going to occur whether the locals wanted too or not, as the word of Nkandu was not one to be questioned.

Work on the new naval facilities was to begin immediately. Japanese military planners were shuttled into the city, were extensive plans were drawn up to completely renovate Ambriz's small and antiqued harbour to the specifications of the Imperial Navy, with the Congolese military giving the plans a cursory glance and nod, the Japanese were given mostly free reign on how they sought to develop this facility. As well as merely developing her port, expansions were also drawn up for the small and somewhat shabby airport ( which lacked a paved runway) and well as housing facilities and ammenites for the Japanese service men who were to crew the Flottilla. In the meantime, arrangements were being made for the housing of the Japanese naval ships already on their way to be at Luanda, which possessed the largest Port in the SFC.

Meanwhile, the Congolese government busied themselves bringing in the human resources to construct the new military developments. While the engineers and architects might be Japanese, the labourers were being recruited from the local inhabitants, many of whom had little experience in large scale construction, as well as more skilled migrants from Kinshasa. The influx of new workers was to place a strain on the local town's infrastructure that the Congolese authorities had neglected to see, with inevitable result being the rapid creation of temporary camps for the workers and raising the ire of the locals. However along with the workers, came a serious influx of soldiers as well to ensure the safety of the facility. While Nkandu publicly dismissed the increasing violence in Kwanza as being little more then gang warfare, privately he feared that the new breed of radicals emerging may try something as daring as attacking the facility. Such an incident would not only damage the regimes prestige domestically and internationally, but also risk shaking Japanese confidence in Congo's government. Thus, a full brigade of the People's Revolutionary Guard, an elite military formation outside of the Peoples Armed Forces, was transferred to oversea the security of the facility and the Japanese nationals. Armed with their shiny new equipment and intimidating scowls, they were to ward any threats of disrupting the facility.

OOC

sorry for the shabby feel of the post but it'll keep the ball rolling