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Hic Manebimus Optime (Earth II)

A staging-point for declarations of war and other major diplomatic events. [In character]
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Confederate Republics of Eurasia
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Ex-Nation

Hic Manebimus Optime (Earth II)

Postby Confederate Republics of Eurasia » Thu Nov 17, 2022 5:16 pm

Nikolaos Atreides, President of the Confederacy
Presidential Palace, Valetta
Federal District of Malta, Confederate Republics of Eurasia
Tuesday 1st November 2022, 1200hrs Local Time




Across Eurasia the day was seen not just as the culmination of three years of negotiations, or as a final resolution of decades of competition between the Eurasian Republics, but as the fulfilment of a dream. Whilst it could only fairly be said that any realistic talk of Eurasian Unification had come about as a result of the Non-Aligned Movement’s formation in 2000, there had always been those that had dreamt of a unified Eurasia; from the Atlantic in the West to the Cradle of Humanity in the East. The success of the Non-Aligned Movement in encouraging defections from the three main trading blocks that had emerged during the Era of Eurasian Competition; the Association of Eurasian Nations, the Eurasian Community, and the Eurafrican Pact, had ultimately brought about the downfall of those three blocs by diplomatic means, each of which had been dominated by a major power; the Italian Republic, the Iberian Republic, and the Turkish Republic. In their place, the Non-Aligned Movement had promised true equality and co-operation over self-serving policies by the region’s larger powers. It was, perhaps, not surprising that the Non-Aligned Movement had caught on amongst the region’s smaller powers and that their combined power had rivalled any of the competing blocs.

The rise of the Non-Aligned Movement had reached it’s zenith on September 4, 2021, when the last three-holdouts; Iberia, Italy, and Turkey, had joined the Non-Aligned Movement. In a face-saving measure for these three powers, the Non-Aligned Movement dissolved itself on that day, but at the same time the Eurasian Assembly, the intergovernmental organisation that had served to represent Eurasia for decades, but had become increasingly gridlocked, adopted the structure, laws, and decorum of the Movement, and the first real talks of a true Eurasian unification began in earnest. The Eurasian Assembly was officially dissolved on April 2nd, 2002, and the Confederate Republics of Eurasia was formally established a the same time, with Confederation Day celebrated across the region, although the Confederate Constitution would not take effect until 1 November; with the first Confederate Elections taking place on September 4. The inaugural Confederate Elections had filled the House of Representatives, the lower chamber within the Eurasian Congress, which represented the People of the Confederacy, whilst the individual Republics that made up the Confederacy each appointed six individuals to the Eurasian Senate, which would serve to represent the voice of the Republics as sovereign institutions within the Confederacy.

However, the only election that had involved every citizen within the Confederacy was for that of President of the Confederate Republics of Eurasia (or President of the Confederacy, as it was already being colloquially called). It was largely for this reason that the Office of the President was expected to be as prominent as it was; although under the Constitution the President was merely first amongst equals within the Presidium, the Confederacy’s executive governing body, the fact that he was the only individual in the entire Confederacy to be elected by the entire population gave him a electoral legitimacy that was unparalleled within the Confederate Government. In the decentralised system of the Confederacy, the President like the rest of the Confederate Government had limited authority domestically, as much of domestic policy was handled by each of the individual Confederate Republics, and was instead more focused on overseeing the constitutional arrangement between the Republics, foreign policy, and defence. The President was still the most powerful individual in the Confederacy, as although he was first-amongst-equals within the Presidium the fact that he nominated all the other Presidium members meant that his position was firmly based on actual power and influence rather than tradition.

Although none would claim that the Confederacy’s first Presidential Election had been a formality, as the campaigning had been real and the vote conducted in a fully democratic way, few had really doubted the outcome. Nikolaos Atreides, originally Greek, had played a key role in the formation of the Non-Aligned Movement and had been one of the largest influences for its ideology and decorum; as such a great deal of the credit for the eventual formation of the Confederacy itself could be credited to Atreides. By the time of Confederation Day, Atreides had a large following across all of Eurasia, and it had been no surprise that he had declared his candidacy for the Presidency, and was seen as a very good candidate; if the entire history of the Movement had shown it was that Atreides was not truly the ambitious sort. He was a true believer in the concept of a Eurasian union and had committed his life to the pursuit of that dream, therefore viewing (and saying as much during the campaign) holding the Presidency of the Confederacy as the culmination of his life’s work, after which he would happily retire and enjoy his twilight years after decades of service to Eurasia.

Few would be able to argue that President-Elect Atreides had one hell of an ‘in-tray’ to be dealing with over the coming months and years; not only was he charged with merging eleven nations into one (whilst each retaining a significant amount of their own sovereignty) but he was also more than aware of the fact that everything that he did would set the precedent for future holders of his office; this was almost as a great a responsibility. Although the Confederate Congress and the Confederate Judiciary, in particular the Constitutional Court at its pinnacle, would have their own say on the interpretation of major constitutional questions, Atreides knew that for countless smaller points (less groundbreaking perhaps but ultimately just as important) would be based around his day-to-day interpretation of the Constitution. Not only would this have implications for constitutional law, but it would likely determine whether the great Eurasia Experiment would even succeed.

Fortunately, Atreides had been able to put together a top-class team of men and women to serve alongside him in the Presidium, all the best in their fields from across a range of political ideologies; for Atreides had no true ideology beyond Eurasian Unity. Despite this, Atreides knew that he would face a unique and challenging political situation; even before the Confederacy formally took over governmental power in a few minutes time the first signs of political parties had begun to form. Instead of favouring the more traditional left-right political spectrum, politics in the Confederacy was shaping up to be a balance of power between those favouring a stronger Confederate Government and those favouring an even more decentralised system. The Confederalist Parry was the former, arguing that the Confederate Constitution ought to be intepretated in such a way as to give the central government as strong a hand as possible within the broadly decentralised system. The Sovereigntist Party was the latter, arguing that the Confederate Republics ought to be the guiding force within the Confederacy, and that constitutional interpretation ought to empower the Senate (as the voice of the Republics) wherever possible.

For himself, Atreides stood firmly in the middle as a key architect of the Confederate Constitution he had been integral in developing the balance in between these two opposing views that had been present even before the Constitution had been ratified. In his view, the Constitution as written was as good a system as could be managed considering the desire to retain as much sovereignty for the individual Republics that made up the Confederacy. It was, however, inevitable that Constitutional questions would almost certainly dominate his Presidency, given that the nation-state was literally brand new, and it was not for nought that Atreides had firmly avoided any sort of endorsement from either of the proto political parties that had been forming around him. If the Confederacy was to have any chance going forwards, then it’s first President needed to be politically independent in order to instil an atmosphere and cultural of bipartisanship. Truthfully, Atreides would much prefer to avoid a two-party system, believing firmly that overtime the diverse beliefs, needs, and desires of the various Republics and their citizens would result in a number of parties; which in his mind was all for the good.

For the moment, Atreides had two key priorities in addition to mediating the numerous Constitutional questions facing the Confederacy; foreign affairs and defence, which as President were two areas in which he had absolute competency under the Constitution. It would be a difficult and unenviable task to take the individual foreign relations of eleven sovereign states and combine them into one, unified foreign policy that kept everyone happy, both within the Confederacy and without. Atreides was all too aware that some of the border Republics had less than friendly relationships with their neighbours (which could at best be called rivalries), and these dynamics would need to be carefully managed. Similarly, the Defence of the Confederacy would need to be arranged; balancing the need for a capable Confederate Armed Forces with the desire amongst the Republics to keep the Confederate Military compliant with the terms of the Constitution, which placed a significant priority on the role of the Republican Guards maintained by each Republic. In short, the Confederate Military was supposed to defend the Confederacy, whereas any true offensive action would need the involvement of the Republican Guards. Arranging a standardisation across the Confederacy alone would be a nightmare, much less achieving actual operational cohesion that didn’t require months of working-up.

Atreides was no military man, but he did not envy the men and women whose job it was to make such an arrangement work. Or indeed any of those who had to deal with the minute details in any of a dozen or more key areas that would need to be integrated and coordinated. Of course, none of those men and women would envy his job of overseeing all of their work and in making the final decision; the weight of the world was quite literally upon the shoulders of the President-Elect, and whilst most were confident that he could bear the weight there were still some who wondered if the task was too great for any one man. When questioned on this, at the last Presidential Debate prior to the election, Atreides had simply responded to this by saying that he was not bearing the weight alone; not only did he have a great team in the Presidium, but the Office of the President would be staffed by the best and the brightest, and he would have the unerring support of his family, his wife and kids, behind the scenes each and every day.

Yet, ultimately, Atreides would stand alone when history came to make its judgement; but as he waited in the wings to be introduced the President-Elect shoved any doubts aside and stood ready to assume the greatest political office of his career. Standing, just out of sight, behind the facade that had been placed behind the stage that had been erected between the two main entrances into what had once been the Grandmaster’s Palace and was about to become the official residence and workplace of the Confederate President. On stage, already speaking to the crowd that had packed into St. George’s Square, not to mention the countless dignities and television cameras that had turned out for the occasion, was Rosita Bracero, Senator from the Iberian Republic, who had been elected from amongst the Senators as their presiding officer. Atreides was silent, not talking to his family or any of his staffers, but was jolted back to reality when he heard the phrase he had been waiting for.

…it is my distinct pleasure, and unique honour, to introduce the first President of the Confederate Republics of Eurasia, Nikolaos Atreides!”

With a deep breath Atreides strode onto the stage. He cut a smart figure; jet black hair, a strong clean-shaven face yet with a genuine smile that exuded warmth and compassion as much as it did a certain sternness and determination. Waving to the crowd as he joined Senator Bracero at the podium.

“Mister President Elect, raise your right hand and repeat after me,” Senator Bracero said formally, as the Presiding Officer of the Confederate Senate she was the closest thing to a personification of the Republics. “I Nikolaos Atreides.”

“I Nikolaos Atreides.”

“Do solemnly vow and affirm.”

“Do solemnly vow and affirm.”

“That I will execute the office of President of the Confederate Republics of Eurasia faithfully.”

“That I will execute the office of President of the Confederate Republics of Eurasia faithfully.”

“That I shall preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the Confederate Republics from all enemies, foreign and domestic.”

“That I shall preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the Confederate Republics from all enemies, foreign and domestic.”

“That I take this obligation freely, without any mental reservation or purpose of evasion.”

“That I take this obligation freely, without any mental reservation or purpose of evasion.”

“Congratulations, Mister President,” Senator Bracero finished with a broad smile.

President Atreides smiled in return and shook her hand firmly before turning to face the crowd who roared with approval. The throng that filled the square hailed from all over the nascent Confederacy, anyone who had the time, money, and desire to experience this historic moment in person.

“My fellow citizens! It is such a great honour and absolute pleasure to say that phrase; for we are now united as citizens of this great Confederacy as much as we are each citizens of the great Republics that it is made of. For some of us this has been a moment years, if not decades in the making; born of a fervent belief that Eurasia could be more than the sum of its parts. For others, this is something that has come about a little more recently, once the Eurasian Idea became a truly real possibility. Regardless of whether you have been a true believer of this dream for as long as I have, or whether you have come to experience this dream more recently, we can all agree that this is a truly historic and monumental day. After centuries of conflict, violent and bloody, and decades of competition, tense and counterproductive, we have at last chosen unity and cooperation over fear and selfishness…hope and optimism over despair and pessimism. We have chosen to work, together, for a brighter future, even as the world around us grows bleak.”

“We have made the first, and most difficult, step in making this dream of ours a reality. I do not have any misconceptions that this is going to be a long and difficult road for all of us; merging eleven nations into one whilst retaining that special something and everything that makes each of our Republics so wonderfully unique. This will be a time of great change and transformation for all of us; particularly those who stand the night-watch to keep us safe in our beds, and those who have devoted their lives to the service of their Republics and their citizens. And yet; the more things change the ore they stay the same; I pledge to you today that my administration shall use the strengths and uniqueness of our Republics to create the Confederacy; it shall be a culmination of everything we are rather than something new… the old that is strong does not wither… from the ashes of centuries of conflict and competition a fire shall be woken. I call upon each and every citizen of the Confederacy, regardless of which Republic you call home, to unite in this great national effort.”

“To our friends, neighbours, and one-time rivals; the coming days, weeks, months, and years will not be simple nor will they be easy; where previously you have had eleven polities with which to deal, now there shall be one unified foreign policy; and it is my hope that our Confederacy will be able to build and develop stronger relationships than any that our Republics have previously maintained. For some those will be a short transition, as we are almost there in some cases, for others it will be a longer process in which we will work honestly and genuinely to resolve even the longest-standing disagreements. For those in the business world; the internal market of the Confederacy shall be one in which business can flourish; with the internal barriers trade torn down unparalleled prosperity is at our finger-tips, and we will work with all those with the genuine desire to work towards mutual prosperity of the nearly half a billion men, women, and children within this Confederacy.”

“Let me make one thing clear, though, to those that might wish us ill; do not mistake our desire for peace and mutually beneficial cooperation for weakness. Nor that our constitutional system, that priorities the sovereignty of our constituent Republics over absolute efficiency, for a lack of determination or resolve. I pledge that I will always do whatever is necessary to protect and defend the Confederacy and it’s Republics, and I am confident that officers and enlistees of our new Confederate Armed Forces, and the various Republican Guards, will be forces that each and every one of our citizens can be proud of. It has taken us many years of struggle to reach this moment; I am confident that I speak for all of us when I say that we will defend it to the fullest.”

“Yet let me finish with this message… the Confederacy shall provide a world-wide welcome… all shall be welcome within our borders who come of pure intention and spirit. Flames of imprisoned lighting burn in Eurasia, not in a single torch, but across an entire nation. For centuries, Eurasia has often-times provided refuge for the tired, the poor, and the huddled masses; that shall continue, none who truly need a home shall be turned away. To all those yearning to breath free; Eurasia is a Mother of Exiles.”

Atreidies paused, looking around at the crowd with a broad smile.

“Within the pages of the monumental work known as Ab Urbe Condita Libri, “From the Founding of the City” the Roman chronicler Titus Livius tells of a moment in the history of his Empire, when despair threatened to take hold in the heart of every citizen. The words spoken those day hold special meaning for us, of the Old World, who have remained in our ancestral homelands, or those descendants of refugees who have made the Old World their home; Hic Manebimus Optime. I propose one small addition, reflective of our new Confederate future; Here we will remain most excellently… but not here alone! Thank you!”

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Evangelium
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Founded: Jul 23, 2021
Inoffensive Centrist Democracy

Postby Evangelium » Fri Nov 18, 2022 1:06 pm

2022 September 05
From: H.E. Carlos Galea, Ambassador of Tawantin and Santa Cruz to the Confederate Republics of Eurasia
To: H.E. Nikolaus Atreides, President-elect of the Confederate Republics of Eurasia


On behalf of His Majesty, João II, King of Tawantin and Santa Cruz, I wish to extend to you congratulations on your recent election as the inaugural President of the Confederate Republics of Eurasia. Tawantin and Santa Cruz look forward to continuing our mutual friendship as the people of the Confederacy embark on this new chapter in your history as a nation. We anticipate re-classifying our consulate in Rome as the new embassy to the Confederacy whereas our current embassy in Constantinople will be classified as a consulate by the end of this year. This change will hopefully bolster our historic ties and cooperation in addressing the issues facing the Mediterranean region and South America.
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Chrinthanium
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Founded: Feb 04, 2006
Democratic Socialists

Postby Chrinthanium » Sat Nov 19, 2022 12:09 pm

To: Nikolaos Atreides, President of the Confederation of Eurasian States
From: Tyler Ellison, President-elect of the Republic of California


Mr. President,

On behalf of the Federal Republic of California, I offer my sincerest congratulations on your inauguration and hope that, in time, after my inauguration, our two nations will continue to work together to ensure tranquility between us, to further trade between our nations, and work for the common good of all nations on Earth. I will make it a priority upon the assumption of my role as President of California that I will endeavor to invite you to Denver for a formal state visit, we'll leave the details to our respective offices.

Congratulations and may the Confederacy be prosperous now and forever.

Sincerely,

Tyler Ellsion
President-elect, Federal Republic of California
"You ever feel like the world is a tuxedo and you're a pair of brown shoes?" - George Gobel, American Comedian (1919-1991)

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Freistaat-Ostafrika
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Founded: Apr 10, 2018
Corporate Police State

Postby Freistaat-Ostafrika » Sun Nov 27, 2022 11:31 am

1 November 2022, 15:00hrs [UTC+3]
Federal Centre
Riyadh, Arab Socialist Federation

Founded in 1975 after the flames of revolution spread across much of the Arabian Peninsula and several old ruling families were overthrown, the Arab Socialist Federation was a true energy superpower. While the Federation's population seemed small at just over 56 million people, the state's oil and gas reserves allowed it to punch well above its apparent weight on the global stage while maintaining a good standard of living for its population. Whereas the preceding monarchies were all of a largely religious bent, the ASF was nominally a secular state, although it had been seen as sensible to take some precautions regarding the Holy Cities of Mecca and Medina that lay within the Federation's borders. To that end, there was an appointed Sharif of the Holy Places who acted as the administrator for the two cities and oversaw the Hajj pilgrimage every year. While the ASF government might not have been overly Islamic in its outlook, it did recognise the benefits of allowing the Hajj to continue unimpeded. In another departure from the preceding regimes, women were given equal status to men within the ASF, although they were not as widely represented at the leadership level as they undoubtedly should have been. Within the admittedly-small family of communist and socialist nations within the geopolitical orbit of the United Eastasian Republic, the Arab Socialist Federation was second only to the UER itself, as a result of its wealth and the influence that its energy production granted it. As the primary supplier of oil and gas to the UER and its affiliates (among others), the ASF enjoyed favourable access to Eastasian goods and services, including armaments, and even hosted several military facilities that were effectively shared with the Eastasian People's Army.

In truth, the Eastasian presence in the ASF was as much to demonstrate the 'eternal fraternal bond' between the two nations as it was to safeguard the UER's energy security and maintain a strong position in Western Asia. Not that the ASF was in dire need of the Eastasian military presence, however; the Arabic Revolutionary Defense Forces numbered some 750,000 active personnel with roughly 230,000 reserve personnel, all equipped with the latest in Eastasian military hardware. The reason for such a sizeable military was the fact that the army of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia had been instrumental in the overthrow of their former rulers and the subsequent spread of the revolution to several neighbouring monarchies, and so the ASF had developed into a technocratic-military state that regarded the army as the 'vanguard of Arabic revolution'. Given the rise of the fundamentalist terrorist organisation known as Al-Shams and the chaotic status of the neighbouring Confederation of Yemeni Emirates, the ruling Arabian Peninsula People's Union (APPU) found it rather simple to justify the continued emphasis on the military's development.

The beating heart of the Arab Socialist Federation was the capital city of Riyadh, a glistening modern city of over seven million people. Originally a royal capital, Riyadh was the product of oil and gas wealth being directed into the financing of expansion and improvement. Due to its affiliation with the United Eastasian Republic, the Arab Socialist Federation followed some of the Asian leviathan's economic practices regarding state-owned enterprises and mixed-ownership enterprises; the vast majority of the ASF's enterprises were headquartered in Riyadh so that they were close to the administrative centre of the nation. While other capitals around the world were often sprawling cities that had developed over hundreds, if not thousands, of years, Riyadh's comparatively modern development meant that a substantial number of neighbourhoods had been created on grid plans and connected by high-capacity main roads to the inner areas. Riyadh was also the site of the APPU's gleaming headquarters, Federal Centre, a 41-floor skyscraper that had been completed in 2002. Situated on a 100,000–square-metre site and equipped with formidable anti-air and anti-missile defences, Federal Centre housed the offices of the APPU as well as numerous amenities available for party members, including luxury apartments. The upper third of the tower featured an inverted parabolic arch topped by a sky bridge, with the sky bridge stretching for 65 metres in the form of an enclosed corridor with windows on both sides. Federal Centre was bustling with activity on this particular Tuesday afternoon, as the leadership of the Federation digested the news emanating from the neighbouring Confederate Republics of Eurasia.

Grand Marshal Malik Ghazal gazed out across the glittering expanse of the capital as he awaited the arrival of the Revolutionary Command Council, a small group of key individuals who, together with the Grand Marshal, exerted control over the APPU and the ASF as a whole. The sixty-three-year-old Ghazal had been the leader (and also technically defence minister) of the Federation for over ten years and had proven to be rather capable in his position. Although not the most charismatic of national leaders, Ghazal possessed a keen mind and a willingness to do whatever was necessary to ensure the survival of the state. A knock on the door of his well-appointed office heralded the arrival of the other Council members, so Ghazal smoothed down the front of his white uniform before responding.

"Enter."

Ghazal turned and nodded to the six arrivals as they filed into the Marshal's office and made their way to the small conference table that was positioned just behind the spot where Ghazal was standing. All were either still-serving members of the ARDF or granted honourary rank due to their competence, thus allowing them to join the Council, the six uniformed individuals quickly took up positions behind their usual seats and waited for Ghazal to take his seat before sitting. The Grand Marshal ran a hand over his receding hairline and remaining grey hair before leaning forward and resting his clasped hands on the marble table surface.

"So Nikolaos Atreides has now been formally inaugurated as the President of the Confederacy, which means that we must be prepared for two possibilities. Either he will allow himself to be influenced by the Republic of Mesopotamia and the Confederacy will adopt a more combative policy direction towards us, or he will assert his authority and bring Mesopotamia into line with a more conciliatory approach towards us. While the latter would be far more desirable, the former may not be as unpleasant as it first appears." The Republic of Mesopotamia was the Confederate Republic that neighboured the ASF, and the two had been engaged in a regional rivalry for many years due to the Federation's interest in expanding its influence. The APPU had long viewed Mesopotamia as a highly desirable potential acquisition due to its Arab population and energy reserves, but Mesopotamia had always resisted the ASF's machinations. "If the Confederacy ends up following Mesopotamia's attitude, then we could potentially have an opportunity on our hands."

The fifty-one-year-old Foreign Relations Commissar Rabi Salman spoke up. "A shrewd assessment, Grand Marshal. If the Confederacy proves to be antagonistic towards us then our Eastasian comrades would not be willing to stand by and watch. I suspect that they would wish to station additional forces within our borders as a means of showing solidarity, and that would free up our forces for potential action in other areas, should they be required." He paused momentarily. "Of course, if President Atreides does rein in Mesopotamia, then that may also work out to our benefit."

Ghazal nodded. "Precisely, Rabi. If the Confederacy proves to be more amenable to coexistence, then while it would blunt our northward potential, it would open up more potential southward concerning Yemen. So, I want you to extend our congratulations to President Atreides on his inauguration, as well as our hopes for a more amenable relationship between the Confederacy and the Federation. That way, we are the ones who attempted to open a dialogue. Now then, Rashaad." Ghazal turned to Rashaad Shafi, the Commissar for Communications, Information, and Media. "Make sure that all reports regarding the new Confederate administration remain neutral in tone, no opinion pieces until we receive a response from them and we know where we stand with them."

The forty-three-year-old nodded in understanding. "Of course, Grand Marshal. I was thinking that we could run a few pieces regarding the eternal bond between ourselves and the United Eastasian Republic, just as a bit of positive reinforcement."

Ghazal smiled slightly. "Yes, I like that. See to it."

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Confederate Republics of Eurasia
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Founded: Nov 17, 2022
Ex-Nation

Postby Confederate Republics of Eurasia » Thu Dec 01, 2022 9:44 am

Secretary Rosabella Beneventi
Palazzo Parisio, Valetta
Federal District of Malta, Confederate Republics of Eurasia
Tuesday 1st November 2022, 1600hrs Local Time




There was still very much an atmosphere of celebration across Valetta by the time Rosabella Beneventi, a native of the Italian Republic, returned to her office for the first time (officially, anyway, as she had been using the space for some weeks now during the winding-up period). Nestled within the picturesque Palazzo Parison, adjacent to the larger Auberge de Castille that served as the primary workspace for the Secretary for Constitutional Affairs (who was second in seniority within the Presidium), Rosabella was more than satisfied with her workspace. As the Secretary for Foreign Affairs and International Partnerships, the hundred men and women who worked within the Palazzo itself were by no means the sum total of her staff; the rest being spread across the rest of Valetta, the Confederacy, and indeed the world at large. It was reflective on the decentralised nature of the Confederate Government that, compared to some other nation’s, its institutions headquarters were largely based in smaller (albeit still majestic in their architecture) buildings in Valetta, as a pattern had quickly developed where even if the Presidium needed to be concentrated on Malta for a variety of practical reasons it was desirable to spread the weight (and the benefits) of the Confederate Government’s infrastructure as broadly as possible.

Truthfully, Rosabella was glad that she did not have an overly large staff here at her headquarters; she would much rather her subordinates filter the information, as god knew she had enough on her plate. As the Secretary for Foreign Affairs and International Partnerships, Rosabella was responsible not only for maintaining a foreign policy (which alone was a full-time job) but also merging what had previously been eleven foreign policies into that one. This meant that even whilst trying to position the Confederacy a certain way on the international stage she also had to consider the previous relations that the Confederacy’s Republics had enjoyed (or endured) with their own neighbours, which complicated matters considerably. The Republic of Mesopotamia, for example, had long-running disputes with the Arab Socialist Federation, whilst it would be in the Confederacy’s best interests to forge a positive relationship with the ASF, especially considering their patrols further to the East who would be essential for the Confederacy to form a productive relationship with. Such challenges and contradictions abounded across the the length and breadth of the Confederacy, and for every message of hope or optimism for the future, the reality of such a change would very quickly hit home and complicated matters again

Not that Rosabella wasn’t up for the challenge; as a diplomat for the Italian Republic she spent much of her career doing everything that she could to further her own Republic’s aims and objectives, and as the Non-Aligned Movement had begun to take hold across Eurasia she had orchestrated Italy’s rapid change of priorities and integration into the Movement. Over the past three years of negotiations prior to Confederation Day she had been a senior official overseeing the talks at the highest level, and had been at the top of a vey short list. Rosabella was old enough and experienced enough to be well qualified for the role, but not too old that she was tainted by the earliest days of the three competing trade blocs and their… focus on ensuring the prosperity of the leading nation first and foremost. As such, Rosabella was by far the most qualified individual whose appointment would be politically palpable, and would have been very highly regarded in any event. However, even considering the fledgling Sovereigntist Party the days of the diplomats or officials who put their own Republic first at the expense of everyone else, rather than furthering their own Republic by furthering the common good were long one, within the Confederacy at least.

As far the big picture went, geopolitically speaking, Rosabella had two priorities; to ingrate the Confederacy into the great power system, vis-a-vis the other great powers, and to build Confederate diplomacy more broadly. In her mind, the most immediate relationships she would need to get a handle on were those with the Empire of Britannia and the Kingdom of Cotland, due to their geographic proximity along the Confederacy’s northern frontier, and the Empire of Layarteb, due to its holdings within the Mediterranean (an area that even early Confederate military doctrine was clear would need to be dominated). Almost as important would be relations with the United Eastasian Republic; the economic and cultural behemoth in the East, which could pose just as great a threat to the Confederacy’s interests as any closer. The Confederacy had no desires for territorial expansion for expansion’s sakes though it would court and accept any potential future members, but that did not mean that its neighbours did not have designs on the Confederacy or it’s territory, and they would have to be protected against, either diplomatically or militarily.

After her secretary brought her in a steaming hot kahve of Turkish coffee, a taste that she had picked up during her time as an Ambassador to the Turkish Republic, Rosabella leant forward to take the first major missive from an international power; the Arab Socialist Federation.

Indeed, the ASF on its own ought not to be a threat to the new Confederacy; which substantially out-populated it and had a far larger economy, albeit the ASF had a significant trump card in the form of its energy assets. Not that the Confederacy was without it’s own oil and gas reserves, particularly in the Berber Republic and Mesopotamia. However, it was well accepted that the ASF was well within the sphere of influence of the United Eastasian Republic, which was not surprising as the world’s communist and socialist regimes tended to be attracted to the camp of the asian behemoth. The UER was a more than an equal of the Confederacy, and would be considered a military threat if it were not so geographically removed, even with power projection capabilities taken into consideration. It was, however, accepted that in any conflict with the ASF the UER would likely wade in support of their socialist ally.

In truth, from a ‘big picture’ perspective, the Confederacy had no real interest in getting into a pissing match with either the ASF or the UER; whilst the Confederacy (and it’s Republics) were constitutionally required to operate under a democratic system, the Confederacy was not about to start throwing its weight around as democratic crusaders; not when the standard of living and civil liberties of such a state were respectable. The Confederate Republic of Mesopotamia had long felt threatened by the ASF, for any number of reasons, and had maintained a respectable, advanced military to defend against such a threat. Indeed, the Eurasian Community (led by the Turkish Republic but with Mesopotamia as a key, influential, second power) had spent at least as much time preparing for a defence against the ASF than it had competing with the other Eurasian powers. However, with the foundation of the Confederacy, Mesopotamia’s concerns were now the Confederacy’s concerns, which made relations with the ASF (and the UER more broadly) perhaps the most challenging that Rosabella and her team would have to face.

The key, Rosabella had quickly discerned from her own knowledge and more recently available classified documents from Mesopotamia and the Eurasian Community, would be in forming and developing a friendly (or at least amenable) and productive relationship with the ASF whilst underlining the Confederacy’s commitment to the defence of it’s Republics. Whilst the Confederate Constitution gave the Confederate Government the supreme authority in matters of foreign affairs, the opinions and wishes of the individually Confederate Republics had to be considered as each Republic retained the innate right to secession, meaning that no Republic’s wishes could every be truly discounted, and compromise was the order of the things, as for all undoubted benefits of membership within the Confederacy there would always be an alternative. However, in this case Rosabella was confident that she could achieve the balance she sought; Mesopotamia’s biggest concern with the ASF had always been the rhetoric of Arab expansion that the APPU had long-maintained. Despite their ethnic kinship, the Arab population within Mesopotamia had no real desire for pan-Arab union and the non-Arab minorities within Mesopotamia, most notably the Kurds, absolutely did not want to be an even smaller minority in an Arab-dominated state.

As such, the key would be in reassuring the Mesopotamian Government that the Confederacy would protect them, and in making clear of the same to the ASF, without coming across to the latter as overly threatening in a manner that would preclude a friendly and productive relationship. Re-reading the diplomatic communiqué that had been sent by the ASF, essentially a formality congratulating President Atreides on his inauguration, Rosabella sipped her coffee and began to type.

Official Diplomatic Communiqué of the Confederate Republics of Eurasia


Dear Commissar Salman,

On behalf of President Atreides, let me firstly thank you for your kind congratulations for his inauguration as the first President of the Confederacy. The President is very eager to take a proactive stance when it comes to consolidating the twelve foreign policies of our Confederate Republics into one unified Confederate foreign policy; both geopolitics and the markets abhors a vacuum, so the President is very gratified that you have chosen to reach out to us so quickly. It is my distinct honour, as the Confederacy’s first Secretary for Foreign Affairs and International Partnerships, to send this; our first formal diplomatic communiqué to the Arab Socialist Federation.

The Confederacy is very eager to secure and develop a positive, productive, and prosperous relationship with every nation-state, but I in particular with all those who neighbour a Confederate Republic. I am aware of the sometimes challenging relationship between the Confederate Republic of Mesopotamia and the Arab Socialist Federation, however I am confident that the new Confederacy will be able to mediate a mutually agreeable and productive resolution to any outstanding issues. There are doubtless far more advantages to a friendly cross-border relationship between Mesopotamia and the ASF than there are from continued rivalry, and the Confederate Government is eager to leverage the perspective of the Confederacy to bring about real and lasting resolutions to existing geopolitical tensions. In light of this, it would be my privilege to host yourself or a colleague, either here in Valetta or somewhere closer to home, perhaps Bagdad or perhaps Amman, if you would prefer not to visit Mesopotamia just yet?

Otherwise, with your agreement I will instruct my staff to start making arrangements to consolidate the existing diplomatic missions maintained by the individual Republics into one Confederate embassy, and to assist your staff in a similar reorganisation of your existing diplomatic missions within the Confederacy.

Yours Faithfully,

Rosabella Beneventi
Secretary of Foreign Affairs and International Affairs


Rosabella re-read what she had typed it before forwarding it to the relevant team within her staff who would review the document, for spelling and grammar checks as well as a variety of other checks to ensure the likelihood of any cultural or social misunderstanding occurring. Due to the nature of the communication, being from the highest level, those checks would not take long and the message would reach the ASF within a matter of a few hours. With one task down, Rosabella turned her attention to the other two messages that had been received so far.

The Federal Republic of California did not directly concern the Confederacy, so far as geopolitics went, but it had a great deal of potential as a regional partner, not to mention an economic one. Based on the content of the message, it also seemed that the President-Elect had a similar vision of potential relations. It was a delicate balancing act dealing with an incoming administration internationally; this was the person that you were going to be dealing with in the future, but equally they were not yet the official head of state. As such, it was perhaps fortunate that President Atreides had delegated the task of responding to the messages to her, which was not exactly to be unexpected given that the President was tasked with, effectively, putting a national Government together from scratch.

Official Diplomatic Communiqué of the Confederate Republics of Eurasia


Dear President-Elect Ellison,

On behalf of President Atreides, let me firstly thank you for your kind congratulations for his inauguration as the first President of the Confederacy. Please let me also extent the President’s congratulations on your own election, and I am sure the soon-to-be Confederate Ambassador will be looking forward to attending your own inauguration.

The Confederacy is equally hopeful that we will be able to form friendly, productive and prosperous relationships going forwards. I am sure that President Atreides would be more than pleased to visit Denver, and I am confident that we would be able to reciprocate in short order as soon as your schedule might allow.

Otherwise, with your agreement I will instruct my staff to start making arrangements to consolidate the existing diplomatic missions maintained by the individual Republics into one Confederate embassy, and to assist your staff in a similar reorganisation of your existing diplomatic missions within the Confederacy.

Yours Faithfully,

Rosabella Beneventi
Secretary of Foreign Affairs and International Affairs


With the second message sent off to her staff, Rosabella turned her attention to the third. This was a follow-up to a message sent to President Atreides back in September, following his original election; a message that had acknowledged previously but had not (constitutionally) been able to be responded to properly (as had been explained in that response). Like the Federal Republic of California, the Kingdom of Tawantin and Santa Cruz was not a direct concern, but a great potential as a regional partner.

Official Diplomatic Communiqué of the Confederate Republics of Eurasia


Dear Ambassador Galea,

Following our earlier communications, President Atreides has asked me to reach out to you again following his inauguration as President to, once again, thank you for your congratulations on his election. President Atreides, and the Confederate Government, is eager to further our mutual relationships, as we consolidate from twelve individual Republics into one Confederate foreign policy. The Confederacy is hopeful that we will be able to form friendly, productive and prosperous relationships going forwards.

In particular, I am eager to meet with yourself in order to discuss our mutual challenges, as well as the new opportunities presented by our new situation. In the meantime, with your agreement I will instruct my staff to start making arrangements to consolidate the existing diplomatic missions maintained by the individual Republics into one Confederate embassy, and to assist your staff in a similar reorganisation of your existing diplomatic missions within the Confederacy.

Yours Faithfully,

Rosabella Beneventi
Secretary of Foreign Affairs and International Affairs


With the last of the messages completed, Rosabella leant back in her chair. She was fully expecting a great deal of further messages to be received over the course of the rest of the day, and the next few days, and it would be her responsibility to respond to them. If these were any sign of what was to come, however, it was a promising one; as there had been some concerns that some powers would use the extensive reorganisation required (which even with the planning and preparation that had been taking place would take some time t complete) to their own ends. However, by and large, these three had welcomed the emergence of the Confederacy, and Rosabella could only hope that the other world powers would feel the same.

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Confederate Republics of Eurasia
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Founded: Nov 17, 2022
Ex-Nation

Postby Confederate Republics of Eurasia » Sat Dec 10, 2022 6:22 am

Secretary Mohammed al-Rashid
Palazzo Ferreria, Valetta
Federal District of Malta, Confederate Republics of Eurasia
Wednesday 2nd November 2022, 0900hrs Local Time



Mohammed al-Rashid, Confederate Secretary for Economic and Commercial Affairs, could not help but roll his eyes and smile wryly as he read the first briefing document that had been placed on top of a not-insignificant pile of other documents. As the Secretary for Economic and Commercial Affairs, Secretary al-Rashid’s immediate priority was the development and integration of the Confederate Single Market, which had come into effect at the same time as the Presidential Inauguration; integrating twelve national economies and markets into one, with free movement goods, services, capital, and people. It was anticipated that this would be an extremely good thing for the Confederacy’s own internal economy, as historic barriers would be broken and opportunities previously shunned could be embraced. It was also expected to allow the Confederacy to position its more favourably for international trade and commerce, both due to the larger size of its market and the increased simplicity with which it could be accessed. Doubtless there would be some who lost out as a result, and al-Rashid’s role included developing and enforcing Confederate competition law, but even the smaller and medium sized business were expected to benefit from reduced tariffs and charges for selling Eurasia-wide.

One thing that was expected, and something that would certainly strengthen Eurasia’s economic position internationally, was the amalgamation of several already major corporations into ‘super conglomerates’, taking advantage of the fact that they were not part of one market with less restrictions rather than twelve each with it’s own restrictions and regulations. In doing so, it was anticipated that Eurasian corporations in a number of industries would be transferred from regional concerns to true global powerhouses. In order to avoid uncompetitive practices however, all mergers and amalgamations were subject to merger regulation by the Department for Economic and Commercial Affairs, in order to ensure that consumers, the economy, and society as a whole was not negatively impacted by such a merger. It was a delicate balancing act, as producing globally competitive corporations would require them to be of a size and scale that would, to some extent, disadvantage other smaller corporations within the Confederacy, but after a great deal of thought and discussions over the summer, al-Rashid and President Atreides had hoped to develop a system in which these super conglomerates focused on the bigger picture, leaving the smaller, local, internal markets to the smaller corporations, in something of a compromise.

It was only to be expected, all things considered; one of the biggest arguments in favour of the Confederacy had been the economic advantages that the Confederate Single Market would be provide to the Confederate Republics. Indeed, economic advantage had been a key part of the three trade blocs that had preceded the Confederacy, and had therefore been a key part of the Non-Aligned Movement, in a fairer and more equal way. As such, continued economic advantage under the Confederacy had been essential, and a great deal of the Constitution and the pre-arranged agreements had been centred around ensuring that this would be the case. It was part of the reason why the single market had been designated to take effect from Confederation Day, as the majority of the groundwork had already been laid down over the transition period. It had, therefore, been expected that long-standing ‘pipe-dream’ aspirations, projects, and propositions, which had been difficult or impossible due to then-international borders would now take advantage of the nature of the Confederacy. Indeed, off the top of his head al-Rashid was anticipating major merger propositions in the financial services, pharmaceutical, amongst others in the near future.

What had not been expected was the speed at which the first amalgamation proposition would be received by the Department, although in hindsight perhaps they ought to have expected it. Specifically, already significant defence contractors, such as Leonardo, Fincantieri, Navantia, Beretta, Turkish Aerospace, and dozens of others from across the new Confederacy, were proposing to merge to create Eurasian Defence Solutions, an organisation that even al-Rashid, lacking in military experience, could see would transform the collective organisation into a defence powerhouse. Indeed, the amalgamation of Fincantieri and Navantia alone would create a shipbuilding behemoth; the previously competing shipyards would doubtless be incredibly profitable together as they had been separately. The proposed Eurasian Defence Solutions would considerably reduce costs for the Confederate Defence Forces, and the various Republican Guards, as well as paving the way for greater profits on exports. It would consolidate a great deal of influence and economic clout in one major corporation, and increased the risks associated with the military-industrial complex, as well as creating a single point of failure that would be ‘too big to fail’, but the advantages were considerable.

Reading deeper into the proposal, it appeared that many of the individual brands would survive as ‘wholly-owned subsidiaries’ of Eurasian Defence Solutions, with EDS providing an umbrella company as well, al-Rashid suspected, a central sales effort that would build bespoke packages to the individual client. This made sense; many of the brands were world-leading and had considerable consumer power in their own right and it would be foolish to throw away that history and brand power. It also, in theory, would combine the advantages of one overarching corporation with the individual innovation and drive of individual brands, at least in theory; as an economist al-Rashid was far more in favour of competition than monopoly, and a key part of his assessment of this request would ensuring that the latter would not occur here. It was reassuring to see that not every arms manufacturer in the Confederacy was amalgamating into EDS; although Beretta was, Glock for example seemed to be intending to remain independent. Despite the unprecedented scope of this merger (which was to be expected, given the dramatic change in the economic and political framework, it was encouraging to see that the intended balance between big corporations and small ones, ought to be maintained.

In any event, it was not, al-Rashid quickly determined, not something that he would be able to approve on his own authority. At the very least it would require the assent of the entire Presidium, the Confederacy’s collective executive, and depending on the interpretation of the Constitution might require legislation passed by the Congress, or perhaps just the advice-and-consent of the Senate. Doubtless the executives within the various corporations had anticipated this, as the merger proposal had answered in it’s contents many of the initial questions that al-Rashid would have wanted answering, and the speed at which it had been submitted likely confirmed that they were fully aware of the likely timeframes and wanted to get started. It was, al-Rashid’s gut told him, a merger request that was likely to be approved by the Confederate regulators, although the Congress might want to assert its authority and enforce certain restrictions or insist on certain assurances. This was likely to be common over the next few years; each branch of government, and the Republics, were likely to push the limits of the Constitution to decide where the happy medium was, meaning that the Constitutional Court was likely to be very busy… suddenly al-Rashid was grateful that he had studied economics instead of law!
Al-Rashid looked up at a knock on the open door to his office (he had long favoured an open-door policy, regardless of his seniority, as far back as his time in academia), and saw his executive secretary, Alexis.

“Excuse me, Mister Secretary, but I’ve got the SDSI on the line for you.”

Al-Rashid smiled wryly, he was not surprised by this in the slightest. The SDSI was the Secretary for Defence, Security, and Intelligence, Yusuf Aksoy, the Presidium member responsible for co-ordinating the defence and security of the Confederacy, as well as overseeing the Confederate Intelligence Community. It was, perhaps, another one of the roles that Al-Rashid was glad that he did not have to deal with; not only building the Confederate Defence Forces, standardising the Republican Guards and integrating them into the broader strategy without compromising their Constitutional integrity, as well as doing the same for security forces and a variety of intelligence agencies. All of this whilst also ensuring that there was little to no interruption in the work of all those organisations and agencies that were being merged, as any such interruption could prove incredibly damaging to the Confederacy’s national security. It was, however, a challenge in the capable hands of Yusuf Aksoy, who had enjoyed a long career in the then-Turkish military before turning his ambitions to politics.

“Put him through, please, Alexis,” Al-Rashid said simply, then waited for the line to be connected. “Yusuf, you’ve seen this merger request, I take it?”

“I have, Mohammed,” Secretary Aksoy replied, in his typical gruff tones. “What are your thoughts?”

“Funny, I was going to ask you the same question, given the impact that it’ll have on your side of things, but given that you asked…” Al-Rashid commented wryly. “I think it’ll pass regulatory checks, and it’ll give our defence industry the kind of standing it’ll need to compete with the likes of the Layartebians, the Cots, and the East Asians… yourself?”

“I think it will certainly have economic advantages… and it’ll save us considerably on defence procurement, particularly as we try and standardise our equipment across the board… it was going to be a nightmare renegotiatinging hundreds of procurement contracts,” Aksoy replied, then sighed. “However, I am concerned that such a large and powerful super corporation would give rise to a military-industrial complex that will be detrimental to the Confederacy in the long-term… I’ve seen the impact of politics on procurement enough as it is… if we allow this, we’ll have to build in controls to protect the Confederacy in the future.”

“I had the same concerns, and I was thinking on the same lines as yourself; I do think we can build on several clauses in the Constitution to protect the integrity of the Government, however, not the least of which is the collective nature of the Presidium,” Al-Rashid agreed, nodding to himself. “I already anticipate Congress wanting to pass a number of pieces of legislation to increase their ability to regulate super-corporations like this one, as I very much doubt it will be the only such merger seeking regulatory approval, so I would suggest that we get together with the appropriate Congressional committees on this matter as a priority… fortunately as these corporations will, by their nature, be on a scale as larger as the entire Confederacy, it will firmly be within our competency to regulate.”

“We should be grateful for small favours, I suppose, I’ll instruct my legislative liaison to work with yours towards this end,” Aksoy replied, and Al-Rashid could almost hear his scowl. “I don’t want to hamstring our procurement teams, but I equally don’t want entire the CDF or the Confederate Government as a whole to be overly beholden to corporate interests.”

“Agreed, we’ll do everything we can to make it as a smooth a process as possible, but with the appropriate safeguards built in,” Al-Rashid agreed. “It may be worth seeing if we can legislate for a requirement for retiring Confederate military officers to not be able to take positions in the defence industry for a certain period… five years maybe, at least.”

“Possible, but it would likely be unpopular, and does run the risk of preventing the necessary practical experience from entering the civilian sector, although I suppose we could counteract that by increasing our project management input and engagement… whilst our people are still under military law,” Aksoy commented thoughtfully, clearly considering a few options. “This is something I’ll have to think about at length, and I’ll discuss the matter with some of my senior officers as well… we’ve got a lot of immediate practical re-organisation to do but this is just as important for the long-term survival of the Confederate Defence Force that is politically independent.”

“Excellent, we’ll discuss this further I’m sure, Yusuf,” Al-Rashid said simply. “I’ll let you get back to work, I need to make some calls about this as well… we’d better get to work!”


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