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[Earth II] The Flames of Autumn

A staging-point for declarations of war and other major diplomatic events. [In character]
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Cotland
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[Earth II] The Flames of Autumn

Postby Cotland » Sat Nov 05, 2022 10:52 am

The Flames of Autumn



Grozny, Chechnya, Marimaian Federation
Sunday, 31 July, 2022


It began, like such things so often does, with a comparatively small thing. In the Marimaian city of Grozny, deep within the mountainous Caucasus region, a teenaged girl was walking down the street minding her own business when the security services approached her. After a small exchange of words, the police officer pulled out his baton and started beating up the woman for the comparatively minor infraction – she donned a ribbon in her long, black hair that shared colors with the banned Ichkeriyan flag, which meant that she was considered a possible insurrectionist to the Marimaian security services and therefore worthy of a proper thrashing. Unfortunately for everyone involved, the Marimaian police officer exercised a bit too much zeal that afternoon and ended up beating the girl to within an inch of her life. When he had finished, he turned to find himself surrounded by an increasingly agitated crowd that demanded he stop and allow them to take her to hospital. Seeing himself outnumbered, the police officer gave the bleeding girl lying crouched up in a ball on the ground in front of him a final kick with his boot before allowing the crowd to take her away, making sure to snatch the offending ribbon from her now blood-caked hair before the ambulance arrived.

Unfortunately for the police officer, someone in the crowd had filmed the whole affair and uploaded it to various social media. It didn’t take long for the brutal graphic video to go viral both within and outside the borders of Marimaia, showcasing the Baibakov regime’s brutal repression of the Marimaian population. The video, already making the rounds, went viral when news leaked that the girl, seventeen-year old Nadia Murjakov, was revealed to have died en route to hospital from the excessive trauma. Before the regime could smother the news, it had spread throughout Grozny and beyond, causing a spark that would set the region ablaze.

Spontaneous demonstrations took place in Grozny that afternoon and evening, first outside the hospital where Nadia had been brought and officially pronounced dead where the crowds gathered to show their support to the grieving family that had showed up to claim the body of their dead kin. The compassion and grief with the Murjakov family quickly turned to anger when the hospital on the orders of the Marimaia Security Bureau refused to release Nadia’s body until it had been autopsied, allegedly to establish the cause of death. The crowds, well aquainted to the MSB’s ways, knew that this meant that the MSB intended to bury the truth like they always did when something that might backfire on the regime and its ways of staying in power occured, and they simply weren’t having it anymore. It was literarily the straw that broke the camel’s back. The crowds, which had quickly grown from a few dozen to several thousand, broke through the police cordon and retrieved Nadia’s body by force, hospitalizing ten police officers and two MSB officers in the process.

With the body returned to the family, the crowd collectively decided that they had already “crossed the Rubicon” and that they were going to show their discontent. With the courage of conviction and strength in numbers, the crowd left the hospital and marched on the Government quarter and the police station, intending to demand the extradition of the girl’s killer. The popular uprising spread across social media and was quickly picked up by both Marimaian and international media, and while the Baibakov regime quickly suppressed official reporting of the unrest, they had no such pull overseas. The coverage in turn made even more people turn out, and protests in other cities across the Marimaian Federation took place. In most cities, the initial protests were quickly and brutally quashed by the security services which had gone on high alert, but in Grozny, Ashtrakan, Rostov, Tiblisi and Gori, large enough protests and street violence took place and was reported.

The next morning, August 1, the regime had managed to restore at least a semblance of control. In Grozny, the police forces had withstood a literal siege of the central police station and had to be rescued by the MSB Interior Troops which had moved in and started clearing the streets with clubs and water cannons, hospitalizing dozens and arresting hundreds more. In Tiblisi, the Marimaian capital, the Presidential Protection Brigade from the Army had been deployed and showed no mercy, leaving twenty-two dead and several hundred wounded when they started firing live ammunition into the angry crowds. Throughout Marimaia, thousands had been detained by the MSB and it seemed the unrest had been stopped.

That belief lasted until the evening, when renewed protests took place in nearly all Marimaian cities, demanding that President-shash-dictator Fyodor Baibakov who had thus far remained very quiet take a firm stand and denounce the violence exercised in his name. President Baibakov chose to ignore this demand, which only further angered the people who were now turning out in the hundred-thousands range across Marimaia.

The protests continued for several days, until August 5 when President Baibakov finally held a public speech. In his stereotypical fashion, Baibakov held an elaborate animated speech in which he denounced the protests and stated that he believed that the people should stop being bothered about things they knew nothing about, and demanded an end to the protests that were disrupting the fabric of life in the Marimaian Federation. In his own mind, Fyodor Baibakov was quite pleased with his speech, believing that he had given the paternal guidance that the people – his “children” – needed, to which all the yes-men in the inner circle of the Baibakov regime agreed and indeed commended their Boss on.

Unfortunately for the Baibakovs, the people of Marimaia did not share their President’s opinion on this matter. In fact, they were downright furious at the leadership and considered that the President’s speech and support to the crackdowns broke the Marimaian social contract. In a matter of the seventeen minutes the speech took, the Baibakov regime lost the last semblance of legitimacy in the eyes of most of the various peoples that made up the Marimaian Federation.

What followed would set the Caucasus in flames.

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Postby Cotland » Mon Feb 20, 2023 9:34 am

Avlabari Palace
Tbilisi, Marimaian Federation
Noon – 6 August, 2022


"What do you mean, insurrection in the Kuban-Volga Republic?" President Fyodor Baibakov asked smilingly with a stern gaze that contrasted against his infamous grandfatherly tone that scared the bejesus out of his inner circle. The tone was a tell-tale sign that there was danger afoot, and that what the poor interlocutor that warranted the tone said next would determine if he lived to steal from the state coffers another day, or if he’d end up getting shot in a basement cell in the Marimaia Security Bureau’s headquarters in Rustaveli Avenue by the end of the day.

The Minister of Security, Colonel General Grigor Petrosyan, was visibly sweating as he meekly continued with his report.

“Yes Boss. As I said, it appears that the Kuban-Volga MSB failed to apply the proper amount of force to the crackdowns that were carried out yesterday. Even though they arrested over a thousand rioters and shot over a hundred, the protests picked back up again today. When the Kuban MSB went in to crack down on them once more, they started shooting at the MSB, forcing them to withdraw. I’ve already ordered the local MSB commander shot for cowardice and failure to follow orders, and I’ve already dispatched further MSB Interior Troops to the region to reinforce the local MSB in subduing the rabble. I’m assured by the new head of the Kuban-Volga MSB that it’s only a few very criminal rotten apples that are causing a stir. Once the reinforcements arrive, which should be within the hour, I’m positive that we’ll get the situation under control before dinnertime Boss! But until then, technically, there exists a state of insurrection in the Kuban-Volga Republic. It won’t last for much longer though, I guarantee it!” Petrosyan promised enthusiastically.

You could hear the drop of a pin inside the lavish meeting room for the Cabinet of Ministers in the obnoxiously lavish Avlabari Palace when Petrosyan stopped talking, with the thirteen ministers all looking anxiously at President Baibakov, who had his eyes solely fixed on the Minister of Security. After an uncomfortably long silence, the President glanced over at his Vice President, who totally by conincidence happened to be his wife Zahra. The Vice President gave a subtle nod, which was returned by the President before the latter returned his gaze on the Minister of Security.

“By dinnertime then.” He said, still smiling with the grandfatherly smile as Petrosyan gulped.


Outside Avlabari Palace
Tblisi, Marimaian Federation
1930 – 6 August, 2022


A few hours after the Council of Ministers had dispersed to their respective ministries to conduct business, trouble was yet again brewing in Tbilisi. Large crowds had gathered throughout the city to protest, as they had done since August 1. However, today, something was different about the crowds. It included for the first time many young, fit men in their twenties, and the mood was far more intense than during the previous protests.

When the MSB moved in to quash the protests, many protestors donned gas masks to avoid the effects of the liberal amounts of tear gas grenades that were lobbed into the crowds, negating the riot control agent. Seeing that this had failed, the MSB Interior Troops started advancing against the crowds, donning riot gear, shields and long clubs. That was how they had broken the previous protests, and they had no reason to suspect that today would be different. The advancing Interior Troops were met by protestors pelting bricks and other detrious, but when they clashed with the crowds, they were surprised to discover that many of the protestors were fighting back with iron bars, baseball bats, tire irons, and pretty much every other melee weapon that they would get their hands on. Several of the Interior Troops were swamped by protestors and found themselves forcibly relieved of their shields and clubs and indeed their helmets and body armour, and were thurroughly thrashed by the angry crowds. Several of the Interior Troops were killed by the crowds.

As the crowds began to get the upper hand on the Interior Troops, the latter responded by firing live rounds into the crowds, killing many. While this had been enough to break the will of the crowds previously, today was different. Several protestors had the gall to shoot back, using a combination of captured pistols and shotguns taken from the subdued Interior Troops and a collection of various weapons they had brought along to the protest. Not expecting to receive return fire, the Interior Troops’ will broke and they retreated. The initial tactical retreat turned into a rout, and the crowds pursued.

By evening, the crowds had not only routed the Interior Troops, but also stormed and occupied three Army garrisons surrounding the capital. The military garrisons were manned by skeleton staffs, with many of the rank and file being part of the protests. Having used their access to the garrisons to gain entry, they quickly subdued the officers in the garrisons and liberated the armories of weapons and ammunition, distributing these to anyone who wanted a gun, before the various crowds set upon the Avlabari Palace.

The Presidential Protection Brigade that guarded the Palace suddenly found themselves facing relatively trained, heavily armed protestors. While the Brigade had been quite ruthless in firing into unarmed crowds a few days prior, it was something else entirely when someone was shooting back at you with military-grade firepower. Machine guns, anti-tank rockets, automatic grenade launchers, and even a mortar, was used to attack the perimeter surrounding the Palace. When the two Leopard tanks parked outside the main gate both burst into flames after eating four Cottish-made AT4 anti-tank rockets, the President’s bodyguard brigade revealed itself to being a Praetonian guard in name only, as it started melting away when faced with actual mortal danger.

Seizing the initiative as the Presidential guards ran away from the gates, the protestors stormed the grounds and started advancing on the Palace.


Inside Avlabari Palace
Tblisi, Marimaian Federation
1934 – 6 August, 2022


Inside, all three Baibakovs – President Fyodor, Vice President Zahra, and the First Couple’s only son and second Vice President Feliks – were all seated in a lavish lounge, discussing how to handle the still escalating situation. Minister of Security Petrosyan had cleared out his bank accounts and disappeared soon after the noon meeting, absconding from his duties and leaving his deputy to report that not only had the quashing of the Kuban-Volga insurrection failed, but that a new riot was underway in Tbilisi. For his troubles, the second Vice President’s omnipresent trusted bodyguard Khoren had strangled the Deputy to death in front of the President.

“This is bad!” Feliks said, his usual trademark grin disappeared off his face for maybe the first time of his adult life. “We really need to consider getting out of here.”

“And go where, my boy?” Fyodor asked nonchalantly. “We’re perfectly safe inside here. The Guards will kill anyone who tries to get in.”

“The Skorpion Siniy, first. Then…. I don’t know where. Somewhere safe.”

“The Skorpion is in Sochi, dear.” Zahra said before taking a sip of her vodka tonic. “In the insurrectionist area.”

“She’s anchored offshore, and we can still fly to her,” Feliks said. “The Presidential helicopter is here on the grounds, and the Skorpion has a helipad.”

Fyodor sighed as he looked his son in the eyes. For the first time since Feliks was five, he could see fear in the boy’s – man’s – eyes. His son was genuinely frightened by what was going on. Fyodor was still confident in his safety in the Palace, but instead of chiding his son, the President decided to humour his son.

“I’ll tell you what, my boy. I appreciate your concern, really I do, but I assure you that no harm will come to any of us. We’re safe and protected here. But, just in case. Why don’t you and Khoren and your Kapetan take the helicopter and go to the Skorpion Siniy. Stay there until this all blows over. How does that sound?”

Before Feliks could answer, the doors burst open and a group of Presidential Guards came into the lounge.

“Mister President, Madam Vice President, Mister Vice President, the rioters have broken through the gates. You need to get to safety!”

“We are in safety!” Fyodor protested.

“Respectfully Sir, no you are not. The rioters have broken through the perimeter. They’re heavily armed, and we’ve taken heavy casualties!”

“Nonsense! You have guns, don’t you?” Zahra protested loudly. As the Guards nodded, she retorted, “Then bloody use them!”

Feliks rose and grabbed his father’s arm. “Father, we have to go! Now!”

Fyodor shook his head slowly. “No, I’m not going anywhere.”

“Me neither,” Zahra chimed in as she rose from her comfortable seat and walked over to an ornate dresser. “But you should go, my love. Just to be on the safe side.” She added as she opened a drawer and withdrew two gold-plated automatic pistols and a gold-plated short-barreled assault rifle. Stunned, Feliks watched as his mother waddled over to her husband and handed him the rifle and one of the pistols before turning to her son. Smiling sadly, she walked over and hugged him closely, whispering to him, “Go on. It’ll be alright.” Before giving him a peck on the cheek.

Fyodor turned from the door, rifle on one hand as he gave his son a hug. “You know the combination to the safe on the Skorpion. It contains all the necessary details you need to access the various accounts. Use them to loyalist forces to crush this rebellion.” Fyodor said before breaking the hug.

“Khoren, protect him with your life,” The President ordered as he cocked the golden rifle. “I have every faith in you, my boy. Now go!”

Feliks tried to protest, but the junior Vice President’s giant manservant grabbed his master by the arm and almost manhandled the young man out from the lounge. It was when they got out from the soundproofed room (the Baibakovs liked their privacy, and the lounge was a place where they usually discussed the more nefarious of their dealings, hence the need for privacy) that the younger Baibakov heard the sounds of the ongoing rebellion. Shouting, shots and pounding on the front doors all formed into a crescendo that overwhelmed the young man’s senses as the opulent world that was the only world he had known ever since childbirth came crashing down around him. He fainted, leaving the manservant to carry him fireman-style through a hidden doorway in the corridor.

Just as the secret door closed, the front doors were finally breached. Rushing in, the rioters were momentarily stunned by the opulent luxury of the palace’s interior. The illusion was shattered as surviving Presidential Guards started shooting at the protesters. Snapping back to reality, a fierce firefight followed where many people died while other rioters swarmed into the Palace and started going into all rooms.

The first rioters to enter the private family lounge were cut down by a hail of gunfire, followed by a uncharacteristic litany of curses. Several more rioters tried to breach the lounge, only to meet a similar fate, before a few actually trained soldiers-turned-rioters decided to clear the room the only way they had learned how – using hand grenades. After tossing in three hand grenades, the rioters waited until three explosions shook the building before moving into the room.

Inside, they found that President Fyodor Baibakov had taken the brunt of the blasts, littering his portly figure with shrapnel and killing him instantly. The still twitching body was still clutching the golden rifle. The rioters were mesmerized by the sight, but the trance was broken by whimpers from a corner. The once beautiful Vice President half lay, half sat against a plush sofa, coughing blood. As she saw the rioters, she dropped the blood-splattered golden pistol she had clutched and stretched out a hand towards them.

“Help… me….” She coughed as more and more rioters came into the room and stood around her. It wasn’t long before the mob mentality took over and the greviously wounded woman was subjected to punches and kicks while the angry rioters hurled abuse against her. Mercifully for Zahra, one particularly incensed rioter soon picked up the golden pistol and emptied the rest of the clip into the Vice President, ending her suffering.

It wasn’t long before the demise of the Baibakovs became common knowledge. The riot and storming of the Avlabari Palace had been broadcast live on social media, and it wasn’t long before crude live-streams of the mangled Baibakov couple’s bodies hit the web. A few hours later, their bodies were publicly displayed, hanging naked from their legs between the columns of the main entrance for everyone to see.

The Baibakovs turned out to be the glue that kept the Marimaian Federation together. Within two days of their deaths, the Marimaian Federation’s government agencies effectively ceased to function and the Federation collapsed into anarchy.
Last edited by Cotland on Mon Feb 20, 2023 9:50 am, edited 2 times in total.

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Postby Cotland » Wed Feb 22, 2023 7:48 am

Former Marimaian Federation
August, 2022


In the first few days after the death of the elder Baibakovs, there was a sense of communal elation and celebration throughout the Marimaian Federation. While the various ethnicities rejoiced, the institutions of the federal government crumbled as the employees realized that the security services were unable to prevent the repressed masses from taking out their frustrations and revenge on anything that resembled the Baibakov reign, including the employees of said institutions. While the federal buildings were looted and burned, angry mobs soon started seeking out the people who had repressed them for so long and exact their revenge. Those who weren’t outright murdered in the streets were brought before sham “people’s courts” – in reality, kangaroo courts – and condemned to death before being publically murdered. As tens of thousands of people fled Marimaia, the anger against the Baibakov reign soon shifted as old, buried ethnic tensions were rekindled.

On August 10th, the first of the former federal republics started break away by declaring independence. The federal republics of Dagestan, North and South Ossetia, Ingushetia and Chechnya declared that they considered themselves independent of the Marimaian Federation and proclaimed the Republic of Ichkeriya.

Two days later, Azerbaijan and Armenia both declared themselves to be independent republics. Almost immediately after declaring independence, ancient grievances came to light as the Armenians accused the Azerbaijanis of having usurped historical Armenian lands and demanded the disputed areas returned to Armenia. Azerbaijan refused and countered by demanding all Armenians to withdraw from the contested areas, claiming Azerbaijani sovereignty over the area. While Yerevan and Baku quarreled, local militias started forming along ethnic lines and took it upon themselves to carry out their respective ethnicity’s will through violence.

In the many small exclaves and enclaves along the disputed border, Armenian militias began moving into Azerbaijani villages and tried to scare the locals into leaving by starting an orgy of pillaging, rape and murder. No one were spared as the Armenian militias began a campaign of ethnic cleansing. Azerbaijani militias emerged as a response in order to defend their villages and started returning the favor in kind, descending the region into a rapidly escalating spiral of violence and bloodshed.

As the world watched the bloodshed in the northwestern Asia unfold and millions of people on various social media declared their thoughts and prayers for the innocent victims as if that was going to make a difference, the Kuban People’s Republic was declared independent on August 16th by the hastily convened Kuban Council, consisting of representatives from the recently un-banned opposition parties that had emerged from their shadowy existence. The Kuban Republic declared itself free of the Baibakov reign and immediately moved to establish relations with its two closest neighbors, Ichkeriya to the east and Ukraine (and by extent Cotland) to the west.

On August 17th, the former federal republics of Kalmykia and Ashtrakan declared that they had joined together as the Republic of Kalmykia and declared their independence from Marimaia, leaving Georgia as the last remaining federal republic in the Marimaian Federation. Immediately, Kalmykia contested some of both Kuban and Ichkeriyan territorial claims, leading to increased tension. The Ichkeriyans were ready to fight and hastily started forming an army and deploying it to the contested areas, forcing the Kubans and Kalmykians to follow suit. This prompted Kuban leader Alexander Sushkov to reach out to Ukraine and Cotland, asking for assistance to negotiate a settlement between the new countries and, to ensure that all parties would respect the negotiations, for peacekeepers to be deployed.


24 August, 2022
Since October 1st, 2021, Ukraine had been part of the Realm of Cotland as a Dominion, meaning that it had an extensive level of independence and self-rule in most areas, save for the areas of foreign relations. However, due to its relatively significant level of economic and military strength, the Ukrainians had found that they enjoyed a significant voice within the Realm. Thus, when both the Ukrainian Rada in Kyiv and the Ukrainian representatives in the Cottish national assembly – Rikstinget – in Oslo urged Cotland to respond positively to the request from the new Caucasian nations, it put the Cottish national government under significant pressure.

The Cottish public was already distraught by the scenes of bloodshed from the Azeri-Armenian conflict, and Kuban sympathizers within Cotland had made a significant effort to bring the current predicament in the Caucasus into the Cottish public discourse through an intensive media campaign. When the news of the Kuban request broke, it wasn’t long before there was a significant public demand for Cotland to respond positively to the request. Cottish parliamentarians received thousands of letters, emails and calls from concerned constituents requesting that they lend their voice to the Caucasus Crisis, as it was now called in public discourse.

Cottish parliamentary tradition held that at least once a week, the members of the incumbent Government would meet in Rikstinget for a session called the Question Hour. Written questions submitted by parliamentarians ahead of the session were answered verbally, allowing for the Ministers to offer prepared answers. However, the session also allowed for undeclared verbal questions from the Parliamentarians to which the Ministers had to respond to spontaneously, keeping them on their toes. On Wednesday, August 24th, Chancellor Andreas Riis Dahle was put on the spot after having answered a written question concerning an upcoming taxation bill as several parliamentarians inquired verbally as to how the Cottish Government intended to recognize the new Caucasian nations, and whether the Government intended to respond positively to the Kuban requests. After attempting to dodge the questions several times, Chancellor Riis Dahle was forced to concede that the Realm intended to accept the situation on the ground and introduce a bill to Rikstinget within a week that proposed to formally recognize the various new nations as free and independent nations.

The Chancellor further stated when pressed that if it was the will of Rikstinget to recognize these nations, it was in Cotland’s national interest for stability and peace to reign in the Caucasus and that His Majesty’s Government would be happy to host a peace conference between the nations, if they all agreed to negotiations. As to whether Cotland would intervene with peacekeepers, that would be up to the involved parties. Any intervention without the acceptance of the involved parties would in effect be a military invasion, which could lead to a regional war, which certainly was not in Cotland’s national interest.

By Thursday evening, both Krasnodar, Grozny, and Ashtrakan declared that they would welcome Cottish mediation and that they would not press the issue pending negotiations. All three capitals also agreed that Cottish peacekeepers would be welcome to keep the peace in the border areas while negotiations were underway.

Thus, it came to pass that three Cottish and two Ukrainian airborne brigades began deploying into the disputed areas in order to keep the peace by August 27th. Meanwhile, negotiations were slated to begin in Kyiv on September 12th. The delay was intended to allow Rikstinget to process the bill that the Government proposed on August 30th, hoping to complete the parliamentary process and present a completed bill for Royal Assent by September 9th, allowing it to be signed into law by the King and for Cotland to formally recognize the new nations before the negotiations started.

While the political process took place in the northern Caucasus and blood continued to be shed in the southern Caucasus, elements of the Royal Ukrainian Navy supported by the elements of the small Royal Cottish Navy’s Black Sea Flotilla began patrolling off the Kuban and Georgia waters in the Black Sea, hoping to prevent the increasing tensions and maritime skirmishes between Kuban fishermen and Georgian patrol boats. The Georgians were less than enthusiastic about the sudden territorial collapse all around them, and they had their own historical claims to regions that were now wishing to be part of the other nations that were popping up.

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Postby Freistaat-Ostafrika » Wed Feb 22, 2023 9:06 am

Unbeknownst to the majority of the population of the Marimaian Federation...

6 August 2022, 21:50hrs [UTC+4]
Skorpion Siniy
Black Sea, off the coast of Sochi

Skorpion Siniy, or 'Scorpion Blue', was the Baibakov family superyacht that also acted as the official Presidential yacht. At just over five-hundred-and-thirty-three feet long, Skorpion Siniy could easily be used as a genuine residence; she could comfortably accommodate thirty-six individuals thanks to her master suite (and owner's deck) and seventeen VIP staterooms (all with balconies). The superyacht also featured accommodations for up to seventy crew members. Transportation to and from the vessel was provided via two helipads and three launch boats, and the superyacht even featured a helicopter hangar so that she could technically accommodate three helicopters at one time. Skorpion Siniy's onboard amenities included: a fifty-two-foot swimming pool with an adjustable depth feature that permitted it to be converted into a dance floor; an outdoor bar; several hot tubs; a beauty salon and spa with sauna and plunge pool; a rarely-used exercise gym; and even a three-man leisure submarine that could descend to a depth of one hundred and sixty feet. The superyacht was also equipped to provide a level of security, with a missile detection and defence system. All in all, an excellent refuge for the last of the Baibakovs. The arrival of the helicopter from Tbilisi was greeted with a particularly sombre welcome from the crew, who had learned of the events at Avlabari Palace via social media as well as communication from the helicopter. The aircraft gently touched down on the unoccupied helipad, at which point the doors were tentatively opened and the passengers disembarked.

The first to disembark was Mateja Čubrilović, Feliks' beloved 'Kapetan'. The thirty-three-year-old Serb, with neatly-styled dark brown hair and an excellent physique, was a former anti-terrorist officer who had ended up in the employ of Feliks after leaving his homeland in disgrace. Initially, he had worked for Feliks in return for a new life for his parents and grandmother in the Marimaian Federation, but in time their business relationship had developed into something a tad less mundane. Mateja now shared Feliks' bed, an arrangement that had started in return for an extra fifty thousand Marimaian lari a year; in truth, the two had grown to care for each other, but neither of them had any intention of actually admitting it. As the blades of the helicopter slowed their rotation, Mateja reached back into the vehicle to help Feliks clamber out. The slender twenty-seven-year-old was visibly shaken, not just by the events that he had personally witnessed and heard, but also by the news that he had received during the flight to the superyacht. His usual brunette waves were unkempt and his normally stylish attire was crumpled, and he trembled as Mateja helped him onto the deck.

"They're dead...Mama and Papa, both dead...what did we do..."

Mateja gently put his arms around the younger man as Feliks clung to him in search of some degree of reassurance. "I can't say anything to make it better, Feliks. Their last wish was for you to survive, so let's focus on you for now." The pair were soon joined on the deck by Khoren, as the massive Ingush climbed out of the helicopter with a mournful expression clear on his face. Mateja planted a soft peck on Feliks' forehead before gently transferring him to Khoren. "Take him to the master suite, he needs to rest."

As Khoren began to easily carry Feliks away, the young Baibakov reached out and grabbed Mateja's sleeve. The Serb gently disengaged Feliks' grip and kissed the back of his hand. "Don't worry Feliks, I'll be with you soon. Just need to sort out some things." A weak smile of appreciation crossed Feliks' face before clinging tightly to Khoren as the giant manservant took him inside. Mateja let out a deep sigh and ran his hand over his hair, taking in a few slow deep breaths before pulling out his cell phone and dialling his parents. His agitation began to grow until he received an answer.

"Mateja?"

A sigh of relief escaped Mateja's lips as he heard his father's voice. "Tata! Are you three okay?"

"Yes, yes, we're okay. Where are you? What's happening? They're saying that the President and the Vice-President are de-"

"It's true, Tata. I'm okay, I got out of the palace with Feliks and his bodyguard. We're on the yacht at the moment, but don't worry! We're going to get you before we leave."

"Leave? Where are you going?"

"Where are we going, you mean. I don't know yet, Tata. All I know is that this country isn't safe any longer, so we need to go." Mateja paused for a moment as he considered the situation. "Listen, Papa...get Mama and Baba in the car, only bring the bare minimum because you'll be coming to the yacht. Get in the car and head west out of the city, start heading towards Batumi. Keep a low profile. We'll be getting underway soon and we'll head towards Batumi as well. I'll get a pickup organised."

There was a brief silence on the other end before a response came. "Okay, Mateja. We'll do it. See you soon."

"Love you, Tata."

"Love you too."

As the phone call ended, Mateja nodded to himself. Feliks is safe, the family's organised, just to think about where we go.

------------------------------------------------------------------

7 August 2022, 06:00hrs [UTC+4]
Skorpion Siniy
Black Sea, off the coast of Grigoleti

The operation to retrieve Mateja's parents and grandmother had been completed with relative ease, thanks to the chaos beginning to descend upon the Marimaian Federation. They had made their way out of Tbilisi and headed west towards the port city of Batumi, but did not reach the Black Sea port. Instead, Mateja had guided them to the small seaside village of Grigoleti, some 46 kilometres north of Batumi. Upon their arrival, the three older Serbs had abandoned their car and been collected by a helicopter that ferried them out to Skorpion Siniy, where they were greeted by a greatly relieved Mateja. The trio were now resting in comfortable accommodations while Mateja was on the bridge of the vessel, discussing options with the superyacht's captain. Isidore Kapanadze, nicknamed 'Cap-Kap' by Feliks due to the similar first syllable of his surname and rank, was an experienced naval officer who had been transferred to command Skorpion Siniy as a reward for his loyalty to the Baibakovs.

"Our priority needs to be getting out of the Black Sea." Cap-Kap gestured to the map displayed on the large digital screen that sat in the centre of the bridge. "We're looking at roughly...forty, forty-five hours to get to the Aegean from where we are now. Once we're into the Mediterranean, we can look at potential destinations."

Mateja nodded agreeably. "Let's get underway as soon as we can then."

"How's he doing?"

"Sleeping at the moment, it's the best thing for him. His entire world has been torn apart." Mateja sighed before scowling. "So many who said that they were loyal to his family managed to disappear at just the right time. Those of us on board are effectively all that he's got left."

"Any initial idea where we might end up going?"

"If I had to guess right now, we'll probably end up heading east. Way east."

Skorpion Siniy reached the Aegean Sea at approximately 01:00 on 9 August, and set her course...

User avatar
-The United Federation of Nations-
Spokesperson
 
Posts: 137
Founded: Apr 10, 2018
Ex-Nation

Postby -The United Federation of Nations- » Fri Feb 24, 2023 4:21 am

Captain Hamza Al-Ghani, FN
UFS Damascus
International Waters off the Marimaian Federation
Saturday 27th August 2022, 1500hrs Local Time




Captain Hamza Al-Ghani, Federation Navy, stood on the port bridge wing of his ship, the Constantinople-Class destroyer Damascus, surveying the surrounding waters through binoculars in the early evening light. Ships like the Damascus were the backbone of the Federation Navy’s surface fleet, both as escorts for larger capital ships and formidable multirole combatants in their own right. Captain Al-Ghani was an experienced destroyer officer, having served aboard them for his entire career and already had a tour of duty under his belt, it was not for naught that he had been appointed Commodore of the Federation Navy’s Black Sea flotilla, a relatively small force due to the other means that the Federation Defence Force had for controlling the theatre from shore-based missiles and aircraft in two member-states. The Federation destroyer was at defensive readiness; with half the ship’s company on watch and defensive weapons manned and ready to fight at a moment’s notice, a position the ship could maintain for a far longer period that true battle stations. The reason for this was simple enough; the Damascus was a little over twelve nautical miles away from the Marimaian Federation’s coastline, and to say that Marimaia had gone to hell in a hand-basket would be an understatement.

The United Federation of Nations had been watching the events in Marimaia with dismay and alarm for several weeks now. Like most of the world, they had been aghast at the unjustifiable fatal beating of Nadia Murjakov in Grozny, and had not been in the slightest surprised when protests had spread like wildfire even in the repressive environment of the Marimaian state. The fact that events had escalated, including the ‘retrieval’ of Nadia Murjakov’s body had come as something of a surprise, as had the escalating protests. The Federation News Network, the leading news agency in the UFN, had been at the forefront of reporting on the protests. Although the UFN had watched in dismay as the protests were brutally put down, it had been the mass shooting of protests in Tiblisi that had been the most shocking, but what had surprised most observors in the UFN was the fact that the protests simply refused to be put down; something had changed in the Marimaian Federation, that much was clear. The Federation Department of the Exterior had, on 5 August, issued a formal advisory that all UFN citizens leave Marimaia as quickly as was practical, and preparations were made to drawn down UFN diplomatic missions as a precaution. By the evening of 6 August, as true street fighting erupted in Tiblisi this was officially upgraded to a recall of all but essential personnel, a decision that was justified by the storming of the Presidential Palace.

It had been shortly after the news that the Baibakov family had been killed by the rioters, which by all accounts had been joined by army personnel, had broken that the decision had been made to send the Damascus to the area. Until that point smaller vessels of the Black Sea flotilla had been on-station supporting the activities of the Union of the Aegean’s coast guard in facilitating the evacuation of UFN citizens. It was the belief of both the Department of the Exterior, and the Federation Intelligence Service, that with the deaths of the Baibakovs the entire region would descend into anarchy and that any remaining Federation citizens might need more… kinetic support to extricate themselves from the situation. The Damascus had arrived shortly thereafter, and it’s helicopters had proven vital in safely evacuating isolated pockets of UFN citizenry, and as the Marimaian Federation had begun to break apart from 10 August onwards, the Damascus’ helicopters had also facilitated the withdrawal of all non-essential personnel from Federation embassies and consulates, as the disintegration of the Federation quickly gave way to bloodshed and violence. The sole remaining Federation diplomatic mission was the Embassy in Tiblisi, which had been heavily reinforced by the Marine Detachment from Damascus.

The Damascus was present to ensure that the rapidly assembling militias and irregular armies were kept under the very clear impression that any violence against Federation citizens would be met with a full retaliatory response by the Federation destroyer sitting off their coastline. In this respect, it was fulfilling it’s mission; although the destroyer’s helicopters had been fired upon several times during their missions, these had always been irregular and haphazard fire, and messages through informal channels had quickly communicated to the warship that they had not been a dedicated attack by any of the factions involved. As it stood, the Federation was adopting a wait-and-see approach, not wanting to make matters worse. Indeed, the Federation Intelligence Service was tracking the luxury yacht Skorpion Siniy, which was known to be associated with the Baibakov’s and was believed to potentially be carrying a Baibakov survivor. As the Federation had no legal right to detain the ship, and did not particularly want the responsibility, the decision had been made to allow the Yach through the Bosphoros and thereafter tracked; the FIS would put significant resources into tracking the ship, identifying the passengers, and subsequently tracking them as well.

As the Marimaian Federation disintegrated, the Federation scrambled to keep pace with escalating events; and was faced with a number of difficult choices, as there was a certain reluctance to declare recognition for any of the breakaway states at this point, and yet the interests of remaining Federation citizens had to be protected. As reports of ethnic cleansing and ethnic violence began to filter into Federation circles of power, there were some discussion as to whether the Federation should, or could, involve itself in the situation. On the one hand, the situation was abhorrent and literally on the Federation’s doorstep, whilst on the other hand the Federation’s longstanding foreign policy had been to avoid involving itself in the internal affairs of a sovereign nation-state without an invitation or situations in which that sovereign nation-states was posing a threat to the Federation. This was the first time that the Federation was confronted with a situation, literally a stone’s throw away, that brought two of its key ideologies into conflict; the desire to not be interventionist versus the moral outrage at what was happening. In the end, the Federation Council was spared the decision as the former Marimaian breakaway reached out to Ukraine, and by extension the Realm of Cotland, to intervene.

Captain Al-Ghani, his senior officers, and the rest of the Federation had watched with a great deal of interest as the political events in the Cottish capital gave an indication as to the future state-of-affairs in the Caucasus. This was, of course, of significant interest to the Federation, from a national security perspective if nothing else. The deployment of Cottish peacekeepers was a welcome development, as there was not an appetite on the Federation Council at this point in a unilateral intervention, but any practical and logistical support was offered to the Cottish through diplomatic channels. Nevertheless, the Damascus was there for a reason, and the destroyer and her small clutch of smaller coastguard vessels, whilst keeping a prudent distance from the Cottish warships in the area, conducted their own activities in support of their missions, occasionally putting helicopters ‘feet dry’ to extract a Federation citizen, intelligence asset, or on some other mission. It was a delicate situation, so close to the borders of a Federation member-state, and the Federation Defence Force was eager not to make the situation more complicated.

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Layarteb
Powerbroker
 
Posts: 8416
Founded: Antiquity
Moralistic Democracy

Postby Layarteb » Tue Feb 28, 2023 6:52 pm



• • • † • • •



August 2022

Krtsanisi District, Tbilisi, Georgia | Embassy of the Empire of Columbia
41° 40' 13" N, 44° 48' 41" E






In a world where Columbian embassies were fortified compounds that consumed double-digit levels of acreage, the diplomatic mission in Tbilisi was miniscule by comparison. For starters, it only occupied two acres of land and though it did have walls around it, it was hardly the fortress that its counterparts were throughout the world. In addition, its placement didn't match its brothers. Instead of being located near to the heart of the host nation's government, it was situated on the southern outskirts of the city, nestled in a valley with a backdrop of small houses that gave the area a more rural than urban look. Freedom Square and the heart of downtown Tbilisi was only six kilometers away, by car, but it might as well have been sixty. When the city erupted into protests, it was as if the Krtsanisi District was in another country. There were no protests, no security forces, no indication of any kind whatsoever that the country was about to tear itself asunder.

By and large, the Columbian presence in the Marimaian Federation matched the footprint of its embassy, small. The proximity of Marimaia to the Realm of Cotland meant that the Empire largely deferred to their Cottish allies on a lot of matters with regards to the Caucasian-based country. For the Empire, there were agreements and cordial, diplomatic relations but there was no troop presence, no binding security pacts, no intelligence-sharing arrangements, nothing that the Empire had with many other nations. In all actuality, the Columbian embassy only stamped travel visas part time since there weren't that many to manage on a daily, weekly, or monthly basis. The ambassador, while important for being an ambassador, was usually on a retirement posting, a last rotation before he or she collected their government pension for decades of service.

When the protests first broke out in the country, the Columbian embassy had watched cautiously. Travel warnings were issued and the embassy enacted specific security protocols but, truth be told, no one expected any sort of mayhem to infect the Krtsanisi District and none ever did. The embassy stayed silent as well. In truth, the Columbians sided with the protesting Marimaians. The Baibakovs were corrupt to the core and the Empire had no real skin in the game; yet, to make any public condemnations - of either side - was to get involved in what the Empire saw as a purely domestic matter. Whether the Baibakovs stood or fell made little difference to the Empire. On the evening of August 6, when the mayhem in Tbilisi reached its peak, the embassy's staff watched and waited, listening to reports from the field, listening to radio broadcasts, expecting the worst, expecting revolution.

The death of Fyodor and Zahra hours later seemed like the most amenable conclusion to a week of violence and unrest. The Columbians were surprised to see the situation resolve so quickly, having expected to see months upon months of protests, strikes, clashes with riot police, and so on and so forth. They hadn't known, at the time, that the MSB Interior Troops, rather than stand and continue to gun down civilians, had fled the moment the opposition gave them what they dished out, lead flying at high velocity. In the immediate wake of the revolution that toppled the Baibakovs, the embassy staff issued a number of additional warnings to Columbians living throughout the Marimaian Federation, advising them to be cautious and careful due to the everchanging political situation as each day seemed to show another piece of the country splitting off to form their own independent states.

Violence coming to Armenia and Azerbaijan was surprising though. It wasn't that the Columbians were ignorant of the historical grievances of both sides, not to mention the grievances of the two parties with Georgia and vice versa, it was that the Columbians had expected the newly independent states to bask in the glory of liberty and independence before they started to squabble with one another over lines on a map, how little the Columbians truly knew. The violence spread fast throughout the region and for the Columbian embassy in Tbilisi, that meant reduced staff. Dependents were sent home along with non-essential staff. The embassy and its small, two-acre plot in the Krtsanisi District, far removed from the "city-life" of Tbilisi seemed like it was abandoned, forgotten, ignored in its far off corner of the country. Life seemed to go on as usual around the embassy, even if everything was changing every day.

The decision too remain at the embassy came from New York, the far off capital of the Empire, which might as well have been on a different planet. Responsible solely for matters of state, rather than state and government, the Emperor and the Cabinet reviewed the security situation in Tbilisi and the wider area and determined that there did not exist a credible threat to the Columbians, nor did there exist the conditions - at least not yet - for a wider domestic conflict that could endanger the embassy. Until such happened, the embassy would remain open and while dependents and non-essential staff were to remain home, the embassy would still be expected to function as if it were running normally. Perhaps in this digital day, that made the job easier than it would have four or even two decades ago. And so, the Columbians stayed in Tbilisi, just waiting.

The announcement at the end of the month that Cottish and Ukrainian troops would not only recognize the successor states but also be open to deploy peacekeepers was meant with relief by the Columbians. In fact, the Columbians would largely follow the lead of the Cottish and establish relations accordingly. It seemed nonsensical, especially given the otherwise limited influence of the Empire in the region, to do anything counterproductive to the Cottish and so, the Columbian embassy was put to task to work with their Cottish counterparts and come to a similar arrangement, respecting of course the differences between Cottish and Columbian geopolitical strategies, national interests, and so on and so forth. Regardless, it was unlikely that the Columbians would differ enough with the Cottish on recognition as to affect anything in the region negatively.

Yet there was still something off kilter about the region. For starters, the whereabouts of Feliks Baibakov, the twenty-seven-year-old son of Fyodor and Zahra, were unknown. The Baibakov's yacht, the Skorpion Siniy, last seen off of the coast of Sochi on August 6 had been spotted passing southward through the Aegean Sea and then intermittently thereafter. The heir to the Baibakov fortune, Feliks was a lot of things but the Columbians didn't peg him for much, let alone a leader. Still, Baibakov loyalists would undoubtedly want to elevate him to the throne of his father, if just to see their patronage returned. There were even those who might do so in order to bend and shape Feliks' decisions to their own, so that they could wield power but not be the face of it. A lot could happen still throughout the Caucasus and with the violence in Armenia and Azerbaijan seemingly unending, the Columbians couldn't help but wonder if the Caucasus was primed to become one giant regional, ethnic conflict. The humanitarian disaster alone would cause undue stress upon the Cottish, the UFN, and perhaps even Bactria, which had yet to make any position - formal or informal - known concerning its now fragmenting, splintering, and warring neighbor to the northwest. By all regards though, despite what the Empire saw as looming just over the horizon, the Empire never envisioned itself as becoming directly involved. The prospect of Columbian intervention was not even being discussed; if anything, Columbia would defer to the Cottish. History would wonder if the Columbians seemingly missed every sign or, if they just didn't want to see them.



• • • † • • •


Last edited by Layarteb on Tue Feb 28, 2023 6:53 pm, edited 1 time in total.
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• The Empire of Columbia •

User avatar
Cotland
Ambassador
 
Posts: 1160
Founded: Nov 05, 2004
Father Knows Best State

Postby Cotland » Sat Mar 04, 2023 8:22 am

moved
Last edited by Cotland on Sat Mar 11, 2023 6:22 am, edited 1 time in total.

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-The United Federation of Nations-
Spokesperson
 
Posts: 137
Founded: Apr 10, 2018
Ex-Nation

Postby -The United Federation of Nations- » Sat Mar 04, 2023 10:39 am

Gunnery Sergeant Dimitris Gallidis, FMC
Embassy of the United Federation of Nations, Tbilisi
Federal Republic of Georgia
Sunday 28th August 2022, 1500hrs Local Time




It could be said that the situation in Tbilisi was deteriorating, but really that required the situation to have markedly improved in the first place. The city had been the centre of Baibakov power after all, and the street fighting across the city had been fierce and bloody to say the least. In the days that had passed, various factions of varying size and strength had carved out fiefdoms across the battered city as ambitious politicians, military officers, and others sought to fill the power vacuum left by the demise of the Baibakovs. There was a bright spot developing, in the person of Elena Saakashvili, a charismatic citizen of note who was building something approaching a consensus, at least in Tbilisi. It would be a long road towards anything resembling true peace, but if there was at east one reasonable faction in the mix there was, at least, a chance. This was something that the Federation was grateful to see, as it gave them someone to potentially back and build a foundation for a stable state; the last thing the United Federation of Nations needed as it prepared to bring three prospective member-states into the union in 2023 was instability on it’s own borders.

It went without saying that what happened in the break-up of Marimaia directly impacted the Federation; already hundreds if not thousands of refugees had crossed the border into the Union of the Aegean, a Federation member-state. The Bureau for Displaced Persons, within the Federation Department of the Exterior, was already in-place on the ground supported by local law enforcement, as well as manpower in the form of soldiers from the member-state provided National Force within the broader Federation Army. However, the longer the fighting and violence continued, and the more it escalated across the border, the more refugees would continue to stream into the Federation. Whilst the UFN was committed to never turning away refugees, it would equally work to resolve the underlying issue wherever possible. After all, although the Federation Defence Force could quite easily deploy proactively into the situation to end the violence, without a local government-in-waiting ready to step into the breach that peace would only last as long as the Federation’s soldiers remained. The only thing worse, from an optics perspective, than the Federation not intervening in a humanitarian crisis or civil war on its borders would be the absolute chaos that would follow any Federation withdrawal when the political support for the intervention waned.

As it stood, the most likely (and capable) threat to the growing consensus in Tbilisi was located some one-hundred-forty miles to the west, in the form of the 4th Mechanised Brigade of the late Marian Army based at Senaki. Based on Federation Intelligence, the 4th Mechanised was consolidating around the person of Anatoly Baibakov, formally the Minister of Finance, and first-cousin of the now-deceased Fyodor. Truthfully, the FIS reports were fairly surprised that Anatoly had found himself in a position of leadership, and he had always been deemed a ‘follower’. However, as the only remaining Baibakov in the country it stood to reason that he would be the rallying post for all remaining Baibakov loyalists, and the bulk of the 4th Mechanised Brigade was apparently still loyal, but events in Tbilisi had happened far too quickly for them to prevent the slaughter of the President and Vice President. If there was any single force in Georgia that could oppose any consolidation in Tbilisi it would be the 4th Mechanised. There were other isolated military units still intact, but most seemed prepared to hold their own bases for the moment, and many were suffering from significant defections.

None of this was truly the concern of Gunnery Sergeant Dimitris Gallidis, although he had found it best to keep abreast of the geopolitical situation. As the Commander of the Detachment of Federation Marines tasked with protecting the Federation’s diplomatic mission in Tbilisi, Gunnery Sergeant Gallidis was amongst a small, distinguished cadre of senior non-commissioned officers within the Federation Marine Corps who exercised significant on-the-ground command responsibility over Marines above the squad-size. It was a unique occurrence within the FMC, in which a senior NCO commanded a independent detachment of Marines instead of an officer, but it was undoubtedly one that worked, and in any case Gunnery Sergeant Gallidis did ultimately answer to an officer, in the form of the Embassy’s military attaché. Within the Federation Marine Corps, the rank of Gunnery Sergeant was typically responsible for working with the unit executive officer on training and operational planning, and Gallidis had a full service rotation of experience as a Company Gunnery Sergeant in a Marine Expeditionary Unit to call upon, making him an excellent and obvious choice to serve as a Detachment Commander within the Embassy Security Group.

Until now, the duration rotation in Tbilisi had been a relatively sedate one; it had been deemed unlikely that the Marimaian Federation would disintegrating as quickly and dramatically as it did, with most intelligence estimates placing a far higher amount of confidence on the loyalty of the MSB Interior Troops than would actually turn out to be the case. As such, Gunnery Sergeant Gallidis’ detachment had only consisted of twelve marines plus himself. As soon as the protests had kicked off in Tbilisi he had placed the detachment on alert, and once true street fighting and civil violence began to spread across the city he had formally notified the chain of command that he was not confident in the ability of his small squad of marines to adequately hold the embassy in the event of a significant attack against it by any of the better-armed factions. This joined a report by the Ambassador, Emanuel Vasilescu, expressing his concern about the overall security situation for Federation citizens, and had led to the formal advisory by the Department of the Exterior for all citizens to leave the country. In response, the Embassy had been reinforced by a further squad of marines deployed from the Federation destroyer Damscus which now sat offshore conducting further evacuations.

With twenty-four Marines available to him, Gunnery Sergeant Gallidis was much more comfortable that he could hold his position against all but a concerted military-grade assault; no amount of armed civilians would be likely to overcome his Marines in anything short of a suicidal human wave assault which seemed unlikely as there was no motivating factor that might inspire such aggression and hatred against the Federation. Indeed, at the Ambassador’s direction the Federation Embassy had thrown it’s doors open to anyone who needed assistance, or wished to seek refugee status (as the UFN’s refugee policy was well established), which had done wonders to ensure that most of the factions respected the mission’s integrity and there had been no major incidents in the days that had passed since the Fall of the Baibakovs. Broadly speaking, with the exception of the 4th Mechanised, it seemed that most of the Baibakov loyalists remaining south of the Cottish intervention were largely consolidating in Azerbaijan, and had more support there than in Georgia. As it stood, therefore, Gallidis and his superiors were focusing on the more immediate threat posed by the 4th Mechanised Brigade.

As he stood on the roof of the main building, upon which he had positioned both squad’s sharpshooters and support gunners, Gallidis gazed across the open ground he hoped he would not have to defend. The majority of the rest of the marines were still manning the gates, albeit from the inside, and would continue to do so as they remained the face of the Federation; it would not do to see them all cowering inside the building. Shortly after 3pm local time, Gallidis looked to the south with a frown as a burst of automatic gunfire broke through the afternoon bustle of a vibrant city, even considering the current state of affairs. This was not, in and of itself, out of the usual for the last few weeks; in the earliest days of the Marimaian Revolution the sounds of civil strife had filled the day and night, including more than a few bursts of gunfire. Recently, however, this had dropped off and become fewer and far between. What was a little more unusual, however, was the fact that the first burst was quickly followed by several more, and after a few minutes the sounds of shooting, whilst not constant, was very frequent.

Grimacing, Gallidis thumbed the talk button on his Squad Role Radio, which provided comms across all the Marines under his command as they were on the same channel.

“All Sentinel Callsigns, this is Sentinel-Six,” Gallidis said grimly. “Assume Force Protection Condition Charlie.”

Until this point, the Federation Embassy had been operating under a force protection posture that was heightened but not overly militarised, save for the first few days of the crisis, with the Federation Marines in armour and armed with sidearms, but only the sharpshooters on the roof had their shoulder arms. At the request of the Ambassador, there had been a deliberate attempt to soften the external image whilst maintaining a stronger defensive posture. However, Ambassador Vasilescu was no fool, and he had given Gallidis the authority he needed to adequately defend the Embassy and the several dozen refugees taking shelter in the main building along with the remaining staff. As such, Gallidis was ordering his men into something approaching full combat readiness; it was obvious that new fighting had broken out in the city and he was determined that if anyone had his Embassy on their target list that they would find it a hardened position and a tough nut to crack.

The Federation Embassy was a moderately defendable position; a fenced compound with the main chancery building in the southern end and a cluster of support buildings to the northern end. It was a decent size for a reason; although the UFN had not agreed with the Marimaian regime, the simple fact that the Federation shared a border meant that it would be of significant interest and cross-border matters would have to be dealt with by a moderately large staff. With the majority of the Embassy staff evacuated to the Damscus, or otherwise out of the country, Gallidis had requested that the Ambassador consolidate the remaining staff to the main building to keep matters simple, especially as the main building stood more or less alone in a commanding position of the surrounding largely flat land with minimal cover in what had once been the Embassy’s grounds.

The staccato bursts of gunfire continued for the rest of the afternoon; it was possible to discern what might be isolated firefights, and what could be heard indicated that fighting had broken out all over the city. There had been efforts to work out what was going on, both within the Embassy and at FIS Headquarters, principally through open-source information and satellite reconnaissance, but the picture was confused to say the least. Both the instinctive gut reaction of the Marines and the FIS officers stationed at the Embassy, and the assessment of the Marimaia Desk at FIS Headquarters (which wasn’t exactly covered in glory at the moment, due to ‘dropping the ball’ on the impending fall of the regime), was that it was likely that the Baibakov loyalists were to blame for the outbreak of violence. However, a Federation satellite had confirmed that the 4th Mechanised was still firmly positioned around it’s base at Senaki, which at least suggested that a full-scale assault on Tbilisi was unlikely. However, this meant one of two things; either the loyalists had dismounted some of their infantry and moved them to Tbilisi to prepare the ground for an assault, in which case the rest of the 4th Mechanised could be expected to move soon, or they had mobilised reserves or volunteers to spread unrest in the city and undermine Elena Saakashvili’s growing moderate position.

“We’re going to be in for a night of it, Gunny,” Sergeant Rasvan Munteanu, Squad Leader from the Damscus, commented wryly as he joined the senior NCO on the roof where he had been stood for most of the afternoon. “No one is going to be able to get any rest, this on edge.”

“No, they’re not,” Gallidis agreed grimly. “We’re going to have to try and get what rest we can… have you seen if anyone left here has combat training or experience?”

Sergeant Munteanu shook his head glumly.

“We’ve got a few, between the FIS Station and the Legal Attaché and his staff, both they’re mostly experienced with sidearms; they’ll be a good second line of defence if the enemy… whoever that ends up being, manages to get past us and inside the building,” He replied. “However, most of them are keeping an eye on the refugees; I wouldn’t put it past a Baibakov fanatic to hide in amongst the refugees until the opportune moment… we’ve searched them thoroughly, but that doesn’t mean they can’t cause trouble anyway.”

“We really could use at least a full platoon, couldn’t we,” Gallidis sighed. “I did request more, but apparently command was eager to avoid a show of force… this is a delicate situation and an overbearing Federation presence might alienate potential partners.”

“Like Saakashvili.”

“Like Saakashvili,” Gallidis nodded. “Apparently, one of the case officers from the FIS Station paid her a visit yesterday, it was a productive meeting apparently, all unofficial of course, but productive.”

Sergeant Munteanu looked thoughtful as he absorbed the information. It stood to reason that the Federation would introduce itself and try to work with the most realistic option for a stable provisional government, and would throw its weight behind them when the time was right. However, after years of Marimaian propaganda about the UFN, such involvement had to be handled very delicately, lest it backfire and undermine the very stable government the Federation was hoping to support. If there was a Baibakov Loyalist faction at play here the situation became more difficult; technically speaking the Baibakovs were the legitimate regime that had been deposed without a clear successor, and the Federation was not in the business of regime change. If a revanchist Baibakov faction regained control, and there was not a clear alternative with popular support, the situation became a lot more murky as far as the Federation was concerned. The UFN had been founded on certain principles, and one of those had been a policy of non-interference in the domestic affairs of foreign states without a request from the respective national government… or, in theory, a faction within that state that could claim to have broad popular support. As it stood at the moment, Elena Saakashvili was getting close, but she wasn’t there yet.

“Hopefully she’ll survive this… I’d rather suspect that all of this is in an attempt to throw-off the momentum she’d been building,” He commented at length. “He… or indeed she, who holds Tbilisi holds Georgia… any Baibakov loyalists wouldn’t want to leave it uncontested for long.”

Gallidis was about to respond when the attention of the two NCOs were pulled towards the main gate, where cluch of vehicles sped up and skittered to a halt and disgorged their occupants. Some formed what could charitably be called a perimeter around the vehicles, whilst a smaller group quickly made their way towards the gate and presumably began speaking to the Corporal leading the fireteam at the gate. A few moments later, the squad net came to life.

“Sentinel-Six, this is Sentinel-Gate… you best get down here Gunny.”

The two senior NCOs shared a look before Gallidis led the way from the roof and hurriedly down the stairs until they reach the main lobby and out onto the grounds. It didn’t do for an SNCO to be seen running, except perhaps when under fire, so the two men made their way quickly but calmly across the asphalt road that led to the main gate. They were met by the Corporal of the Guard, who led them towards the gate where his Marines were arrayed in a line but their weapons were at the low-ready position, due simply to the fact that their guests outside were armed. However, they were clearly not soldiers; they were armed civilians, perhaps including some defectors from the Marimaian Army, and their disparate armament reflected that. The group near the gate was made up of five men, and two women, and Gallidis felt his heart sink as he recognised one of them.

“My name is Elena Saakashvili,” The taller woman said urgently as Gallidis reached the gate. “I request the protection of the United Federation of Nations.”

Gallidis managed to keep a grimace of his face; not for any dislike of the woman in front of him but the situation had just got a lot more complicated. Every effort to delay the point at which the Federation would have to make a decision had failed; they were at the decision point… but fortunately for Gallidis it was not his decision to make.

“Get the Ambassador down here, now.”

It only took Ambassador Vasilescu a few tense minutes to reach the gate; doubtless he had already been alerted to the ruckus at the gate and may have already been on his way.

“What happened to you?” He asked simply.

“I was meeting a group of militia in the south of the city, about joining my cause, and we were making good progress; they were good people really, just trying to protect their homes and their families after all of this mess… I think we’d have brought them on board,” Elena replied hurriedly. “We were attacked without warning… at first we thought it was the militia we were dealing with, but they began to be cut down as well, and the attackers were far better equipped and trained… although their fatigues were without insignia.”

“Baibakovs?”

“I can’t be sure,” Elena shook her head. “But I would presume so, they used Marimaian army weapons.”

“Shit,” The Ambassador cursed under his breath. “You managed to escape, but they’ll probably com after you again… you understand what you’re asking of me?”

“I do, and believe me I would not force your hand if I thought that I could avoid it, but I don’t think my security, all volunteers, could fend off another attack, and I doubt that even the Baibakovs would be stupid enough to attack a diplomatic mission,” Elena replied honestly. “Aside from anything else, I truly believe that given enough time I could bring all the factions in Tbilisi together, save for the Baibakovs obviously, and I know that a provisional government is something that your Government will need to deal with… I can make that happen.”

The Ambassador was silent for a moment, doubtless taking in her words and considering his options, as well as whatever instructions he had received from the Department of the Exterior, and perhaps even from the President. After a moment he nodded decisively.

“Open the gates, Gunnery Sergeant, and get these people inside,” He said firmly. “Ms. Saakashvili, I formally extend the protection of United Federation of Nations to you."

User avatar
Freistaat-Ostafrika
Envoy
 
Posts: 280
Founded: Apr 10, 2018
Corporate Police State

Postby Freistaat-Ostafrika » Sun Mar 05, 2023 8:59 am

26 August 2022, 20:00hrs [UTC+4]
Zagulba Residence
Baku, Republic of Azerbaijan

Amid the Azeri-Armenian conflict, a blighted seed from a believed-to-be-fallen tree found a way to take root.

As a constituent republic of the Marimaian Federation, Azerbaijan had enjoyed a certain degree of favouritism from the Baibakov family. Not only was it one of the primary sources of the oil and gas that provided much of the family's wealth, but it was also an ancestral homeland of theirs. The family were known to be Russo-Azeri in descent, and the now-deceased Zahra Baibakova had been Azeri by birth. As a result, Azerbaijan had been handed the formerly-Georgian province of Kakheti in one of Fyodor's 'reorganisations', a move which had not endeared him to everybody, but it meant that Azerbaijan thought better of the Baibakovs than the other member republics of the now-collapsing Marimaian Federation. Azerbaijan had taken up an old rivalry with neighbouring Armenia upon the independence of the two states, both with their sights set on the same territories, and the tit-for-tat militia attacks were escalating in violence. Both had ignored the Cottish offer of a peace conference, not only because neither government had any interest in outside mediation, but also because there was some degree of flux within both nascent administrations. Azerbaijan, in particular, was sliding back into ways that they had supposedly shrugged off only two weeks prior. The Governor of Azerbaijan, an opportunistic scoundrel named Rasim Aghayev, had declared himself Interim President by dint of his position and had then quietly welcomed any members of the former Marimaian government who sought refuge in Azerbaijan. With the militia situation growing out of control and the region seemingly descending deeper into instability, Aghayev had called a meeting with former Marimaian ministers to try and navigate a way through the current chaos.

Zagulba Residence was located on the shore of the Caspian Sea and had been one of the Baibakov family's many residences around the Marimaian Federation. The two-storey building's architecture combined traditional Azeri style with more 'Western' elements and featured all of the modern amenities that would be expected in a residence belonging to a wealthy autocratic family. The announcement of the deaths of Fyodor and Zahra had not seen as much looting in Baku as in other republic capitals, so Zagulba Residence had remained untouched by looters. It had of course helped that Aghayev had ordered the police and various military units onto the streets almost immediately, a move that had ensured some semblance of order. Aghayev had selected Zagulba Residence as the site for tonight's meeting due to its Baibakov ties, and he had been careful to keep the meeting as covert as possible. The seventy-year-old currently stood in front of the fireplace in the opulent main lounge of the residence, hands clasped behind his back as he regarded the other men in the room. Standing about 5'6" with thinning brownish hair and a full moustache, Aghayev was hardly the most intimidating or commanding of individuals, but he had a keen organisational mind.

"Gentlemen, it's been confirmed. Feliks Baibakov is alive and well, and currently in the United Eastasian Republic."

The others in the room looked at each other with wide eyes. Ruslan Hasanov was the former Minister of Energy and Environment in the Baibakov government, while Colonel General Andrey Dvornikov had been the Defence Minister. The fourth individual in the room had not been a government minister but had been one of the family's closest cronies: Nicat Aslanov was the owner of the Krasnaya Media Group, which still operated several forms of media within Azerbaijan. Dvornikov grinned and chuckled as the trio turned their attention back to Aghayev.

"So Little Boss made it out! Have you spoken to him?"

Aghayev shook his head. "No, not yet. I thought it might be best to decide what we're going to do before we try doing anything." He began to pace up and down before the fireplace as he continued. "I would say that the northern republics are lost, they wasted no time in breaking away. Georgia will probably be awkward since they have the former Marimaian capital, and Armenia is Armenia. Reuniting the Federation is likely out of the question."

Aslanov cleared his throat. "Then we make Azerbaijan the successor state to the Marimaian Federation. We can lay claim to the embassies and consulates abroad, try to claim any foreign currency reserves and that sort of thing."

Hasanov nodded eagerly. "Yeah, yeah! Of course, we all know that we'd need legitimacy to do that, and there's one surefire way to get that legitimacy. We get Little Boss to come back and become President of Azerbaijan!" He looked around, grinning broadly and gesturing with his hands. "The family has historical links to Azerbaijan, and if we're to become the Federation's successor state, then Little Boss is rightfully next in line. We all know that the Boss was grooming Little Boss to take over, that's why he made him a Vice President! If a President is unable to perform his duties, the Vice President takes over!

"Aghayev, you could be Prime Minister. Dvornikov becomes Defence Minister again, I can get a ministerial job of some sort, Aslanov could be Information Minister or something!"

Aghayev held up a hand to interrupt him. "What if he doesn't want to come back?"

Hasanov waved a hand dismissively at the question. "Little Boss will come back. It's his birthright! He has to come back! It'll be just like old times, just the country will be a bit smaller. So how do we get in touch with him? It's not like we have his phone number or anything."

Aghayev took a moment to consider that particular point. "What if...ah, yes. The Eastasian consulate in Baku is still open, we can ask them to contact Beijing to ask them to put us in touch with him. I suspect that the Eastasian government would know where he is."

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27 August 2022, 07:00hrs [UTC+8]
Mandarin Oriental Beijing
Beijing, United Eastasian Republic

Located within walking distance of such landmarks as the Forbidden City and Tiananmen Square, the Mandarin Oriental Beijing may have only had seventy-three rooms and suites within its walls, but they were among the most lavishly appointed hotel rooms in the Eastasian capital. The five-star hotel combined traditional Chinese decor with a more contemporary aesthetic style. It provided a whole host of amenities for those fortunate enough to stay as guests: a wellness spa, a fitness centre, a twenty-five-metre indoor lap pool with a sky roof, and two restaurants and a bar, all three of which opened onto the expansive rooftop garden terrace. Due to its proximity to the Forbidden City, several of the rooms and suites offered a stunning view of the centuries-old palace complex, and those accommodations featured a higher price as a result. Unsurprisingly, the most expensive suite of all was the Presidential Suite. With a view overlooking the Forbidden City and a 300 square-metre terrace, the 260 square-metre suite featured a stylishly modern black, white and gold decor with impressive floor-to-ceiling windows. Comprised of an open-plan lounge and dining room with a master bedroom and ensuite bathroom, the luxurious suite could only be reserved by special request, so only the very wealthiest clients ever got to use it. Equally unsurprising, the suite had become the temporary residence of Feliks Baibakov since his arrival in the United Eastasian Republic. He had arrived in the nation some nine days prior after a brief stopover in the Arab Socialist Federation, where a representative of the Eastasian government had facilitated him and his entourage with permanent residence visas and helped him transfer the family fortune into an account with the Industrial and Commercial Bank of Eastasia.

The ringing of the bedside telephone roused Mateja Čubrilović from his sleep, prompting a few curse words in Serbian as he reached over to answer.

"Yes? Oh, yeah, I'll get him for you."

Mateja turned to his left and nudged the sleeping form of Feliks Baibakov, who emitted a gentle grunt. "Uh?"

"Feliks, it's the Eastasian Ministry of Foreign Affairs."

Feliks lifted his head from the pillow, suffering a clear case of bedhead as he furrowed his brow. "Are you sure?"

Mateja held the receiver towards Feliks, so the younger man hauled himself into a seated position and took it off him. "Hello? Yes, this is Feliks Baibakov. Oh, Minister Huang! Um yes, sorry, it's a bit early. You've had a message from Baku?" Feliks looked at Mateja and shrugged, receiving a similar gesture in response. "Uh-huh...uh-huh...oh. You're sure?" There was a pause as he listened intently. "I see. Yes, thank you. Thank you very much. I'll speak to you shortly."

As he was handed the receiver to place back in position, Mateja noted Feliks' contemplative expression. "Everything okay?"

"Um, you're not going to believe this, my Kapetan. Apparently, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs received a message from their consulate in Baku. To cut a long story short, apparently, I'm being invited to return and become President of Azerbaijan. We're to go to the Ministry as soon as possible to meet Minister Huang, he'll have more information and...this is crazy."

"Who's supposedly inviting you? This could be an attempt to get you to come home for some other reason."

"I'm well aware, my Kapetan. It came from Rasim Aghayev, he used to be Governor of Azerbaijan when it was in the Federation." Feliks scratched his chin as he thought for a moment. "We might as well go to the Ministry and hear what they've got for us."

--------------------------------------------------------------

27 August 2022, 09:30hrs [UTC+8]
Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Beijing, United Eastasian Republic

Due to the undoubted safety and security that he was going to experience while visiting the Eastasian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Feliks opted to have Khoren remain at the hotel, only bringing Mateja with him to the meeting with the Eastasian Minister for Foreign Affairs. Upon arriving at the Ministry headquarters in the Chaoyang District of Beijing, Feliks and Mateja were handed visitor passes and promptly escorted through the building to one of the many conference rooms where various deals and negotiations took place behind closed doors. As they entered the conference room, the pair were greeted by Minister for Foreign Affairs Huang Li. Sixty-one years old and possessing an almost stereotypical bureaucratic appearance, Huang shook hands with Feliks before gesturing for him and Mateja to take a seat at the large mahogany conference table.

"Apologies for the suddenness of all this, Mister Baibakov. It would seem that events are moving quite quickly in your former homeland, and we would rather not be caught on the back foot if we can help it."

"Yes, of course, I understand."

The three individuals took seats near the head of the table, Feliks and Mateja on the left side while Huang sat on the right. The Eastasian minister checked his watch before speaking again. "Our final attendee should be here shortly."

Almost as if on cue, the door to the conference room opened and President Yang Mingshu entered, prompting Huang to immediately rise to his feet. In addition to being President of the Republic, Yang was also General Secretary of the Eastasian Communist Party and chairman of the Central Military Commission (CMC), meaning that she had earned the informal appellation of 'paramount leader'; this essentially made her the most powerful individual in the nation. Feliks and Mateja exchanged a brief look of surprise before they too rose, earning a wry smirk from the sixty-year-old President, who was dressed in her usual navy blue pantsuit. "Please, comrades, sit."

As President Yang reached the head of the table and took her seat, Feliks turned on the charm by adopting his trademark Cheshire Cat grin. "May I say that it is an honour to finally meet you, Madam President?"

Yang briefly peered at him over the rim of her glasses before nodding. "I appreciate the sentiment, Mister Baibakov. Of course, I could be calling you Mister President if this situation is developing as we believe it to be."

"Please, call me Feliks."

The Eastasian President chuckled to herself and nodded once again. "Your reputation precedes you, Feliks. You are every bit as I imagined you to be." Yang then adopted a far more serious demeanour as she turned to Huang. "So our consulate in Baku was used to send a message to the Ministry, which then passed it onto Feliks?"

"That's correct, General Secretary. Rasim Aghayev, formerly Governor of Azerbaijan, is now Interim President of the Republic of Azerbaijan. We took the liberty of establishing a video link with his office in Baku, it is nearing six o'clock in the morning there. Shall I?" A nod from Yang prompted Huang to rise from his seat and cross to the large screen on the wall behind the President, where he tapped a few buttons to connect with Baku; President Yang swivelled her seat around to face the screen as he did so. After a few moments, Rasim Aghayev appeared on the screen, his face breaking out into a smile when he saw that Feliks was present.

"Good to see you, Little Boss."

Completely abandoning any sort of protocol, Feliks rose from his seat and perched himself on the end of the conference table, next to President Yang. "Rasim. So how much of a mess are you in?"

"Well, the northern republics have all broken away, Georgia's a mess, Armenia's sending militias into Azerbaijan and we're sending militias into Armenia in response. We need some sort of order brought back, even if it's just to a part of the former Federation." Aghayev paused to address the far more important individual in the room. "Apologies, Madam President. I did not mean to ignore you."

President Yang shrugged slightly. "It's understandable, no offence taken. So, you wish for Feliks to come to Azerbaijan to take up the mantle of President?"

"Yes, that's correct. We feel that under the circumstances, Azerbaijan should lay claim to being the successor state to the Marimaian Federation. According to the line of succession of the Federation, that would make Feliks the rightful President."

Feliks furrowed his brow. "'We?' Who else is in on this idea?"

"Hasanov, Dvornikov, and Aslanov. They all came to Azerbaijan when things went south."

"Huh." Feliks noticed President Yang's questioning expression as she turned towards him. "Two former ministers and a media baron. Hasanov and Aslanov are no surprise, to be honest, Dvornikov is a surprise, but a good one."

"I see." President Yang rose from her chair and pushed it to one side before perching herself on the table next to Feliks. "Allow me to make the Republic's position clear to you both. We have yet to officially recognise any of the new states or governments that have arisen in the Caucasus, and so we would be inclined to agree with the assessment that Feliks is the rightful President. Realistically, I doubt that you will be able to reunite the Federation, but if you were to become President of Azerbaijan and lay claim to being the successor state of the Federation, then you would receive our recognition."

Feliks tapped his chin as he considered that. "Recognition and all of the possibilities that it would bring with it?"

He may be young but he's a cunning little fox. Yang smirked as Feliks flashed his grin at her. "Anything in particular?"

User avatar
Freistaat-Ostafrika
Envoy
 
Posts: 280
Founded: Apr 10, 2018
Corporate Police State

Postby Freistaat-Ostafrika » Wed Mar 08, 2023 4:02 pm

2 September 2022, 14:00hrs [UTC+4]
Bina International Airport
Baku, Republic of Azerbaijan

Named after a suburb of the Azeri capital, Bina International Airport lay approximately twenty kilometres north of the centre of Baku, connected to the city centre by a highway. Consisting of two passenger terminals and two cargo terminals, Bina International was quite standard for an airport, featuring two runways and an on-site hotel. This was because Tbilisi had been the capital of the Marimaian Federation, so Demyan Baibakov International Airport had received far more funding and attention. Of course, with the Federation in tatters and Demyan Baibakov's memory being remembered far more negatively in current days, the amenities of Tbilisi's primary airport were far out of reach. Bina International had never really been known for anything particularly remarkable, but that was about to change on this pleasant Friday afternoon. The collapse of the Marimaian Federation and the subsequent burgeoning conflicts meant that very few airlines were currently serving the region due to fears about safety, so the arrival of a Comace C919 narrow-body airliner was something of an event on its own under the current circumstances. Rather than taxi into position at one of the jet bridges, the aircraft instead parked up on the tarmac and awaited the arrival of a motorised passenger stair. As the small vehicle drew up into position, a small number of individuals strode out from Terminal One, most in suits and one in military uniform. They reached the bottom of the steps just as the access door to the aircraft opened, and a thin figure stepped out, pausing to take a deep breath of the Azeri air. Never one to make a low-key entrance if he could help it, Feliks Baibakov wore a black silken collared jacket over a black collarless shirt, with black trousers that featured a panel of sequins down each leg. He momentarily adjusted his sunglasses before gazing down at the group that awaited him, a smirk flickering across his features as he descended the stairs, followed by Mateja and Khoren. The past six days had seen Feliks engaged in detailed discussions with various elements of the Eastasian government regarding the potential of his appointment as President of Azerbaijan, ranging from possible state aid packages and diplomatic agreements to the possibility of military involvement. It was off the back of these discussions that he felt confident to return to the Caucasus and potentially cause a lot of headaches for a lot of people, something that he felt fully justified in doing due to the complete lack of sympathy that he had received from most nations following the death of his parents and his 'attempted deposition', as it would be referred to.

As he stepped onto the tarmac at the bottom of the staircase, Feliks peered over his sunglasses and flashed his Cheshire Cat grin at his welcoming committee. "So, who'll be the first to say it?"

Andrey Dvornikov wasted no time in stepping forward, his black military uniform in immaculate condition and his service medals glistening in the afternoon sun. "Welcome home, Little Boss...or should I say, Mister President?" The military man laughed as he embraced the younger individual, slapping him heartily on the back while the others present exchanged slightly irritated expressions as they had missed their opportunity to be the first to properly welcome Feliks home. Once Dvornikov disengaged from Feliks, the others received their opportunity to embrace their leader before Rasim Aghayev raised an extremely pertinent question.

"So, Little Boss, are you ready to become 'Mister President'?"

"It's what I was born for, Rasim. Admittedly it's not exactly what my parents intended, but we shall make do with what we have. So, shall we go to my new office?"

As the group began to head for the nearby waiting motorcade, the aircraft began to discharge uniformed Eastasian personnel...

-------------------------------------------------------

2 September 2022, 15:00hrs [UTC+4]
Presidential Administration of Azerbaijan
Baku, Republic of Azerbaijan

Located in a rather unremarkable twelve-story building surfaced made with marble and granite, the Presidential Administration of Azerbaijan was still very much in its infancy as the Republic had now only been independent for twenty-one days. As such, the vast majority of the staff within the administration were carry-overs from the gubernatorial administration, as was the building itself. Feliks' arrival was greeted by enthusiastic applause by any staff members who encountered him as he navigated the interior towards the top floor office that was now to be his own, applause that received a beaming grin and a wave from the soon-to-be President. Upon reaching the double doors of the office, Feliks pushed them inwards and strode into the room, looking around and crinkling his nose as he surveyed the decor.

"That's boring, that's...okay, that can stay. What is with this colour scheme? I want a mahogany floor, the walls to be off-white, and those bookcases can stay. This desk will do for now but I'm going to want something way more impressive, something that says 'here sits the President'. Same with the chairs, they're a bit basic."

He took the seat behind the desk, briefly spinning in it as Mateja and Khoren took up position next to him, Mateja to his right and Khoren to his left. Feliks then pulled himself closer to the desk and clasped his hands together on it, inspecting the four individuals who had brought him to Azerbaijan. "So where do we stand right now?"

Aghayev took a seat at the opposite side of the desk. "Well, the militia situation with Armenia is continuing. They send people in and raid our villages, we do the same back. It will inevitably end up turning into a proper war if there's no de-escalation."

"Uh-huh." Feliks shrugged slightly. "If Armenia wants war then they'll have one in due time. The Eastasian government has promised to sell us armaments at a good price, and they'll even provide peacekeepers if we extend an invitation. That's in addition to the one hundred personnel I brought with me. They're from the Oriental Sword special operations unit, hardcore badasses like my Kapetan. A temporary Presidential unit, if you'd like; they'll head home once I get my Presidential unit established. However, the UER won't assist us in invading anywhere, if we want to do that then we have to do it ourselves."

Colonel General Dvornikov chimed in at that point. "Not the worst idea, Little Boss. If we needed Eastasian troops to defeat our enemies then we'd be nothing but a puppet. Azeri troops doing the conquering, that's a source of national pride for our new nation. Although it wouldn't hurt to find some more troops if we could."

"We'll look into private military companies then. We've got the Baibakov family fortune to call upon, the UER is willing to help with funds for 'state aid', and we might be able to do a deal with some other assets on the table." Feliks sat back and brought his legs up, stretching them out and resting them on the desk. "Speaking of the UER...President Yang suggested that it would be far easier for the Republic to support a nation with some degree of socialist or communist governance. So we're going to have to implement a more lefty form of economics, but we'll have plenty of leeway in how to do that."

Ruslan Hasanov blinked a few times at that. "We're going red, Little Boss? I guess we should call you 'Little Comrade' then."

Feliks chuckled and shook his head. "Comrade President, or Little Boss. Anyway, the economic system will be a work in progress. Our priority needs to be announcing my return to political office."

-------------------------------------------------------

2 September 2022, 19:00hrs [UTC+4]
Presidential Administration of Azerbaijan
Baku, Republic of Azerbaijan

There was a great deal of chatter and discussion amongst the gathered representatives of the Azeri media as they took their seats and positions in the press briefing room of the Presidential Administration building, as they had only been informed of a 'groundbreaking political announcement'. However, the rumour mill had been working overtime ever since Feliks had touched down at the airport, so several in the room already knew what was coming. Those representing outlets owned by the Krasnaya Media Group had already been briefed in full and were awaiting the opportunity to be as patriotic and loyal as possible, following directives handed down from their employer. So when the doors opened and Feliks Baibakov made his way to the podium facing the media, there were a few gasps but primarily loud applause and cheering. Flanked by Rasim Aghayev and Colonel General Dvornikov, Feliks beamed gleefully at the welcome as it harkened back to the days of the Marimaian Federation. Of course, the live television and radio broadcasts caught the enthusiastic reaction for the world to see. Once the media had quietened down, Feliks cleared his throat and cast his gaze around the room, clad in an entirely white suit with the high collar of his black shirt barely visible.

"My name is Feliks Baibakov. I am the only son of Fyodor Baibakov and Zahra Baibakova, who were ruthlessly murdered by dissidents in Tbilisi on the sixth of August. Their deaths precipitated the disintegration of the Marimaian Federation, the nation founded by my grandfather, Demyan Baibakov. The past few weeks have seen the eruption of the chaos that my family held at bay for so many years, and it saddens me to see how the family of peoples within the Federation have so quickly turned on each other. I was saved from imminent death by individuals who remained loyal to my family, and they have been rightly recognised and rewarded.

"I stand here addressing you from Baku, the capital city of the Republic of Azerbaijan. My family and I have a long history with Azerbaijan. The Baibakov family are of Russo-Azeri stock, and my mother was an Azeri, born here in Baku. It is therefore fitting that the Republic of Azerbaijan is officially proclaiming its status as the successor state to the Marimaian Federation, a nation that my family created. The line of succession in the Federation went from President to Vice President. My father was President, and my mother and I were Vice Presidents. I am the legal President of the Marimaian Federation, so as the successor state of the Federation, the administration of Azerbaijan has invited me to assume my rightful position. I am now President Feliks Baibakov of the Republic of Azerbaijan."

He paused and basked in the ovation that followed his statement, the media representatives rising to their feet to applaud him. Once they finished and took their seats once more, Feliks nodded and continued.

"The Republic of Azerbaijan hereby officially lays claim to the embassies that belonged to the Marimaian Federation. We also lay claim to all foreign assets owned by the Federation. No other government that has arisen from the collapse of the Federation has a right to such assets, as they do not follow the established line of political succession as laid out in the Federation's constitution. Just as I am the rightful President, Azerbaijan is the rightful successor state. This is not some idle boast on my part. I stand here with the official recognition of the United Eastasian Republic, the Arab Socialist Federation, the Malayali People's Republic, the Republic of Seychelles, the Democratic Republic of Guinea, and the Democratic People's Republic of Tonga. I do not doubt that more nations will follow their lawful example. These six nations have all transferred the former Marimaian embassies into Azeri hands, and they are rolling over their treaties with the Federation so that they apply to Azerbaijan. There will undoubtedly be further treaties signed with such good friends, and I look forward to other nations following suit.

"I now wish to address those across the former Federation who may still feel a sense of loyalty to the founders of the Federation. Azerbaijan will welcome all those who are still loyal to me and my family's memory. If you still have any love for my family, then you are welcome to relocate here to Azerbaijan. My administration is still in a transitional period, as are all of the states that have arisen from the Federation's demise, so Azerbaijan is a land of opportunity. I ask other states to permit the exit of my family's supporters from within your borders if they wish to leave, and allow them to move to a nation where they wish to reside.

"Today marks the rebirth of Azerbaijan. Azerbaijan shall become a great power in the region, a guiding light of progress. We shall build a nation to be envied. It is my honour to play a prominent role in the creation of a new Azerbaijan, an Azerbaijan that shall stand proudly, an Azerbaijan that shall be viewed as an equal by other powers. An Azerbaijan that we will all proudly call home. My fellow Azeris, I thank you for listening."

As Feliks stepped back from the podium, the assembled media once again erupted into a standing ovation. I'm back, bitches, he thought as he smiled and waved to the cameras.
Last edited by Freistaat-Ostafrika on Mon Apr 17, 2023 3:39 pm, edited 1 time in total.

User avatar
Cotland
Ambassador
 
Posts: 1160
Founded: Nov 05, 2004
Father Knows Best State

Postby Cotland » Sat Mar 11, 2023 6:38 am

September 7th, 2022
The return of Feliks Baibakov to Azerbaijan did not come as a total surprise to the Cottish circles of power. His reappearance in the United Eastasian Republic had not gone unnoticed by the Cottish, and while it made the process of recognizing the breakaway states of the former Marimaian Federation somewhat awkward, the process towards recognition had already begun and could no longer be stopped. That meant that Oslo had to make the best of the situation and be pragmatic. The Baibakov regime had been on friendly terms with the Realm, and while its northern breakaway republics had looked to Cotland, the Cottish didn't want to burn all the bridges between itself and Feliks. And yet, stopping the recognizion process would be politically impossible for the Riis Dahle cabinet. Thus, the machineries of politics and government got to work to figure out how to navigate this most recent foreign policy minefield.

*The result was the Recognition of the Marimaian Successor States Act 2022, which was passed by Rikstinget after a two-day debate on September 7th. As 259 of the parliamentarians voted in favor of the act and 31 against, the Act passed with a sizable majority, and was passed to the Government for final presentation for the King for his Royal Assent to be passed at the next ordinary Council-in-State.

The piece of legislation was the result of careful wording that stated that while the Realm of Cotland recognized the principles of not interfering in internal matters, it also recognized the inherent right of self-determination. The peoples of the republics had risen up against the Marimaian regime and deposed the regime. The regime had been unable to stop the revolt, and the result was the de facto independence of the new republics. Accepting the status quo, the Realm of Cotland therefore recognized the new republics of Ichkeriya, Kalmykia, Kuban, Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan, as well as recognizing the Republic of Azerbaijan as the successor government of the Marimaian Federation. This meant that the Marimaian Federation's embassy in Oslo would be recognized as the new Azerbaijanian embassy, and that the Cottish ambassador to Tbilisi who had evacuated the former Marimaian capital a few days after the fall of the Baibakov regime along with the rest of the embassy staff would be despatched to Baku to resume diplomatic relations between Cotland and the Baibakov 2.0 regime.

While the Kuban, Ichkeriyan, and Kalmyk delegations started arrived in Kyiv for the coming negotiations on September 9th, King Sverre reviewed the Act in the normal Friday Council-in-State, and signed it into law by granting Royal Assent during the Council-in-State meeting. This was promptly followed by the King formally appointing new Cottish ambassadors to the new countries, including Georgia and the two warring neighbors Armenia and Azerbaijan, though these would not travel to their respective new postings for a few weeks still.

Another important proposal that was passed into Cottish law that Friday morning was the formal declaration of the northern-most former Marimaian states as having their territorial integrity guaranteed by the Realm of Cotland. This meant that violations of the integrity of the external borders of Kuban People’s Republic, the Republic of Ichkeriya, and the Republic of Kalmykia by any external power, including the Republic of Azerbaijan attempting to reunite the Marimaian Federation by force, would incur the wrath of the Realm of Cotland with all that this entailed.

This also allowed the Realm of Cotland to deploy further forces into the region, under the guise of guaranteeing the new states. Twenty thousand Cottish and Ukrainian paratroopers were already deployed into the region, deployed mostly along the disputed borders to keep the parties separate and managing to keep a lid on the conflict, if only just in some areas, but it was quickly becoming clear to the Cottish that the rapidly deteriorating situation in the former Marimaian Federation meant that a more sizable force would be required in order to protect the region.

As the negotiations began in Kyiv on September 12th, the Cottish negotiators broached this topic to the parties. While initially sceptical, the Kubans and Ichkeriyans who were the most exposed states to the troubles in the southern Caucasus both agreed to accept a Cottish-led military “stabilization force” which would assist them in protecting their borders and provide a deterrent against Georgian, Azerbaijani and Armenian aggressors. The stabilization force would also help the nascent Kuban, Ickheriyan and Kalmyk security forces root out the Baibakov loyalist holdouts that had gone to ground and were waging a low-key guerilla campaign within their new borders. Thus, it came to pass that King Sverre sent envoys to his Dominions.


Holyrood Palace
Edinburgh, Kingdom of Alba
September 14, 2022

“Order!” The Presiding Officer called out, stopping the bickering of the Alban Parliamentarians in the Parliamentary Chamber dead in its tracks.

The Alban Parliament, commonly known as the Holyrood from the old palace in the Alban capital city of Edinburgh where it was housed, was the devolved, unicameral legislature of the Kingdom of Alba. The Kingdom was a semi-independent country of nine million citizens that had been re-established shortly after the Cottish-led liberation of Alba from the Goodrule Dictatorship in 1974, and had developed itself into a modern, industrialized island nation with its own parliament, legal system, education system, religious institutions, and even independent military. The Head of State was King Sverre II of Cotland, who exercised his formal (and mostly ceremonial) reign through a Alban Viceroy, while the self-government was exercised by the office of the First Minister who was elected by the Alban populace for four-year terms along with the Paliament. While the Cottish Rikstinget reserved control over reserved matters such as overall defence strategy and planning and foreign relations, and required a modest tax revenue from Alba to cover these expenses, the Alban Parliament retained control over all other matters. As a Royal Dominion, Alba also enjoyed the right to send ten delegates to Rikstinget and thus a certain level of influence over national affairs. The 129 Members of the Alban Parliament (MAP) sat in the unicameral legislature for four years at the time, being elected in the same general election as the First Minister.

Today, the Alban Parliament was assembled to hear the King’s Envoy, who had arrived from Oslo the previous evening. As usual, the MAPs were a rowdy bunch, shouting and generally making their approval or disproval easily known by making verbal noises. Maintaining a modicum of control over the MAPs fell to the Presiding Officer of the Holyrood, at present Allison Johnstone of the Green Party of Alba, having been chosen by her peers in a secret ballot during the first session after the last general election in 2021.

“The Chamber is lawfully assembled and in session!” She declared as the MAPs took their seats in the large half-circle of seats in the Parliament Chamber. Almost all MAPs were present for this session, including the First Minister and Cabinet Ministers who were seated in their customary seats on the front row in the middle of the chamber.

“The first order of business for this assembly is to hear an urgent request from His Majesty the King. The Chair recognizes the King’s Envoy.”

A bearded middle-aged gentleman dressed in an expensive designer suit rose from the guest seat in the side gallery and approached the speaking podium, taking great care to stop and bow respectfully to the Presiding Officer as was parliamentary custom, before ascending to the podium. After clearing his throat and taking a sip of water from the waterglass on the podium, the man retrieved a letter from his suit pocket.

“Madam Presiding Officer, My Lord First Minister, honored Members of Parliament. My name is Jesper Tarran, and I am here at the high command of His Majesty King Sverre. I speak on the behalf of and in the name of His Majesty, Sverre the Second, King of Cotland and Alba!” The man said, lifting his right arm to show the chamber that he was wearing the traditional heavy gold bracelet embossed with the crest of the King of Cotland. This was a Cottish custom that had survived for a thousand years that showed that the wearer spoke with the voice and authority of the King of Cotland, originating long before modern communications made such things redundant. While redundant, the Cottish state retained this archaic practice mostly for the symbolism, because symbols matter.

Following tradition, the Presiding Officer rose from her seat and bowed to the display of the gold bracelet, signifying that she (and by extension, the Alban Parliament) recognized the wearer as a duly authorized representative of the Monarch and accordingly accorded him the same level of respect and courtesy.

“As I am sure this esteemed assembly is aware, His Majesty the King have recently given royal assent to the National Act recognizing the former Marimaian republics of Kuban, Ickheriya and Kalmykia as free and independent nations. These new independent republics have now requested protection from foreign aggression and encroachment upon their new borders, and to keep the spread of instability and violence from the south to spill over its new borders. It is His Majesty’s desire to grant this request. It is considered to be in the national interest of the Realm to ensure that these new nations achieve internal stability. Therefore, pursuant to advice from his Council, His Majesty the King in Council has commanded that the King’s Army be assembled to provide a stabilization force for the new nations. The stabilization force will be deployed to the Kuban People’s Republic, Republic of Ichkeriya, and Republic of Kalmykia, and is expected to operate for a minimum period of twelve months. His Majesty the King therefore requests that Alba honors its commitments to the King’s Army and contribute forces. These are the words of His Majesty King Sverre.”

With that, the Envoy again bowed respectfully to the Presiding Officer and departed the podium and the Parliament Chambers, his mission completed. Following parliamentary procedure, the Members of Parliament waited until the King’s Envoy had left the chambers before they started debating the issue.

As mentioned, Alba exercised its right to maintain its own military separate from the Cottish military. The only constraints that were placed on the Dominion militaries (apart from the Cottish which by far was the largest and most powerful, there were three smaller militaries within the Realm – the Alban, Ukrainian, and Tatarstani militaries) was that they had to be interoperable with the Cottish military, and meet Cottish training and material standards. There was also nothing in the way of citizens of the Dominions from joining the Cottish military instead of their local militaries, which were intended as self-defense forces to keep the Cottish military from being spread too thin. Alba therefore maintained a relatively significant Army of two active and three reserve divisions, three separate manouver brigades, and assorted support units in its Army; a small Navy built around six frigates and two dozen minesweepers and patrol boats plus auxiliaries; and a small Air Force, consisting of two fighter squadrons, a transport squadron, and four helicopter squadrons, as well as two SAM battalions guarding the two main airbases. All in all, Alba mustered a peacetime force of 60,000 people which expanded to 250,000 in wartime. Of these forces, most of the Alban Army and elements of the Navy and Air Force were earmarked for what was called the King’s Army (Cottish: Kongshæren). This was the federal military incorporating the militaries of the Dominions into the Cottish Armed Forces, intended to ensure unity of command and common training and equipment standards, which would be summoned in the event of a national emergency or significant event in order to protect Cotland or safeguard its national interests in the “near abroad”. It was a proven concept, as Kongshæren had last been assembled two years earlier for the Cottish-Confederacy war. However, as a safeguard against expeditions abroad, the assembly of Kongshæren outside times of war had to be approved by the respective Dominions. The question the MAPs now had to answer was therefore, “Will Alba made a division of troops available for service with the King’s Army?”

After a four-hour debate, the Alban Parliament put the matter to the vote. 95 MAPs voted yes, while 34 voted against. Unless the vote concerned changing the constitution, a simple majority was all that was required to pass a motion, and the motion to authorize the deployment of a division of troops to Kongshæren was therefore passed with a comfortable margin.

A few days later, the twelve thousand men of the 2nd (Highland) Division of the Royal Alba Army would start their deployment cycle eastwards, first to southern Cotland where they’d draw heavy equipment from the Cottish Army’s depots, and then via Ukraine to the Caucasus where the Highland Division would join a steadily growing force that would eventually consist of two Cottish and two Ukrainian Divisions, two Cottish and one Ukrainian Airborne Brigades, two Cottish and one Tatarstani Infantry Brigades, and a sizable support element, plus a significant Air Force detachment.


Eastern Black Sea
September 14, 2022

While the Alban Parliament debated whether to send forces, the Royal Cottish Navy had already deployed its Black Sea Flotilla to the waters off Kuban and Georgia, patrolling the contested waters alongside the Royal Ukrainian Navy’s frigates and patrol ships. Two Cottish frigates were operating in the waters off Sochi, Kuban People’s Republic, and Poti, Georgia, respectively, making sure to keep the frigate off Poti just clear of the Georgian territorial waters.

The frigate off Sochi, FF-611 Markki Heiki, was a thirty-five-year-old Petersen-class patrol frigate that was halfway through her sunset deployment. After being commissioned in Petersborg in 1987, she had seen service for over three decades in both home waters and overseas deployments and offered stalwart service to the King and the Realm over the years. While she had never been in an actual shooting war, she had flown the Cottish flag and deterred attacks against Cottish shipping in the Indian Ocean and Mediterranean Sea several times, and her crowning achievement in the thirty-five-year career was being instrumental in several search and rescue scenarios where her presence had been the direct reason for saving a total of sixty-two human lives over the years. Markki Heiki’s career was typical of the Cottish Navy’s patrol frigate force – they weren’t the ones that got the headlines or the accolades, but they were the everyday heroes and workhorses of the Fleet.

Sadly though, Markki Heiki was well past her prime and the hundreds of thousands of nautical miles that she had under her keel were showing their strain on the aging man-o-war. While her crew were proud of their “old battleaxe” and did everything they could to keep her operational, the defect list was growing for every passing week and everyone aboard knew that her days were numbered. So too did the Admirality, and formal decommissioning orders had already been cut. Upon her expected triumphant return from the Black Sea to her homeport in Horten in late November, His Majesty’s Frigate Markki Heiki would be decommissioned in a formal ceremony that would see her exploits and heroics celebrated and honoured, before the old warhorse would be put out to pasture in the fleet mothballs until it was time for her to die, either gloriously as a target ship in a fleet exercise, or more likely, quietly in a breakers’ yard. Until then though, the two hundred officers and sailors that crewed her intended to continue to keep the “old battleaxe” operational and mission-capable for anything that might come.
Last edited by Cotland on Wed Mar 22, 2023 6:38 am, edited 2 times in total.

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Postby -The United Federation of Nations- » Sat Mar 11, 2023 3:05 pm

Gunnery Sergeant Dimitris Gallidis, FMC
Embassy of the United Federation of Nations, Tbilisi
Federal Republic of Georgia
Monday 29th August 2022, 0300hrs Local Time




It had been a tense night since Elena Saakashvili had arrived at the Embassy. After her entourage had been allowed into the compound, Gunnery Sergeant Gallidis had gathered his Marines to him and briefed them on the latest development. In his view, the changes of an attempt on the Embassy had significantly increased; if whoever was causing chaos across the city (most likely Baibakov loyalists) had already made an attempt on her life there was every possibility that they would try again. It seemed unlikely that if they were prepared to commit indiscriminate murder that they would not stoop as low as to break international law by attacking a diplomatic mission, if that was the case then Gallidis was determined to be prepared. As such, he had ordered his men to assume a combat posture; this was no longer a theoretical force protection issue, there was a very real chance that they would find themselves in a firefight before the night was out. Until further notice they were to act as if they were holding a patrol base in potentially hostile territory; the days of dress uniforms and dull formalities were well and truly over… only a few hundred miles from the Federation felt like thousands.

As soon as he had re-deployed his Marines, Gallidis sought out Saakashvili’s chief of security, who apparently had been a company-grade officer in the Marimaian Army, but one that had quickly defected as soon as protesters had been shot. Gallidis had been surprised that Saakashvili had so readily accepted his help, but after a little pressure the man had revealed that he was a close family friend. In any case, Major Toma Arveladze was more than happy to allow Gallidis to pick his brain on his recollection of the initial attack and subsequent firefighters his rag-tag security detail, made up partially of other army defectors and eager, brave civilians quickly armed and taught basic security tactics. Based on Major Arveladze’s account, Gallidis rather suspected that, contrary to the reports that had flooded into the Embassy from several dozen new refugees, the group that had attacked Saakashvili had been well-trained and properly organised… in stark contrast to the apparently volunteer nature of the rest of the hostile forces in Tbilisi this night. If he had to hazard a guess, he would say that the Loyalists were sending regulars, perhaps even special forces, after Saakashvili and had only been repulsed by luck, numbers, or simple bloody-mindedness.

All of this made the situation for Gallidis and his Marines more complicated; this planning had assumed that they would primarily face armed but disorganised civilians or poorly-trained militia, not regular Marimaian forces if not elite forces. Whilst he was still confident in the training and capabilities of his reinforced detachment, the Federation Marines prided themselves on being an elite infantry force in their own right, but Major Arveladze’s report suggested they would be considerably outnumbered and probably outgunned. Despite having the advantage of a defensive position, Gallidis also knew that his the enemy would have an advantage in that they would know where they were and, if they were smart, would try to pick down (or at least suppress) his unit from multiple vectors whilst his limited detachment would have to try and defend a full 360-degrees around the main building, as he rather doubted that the perimeter fence would keep out a determined enemy, as it was not reinforced, as it had not been anticipated as being worth the investment; the Baibakov regime may have been disliked but none had thought that they would have ever done something as stupid (or diplomatically suicidal) as attacking a diplomatic mission, and until now the anti-Federation terror threat in Marimaia had been deemed to be slight.

As soon as Gallidis had completed his debriefing he had reported his findings up the chain of command. There had been some immediate thoughts of further reinforcing the Embassy from the Damascus, as she still had the better part of a platoon remaining aboard, however it’s MH-60R Seahawk anti-submarine warfare helicopters were ill-suited for troop transport (and were only being used in the evacuation role due to the lack of any alternatives, and had been hard-pressed over recent weeks in any event. Should the worst happen, additional Marines would be deployed from the destroyer, however being so close to the Federation itself there were plenty of other options and units had already been on alert for some days by this point. In particular, the Joint Strike Force (JSF) had at least one battlegroup on stand-by to deploy. The JSF was the creme-de-la-creme of the Federation Defence Force’s reaction capability, composed of a mixture of Army and Marine Corps combat units, supported by the air force and the navy (the latter making up the FDF’s amphibious capability), and was designed to be capable of deploying on very short notice. Specifically the JSF’s 14th Battlegroup (Airborne) was on immediate alert, and could be wheels-up in less than an hour.

The attack started shortly after 3 o’clock, and came without warning.

The telltale sounds of rounds blazing through the air ripped the relative quiet of the night apart, for the most part the rest of the city had gone quiet. There was a shout of pain, quickly followed by the desperate shout of ‘medic’, before the Federation Marines returned fire as hostiles began pouring out of the darkness and advancing on the Embassy perimeter. Quickly taking stock of the situation, Gallidis quickly determined that the enemy was attacking from west, south, and east; there was no indication so far that they were attacking from the distant north end of the compound, doubtless not fancying an advance across the largest expanse of open ground. As expected, they were facing between a company and a platoon sized assault, probably closer to the former, split into an attack groups on each vector. Reports quickly started to come in. One Marine had been hit in the neck, and wasn’t doing good, but the rest of the initial fire from the enemy had not done much more damage, and the Marines were taking full advantage of their cover and the high ground they were holding, and were inflicting considerable casualties on attacking forces, but they were making progress towards the building, that much was clear.

As soon as the attack began, Gallidis radioed that the Embassy was officially in contact with an ‘unknown’ enemy, and that immediate reinforcement was required. Less than five minutes after the news had made his way through the chain of command, the 14th Battlegroup was running to their transports. They would take them a little over eighty minutes to enter the area, so their estimated arrival time was in the vicinity of 0430hrs, although it would take a little longer to get their combat forces into position. This meant that the Marines at the Embassy would have to hold their position successfully for well over an hour, and at the rate the enemy was encroaching on the perimeter that seemed increasingly unlikely. Fortunately, although the Federation had been loath to get involved any sooner, once their hand was forced and their enemy had committed the kind of outrage that attacking a diplomatic mission represented, it would be determined and resolute in its response. As such, as soon as word of the attack reached them a flight of A-10C Thunderbolt II attack aircraft loitering near Ardahan in the Union of the Aegean turned north-west and entered Georgian airspace a short time later.

Thanks to good planning, and a permissive air environment due to the disintegration of the Marimaian air force and the apparent lack of any major air defence units to the Loyalists, it was less than 25 minutes after the attack begun that Federation combat aircraft blasted over Tbilisi. This was fortuitous timing, as the enemy was making another push against the Embassy, having finally breached the perimeter fence after pinning down the Marines on the western edge of the Embassy roof, and a platoon sized element was arrayed across the open ground between the main gate and the main building. It was not a large amount of open ground, due to the secondary support building, so it was danger-close but this was the kind of missions that the A-10C was designed for, and a 30mm GAU-8/A Avenger strafing run decimated the advancing platoon with minimal danger to either the Embassy itself or the surrounding buildings in the same way that a bomb or other major explosive would have.

The arrival of the A-10s put something of a damper on the attackers spirits, but they kept up their attack likely knowing that the only way they were going to achieve their objectives was to get so close that the A-10s dare not fire for risk of hitting the Embassy’s main building. Of course, Gallidis and his Marines knew this as well as their attackers did, and their spirits had been raised by the arrival of the Federation Air Force, eternally grateful for their proximity to the Federation and the planning and readiness that had been put in place to ensure that they would have air support as soon as was physically possible after the attack began. The A-10s performed several more strafing runs, guided in by the lone radio operator (who wasn’t even trained as a Forward Air Controller (FAC), and would later receive a medal for his actions guiding in the attack aircraft under fire. Although the attackers almost reached the very steps of the Embassy, they were thrown back time and time again between the courageous actions of Gallidis’ Marines and the persistence of the four A-10s circling overhead. Most attackers would have given up after the first strafe, but these were determined to say the least.

A stalemate formed, in which the attackers withdrew into the surrounding buildings, which neither the Marines nor the A-10 pilots could be sure were free of civilians thereby preventing them being targeted, and traded shots with the Embassy’s defenders, doubtless hoping to pick them off at range before launching a last ditch attempt to take the building by storm. Shortly after 4am, with several more Marines injured, Gallidis resorted to asking Major Arveladze and his security to join them on the firing line, a request that the majority of them quickly agreed to, the remainder staying inside to protect Saakashvili and the other refugees, as well as the remaining Embassy staff in case any of the attackers leaked through the defenders. This additional firepower on the ground proved the decisive difference, as the attackers changed their tactics; instead of attacking in platoon order which could easily strafed by the A-10s, they bean to advance in pairs or fireteams at most, making a strafing run impractical and requiring the Marines and volunteers on the roof to take them out directly.

However, there was a major problem developing. Between the running firefight between the Embassy and the enemies in the surrounding buildings and taking out those attacking across the open ground, the bigger problem (and the thing that the enemy commander was doubtless trying to take advantage of) was that ammunition was quickly becoming an issue. Even after the Embassy’s armoury had been emptied it would be a close-run thing whether their ammunition would hold out until the 14th Battlegroup arrived with additional supplies with them. By 0420hrs Gallidis himself was out of ammunition for his MCX, and after leaving the roof in the command of Sergeant Munteanu he gathered others who were down to their sidearms and took them down to the Embassy’s lobby where their shorter range would not be an impediment. Gripping his Sig Sauer M17 tightly, listening into the tactical net as Munteanu reported another enemy push, Gallidis levelled his weapon towards the Embassy’s main entrance. A few moments later, the first attacker to make it inside the building barged through the doors and was immediately dropped by two closely spaced shots from Gallidis’s weapon. A few more followed quickly after, but were also killed by the waiting defenders.

Gallidis glanced down at his watch, it was 0430hrs.

“Sentinel-5, this is Sentinel-6, it’s getting pretty spicy down here,” Gallidis commented wryly into his radio. “Any sign of our friends?”

“You should come and see for yourself, Gunny,” Munteanu replied.

Gallidis quickly made his way back through the building until he was on the room, looking over at Munteanu who simply pointed skywards. Looking up, the Gunnery Sergeant quickly saw the distinctive lights of aircraft, five of them flying one in a line-abreast formation, likely C-130J Super Hercules tactical transporters, and watched as they flew over the embassy grounds. Although he could not see it, as they passed wider open ground to the north-west of the compound, the aircraft were disgorging their precious cargo and well over a hundred Federation paratroopers were launching themselves into the pre-dawn sky. Gallidis however could not focus on their impending salvation as the enemy, whether ignorant of what was happening or launching one-last ditch attempt to complete their objectives, launched another major assault on the Embassy; attacking from all three sides. This was a problem, as Gallidis only had enough men with ammunition to man the southern aspect, and whilst the A-10s could cover the north and the western flanks, the eastern flank was utterly exposed, and even if the attackers would need to work their way round to the main entrance on the western side of the building, they would still be able to get up to the building itself unmolested. Gallidis, therefore, watched powerless as a group of attackers made their way with impunity towards the building from the eastern perimeter.

Only to be cut down by a withering barrage of fire from the northeast.

Gallidis pumped his fist as he watched as a full platoon of Federation Army soldiers made their way tactically across the open ground until they reached the Embassy’s main building, another platoon emerging from the darkness even as the first made it’s way towards the front of the Embassy and made short work of the remaining attackers. It was only a few minutes later that the first of the new arrivals were assuming firing positions on the roof, alongside the beleaguered Marines, and inter-service rivalry accounted for Gallidis had never been happier to see the Federation Army.

"Who is in command here?”

Gallidis looked over as a new arrival on the roof called out his question, and made himself known.

"Gunnery Sergeant Gallidis, Federation Marines.”

“Gunnery Sergeant… I am Major Kyveli Sallallis, Federation Army,” The new arrival said with a nod of respect. “Damn fine job you did here.”

“Thank you, Sir,” Gallidis nodded acknowledgement of the sentiment.

“What is the state of your detachment?” 

“Three dead, eight wounded, two seriously,” Gallidis replied grimly, looking around. “We’re very low on ammunition, and the Embassy as a whole is undersupplied, given we’ve got dozens of refugees downstairs.”

“Don’t worry about ammunition, I’ve got a platoon bringing everything we brought with us here; I think given that this place has been attacked we’ll be safe using a diplomatic mission as my command post as we get a handle on this mess,” Major Sallallis commented dryly. “I’m not comfortable with just holding our perimeter here, so I’m going to push a perimeter out a few blocks…you know the ground here, I’d appreciate you helping me choose how far to go… Command’s backing my play here, but we don’t want to go further than we need to.”

“Defence in depth, makes sense, Sir,” Gallidis nodded. “I can definitely help you, but some of my Marines need of medical attention… there is a medical centre to the south; securing that would allow us to move our casualties, along with the refugees there… they’ll be safer there than inside this compound.”

“Agreed,” Major Sallallis nodded. “Alright then Gunny, we’ve got a lot of work to do before morning… let’s be about it.”

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Postby -The United Federation of Nations- » Sun Mar 19, 2023 4:40 am

Colonel Nawaar al-Hassan
Embassy of the United Federation of Nations, Tbilisi
Federal Republic of Georgia
Saturday 3rd September 2023, 0900hrs Local Time




The Commanding Officer of the 14th Battlegroup of the Federation Joint Strike Force, Colonel Nawaar al-Hassan, a native of the Sultanate of the Mashriq, stood on the now-fortified roof of the Federation Embassy and looked out across Tbilisi. Colonel al-Hassan had arrived late evening on the 29th August, and was gratified to find that one of his company commanders, Major Sallallis, and the Embassy Detachment Commander, Gunnery Sergeant Gallidis, had already done an excellent job of securing their position, a position that had strengthened over the course of the day as the rest of the 14th Battlegroup had arrived. In the week that had passed, with the authorisation of the Federation Council, the 14th Battlegroup had pushed out several city blocks away from the Embassy itself (technically invading Georgia, but there was at least some claim to a local request due to the considerable refugees under their protection) in order to form a deeper defensive perimeter. This had had the added side effect of creating what amounted to a ‘safe zone’ in what was an unstable and dangerous city for most of its inhabitants, and further refugees had flocked into the Federation Safe Zone for the protection offered by the hundreds of Federation soldiers.

The 14th Battlegroup was well suited to provide that protection. Like the other battlegroups within the JSF, the 14th was designed with two key objectives in mind; to be a self-sustained combat force and to be capable of rapid-deployment. In theory, a JSF Battlegroup was supposed to be self-sustainable for between 30 and 120 days, thereby allowing the Federation to deploy a not-insignificant military force without requiring a heavy logistical footprint that might not always be possible, although resupply was required for deployments beyond 30 days. This stood in stark contrast to the logistical support required for a major war fighting unit from the Federation Army’s Response Force, which although capable of getting a mechanised brigade on the ground within 96 hours (and a division within 120) was a considerably more invasive action requiring access and political support. As a result, the core infantry battalion was reinforced by additional medical, intelligence, and engineering detachments, as well as a more significant supply and logistical element. All told, a JSF Battlegroup was intended to ensure that the Federation Council could deploy a small but capable force on short notice and within the broader infrastructure and logistical support that a larger deployment would require.

All of this made that 14th Battlegroup ideally suited for this deployment, as it would be both capable of operating on its own if the situation could be managed with a small deployment and of providing the spearhead element for a larger force, if deemed necessary by the Federation Council.

The situation in Georgia, and the southern Caucasus as a whole, was getting more complex, and arguably volatile. The reappearance of Feliks Baibakov in Azerbaijan had been an unwelcome surprise; whilst Federation Intelligence had confirmed his survival and his meeting with representatives of the United Eastasian Republic, there had been little to indicate that a return to the Caucasus would be forthcoming. As such, when the young scion had appeared and accepted the Presidency of an independent Azerbaijan, as the successor state for the Marimaian Federation no less, this had upended the applecart to say the least. There had been initial, immediate, concerns that the young Baibakov would lay claim to all of former Marimaia, but it had quickly become clear that the man was smart enough to realise that antagonising either the Realm of Cotland or the United Federation of Nations would not be a good idea. In some respects, a stable Azerbaijan would help in some respects, as it was one less unstable failed state on the UFN’s own border, even if its leadership was less than acceptable so far as the Federation’s ideals of true democracy were concerned, it had just been a surprise as there had been no indication that such a development was forthcoming.

It did, however, make the situation in Georgia more difficult. Originally, there had been an assumption that the Baibakov loyalists in Georgia were in the minority and could be convinced to throw in the towel… for the right incentives, in favour of an democratic government, perhaps led by the charismatic and spirited Elena Saakashvili. This had been the Federation’s desired end-goal, and one that had seemed promising, which had played into the decision to offer her sanctuary within the Embassy. However, with a first-family Baibakov in neighbouring Azerbaijan it was possible that the Loyalists in Georgia would be encouraged to push matters, and perhaps even be supported by President Feliks Baibakov and Azerbaijan. In such a situation, the Federation would be put in a position where it had to decide whether to intervene in what was, fundamentally, an internal struggle of a neighbouring state, a first in the Federation’s twenty-year history until this point. For his part, Colonel al-Hassan suspected that when push came to shove the Federation Council would vote to throw it’s weight behind Georgia if it could coalesce behind Elena Saakashvili (or some other leadership figure), if for no other reason than allowing aggression to go unchallenged rarely worked out.

However, there was a more immediate issue that was facing Colonel al-Hassan and the 14th Battlegroup, and the people of Tbilisi more broadly. In the days that had passed since the failed assault on the Federation Embassy, the remaining loyalists had let their frustrations out on the rest of the city, as had additional loyalist militias that were flooding into the city. Reports of increased violence, as various other factions fought street battles with the loyalists, and out-and-out atrocities, had begun to flood into the Federation safe zone as more and more Georgians sought refuge from the increasing depravity around them. This was particularly challenging for the men, and women, of the 14th Battlegroup and the staff of the Embassy; who were compelled to stand by as these reports continued to be received and yet unable to do anything beyond accept refugees and protect those who made it to them. So far, the Baibakov loyalists had not pushed against the 14th Battlegroups extended perimeter, and the other factions were either aligned with Elena Saakashvili or neutral and therefore not likely to threatened the Federation forces. As such, as per the rules of engagement and their deployment order, the 14th Battlegroup was not permitted to act outside of its designated perimeter.

It was not that the Federation Council was eager to stand idly by as atrocities happened a stone’s throw from it’s forces and on its own backyard, but the Councillors were fully aware that deploying Federation troops further into Tbilisi would be neither simple nor short-term. Moreover, any government that was first established under the protection of Federation guns would be intrinsically linked to UFN security guarantees, which meant that any major Federation deployment would have to be long-term. This was without considering the long-term prospects of Georgia, if the Federal Republic ever wanted to consider Federation membership its foundations in a government installed by the Federation Defence Force would raise a whole host of uncomfortableness. As such, the Federation Council was split down the middle on how to proceed; the neighbouring Union of the Aegean and the Sultanate of the Mashiriq were favouring intervention, as their own security was most directly implicated. The Kingdom of Apilonia and the Republic of Carpathia were opposed to intervention as it stood, due to the long-term implications whilst absolutely condemning the violence and depravity, whilst the Republic of Yugoslavia, the swing-vote, knew full well that it was the swing-vote and had yet to decide.

In the meantime, however, the reality on the ground was deteriorating with every passing day. Something would have to give, and that would either be a Federation intervention or an intervention by the Republic of Azerbaijan. Ironically, this meant that the hand-wringing in Constantinople would likely end up being irrelevant; the moment that Elena Saakashvili had been welcomed into the Embassy (and particularly after the perimeter had been extended) the Federation had been involved and, in the view of Colonel al-Hassan and of the Federation citizens within the safe zone, there was little to gain from not going all in. One way or another, it seemed likely that they would end up getting involved in Georgia and the longer they waited the more people suffered and, in his opinion, the honour and integrity of the Federation was damaged. Truth be told, Colonel al-Hassan was a man of action and if he had his way he would have ordered his men into the city, the consequences be damned, in order to put an end to the violence and the depravity, because it was the right thing to do and sitting here in safety knowing what was happening was infuriating in the extreme.

al-Hassan scowled out at Tbilisi, before sighing heavily and glancing to his right as he heard footsteps approaching, and found himself looking at Captain Natalija Rakočević, a Defence Force Intelligence (DFI) officer who commanded the intelligence section of the 14th Battlegroup’s headquarters. Captain Rakočević was a direct-commission into DFI, having been recruited out of the University of Belgrade, and was tough as they came. However, this morning she looked unsettled and her eyes were red, if not from actual tears but from holding them back intently.

“Captain Rakočević?” Colonel al-Hassan fowned. “What’s wrong?”

The young Captain looked uncomfortable in the extreme as she leant on the safety rails around the edge of the roof.

“Another group of refugees arrived about fifteen minutes ago,” She said after a few moments, clearly reluctant to talk about it but knowing that she absolutely had to. “Three dozen children and three adults… all formally from the city orphanage… all female.”

Although he didn’t know what she was about to tell him, something about her tone and his instincts made Colonel al-Hassan’s blood run cold.

“Captain… Natalija… what happened?”

“The orphanage was raided last night, presumably by Baibakov loyalist militia but at this point god only knows… the male staff and the young boys were all drawn up in the building’s courtyard and shot out of hand, none were left alive,” Captain Rakočević replied coldly, but the worst was still to come. “The female staff and the girls… some as young as five, were systematically raped by their attackers… it was only the fact that their attackers where themselves attacked that allowed them to escape… more were killed as well.”

Al-Hassan was silent as he absorbed this information; of all the isolated atrocities that had been reported to them this was by some measure the most horrific. It was abhorrent in the extreme and, in that moment, the Colonel’s mind was made up.

“With me, Captain.”

Without waiting for her to respond, but feeling her fall into step behind him, al-Hassan store from the roof and made his way through the cramped corridors of the Embassy, full to the brim of with refugees, making a beeline for the Ambassador’s Office, where he was relieved to find both Ambassador Vasilescu and Elena Saakashvili present.

“Mister Ambassador… apologies for the interruption, but we’ve stood by for far too long… we have to do something.”

“You’ve heard about the city orphanage,” Ambassador Vasilescu sighed, a statement rather than a question.

“It’s abhorrent… we simply can’t keep allowing atrocities of this nature happen literally under our eyes… we can see the Orphanage from here for fucks sake.” al-Hassan replied heatedly, knowing that swearing at a Federation Ambassador was not exactly conducive to a continued military career but not really caring at this point, such was his frustration and anger at the situation. “We are in a position to stop this, at least in Tbilisi, and we have a responsibility to do so… even if it is politically inconvenient or difficult for us.”

“I agree with you, Colonel,” Ambassador Vasilescu said calmly. “That’s what Ms. Saakashvili and I have been discussing her intention to form a Provisional Government and request our assistance.”

al-Hassan narrowed his eyes for a moment, as he realised what was happening. The biggest impediment to a Federation military intervention was the lack of a formal request from within the nation-state in question; such a request, even if from a unrecognised opposition government if it was believed to have a significant amount of popular support, would shift the balance of opinion within the Federation Council. If Elena Saakashvili were to form a Provisional Government, made up of the majority of factions within Tbilisi and the surrounding area that would speak with some legitimacy. With confidence that things would quickly change, Colonel al-Hassan simply took his leave and quickly gathered his battalion staff together and began to put together an operational plan for the 14th Battlegroup to push into the city. They would not be able to truly secure the city in it’s entirety, however they did not really need to; all they needed to do was push out the Loyalists and maintain something of a presence to put an end to the street fighting and atrocities… the latter would be solved by the former, as the various opposition factions were not implicated in the atrocities… not even the more radical elements.

As such, by the time Elena Saakashvili broadcast her Declaration of a Democratic Solution early in the afternoon, and formally called upon the United Federation of Nations to bring about and end to the violence and depravity in Tbilisi, there was already a solid operational plan in place. Despite being a Saturday, the Federation Council was quick to respond, given that they had been forewarned and ‘warmed up’ by Ambassador Vasilescu as soon as the days developments had been planned in his officer earlier in the day. As Elena Saakashvili said in her address, only the UFN had stepped in to provide safe harbour to hundreds of refugees within their Embassy and the ‘safe zone’ over the past days and weeks, and only the UFN could be counted upon to assist with no strings attached. Whilst the Federation would doubtless be thrilled, in the long-term, to accept Georgia has a member-state its assistance was not reliant upon that point, especially as Georgia would likely require some time to reform it’s system to meet the requirements of the Articles of the Federation. Moreover, the UFN was better placed than most to assist, sharing a border with the nascent Federal Republic of Georgia.

The Federation Council debated for maybe an hour, however the fact that there was a single individual, who could claim to have the support of most of the anti-Baibakov factions, willing to start the difficult and dangerous process of forming a Provisional Government was enough to sway the reticent Councillors, and shortly after 5pm the Federation Council formally approved the request for the Federation Defence Force to conduct a peacekeeping operation in Tbilisi (for the moment, at least). It was early evening, therefore, when the first platoons and companies of the 14th Battlegroup began to push out into the city. It was less than ideal to start such an operation into impending darkness, but none had wanted to leave the city in the hands of animals for another night. Each platoon had a specific strategic location or key site assigned to them, which would give them control over key city infrastructure, and allow them to establish more safe zones around them. In most cases the anti-Baibakov militias that were holding these positions handed them over without a fought, only those held by criminal elements or Baibakov loyalists put up any real fight and additional platoons were routed to assist as required.

By nightfall, the 14th Battlegroup had something approaching control over the city; there were still pockets of stubborn resistance but it could be set that the vast majority of innocent civilians were under the protection of the Federation, and those that weren’t had very clear and very obvious places that they could try and flee to. Nevertheless, it would be a delicate situation for the meantime, as the 14th Battlegroup was now spread awfully thin across the city. However, with the Federation Council’s vote, Defence Force Command had issued deployment orders to the 2nd Response Division, the current ‘ready’ division of the Federation Army’s Response Force for the European Theatre. Like the other five divisions of the Response Force, the intention was to get a mechanised brigade on the ground within 96 hours, and the rest of the division following within 120 hours. However, the first additional Federation forces to enter Georgia would be in the form of a company of Federation Rangers would assault Tbilisi International Airport, currently held by Baibakov loyalists, in order to secure an airhead for the 2nd Response Division’s arrival. The Rangers were the elite of the elite, a core component of the Federation Special Operations Command (FEDSOC), and additional Ranger units along with operators from the Federation’s principal special operations force, the Special Combat and Reconnaissance (SCAR) Regiment, would be forming a task force based out of Tbilisi International that would form the core of the Defence Force’s special operations capability in the coming conflict.

What would be immediately clear, Colonel al-Hassan thought as he looked out over the city again, now reassured that the majority of it was under his protection, was that for all the hesitation on the part of the Federation Council, Defence Fore Command had been planning and preparing it’s forces for when it was called upon. It was that preparation, and the commitment and dedication of the men and women of the Federation Defence Force, that would save countless lives in Tbilisi this night and, he rather suspected, Georgia has a whole over the coming days and weeks. The Federation was truly involved in Georgia now, and whilst it would be a long, hard process, it was, ultimately, the right thing to do.
Last edited by -The United Federation of Nations- on Sun Mar 19, 2023 4:40 am, edited 1 time in total.

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Cotland
Ambassador
 
Posts: 1160
Founded: Nov 05, 2004
Father Knows Best State

Postby Cotland » Wed Mar 22, 2023 8:50 am

Eastern Black Sea
14:53C (11:53Z) – September 15, 2022


His Majesty’s Frigate FF-611 Markki Heiki was just completing the sixth day of patrolling in the eastern Black Sea and completing a watch turnover when things suddenly started getting interesting. In the Operations room, located in the superstructure on the 02-level just below the bridge on the 03-level, the Electronic Warfare console operator was in the midst of turnover to her replacement when a chirp in her headset stopped twenty-one year old Able Seaman (Electronic Warfare) Isabell Gunnarsson mid-sentence and drew her attention to the upper screen and the readouts. The electronic emissions detected by the frigate’s aging but still quite capable ESM suite were in the expected threat spectre. Reacting on instinct and countless hours’ drill, AB(EW) Gunnarsson grabbed the whistle that was bungee-strapped to the console’s handhold and let rip a shrieking shrill that caught the attention of everyone in the operations room.

“Two-one-two, SEA GIRAFFE, one-six-two!” She yelled out, announcing to the operations room the compass heading and identity of the threat emitter. Sea Giraffe was one of several radar sets that had been exported to the Baibakov regime fifteen years ago as part of a coastal defence missile deal. The Baibakovs had purchased nine batteries of RB-15 coast defence missiles, complete with radars, command vehicle and maintenance deal from the Cottish defence industries, and the Cottish Intelligence Service was unable to account for two of those batteries. That made them a threat, which was to be taken seriously.

“Attention in Ops! Stand to, expected threat direction now one-zero-zero to one-nine-zero. Radiate air search and surface search radars, standby fire control radars, standby chaff, standby Sea Sparrow. Anyone not presently manning a console or on duty, clear out of Ops.” Lieutenant Commander Elliot Lund, the frigates’ Operations Officer and on-duty Principle Warfare Officer reacted instantly before reaching for the intercom.

“Captain sir, Ops. New skunk bearing one-six-two, identified Sea Giraffe. Possible coastal battery sir.”

“Very well, bring the ship to Action Stations just in case.” The frigate’s captain, Commander Joar Andersson ordered from his at-sea cabin. “I’m on my way.”

“Bring the ship to Action Stations, aye aye sir,” Lund replied before pushing another button on the intercom panel on his centre console. The blaring two-tone sound of the ship’s Action Stations alarm sounded, rousing everyone aboard into a frenzy.

“Safeguard-Safeguard-Safeguard,” Lund stated into the intercom, letting the crew know that this was a real-world alarm. “We have detected an electronic emitter associated with a possible hostile coastal defence missile battery. Therefore, hands to Action Stations, hands to Action Stations, hands to Action Stations. Set condition one, damage control state Zulu throughout the ship. Hands to Action Stations.”

No sooner had Lund issued the order before Commander Andersson took his seat at the CO’s Console next to the Principle Warfare Officer. However, before Lund could give a more detailed report, the shrieking shrill of the ESM operator again forced everyone in the Operations Room to fall silent so AB(EW) Gunnarsson could issue her report.

“One-five-seven, CERES in targeting mode, one-five-seven!” Gunnarsson reported, indicating that a fire control radar, also associated with the RB-15 coastal defence missile complex, was radiating.

Almost immediately, the air picture compiler, by now donning the white anti-flash gear and helmet, chimed in, “Vampire-vampire-vampire, bearing one-five-seven, range sixteen miles!”

“Warn the task group!” Andersson ordered Lund as he keyed his headset. The other ships in the Cottish-led task group, which aside from the Heiki was made up of the newer missile frigate FFG-677 Villanden, the Ukrainian missile frigates FFG-802 Sevastopol and FFG-805 Mariupol, and the Ukrainian patrol ship OPV-4701 Hetman Bohdan Khmelnytsky, were immediately warned over secure radios that the Heiki considered itself to be under attack and that they should take defensive measures.

“Bridge, Captain. Safeguard, incoming vampire, one-five-seven! Evasive manouvers!”

On the bridge one level above the Operation room, the frigate’s executive officer Lieutenant Commander Freja Villadsen had just arrived at her Action Station, conning the frigate. “Captain, bridge, roger,” She acknowledged in the intercom before looking to the Lieutenant navigator that had been Officer of the Deck until the XO arrived. “All ahead flank, starboard thirty-five!”

As the Navigator acknowledged and relayed the orders, the XO keyed the intercom again. “Captain sir, bridge. I am altering course to starboard to open firing arc for Sea Sparrow.”

“Very good,” Commander Andersson acknowledged as he was busy trying to control the rapidly developing battle. The air search radar had picked up four missiles that had electronic parameters that matched the RB-15 anti-ship missile as the sea-skimming missiles came over the horizon, seventeen nautical miles away. However, the missiles appeared to be flying via waypoints and not travelling directly towards the Heiki yet. They had crossed halfway across the horizon before the missiles turned towards the Cottish frigate, fourteen nautical miles out. While the frigate’s engineers had overridden the peacetime speed regulators, the frigate could only make 28 knots on a good day. The missile flew towards the frigate at Mach 0.9, giving the frigate less than 84 seconds to react.

Fortunately, the hard turn to starboard that Lieutenant Commander Villadsen had ordered had opened up the Sea Sparrow launcher that the Heiki sported on her bow. With a range of ten nautical miles, the missiles were already within range of the aging frigate’s self-defence weaponry.

“Action Sea Sparrow! Kill incoming missiles with Sea Sparrow!” Andersson ordered. A second later, an alarm sounded on the forward missile deck as the launcher trained to port and elevated slightly. Then, in rapid succession, eight Evolved Sea Sparrow missiles launched from the eight-cell box launcher and flew towards the incoming missiles.

Of the eight ESSMs, three missed the sea-skimming coastal defence missiles outright, four targeted the same RB-15s and took out two of the incoming four, while the remaining ESSM took out one RB-15 at six miles. However, there was still one missile incoming.

As the frigate lurched to port in order to present as small a target for the missile as possible, the 120-mm naval artillery gun on the frigate’s bow had been manned and started pumping high-explosive air-burst projectiles towards the incoming missile in a last-ditch defence, hoping to score a lucky hit while the turn to port had unmasked the aft 40-mm rapid-fire anti-aircraft autocannon perched atop the frigate’s helicopter hangar, which in turn started pumping 40mm 3P anti-aircraft projectiles towards the incoming missiles. At three miles out, the frigate disappeared in a cloud of aluminum foil as the chaff cannons disgorged their projectiles, aimed at seducing the missile away from the frigate.

As the chaff projectiles detonated over the frigate in loud booms, the frigate’s 1MC intercom ordered the crew to prepare for the worst.

“Safeguard-safeguard-safeguard, incoming missile port side, brace-brace-brace!”

The frigate’s two hundred men and woman strong crew had barely had time to hold on to something and brace themselves against the potential shock when the RB-15, not fooled by the aluminium strips that lingered in the air aft of the frigate, slammed into the side of the frigate just forward of midships. A millisecond later, the superstructure of the frigate disappeared in a ball of fire as the 200-kilogram high-explosive blast fragmentation warhead detonated, shredding the frigate’s superstructure.

For Commander Andersson and everyone else in the Operations Room, it was over very quickly. The missile detonated inside the Operations room, killing everyone in the operations room and adjacent areas instantly. This included the bridge, which was obliterated as the operations room disappeared in a ball of fire and shrapnel.

Three decks down and further aft, in the Machinery Control Room that functioned as Damage Control Central when the ship was at Action Stations, Lieutenant Commander Jarno Riutta looked up as the main power disappeared and the compartment’s battle lanterns activated.

“Get power back online!” He ordered the Chief Electrician as he looked over to the conscript Seaman manning the sound-powered phone. “Is Ops or the Bridge back online yet?”

“No sir,” the lad said, trying but failing to hide the tremble of fear in his young voice.

“Alright. Order all stations to report damages to DC Central,” LCDR Riutta ordered as the lights suddenly returned and the various machinery and electronic displays returned to life. As reports came in over the sound-powered phone network that connected the various stations and positions throughout the ship, the trained officers and NCOs of the Damage Control team started plotting the reports and getting an overview over the damages. The status board did not look good. Amidships, there were a lot of red lights and error messages, indicating that the ship had taken severe damage. However, no one had reported any flooding yet, which meant that watertight integrity remained intact for the time being.

“Sir!” The phone speaker called out. “DC Party One reports fire and heavy damage in the superstructure amidships. The main mast has collapsed over the bridge to starboard. Ops and the bridge have been taken out.”

Riutta nodded as he realized that this meant that the Captain and XO were likely dead, and that command had fallen to him. Good friends were gone, lost to the explosion and fire, but now was not the time to grieve. He still had a crew to save and a ship to fight.

“Is 1MC back up?” He asked, to which the Petty Officer (Marine Engineering) nodded.

“Fire-fire-fire, Class Alpha fire reported in level Zero-One aft of frame fifteen and forward of frame twenty-three. Firefighting parties, lay to level Zero-One.”

A moment later, a new pipe was heard.

“Attention, this is the Chief Engineer. Situation update: We have taken a direct missile hit in the superstructure. Ops and the bridge has been taken out, and we have been unable to reach the Captain or XO. Until further notice, I am assuming command of the ship. Command intent next thirty minutes: One: fight and extinguish the fires that are raging in the superstructure forward; two: defend the ship against further attacks; three: locate and treat wounded shipmates. Make reports to Machinery Control. That is all.”

Replacing the handset to its cradle, Lieutenant Commander Riutta looked around the room. While stressful, the sailors and officers were working quietly, attending their duties and doing their bit to combat the vast damages the frigate had sustained. Fortunately, the crew had managed to close the ship down to damage control state Zulu, which meant that the ship had taken the necessary measures to increase its ability to sustain damage. It prevented the fire from spreading outside the affected areas, and it increased the watertight integrity of the ship as all watertight doors were closed.

“I’ve got to see the damages for myself,” Riutta said to his number-two in the Marine Engineering Department, the First Engineer, as he grabbed a handheld radio. “I’m on channel three. You’re in charge until I return.”

With that, Riutta made his way up to One deck, the main deck, and made it to the ladderwell leading up to the boat deck before he met the damage control parties. Led by a grizzled old Chief Petty Officer, Riutta was quickly briefed on the status. Realizing that he wasn’t getting further forward here, he backtracked and climbed up to the zero-two-level on the aft superstructure, emerging on the port side of the smokestack on the anti-ship missile deck where the frigate’s six Penguin launchers still stood poised and ready for action. The view that met Riutta as he looked forward was unreal: The whole after end of the forward superstructure was gone, causing the ship’s sensor mast to collapse forward over the bridge, smashing it and adding to the destruction. Thick acrid black smoke and open fires poured out of the hole that had been the superstructure, though the fires were being valiantly fought by four firefighting teams that hosed seawater into the fires.

Looking over to scan the horizon quickly, Riutta saw to his surprise that a warship was approaching the Markki Heiki at full speed. It took him a few seconds to realize that it was the Mariupol, coming to her stricken cousin’s aide. It was time to return to his command post.

Upon returning, Riutta learned that the Ukrainian frigate had offered its assistance, which was gracious accepted. Manouvering close, the Ukrainian frigate used its powerful water cannons mounted atop the helicopter hangar to help the Heiki’s own firefighting teams put out the fires. Their combined efforts got the job done, and within the hour the fire was out.

As she started limping west towards Sevastopol, Lieutenant Commander Riutta finally found the time to report his status back to Fleet Headquarters in Sevastopol, where the staff was anxiously awaiting updates while being bombarded with demands for information from both Oslo, Kyiv, and the press, which had somehow gotten wind of the situation. The situation was grim: The Markki Heiki was effectively out of action as she had been mission-killed by the coastal defence missile. Twelve crew members were confirmed dead and another thirty-one were missing and presumed dead, including the Commanding Officer and Executive Officer, while twenty-one crewmembers had been wounded and were being treated aboard the Heiki. Most of the injuries were lascerations or broken bones, but six heavily burned crewmembers were in critical condition and would be transferred ashore to Feodosia in Krym for immediate treatment by the Mariupol’s helicopter.

As the Markki Heiki began her slow limp to Sevastopol, the Cottish government and public opinion started demanding answers. Who were responsible for the attack on the Cottish warship, and how would the Cottish government respond?

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Freistaat-Ostafrika
Envoy
 
Posts: 280
Founded: Apr 10, 2018
Corporate Police State

Postby Freistaat-Ostafrika » Sat Mar 25, 2023 7:47 am

8 September 2022, 10:00hrs [UTC+4]
Presidential Administration of Azerbaijan
Baku, Republic of Azerbaijan

Six days on from his accession to power in Azerbaijan, Feliks Baibakov had been busy and it showed. As the nature of the post-independence Azeri constitution and the political system still needed to be hammered out, he had been effectively ruling by decree, enforced by those who had remained loyal to the state following his return. Feliks had, however, started to give hints at the future nature of his developing regime. Rasim Aghayev had been appointed Premier, rather than Prime Minister; although the position was the same as intended, the difference in title hinted more towards a left-leaning system than the previous Baibakov administration. Colonel General Dvornikov had indeed been appointed as Defense Minister, while Nicat Aslanov had unsurprisingly been appointed as Minister for Culture and Media. Other positions in the Cabinet of Ministers were being slowly filled by members of the former gubernatorial administration or Baibakov loyalists arriving from elsewhere, and it was obvious to any observer that Feliks' priority was to establish as secure a position as he possibly could. Feliks had also acted to ensure that certain Baibakov family residences within the fledging nation were designated as Presidential residences, such as the Zagulba Residence and the Qabala Mountain Palace. A new Presidential limousine had been delivered, a Hongqi HQE presented as a gift from the United Eastasian Republic. The ambassadors of the UER and their five affiliated states had arrived in Baku and were in the process of establishing proper embassies, operating out of five-star hotels for the time being. Feliks had also wasted little time in dealing with Azerbaijan's oil and gas reserves. The existing infrastructure was brought under state control due to the establishment of two new state oil and gas companies, SOCA and SGCA respectively, successor companies created from the Azeri assets of the Marimaian state oil and gas companies, SOCM and SGCM, which were now being dismembered by the former republics of the Federation. Feliks had then appointed Ruslan Hasanov as the chairman of both SOCA and SGCA, as well as Minister for Energy Resources, meaning that Hasanov was responsible for continuing with the nationalisation and development of the oil and gas industry while Feliks focused on other matters.

The twenty-seven-year-old President was currently sitting at the desk in his newly redecorated office, swiping on his new tablet as he perused a selection of potential new desks, seeking one that seemed more sufficiently impressive for his station. Mateja Čubrilović was leaning on the back of Feliks' chair, commenting on specific desks as they were pointed out by his employer, while Khoren stared out of the office's large windows at the Baku cityscape. Feliks was currently awaiting the arrival of three members of his Cabinet of Ministers: Premier Aghayev, Defense Minister Dvornikov, and Foreign Minister Vüsal Rajabov. The fifty-two-year-old Rajabov had previously been the Marimaian ambassador to the United Eastasian Republic and had remained loyal to the Baibakov legacy, receiving his promotion due to his diplomatic experience as well as his loyalty. A knock at the office door heralded the arrival of the three ministers, and it did not take them long to file in and take seats on the opposite side of the desk from their youthful President. Once everybody was settled, Feliks set down his tablet and addressed his subordinates.

"So what would you like me to put on my agenda for today?"

The thin and bespectacled Rajabov raised his hand, receiving a nod from Feliks to begin. "Mister President, I think that it would be a good idea to officially acknowledge and thank the Realm of Cotland for officially recognising Azerbaijan as the successor state to the Marimaian Federation. Every recognition helps, after all."

"Very true, Vüsal, very true. Plus they've taken on handling the mess in the northern former republics, so that's one less thing for us to worry about." Feliks grinned at Rajabov. "I won't mention that, though. Go ahead and issue an official communique, thanking Oslo for their recognition of the regional situation and expressing my wish for a long and fruitful relationship between our two nations. Have we heard anything back from Armenia?"

"They say that they are not responsible for the militias that are crossing into our territory. The Armenian administration will do what they can to reduce the incursions, provided that we do the same on our side."

Colonel General Dvornikov snorted loudly. "Rubbish! Their administration is obviously behind it, we should use the opportunity to settle things. Little Boss, a good war would prove to the Azeri people that you're a strong and fearless leader, and we might even get some extra territory out of it."

Feliks cocked an eyebrow. "Is the Armenian administration definitely behind it?"

Dvornikov's mouth twitched slightly. "Well, they probably are. If not, then they're incompetent and can't control their citizens. Either way, there's a problem."

"You do make a valid point, General. We'll keep an eye on things. What about the mess that's going on in Georgia?"

Rajabov adjusted his glasses. "Elena Saakashvili's provisional government has the backing of the United Federation of Nations, and more peacekeepers are arriving in Tbilisi from what I've heard. It's being justified because of what's been done by elements claiming to be loyal to your family."

That brought a scowl to Feliks' face. "I know. Idiots, I mean what the hell were they thinking? If they were truly loyal then they would've come to Azerbaijan by now, instead, they're causing mayhem and making me look bad! Is it true that Anatoly's in charge of them?"

Premier Aghayev now joined in the conversation. "That's what we've heard, yes. Never saw him as much of a leader, to be honest."

Feliks huffed moodily. "This debacle just proves how little of a leader he is. I mean seriously, he should be here! Azerbaijan is now Baibakov country, if he keeps stirring up shit in Georgia then who knows where it will end?" He leaned forward and pointed at Aghayev. "Hopefully he'll get overconfident, do something stupid, and get himself captured. Or worse. Useless moron. If he thinks that we're going to help him, let him find out the hard way that he's on his own." Feliks sat back in his chair, his mood seeming to improve as he did so. "Now then, about all of these UFN troops in Georgia...oh, wait. Wait. If Georgia can call in some big guns to help stabilise things, then why don't we?"

"The United Eastasian Republic?"

Feliks grinned and pointed at Rajabov. "Exactly! The militia situation with Armenia, the presence of Cottish forces in the northern republics, and the presence of UFN troops in Georgia presents a perfectly reasonable scenario for us to invite Eastasian peacekeepers into Azerbaijan. We won't quote the Cottish presence as a reason for the invitation, no need to say anything that Oslo might take the wrong way. We won't be the first nation to host Eastasian forces either, they've been present in the UER's affiliated commie states for ages. If Saakashvili can have UFN troops, then I can have Eastasian troops! Vüsal, once we've finished here, I'll call the Eastasian ambassador and we'll get things in motion."

"Of course, Mister President."

"Speaking of the UER and their affiliated states, Little Boss," Aghayev interjected, "when are we supposed to be officially going commie?"

"It's a work in progress. We'll need to establish a political party, and then promise elections, but of course, our party will be in power so we can pull any strings required. The nice thing is that if we go with the Eastasian brand of communism then there will still be plenty of leeway for capitalist stuff."

---------------------------------------------------

15 September 2022
Republic of Azerbaijan

One week after Feliks' meeting with the Eastasian ambassador and a subsequent announcement that an agreement had been reached, the first 'peacekeepers' from the United Eastasian Republic began to arrive. Xi'an Y-20 strategic airlifters started to land at airports around Azerbaijan that had sufficient runway capacity to accommodate the large transport planes, discharging approximately 300 Eastasian troops at a time. After taking time to refuel and perform relevant safety checks, each aircraft then returned to the UER to collect more soldiers and repeat the process. Thanks to the good relations between the United Eastasian Republic and neighbouring Sibiria, the aircraft had a far easier time navigating the journey than if they had to adopt a longer route.

The Azeri government had made it abundantly clear that they had no concerns about the Cottish presence in what had been the northern territories of the Marimaian Federation, due to the continuing relative warmth between the Realm of Cotland and the Baibakov regime, so it could be easily discerned by outsiders that the Eastasian presence was a reaction to the UFN forces being deployed in Georgia. As part of a wider public relations exercise, there was a photo opportunity staged where Feliks and Dvornikov posed amicably with the commander of the Eastasian presence, Major General Pan Bao. While many would've thought that the Eastasian forces would be deployed to the border between Armenia and Azerbaijan to deter Armenian militias from crossing over, they were instead to be deployed to the towns and cities within Azerbaijan. The internal reasoning for this was that doing so would free up the actual Azeri military for 'other duties'.

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Layarteb
Powerbroker
 
Posts: 8416
Founded: Antiquity
Moralistic Democracy

Postby Layarteb » Sat Apr 01, 2023 7:54 pm



• • • † • • •



Tuesday, August 30th, 2022 | 15:35 hrs [UTC+4]

Krtsanisi District, Tbilisi, Georgia | Embassy of the Empire of Columbia
41° 40' 13" N, 44° 48' 41" E






As the flag lowered from the roof of the Columbian embassy, Ambassador Michael Zamora couldn't help but feel a sense of failure. Under his watch, the embassy had to be abandoned and though the decision came from Columbia City with only minimal input from him, still, he felt as if he had failed the mission and the people personally. That couldn't be further from the truth though. Zamora had failed no one, in fact he'd done precisely what would have been expected from someone in his position when, at a little after 03:00, he was awoken by a security guard and told of the events happening at the Federation embassy. In those first moments, Zamora had shown his mettle by springing out of bed, hurrying into his clothes, and following said security guard to his office where the phone was already ringing from Columbia City.

Because the Columbian embassy in Tbilisi wasn't a fortress compound like it was in many other cities, no one outside of the ambassador and his wife lived on the embassy's grounds and in those moments, Zamora's mind went right to his staff. Columbia City had nothing for him and no one knew if the incident at the Federation embassy was isolated or if it was the start of a major attack on all foreign embassies throughout the city. The Columbian embassy, far outside of the main parts of Tbilisi, was especially vulnerable because of a number of factors, all of which began with its remoteness. Furthermore, no one knew who was doing the attacking, if it was Georgian forces, guerillas, some insurgent group, terrorists, or if the city was under foreign invasion. Neither Zamora nor Columbian City knew that Elena Saakashvili had taken refuge in the embassy or that she was raising her own army to counter Anatoly Baibakov. In truth, the Columbians had no clue what was happening in the country or the Caucasus in general, relying instead of the Federation and the Cottish to relay intelligence to them.

Thus, in those early moments, Zamora activated an emergency notification system that went out to not only every embassy employee but every Columbian citizen who'd registered with the embassy upon arrival in the country. There weren't many to begin with and most had fled the country once everything went south in the early parts of the month. The few that remained were largely outside of Tbilisi but would be getting the notification anyway, which advised everyone to check in with the embassy and notify them of their whereabouts. While Zamora checked in on all of his people and recalled those to the embassy who would be most important, Columbia City was working on its own plan, which called for the evacuation of the embassy and its personnel. They'd had three weeks to prepare, having hoped not to need this option but it was too late now, if the Federation embassy were under attack that could easily mean so too would the Columbian embassy fall victim.

In the early part of August, before Fyodor Baibakov went on air and denounced the protests, Columbia City decided it needed an emergency backup option, should something go wrong and embassy personnel need to be evacuated. That option came in the form of a Special Purpose - Quick Response Battalion, a 750-man outfit that was meant for these precise situations. They were based throughout the world in Columbian territory and the nearest one to Georgia was based in Crete. The entire battalion was a combined air-and-ground unit that was meant to be wholly self-sufficient. Its air component included a detachment of six, Harrier II aircraft, eight Hercules transports, eight Hercules refueling tankers, and sixteen Ospreys. The ground component consisted of 336 men in six rifle platoons and two weapons platoons. Typically, the entire battalion would not need to be employed and it was not in this case. Instead, a partial piece of the battalion was deployed to the city of Pyatigorsk in Stavropol Krai, a Cottish territory that bordered the unruly Caucasus. From there it was a hair over two hundred miles into Tbilisi with the force settling into Mineralnye Vody International Airport, just a few miles outside of Pyatigorsk.

The Columbian military deployed only a single, 294-man company to the airport, which was more than enough. This meant they had eight Ospreys, three rifle and one weapons platoon, and all of the support elements necessary. Coming with C-130Js and KC-130Js as well, the entire force occupied a small section of the airport far removed from its civilian terminals. A sight for sure to the local residents, the Columbian force had largely been kept confined to their part of the base, doing little but maintaining their presence in case they were needed to rush into action in the Marimaian Federation.

With the attack on the Federation embassy, that time came. Orders came down as the morning turned into afternoon in Tbilisi that they were to deploy a protective force to Tbilisi to support the evacuation of the embassy. Two rifle and the weapons platoon, 120 men in all, mounted up in six Ospreys and two Hercules transports and were airborne before 14:00, flying onward to Tbilisi, where they arrived roughly forty minutes later. In the meantime, one of the Hercules tankers was loaded with fuel and prepped to depart. It would support operations on the ground as the entire force was expected to be there for around thirty hours. On the ground in Tbilisi, one rifle platoon immediately went to the embassy via two Ospreys while the weapons platoon and the other rifle platoon held the tarmac at the airport. If a threat against the embassy was identified, the weapons platoon could deploy machine gun and anti-tank squads to assist with holding the embassy during the evacuation.

Though the entire operation had been put in the hands of a Major Jeffrey Malave, the company commander, Captain Donald Smith, the second-in-command, flew directly onto the embassy to support the situation. By the time of his arrival, Zamora had already been given orders to evacuate the embassy and he and his staff were mid-preparation. Zamora's staff was busy scrubbing the embassy of whatever was necessary. Staffers had their bags packed with whatever they deemed necessary to take with them out of the country, which meant that they wouldn't be able to take all of their belongings with them. Only the essentials would be allowed for now. If the situation stabilized, they would be allowed to return to collect the rest of their belongings, provided their homes weren't ransacked by criminals or insurgents.

With the soldiers providing security around the embassy, Zamora felt somewhat at ease but only just. The security staff that the embassy employed was small and though capable, would easily be outmatched in any firefight. With an entire rifle platoon and three Ospreys handy, Zamora suddenly had a ton of firepower at his disposal. In the end, none of it would be needed. The Columbian flag was lowered and Zamora and Captain Smith stepped onto the ramp of the last Osprey. It went into a vertical takeoff and turned towards the airport, the abandoned and locked embassy passing by underneath the aircraft's fuselage. Evacuation at the airport was uneventful. The Ospreys landed, took on fuel from the Hercules tankers, and all of the civilian personnel boarded the two Hercules transports. The soldiers would fly out on the Ospreys with the last aircraft of the force leaving the ground at 17:00 hours. From that point onward, the Columbians had no diplomatic representatives in Tbilisi and would rely on the Federation for diplomatic communication with whatever government managed to rise from the ashes of a country that was in the midst of a civil war.

• • • • ‡ • • • •


Tuedsay, September 6th, 2022 | 10:15 hrs [UTC-5]

Columbia City, New York | Fortress of Comhghall
40° 41' 28" N, 74° 0' 58" W






The situation on the ground in Tbilisi had improved but it was far from stable. The Federation's 14th Battlegroup (Airborne) was still working to get control over Tbilisi and while they were mostly there, there was still some work to be done. It was, in the Columbian government's eyes, too dangerous to allow diplomatic personnel the option to return to collect their belongings. Instead, they would remain in Pyatigorsk for the time being, waiting for the decision from Columbia City. In fact, even if the situation stabilized, there might be other factors that could negate their return, one of which was the Columbian government's private criticisms for how the Federation had handled the embassy attack.

In the wake of the attack, the Columbian government called the Federation's ambassador to offer support but also to pass along private criticism on how the rescue was handled. The Columbian military had noted the use of attack aircraft in an urban setting along with the paratrooper assault and disapproved, a bit of irony considering the militaristic nature of the Empire. The Federation hadn't taken kindly to the criticism, nor were they expected to, which was why it was delivered privately and by word of mouth, not in any written communique. Whether the Federation would continue to help the Empire in the capacity originally requested remained to be seen, especially in the wake of that criticism. Regardless of how the Empire felt about unleashing A-10s in the midst of a crowded city, the Empire had offered assistance to Constantinople in its peacekeeping effort. The situation in Georgia was simply too chaotic and though the Federation could handle it on its own, the Empire felt a need to support them in the wake of Anatoly Baibakov's attack against the embassy. To attack an embassy was a major affront to diplomatic conventions and the Empire would not allow it to stand, if the Federation permitted.

It was the topic of discussion in the daily Cabinet meeting and Minister of Defense, Mark Merritt was in the hot seat. "Should we be granted authorization to assist the Federation government," he said as the question was posed to him, "the 14th Infantry Division would be ready to deploy immediately with the initial deployment being a composite brigade capable of sustained, independent operations. It will take a full week for the deployment of the entire brigade and two months for the deployment of the entire division. The composite brigade would bolster Federation forces with armored and mechanized infantry battalions as well as field artillery."

"What about other units?"
The Emperor asked, knowing that one division was hardly enough for a country the size of Georgia.

"Sir, the 1st Infantry Division and the 3rd Armored Division are being prepared and mobilized right now. Again sir, we're looking at two months to deploy them fully. With all three divisions, we're looking at almost 52,000 men sir. Combining with air force personnel and if we can get permission for a destroyer group to transit to the Black Sea, we're looking at probably close to 65,000 to 75,000 men in total across all services."

"Significantly more than the Federation has deployed right now."

"Yes sir but it would provide a major force capability to help stabilize the country. If we're to look at the Caucasus right now and highlight our biggest concern it would be the ongoing fighting between Armenia and Azerbaijan. With the sudden appearance of Feliks Baibakov in Baku and his declaration of himself as President of Azerbaijan and Azerbaijan as the successor state to the Marimaian Federation, we're looking at a major powder keg for the region. His father and mother were, not a month ago, assassinated in Tbilisi. With Armenia and Azerbaijan fighting one another over territory, it's entirely possible that we see an already unstable situation become complete chaos."

"Do we have information on how Feliks escaped?"
The Emperor asked of Michael England, the Minister of Intelligence.

"Yes sir, as previously reported, we were able to track the movement of the Skorpion Siniy superyacht of the Baibakov's. We believe that Feliks was aboard this yacht. It was spotted in the Aegean and we picked up its trail there and monitored its movement all the way to Eastasian territory. It is our belief sir that the Eastasians have been supporting Baibakov, which would make sense given the ties to the Marimaian Federation."

"Has Eastasia deployed any forces into the Caucasus?"

"Not that we're aware of at this time sir but we suspect that Feliks' personal security detail may be supported by Beijing."

"And what is the Cottish position on this? After all, if the UER were to station a sizeable force in Azerbaijan they would be right on the border with Cotland."

"Nothing yet sir,"
Patricia Martinez of Foreign Affairs responded. "The Cottish are unlikely to be too concerned, knowing that Beijing is highly unlikely to act militarily against them. However, our biggest concern would be unrestricted influence in the Caucasus by a communist power sir."

"A significant communist power at that,"
the Emperor added, "which makes our deployment into Georgia all the more important. Listen, we were right to criticize the Federation on their actions in Tbilisi but let's keep our eye on the prize. Should they refuse our support then we're looking at a problematic situation. That being said, we should have a Plan 'B' to supporting the region. The way it appears, if all goes well, the border states that declared independence will be united and under the protection of Oslo. The Empire could support operations along the Cottish border."

"Yes sir, we'll reach out on the matter,"
Martinez answer, knowing that the inquiry had already been made.



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User avatar
-The United Federation of Nations-
Spokesperson
 
Posts: 137
Founded: Apr 10, 2018
Ex-Nation

Postby -The United Federation of Nations- » Mon Apr 03, 2023 3:58 am

Secretary of Defence Spiros Anthakis
Federation Tower, Constantinople
Union of the Aegean, United Federation of Nations
Thursday 15th September 2022, 1700hrs Local Time




The Presidential Office, being the primary workspace of the President of the United Federation of Nations, was a large half-circle that took up a significant percentage of the Fifteenth Floor of Federation Tower, the beating heart of the Federation Government. In front of the wide sweeping (and heavily reinforced) window sat the President’s desk, behind which sat the Flag of the Federation. The desks, along with the entire decor, was installed to the specifications and preferences of the sitting President, whilst certain aspects were retained for a sense of institutional continuity. There were three entrances; the leftmost (from the President’s point of view) leading to a private (and secure) elevator that allowed the President express access to all floors of the building and the helipad on the roof, the centre to the Executive Office of the President, led by the Presidential Secretary, which included a waiting room and the main lift access, whilst the rightmost door led to the President’s Private Study. Not all Federation Presidents had used the Presidential Office, feeling it was too ostentatious, and made use of a much smaller room (one of many) off the Executive Office, however this had not proven popular, as most favoured the grander Presidential Office.

It was not the first time that Secretary of Defence, Spiros Anthakis from the Union of the Aegean, had been in the Presidential Office, as he met regularly with the President to discuss defence matters over the past months since this appointment. However, it was by far the busiest, as President Caradonna had been lucky enough to avoid any major national security or military actions during her presidency so far. Normally, such a large gathering would have taken place in the Presidential Situation Room, in reinforced bunkers beneath the tower, however as there was no immediate or direct threat to Federation units or personnel, the decision had been made that comfort was the preference given that the enhanced situational awareness suite was not required at this point. It was, after all, really just an update for the President and other senior Federation officials, not a situation in which the President would be required to make immediate, specific, and detailed operational decisions for Federation troops in combat. As it stood the Federation units that were in the ground, in Georgia, were in a good position at this stage and were operating under a detailed operational plan that had been previously approved by the President and her cabinet.

Secretary Anthakis was a veteran of the Federation Defence Force, retiring as a four-star general in the Federation Army over a decade ago (as Federation Law required a former commissioned officer to have been out of uniform for some time before taking up the civilian position of Secretary of Defence. Most of Anthakis’ military career had been involved in the founding and development of the Federation Army and the Federation Defence Force as a whole, merging the essential ‘national’ capabilities whilst retaining as much military force at the member-state level as was practical. It had not been the easiest of processes, particularly for the Federation Navy which was by far and away the largest (and most expensive) force raised and maintained almost exclusively by the Federation itself, and the Federation Army’s own process had been complex to say the least. Anthakis had not seen combat during his time in the Federation Army, not unusual as the Federation had had the fortune to not yet fight a major conflict, and only a handful of senior officers had served in brushfire conflicts or small-scale interventions, but he had been heavily involved in a variety of organisational and doctrinal developments and at this stage that experience was the most vital, hence his nomination as President Caradonna’s defence secretary.

President Caradonna had proven herself to be a calm, collected, and detail-oriented leader, in Anthakis’ experience; as a former senior diplomat this had doubtless served her well representing the Federation in various capacities. Her desire to be well-informed, however, had not resulted in a paralysis of decision-making, as when the need for a snap-decision on Tbilisi had been called for she had made that decision. It had been the Federation Council that had been reluctant to get involved, understandably really, but it had been President Caradonna’s foresight and decision to commence planning that had allowed the FDF to deploy as quickly and effectively as it had once the decision was made. Secretary Anthakis had a decent working relationship with his President, not as close as the Federation Security Advisor, Miriam Widrich, who delivered the President’s Daily Brief, but he had proved her with detailed briefings on military matters on numerous occasions so far in her presidency. Not the least of which had been the currently small-scale but impactful Federation intervention in Georgia.

The Federation had faced some criticisms for it’s heavy-handed response to the attack upon it’s Embassy, not the least of which had been from the Empire of Colombia. This was not well-received by the Federation Government, who felt it was a little hypocritical, but appreciated that it had been levied privately. Publicly, the Federation’s officials were defending their position by pointing out that the Federation Embassy had been towards the outskirts, and the area surrounding it had already been cleared out of civilians due to the attack of the Baibakov loyalists, making the actions of the Federation a risk, but a calculated one. Moreover, there had been the very clear need and desire to ensure that the message went out loud and clear; the Federation was a peace-loving nation that sought co-operation with all… but it was best not to mistake that peaceful desire as weakness. Publicly, they had assured the Colombians that their Embassy would be well protected by the Federation forces, and that they would serve as a diplomatic conduit. The offer for further ground forces had been accepted, in a limited capacity; the Federation was deploying additional divisions into the the country, and the Colombians would be required simply match the Federation rather than exceeding it, as the developing Provisional Government was eager to avoid more and more foreign troops in its territory.

As it stood, there was approximately fifteen thousand Federation troops now on the ground in Georgia; the 14th Battlegroup of the Joint Strike Force, and the 2nd Response Division of the Federation Army’s Response Force, plus a contingent from FEDSOC, as well as a small naval contingent led by the destroyer Damascus, and supported by air forces from across the neighbouring Federation airbases. It was a capable force to say the least, and by far the most capable military force now in Georgia, but it was not a full-scale deployment by the Federation, nor was it being conducted in a manner that it would be were it not in a nation on the Federation’s borders. However, that had not stopped the Baibakov-remnant regime in Azerbaijan from calling in rather unlikely (until one remembered the Federation Intelligence reports about Feliks Baibakov meeting their representatives) reinforcements in the form of the United Eastasian Republic. The UFN was less than thrilled with a distant power getting involved on its doorstep, but would concede that if a prospective member-state on the far side of the planet wanted to explore joining the Federation they would not be geographically constrained either.

However, many Georgians viewed Azerbaijan as a threat, and the arrival of foreign peacekeepers only exacerbated matters. It had helped push many of the factions to the negotiating table, and Federation forces now present all over the country keeping the peace, save for the area still held by Baibakov loyalist forces. However, it had also pushed them to request more and more Federation support, which had the very real potential to push the UFN into a confrontation with the UER. It was becoming more and more obvious that Elena Saakashvili’s provisional government would align heavily with the Federation, but this alone posed problems. The UFN did not want member-states to join the Federation simply for military protection or selfish reasons; it was designed to be a union of equals for mutual benefit and co-operation, not short-term necessity. As such, any full-term membership for Georgia in the UFN was likely years away, after a long period of retrospection after the current crisis abated. That wasn’t to say that the Federation would not commit to protecting Georgia, but just that it would tread carefully and take a slow approach to permanent solutions.

However, Georgia was not the reason for the day’s briefing.

“Good evening, Madam President,” Secretary Anthakis said once all attendees were steady.

“Good Evening, Spiros,” President Caradonna replied with a nod. “Please proceed with your briefing.”

“Thank you, Madam President, as you are doubtless aware from previous briefings, the Baibakov Collapse in the Caucasus has led to a wide range of issues and a wide range of interventions, both by ourselves and other powers, in particular in the North by the Realm of Cotland. This has resulted in a number of Cottish warships being present in the Eastern Black Sea, mainly off the coast of the territories in which they are acting as peacekeeper. However, several hours ago one of the Cottish warships, believed to be a frigate, was engaged by a shore battery, likely to be RB-15 coastal defence missiles which Defence Force Intelligence believe are unaccounted for, and was hit by at least one missile. As far as we can tell, the missile was launched from within the Kuban Republic, however there is some evidence to suggest that they may have crossed the border into Georgia; our control over the north-western part of the country is not as firm as we would like.”

“The Cottish are almost certain to want to strike back, Madam President,” Miriam Widrich commented grimly. “This could be problematic, if the missile battery has crossed over into Georgian territory.”

“I want that missile battery located, both before they try and fire again and before the Cots decide to try and firebomb all of north-west Georgia trying to find them… I want any and all resources committed to this mission… it has to be our first priority,” Caradonna replied firmly. “Phase two deployment is approved, the 3rd Response Division is approved to deploy immediately, and the first of the National Force Divisions can deploy as well, inform the Colombians that they can finally send their second and third divisions as well… the Provisional Government is stronger now.. we can afford to put more troops on the ground.”

“Madam President, there is some concern within the Department of the Exterior that the Cots might try and take matters into their own hands; their public and legislature are braying for blood, they’ll want to strike bak and strike back quickly,” Secretary of the Exterior, Dejan Sandić, spoke up. “We’ve made security guarantees to the Georgian Provisional Government, and publicly so, we simply cannot allow a third-party to conduct military action in territory under our control, it would make any future security guarantees worthless.”

“I agree, Madam President,” Widrich agreed.

“Madam President, I would recommend that we start conducting Combat Air Patrols over Georgia… we’ve been holding off until now as there’s not been an air threat, however I agree with Secretary Sandić… I know a number of prospective member-states are watching how we handle this situation closely,” Anthakis replied, nodding agreement as well. “We can do that easily enough, either by extending routine patrols over the Union of the Aegean or detailing fighters specifically to Georgian airspace… the latter would be more effective… but we would need to discuss the roles of engagement, should it come down to a situation where the are needed.”

“If we put a CAP over Georgia, the Cottish will notice and ought to encourage them to ask first rather than just act, which should be enough… I’m all for letting them, and I’m sure Elena will be as well, but they’ve got to respect us and they’ve got to respect Georgia,” Caradonna nodded. “Air cover approved… we’ll need to cover this at tomorrow’s press briefing, so let’s make sure we’ve got all of our ducks in a row before then… in the meantime this situation just got messier, so I want everyone to be readily available over the next few days.”

User avatar
Cotland
Ambassador
 
Posts: 1160
Founded: Nov 05, 2004
Father Knows Best State

Postby Cotland » Mon May 01, 2023 7:42 am

Kuban Republic
16 September, 2022


While Marki Heikki had managed to limp back into port in Feodosia and was undergoing the unenviable task of sorting through the debris of destruction in search of the earthly remains of the missing and dead crewmembers, the Cottish Government was under tremendous pressure from its own homefront to avenge the deaths of the Cottish sailors. Provoked by the attack and the sudden appearance of Federation combat aircraft flying combat air patrols over Georgia, the Cottish felt obligated to counter this measure. From the Cottish point of view, the appearance of the Federation CAP over Georgia, coinciding just after the Cottish frigate had been attacked, was quite suspicious. Some voices within Cotland even claimed that the attack on the frigate had been a false-flag and that the Federation were responsible. These fringe voices were largely ignored, but the distrust towards the Federation’s true intentions in Cottish government circles was real. Cotland had not recognized the Saakashvili government as legitimate, considering it a Federation puppet regime that intended to conceal Federation designs on integrating Georgia into the Federation proper. The sudden presence of the Federation troops in Georgia's capital and now Federation combat aircraft acting as if Georgia was already part of the Federation was seen by the Cottish as proof of this stance. Accordingly, the Cottish were convinced that their own timely intervention to guarantee the independence of the Kuban, Icherkiyan and Kalmyk Republics had been the only thing stopping the Federation from gobbling up all those territories.

Therefore, Cottish and Ukrainian combat aircraft, freshly forward-deployed to the Ukrainian Air Force’s bases in Krym and bordering the Sea of Azov started flying their own combat air patrols over Kuban and Ichkeriya, carrying both air to air and air to ground ordinance underneath their wings. This enabled them to both be able to counter the Federation if they decided not to respect the Cottish guarantee of Kuban and Ickheriyan independence, as well as allowing the aircraft to be ready to interdict the offending Baibakov coastal battery at moments’ notice if the drones and surveillance efforts that had been stepped up in the last 24 hours were to discover it.

The reconnaissance efforts paid off, as two launcher vehicles matching the RB-15 battery were detected near Zakan just after noon, located just within the borders of the Kuban Republic along the contested border with Georgia. Deciding not to risk the vehicles slipping into Georgia, the Wedgetail AWACS controlling the Cottish and Ukrainian air assets over southern Kuban airspace ordered a fighter element flying CAP near Sotsji to interdict.

TAMBOR Flight was a two-ship JAS-39 Gripen formation from the Ukrainian Air Force, each equipped with four AMRAAM medium-range air to air missiles, two 1400-litre drop tanks, four SDB-II 115-kg precision bombs, and one Sniper targeting pod to guide the bombs into target. Located only fifty nautical miles from the reported targets, the two aircraft acknowledged the orders and kicked in the afterburners, accelerating towards the location as they flew parallel to the Georgian border, undoubtedly attracting the attention of the Federation, who had been adamant that they controlled Georgian airspace now. Thus, the haste to destroy the launcher vehicles before they crossed into Georgia.

Seven minutes after being given the new orders, the Gripens arrived over Zakan and started searching for their targets, circling at 9,000 feet as they searched the roads in the mountainous terrain. Two nautical miles east of Zakan, they located their prey – a convoy of six trucks, including two RB-15 launcher trucks, driving south along the Reka Bol’shaya Laba river towards the Georgian border. After a quick exchange with the Wedgetail, TAMBOR flight received permission to engage the convoy. The convoy must have realized that they were being targeted, as they started speeding up, driving hell for leather towards the T-junction at Damkhuts.

A single SDB dropped from 6,000 feet from TAMBOR 1 stopped the convoy dead in its tracks as the first bomb took out the two lead trucks just north of a cluster of houses on the outskirts of Damkhuts. Two more bombs targeted the two launcher vehicles, destroying them. The lack of secondary detonations revealed that the launcher canisters were empty, having been emptied against the Cottish frigate a few days earlier. A fourth bomb destroyed the remaining two trucks, ensuring the complete destruction. After circling over the area for a few minutes to ensure that the trucks were destroyed and reporting back, the fighters received orders to return to their CAP. Acknowledging the orders, the Gripens turned westwards again and climbed to 14,000 feet, again flying parallel along the border back to their CAP near Sotsji as they left behind death and destruction.


Kalmyk-Ichkeriyan Border Zone
16 September, 2022


At the same time, additional forces were being flown into the territories that had been afforded Cottish protection, accelerating the deployment timeline. On the ground, the Cottish and Ukrainian paratroopers turned peacekeepers had been cautiously greeted by the locals while being resented by the local criminal elements who were often synonymous with Baibakov loyalists. For all intents and purposes, the Baibakov regime had been a thinly disguised mafia operation that had allowed the criminal elements to operate with impunity if bribes were paid. This had been going on for so long that the locals didn’t expect anything else, which led to them being reserved towards the new arrivals, wondering if they’d traded one foreign oppressor for another as the paratroopers moved into the areas and started establishing forward operating bases and pushing out patrols in the contested border areas. The respective militas and military formations that the Kalmyks, Kubans and Ichkeriyans had formed respected the presence of the heavily armed paratroopers, who while outnumbered were well respected by the respective militias due to their units’ distinguished reputations. This allowed the stabilization force, now designated Kavkaz Force, to establish a twenty-kilometer-wide zone between the contested border zones encompassing the three countries that was largely respected by all three countries.

The foreign troops were, however, quite unaccustomed to the local customs and “arrangements” that existed, meaning that they disrupted the normal pattern of life as checkpoints and peacekeeper patrols stopped and checked local traffic to ensure that no concealed insurgents or weapons transports were violating the ceasefire. This had the unintended effect of disrupting the local criminal elements’ freedom of movement, which caused a lot of commotion and resentment in the local criminal underworld. After the first few days, the local criminals learned the hard way that the Cottish and Ukrainian paratroopers did not look kindly on the trafficking of weapons, narcotics, or women, that the peacekeepers for the most part were not susceptible to being bribed, and that they took a dim view on poorly veiled threats against them and their parental lineage when they refused to let the criminals through their checkpoints. One particularly stubborn criminal in the border town of Manych learned the hard way that pulling out a submachine gun to try to intimidate his way through a checkpoint was a very good way of ending one’s existence prematurely. This had the consequence of causing the local criminal elements to declare an informal war against the peacekeepers. This decision on the side of the criminal elements had repercussions all the way to Kyiv, where the negotiations were ongoing.
Last edited by Cotland on Mon May 01, 2023 7:43 am, edited 1 time in total.

User avatar
Freistaat-Ostafrika
Envoy
 
Posts: 280
Founded: Apr 10, 2018
Corporate Police State

Postby Freistaat-Ostafrika » Fri May 05, 2023 1:38 pm

23 September 2022, 13:00hrs [UTC+4]
Presidential Administration of Azerbaijan
Baku, Republic of Azerbaijan

Three weeks can be a long time, especially in the life of a nation that is still finding its feet after unexpected independence. It can also be a long time in the life of a young man who had seemingly lost his birthright, only to find a new one.

Feliks Baibakov gazed out of his office window down into the streets of Baku, hands clasped behind his back, an amused smile playing on his lips as he observed two Eastasian soldiers being waved to by a passing Azeri citizen. The Eastasian presence in Azerbaijan was quite sizeable, now numbering some 20,000 personnel complete with increasing numbers of vehicles that were being flown in via strategic airlifters as well as being transported overland through the friendly state of Sibiria. The Eastasian 'peacekeepers' were openly patrolling the major towns and cities of Azerbaijan, with public relations being the top priority; food and other commodities were always bought and paid for, while checkpoints and other impositions were being kept to a minimum. The Azeri civilian and military authorities were being kept in the loop at all times regarding deployments, as the Eastasians were clearly doing their utmost to demonstrate just what a good friend the United Eastasian Republic could be for Azerbaijan. A team of Eastasian 'facilitators' from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs had recently arrived and was currently touring the Caucasus state, evaluating the possibilities for targeted investment in infrastructure and other areas, as well as potential state aid. Of course, Feliks realised that all of this assistance and friendship did have a price. To that end, he had been laying the groundwork for Azerbaijan's transition to a communist nation...or at least, a nation that followed 'socialism with Azeri characteristics'. Feliks had finalised his Cabinet of Ministers, fully stocked with loyalists of course, and the political party that would eventually be unveiled was slowly being constructed behind the scenes. Work on the new Constitution of Azerbaijan was also well underway. For the time being, however, Azerbaijan was under a 'state of national emergency', due to the volatile political situation of the region and the continuing militia tit-for-tat with neighbouring Armenia. The Azeri military, composed of units that had joined the Azeri government following the collapse of the Marimaian Federation as well as a number of Baibakov loyalists who had left the other new republics in the region to sign up with Feliks' regime, were in the process of deploying to the border areas of the nation, ostensibly in an attempt to deter Armenian militias from crossing into Azeri territory.

A knock on the office door heralded the arrival of an individual whose cooperation could potentially strengthen Feliks' position even further.

"Come in."

The office door opened, and in strode the six-foot-three Mehdi Ahadov, his greying shoulder-length wavy hair framing his square-jawed features. Dressed in a smart black suit and long black jacket, his steely blue eyes hidden behind a pair of designer sunglasses, Ahadov commanded respect wherever he went. He cast a look over Khoren, who was standing on the left side of Feliks' chair behind the impressive new Presidential desk, then a look over Mateja, who was standing to the chair's right. He then finally looked over towards the window where Feliks had turned around to face him. After a moment of silence, Ahadov removed his sunglasses and nodded towards Feliks.

"Little Boss."

Feliks returned the nod before breaking out his trademark Cheshire Cat grin. "Ahadov. How's business these days?"

"Oh, you know." Ahadov held out his hands and shrugged. "Opportunities can appear and disappear very quickly. Thankfully you're bringing some stability, which makes my life so much easier."

"Of course it does! Take a seat, we have things to discuss." Ahadov settled his frame into the chair opposite Feliks' own, while the young President crossed to the drinks station to pour them both a beverage; Feliks went with vodka and cola, while he knew that Ahadov would go for straight vodka. He then sauntered to the desk, handing his visitor the vodka before settling into his particularly comfortable high-backed chair. "I do apologise for not having this meeting sooner, but as you can imagine, I've had a lot going on."

Ahadov nodded slowly before downing the vodka in one gulp. "Good stuff. Little Boss, I understand completely. Shit hit the fan and you had to sort yourself out. I am sorry about what happened to your parents, they were good people and excellent to work with."

"I appreciate that, coming from the Patron of the Qardaşlıq. Your organisation always played by our rules without fail, and that is why I asked you here today. I think that with all the chaos going on in the Caucasus, we should establish some additional stability. Kinda like in the days of the Federation."

A slight smile developed on Ahadov's face. The forty-eight-year-old was the head of the largest and most influential criminal organisation in Azerbaijan, profiting from such activities as heroin trafficking, contract killing, prostitution, money laundering, and arms trafficking. The collapse of the Marimaian Federation had resulted in an initial bonanza for the criminal gangs of the Caucasus as the region plunged into chaos, but the organisations that had once worked with the Baibakovs were now coming under serious pressure from the Cottish and UFN presences. All except for the Qardaşlıq (Brotherhood), which had escaped relatively unscathed thanks to Feliks having other priorities than cracking down on his family's former allies. "How much like the days of the Federation are we thinking here, Little Boss?"

"Oh, you know...my government turns a blind eye to your operations, in return for regular tribute and occasional favours. Let's face it, it's an excellent deal. It's the same one that you accepted from my father, after all." Feliks took a drink before continuing. "You and I both know that the Cottish and the UFN won't abide the other groups operating in their spheres of influence in the Caucasus. So those groups will either cease to exist, or they'll try moving into Azerbaijan. If they do that, then they'll look to carve out their own territory in this nation, which will bring them into conflict with you. The last thing that Azerbaijan needs right now is gang warfare on the streets, I think that we can both agree on that."

"Absolutely, Little Boss. Will the Eastasians allow you to keep me as a friend though?"

"Of course they will, don't worry about that. They're only deployed here until Azerbaijan can truly stand on its own two feet. Once we've taken care of necessary business, there'll be no need for the peacekeepers. Besides, I suspect that the United Eastasian Republic has done similar things themselves. Anyway, that's a discussion for another time." Feliks grinned at Ahadov. "Azerbaijan has a truly bright future ahead under my leadership, and your cooperation will make that future even brighter, in my opinion. Not only that but cooperating with me will make your future even brighter as well."

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-The United Federation of Nations-
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Founded: Apr 10, 2018
Ex-Nation

Postby -The United Federation of Nations- » Sat May 06, 2023 4:52 am

Air Marshal Giorgos Zervopoulos, FDF
Combined Air Operations Centre East, Ankara
Union of the Aegean, United Federation of Nations
Friday 16th September 2022, 1900hrs Local Time




“Cottish air strike confirmed, Sir,”

Air Marshal Giorgos Zervopoulos stood in the Operations Room of Combined Air Operations Centre East (COAC-E) and took in this report, and a number of subsequent updates, with a neutral expression, as his mind quickly analysed what had happened, the likely implications and consequences, in order to determine the next course of action. Air Marshal Zervopoulos was one of two senior officers within the Federation Air Force responsible for the defence of the Federation’s airspace, under the direction of the Air Defence Command, specifically for the Union of the Aegean and the Sultanate of the Mashriq. Under normal circumstances it was a largely boring, if vitally important role, largely focused around ensuring the operational readiness of the air defence squadrons maintained by the Federation Defence Force, the continuing readiness of early warning radar sites and other associated functions. However, with the situation in the neighbouring state of Georgia it had been decided that it would be simpler to simply integrate Georgian air space into the area of responsibility for COAC-E, especially as the situation as not yet suitable on the ground in Georgia for a major air force presence. It was, it had been decided by the Federation Department of Defence, far better to be slightly removed but better informed than to be closer to the action but less well informed as a result.

Zervopoulos’ orders were relatively simple; to protect the airspace of the fledgling Georgian Provisional Government which was, of course, entirely incapable of doing so itself. The Federation Council had made security guarantees to the Georgians, which had in no uncertain terms been part of what had allowed Saakashvili to consolidate the various Georgian independence factions into a viable governing coalition. Without these guarantees, which included the deployment of Federation combat troops into Georgia to defeat the Baibakov loyalists, it was highly likely that most of the militia factions would have refused to lay down their weapons if for no other reason than to defend themselves against the Loyalists. It had however been the concern that the Cottish would seek to avenge the attack on their frigate, from within the confines of their own territorial gains in the area it was noted, and that they might not respect Georgian airspace in order to do so. As such, Zervopoulos had been ordered to ensure that this did not take place; as if the Federation allowed a foreign state to violate the territorial integrity of the provisional Georgian state then not only would the Georgian state almost certainly disintegrate but no one would ever believe Federation security guarantees again.

As such, Zervopoulos had ordered regular Combat Air Patrols (CAPs) to take place over Georgian airspace; both extensions of normal air defence patrol routes and a specific response force over Georgian airspace itself, to respond to any incursions. The Georgian Provisional Government had been very grateful for the Federation’s demonstration of commitment to their sovereignty; there had been as much fear of being swallowed up by the Cottish state as there had ben for falling back into the clutches of the Baibakovs; for the Federation’s involvement came without strings attached, and whilst there was likely in the coming years to be a growing movement for Federation membership, but the Federation’s involvement and commitment to Georgia wasn’t contingent on that. This therefore had been the Federation's priority; the protection of the sovereignty of a neighbouring state on their very border, and the facilitation of a peaceful transition to a viable government. There had been a certain amount of ironic amusement within the Federation Government, therefore, when word had reached them of the distrust of Federation intentions, given that whilst demanding respect for their own security guarantees the Cottish were unwilling to extend the same to those offered by the Federation.

It was a hypocrisy that had certainly been noted by the Federation Council, and would no doubt throw a dark cloud over Federation-Cottish relations in the future. The Federation had, for half a century, made it entirely clear through it’s diplomats that it would always favour cooperation and coexistence over conflict and violence; the Federation and the Cottish Realm could quite easily have cooperated over resolving the issue in the Caucasuses however despite overtures this offer had never been taken up, potentially to the detriment of a Cottish warship and it’s sailors. Moreover, even as they put aircraft into Georgian airspace the Federation had made clear, both through channels and through a public press conference, that they would be willing to mediate an agreement with the Georgian Provisional Government that would have allowed the Cottish to exact their revenge, with the consent of the Georgian state, which was the crux of the matter and the Federation’s involvement.

In any event, the situation seemed to have resolved itself; the Baibakov missile battery that had engaged the Cottish frigate had, by all accounts, been destroyed off Georgian soil, thus ending the point of contention. It was merely bitterly disappointing to the Federation Government that the impact of it would last far after the flames of that destroyed battery had died out. The F-15EX Eagle Its that had been flying the response role in Georgian airspace had hustled to the border once AWACs had detected unusual activity by their Cottish counterparts, but as they had not entered Georgian airspace no action had been taken.

“Very well, stand-down the response flight in Georgian airspace, our routine patrols will continue to enter the airspace on their route,” Zervopoulos ordered firmly. “Continue to liaise with what’s operational in Georgian air traffic control… but keep our AWACs up until the Georgians can get their own house in order.”

With the immediate crisis apparently averted, the Federation Defence Force could focus on it’s primary mission; there remained a Baibakov Loyalist brigade held up in their garrison and nearby defensive positions; before the Georgian Provisional Government could truly speak with any sort of real legitimacy (and without being propped up by the Federation) this would have to be destroyed. The Georgians were already mustering what forces they could to fight alongside the Federation combat troops, for optics reasons if nothing else, and the offensive against them would soon start in earnest, although diplomatic efforts were continuing as were covert operations by Federation Special Forces and intelligence assets in an effort to degrade the brigade’s combat capabilities and to encourage defections. The Baibakov loyalists in Georgia had retained a significant degree of their cohesion; they had been stationed in the Baibakov heartland and were true military personnel rather than militias, but at some point its officers would have to start making decisions for themselves and their families; some would flee to Azerbaijan where Feliks Baibakov had surprisingly been installed into power and was rapidly becoming the centre for Baibakov succession, others would try and slink back to their families, whilst others would fight it out.

The Federation’s main priority at the moment, before any real combat broke out, was to minimise the number electing for the latter. By and large this was accomplished by deploying as many Federation peacekeepers as was possible, in order to replace the anti-Baibakov militias and restore faith in the Provisional Government. It was for this reason that the Provisional Government’s decision to place their trust in the Federation was so important to uphold; their entire legitimacy was based around that decision and as such the Federation had to make sure it was proved a good one.

With the Cottish-pride induced sideshow dealt with, the Federation could return it’s attention to what should always have been it’s core mission; securing a peaceful and prosperous future for the people of Georgia.

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Cotland
Ambassador
 
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Founded: Nov 05, 2004
Father Knows Best State

Postby Cotland » Sun May 14, 2023 10:40 am

Grozny, Ichkeriya
September 24, 2022


Drozhar Merkadov was a natural worrier. Since childhood, he had worried. Worried about school, worried about making the cut in the secondary school soccer team, worried about whether he’d find love or not. Later, he had worried about more important things in life. After he married and had children, he worried about them. His worry had made his beard and short-cropped hair turn prematurely silver. Now though, he was more worried than ever. Since the rebellion and overthrow of the loathed Baibakov regime, Drozhar had been made the interim leader of Ichkeriya and led the young country with a long and storied history for the past two months. In that time, he had managed to avoid a war with his western and northern neighbors, corral the various clans into a de facto Parliament pending formal elections, scrape together a national guard for the defence of the nascent nation-state, and even watch his youngest daughter attend her first day of school two weeks ago. The signals coming from his delegation negotiating in Kyiv were positive, with the Cottish having offered to guarantee all three Caucasus nation-states by offering dominion status. The Ukrainians had accepted such an offer and become a Cottish dominion last year, and were so far very pleased with the experience. However, replacing one foreign overlord with another (albeit far more benevolent and law-obiding than the Baibakovs) wasn’t Merkadov’s worry right now. The ongoing unrest in Georgia was.

Georgia and Ichkeriya had never really seen eye to eye on nearly anything. Centuries of distrust and conflict lay behind, and Caucasians never forgot a slight. The Baibakov loyalists were understandably furious that the Ichkeriyans (and Kubans and Kalmyks) had cast away the shackles of the Baibakov regime, and the border region was so porous and the small Ichkeriyan National Guard was unable to properly plug the gaps and prevent raids and incursions from Baibakov loyalists taking place. The Federation peacekeepers, try as they might, were simply unable to do much with less than twenty thousand peacekeepers trying to cover a whole country. Although they were arriving in substantial numbers, the Cottish and Ukrainian peacekeepers were preoccupied in the border between Ichkeriya, Kuban and Kalmykia, leaving precious few troops to help cover the southern borders. The National Guard was needed to root out Baibakov loyalists within Ichkeriya itself and safeguard the establishment of the nation-state’s existence. The question for Drozhar was, how to protect Ichkeriya from Georgian revanchism?

After yet another sleepless night, Drozhar finally had an epiphany as he bolted up from his bed, waking his wife. The Empire of Columbia had formally recognized Ichkeriya (and Kuban and Kalmykia) as independent nation-states just two weeks ago, and did not have any former ties with any of the Caucasian political entities that had sprung up over the past few months. In fact, the Columbians were planning to establish an embassy in Grozny, and had already started looking for properties that were suitable. That was the solution!

The next morning, the Republic of Ichkeriya formally issued an invitation to the Empire of Columbia to send peacekeepers to deter further Baibakov (read: Georgian) incursions into Ichkeriyan territory and help ensure the territorial integrity of its southern border, in the interests of ensuring peace and stability in an otherwise unstable region.
Last edited by Cotland on Sun May 14, 2023 12:18 pm, edited 2 times in total.

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Layarteb
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Founded: Antiquity
Moralistic Democracy

Postby Layarteb » Sun May 14, 2023 3:13 pm



• • • † • • •



Monday, September 26th, 2022 | 09:00 hrs [UTC-5]

Columbia City, New York | Fortress of Comhghall
40° 41' 28" N, 74° 0' 58" W






The Caucasus Conflict, as it was referred to within Columbian circles, was an all-encompassing, umbrella term for the region's mini-conflicts between the various successor states of the Marimaian Federation as well as the roles being played by other nations within the region, the Cottish Realm, the United Federation of Nations, and the United Eastasian Republic. Until now really, the Empire had little to no role to play in the region. In truth, without the Eastasian presence in Azerbaijan, the Empire would see no reason to play a role in the region nor entertain any request to do so but the Eastasian deployment had changed the Empire's perspective, to say the least. In fact, for the past few weeks, the Columbian military had been working on pre-deployment tasks, expecting a call to action in Georgia but none had come and so, the ship had sailed and Columbia saw itself less as getting involved and more observing from afar, which, in many ways, was better and preferable.

Now that had changed with the formal invitation from Merkadov to deploy a peacekeeping force into Ichkeriya. This hadn't been something that Columbian military leaders considered before, largely because of the sizeable presence of Cottish and Ukrainian troops along the border areas of the "IKK states," as they were called. In fact, the request made perfect sense and coincided with the timing of what had transpired in terms of relations between the IKK states and the Empire. The Empire was taking its lead in the region from the Cottish and so, when the Cottish offered diplomatic recognition to the IKK states, it was proceeded by subsequent, Columbian recognition and the pledge for formal establishment of embassies and consulates. It would be from Ichkeriya that the Columbians would attempt to manage its relations with Georgia until time saw fit as to reoccupy the Columbian embassy in Tbilisi, unless there was a change in relations that would negate such a future endeavor.

For the Emperor, Merkadov's request changed the entire Columbian viewpoint of the region. Not one to pass up the opportunity, he made it the main point of discussion for the week's first National Security Council meeting, having directed Minister Martinez of Foreign Affairs to thank Merkadov for the offer and advise him that it would be reviewed by the government. The Emperor wasn't ready to commit to anything up front but he didn't want Merkadov to feel slighted by the Empire's need to discuss the matter. Thus, the man was put on ice for the weekend while military leaders took the invitation and drew up the findings. The timeline was short and now, bright and early Monday morning, the Emperor was ready to hear what the NSC had put together.

"Before we start," the Emperor said as he eyed everyone who was getting settled, "I'd like to hear Patricia's perspective in this request from the point of view of Foreign Affairs. Patricia, please," he said, looking over at the Minister of Foreign Affairs.

"Thank you sir, as you understand," she began, recapping Merkadov's request to the audience, "thus leading us to where we sit this morning. The Eastasian presence in Azerbaijan is a significant development, not only from its size, which my counterparts in Defense and Intelligence can say is not small, but also from the point of view of diplomatic relations. The ongoing conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, not to mention the situation in Georgia, presents significant turmoil in the southern Caucasus region. By not only signaling support for Feliks Baibakov in Baku but also bolstering Azerbaijani forces, the UER has essentially signaled to its neighbors that it plans to influence politics in the region. By supporting Feliks, son of the despised and hated Fyodor, they're essentially telling the people of the region that their grievances against the Baibakovs are null and void.

"The Baibakovs were the epitome of corruption and oppression in the region and to support the son of the father, the UER is essentially casting aside all of the grievances of the people. Now it may be that Feliks has a swell of support in Azerbaijan but beyond those borders, well you can see the result. By throwing their lot in with Feliks and Azerbaijan, the UER is telling the people of the Caucasus that the crimes of Marimaia will not be entirely atoned for and that the possibility of its return exists. Needless to say, there is reason that Merkadov is nervous, that the Cottish have moved to help force peace between the IKK states, that the UFN has deployed into Georgia. Regional instability is the greatest ally of Feliks and the UER and both the UFN and the Cottish are doing everything within their power to force stability on the region. Merkadov himself wants as much as does his counterparts in Kalmykia and Kuban."

"Thank you,"
the Emperor said when she made clear that she was finished. "Michael, what does Intelligence have to say about the matter?"

"Sir, Intelligence agrees. The UER has a deployment of 20,000 men with all of the armor and support necessary for combat operations, much of the deployment aided by Sibir. It's also growing sir. This is not a 'peacekeeping deployment' insofar as we've ascertained, despite the marketing of it as such. Regional instability would put the UER in a unique and advantageous position to sweep in and establish areas that could be consolidated under Feliks and Azerbaijan, which would undoubtedly give rise to a Marimaia two-point-oh sir. Unless the UFN increases the size of its deployment in Georgia by at least two or three fold, the best it will be able to do is hold at its borders around the Georgian capital."

"And Defense, Mark?"

"Defense is in agreement as well sir. The deployment we've been preparing of 75,000 men would have been a huge bolster to the Georgians and provide a major defensive barrier along the eastern border. However, based on our continued assessment of the region, that deployment will now be shelved."

"What would be needed to placate Merkadov, provide a regional presence, and support the Cottish? Do we need the same level of deployment?"

"Sir, our force deployment to Georgia,"
Merritt of Defense continued, "was predicated on needing to act in conjunction with a small, UFN-deployed peacekeeping force in staving off an invasion. Ichkeriya is in a much different position and has Cottish backing, unlike Georgia. What this means is that should anything happen, Cottish forces would be taking the primary lead role here. As such, our deployment to Ichkeriya is more supplemental than primary and we would deploy a significantly smaller force. Based on our findings from this weekend, we believe a brigade-sized element along with at least one fighter wing will be sufficient to support the Ichkeriyan National Guard. We would be able to rely on Cottish logistical support and have assistance in moving supplies from Novorossiysk down to Ichkeriya, which is roughly 550 miles. Far enough that we can utilize rail transport but close enough that over-the-road transport will require only a day's worth of driving. We might also be able to utilize Tuapse but that only cuts the distance by one hundred miles or so but would require significant travel through the mountainous areas. It would take actually take longer as a result for both over-the-road and rail transport." The Emperor nodded at this and scribbled in his notebook for future thought.

"Where would we be deploying in Ichkeriya, was Merkadov's suggestion actionable?"

For this, Merritt turned it over to Chairman-General Samuel D. Currie, the highest ranking member of the Columbian military who'd begun his term as the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff upon his predecessor's retirement in 2020. He was expected to serve until at least 2024 before he would retire and pave the way for his successor, widely believed to be Admiral Jermaine P. Lowe, the head of the Imperial Columbian Navy. "Sir, Merkadov offered up the use of Khankala Air Base, on the outskirts of Grozny's city limits. The base area is 3,500 acres and was a Marimaian airbase. It boasts two runways, each long enough for fighter and cargo aircraft and existing infrastructure. Overall, the base is not in a state of disrepair but its condition is adequate, at best. Of course sir, we're basing this on what little we know from satellite imagery so we could be wrong. Our analysis is that the base itself is immediately occupiable but that it will require significant development if we are to maintain a long-term presence. Based on what we know, we could deploy a fighter squadron to the base immediately and support an entire wing within one month. A brigade-sized deployment could be supported as well but would need significant development over the next six months to make that deployment sustainable.

"Our brigade would focus on mechanized infantry given the mountainous border between Ichkeriya and both Georgia and Azerbaijan. We would expect around 7,000 men for the deployment, which would include three mechanized infantry battalions, a cavalry squadron, field artillery and air defense units, air cavalry and rotary wing elements, and the necessary support units for independent operations. Coupled with the support elements for the air force deployment, we'd be looking at close to ten or twelve thousand men sir."

"Significantly less than we would have deployed to Georgia but with a much different mission. The field artillery units would be largely for?"

"To support any indigenous forces conducting major operations in the border areas and to provide a deterrent against incursion from the south sir."

"What would operations look like, supporting the ING that is?"

"Well sir largely airborne operations,"
Chairman-General Currie said as he cleared his throat and apologized for the interruption. He was still fighting something of an upper respiratory infection that made his frequent throat clearing necessary, much to the irritation of some in his presence, "The mountainous areas do not favor armored units well and so we would not be deploying many tanks, only a single company for support where needed. By and large, while the mountainous villages are accessible by road, most of the patrolling would be done on foot. Helicopter operations would be significant, thus the necessity for air cavalry units sir."

The Emperor nodded his head and turned back to Patricia Martinez, "Patricia, as you've heard from Defense, Intelligence, and our Chairman-General, what is the likely response from the UFN and the UER if we were to deploy into Ichkeriya?"

"Well sir undoubtedly we would receive criticism from the UER. They could acknowledge our presence or not, it's fifty-fifty. They might call it an unnecessary provocation in the region and call our presence unjustified but sir, the same could be said of their own. In addition, we could cite the size of their deployment as the antithesis of a peacekeeping operation, that much goes without saying, especially compared with our own that would be less than half of theirs. From the UFN sir, they might consider it an insult or they might welcome it as a means to apply additional pressure on rogue elements within Georgia's more lawless regions. We'll have to wait and see sir. The deployment should not hurt our relations with any party though, at least not where they currently stand. Any bruhaha would be temporary, at most sir."

"Thank you,"
the Emperor had a lot to consider as he looked at the ten men and women seated around the table. A dozen other men and women sat around the room, present but not communicating. NSC meetings were like this though. There was the eleven-member National Security Council, which included the Emperor, and a number of additional persons invited to the meeting as aides to those councilmembers. They largely sat on the periphery and spoke only when spoken to but they were there to be ready at an instant's notice with information no one at the table possessed. "What would be our vote?" The Emperor wouldn't vote, unless there was a tie and so, one-by-one, they sounded off and voted, largely in favor of the deployment in Ichkeriya, the opposition coming from Commerce and Finance only making it an eight-to-two vote.

With the vote completed, the Emperor turned back to Merritt and asked, "How long until the first units are deployed?"

"Ninety-six hours for full deployment if we wanted to rush it sir, ten days if we were willing to take a more measured approach sir."

"Let's make a statement,"
the Emperor said, "four days and we'll have our entire force deployed. Let Merkadov know what to expect and the Cottish to support our needs. We'll need to get moving fast on the logistical piece if we're to consider a long-term deployment. I'd rather not be shortsighted today and hurt ourselves in six months." With the marching orders given that was it. The deployment was authorized and put into motion.

• • • • ‡ • • • •


Thursday, September 29th, 2022 | 09:00 hrs [UTC+3]

Grozny, Ichkeriya | Khankala Air Base
43° 17' 54" N, 45° 46' 37" E






The arrival of large, four-engine, transport planes over Grozny eighteen hours after the deployment had been ordered shocked and startled the residents of the Ichkeriyan capital. There had been no warning, no public service announcements, no nothing from the government to placate their initial fears and fear was what many of them felt as transport after transport arrived, an unending caravan of dark gray behemoths that no one could mistake as civilian. At first, a fearful curiosity gripped the city's residents as the aircraft came to land at Khankala and fears of an invasion spread like a wildfire through a drought-riddled forest. Residents took shelter, some made immediate preparations to flee, and city officials were besieged by panicked phone calls. The few who recognized the transports as Columbia and neither Cottish nor Federationer were just as confused as those who knew nothing. Why is Columbia here? They would ask themselves.

It was not until hours into the operation that Merkadov came on television to assure the public that not only was an invasion not underway but that the military forces arriving were friendly and there to assist the security of the nation. Of course, that would placate some but not all of the residents in Grozny, many of whom were gripped by the anxiety that came with a region in turmoil. Merkadov and his government did their very best and brought city leaders into the fold, apologizing for the secrecy but explaining its necessity. There would be a meeting with the Columbian military commanders just as soon as the deployment was finished, at which point the city's leaders could ask anything of the Columbian generals officers and issue their own terms and conditions. That meeting was still a few days away while the deployment continued as transport after transport arrived over the city in ten-minute intervals. What the people of Grozny and anyone else in the world was witnessing was just how capable the Columbian military could be when it needed to be. Years upon years of combat operations and training with the Cottish and anyone else had honed the skills of the ICAF to do this very thing. Was it costly? Yes but it achieved results. They could deploy an entire, mechanized infantry brigade in just ninety-six hours. A division in just five days, all by air. Honing AirLand Battle strategies to include emerging technologies, new ground combat TO&Es, and naval elements, Columbian war planners had taken a military theory from the 1920s and the 1930s, called Deep Battle, and modernized it for the twenty-first century. This was it, this was the culmination of years of research, strategy, and execution. The Imperial Columbian Military was a truly integrated fighting force. If that wasn't impressive then nothing was.

Along with the ground combat element though would also come air support. Arriving would be a squadron of F-28 Viper multirole fighters, twenty-four in all. Two more squadrons would be arriving in the coming weeks, bringing forth an entire wing to the area, a potent strike force that would not only provide air-policing missions but also air support capabilities to Ichkeriyan and Columbian ground operations and dissuade anything with invasion plans. Seventy-two Vipers would hardly be enough to stop an invasion but they could provide significant capabilities in the first, critical hours of an invasion to thwart the entire plan. Beyond that, the full fury of the Royal Cottish Air Force would be brought to bear followed by hundreds of aircraft from the ICAF. Invasions were won and lost in the first few hours and these aircraft were there to ensure those first few hours went poorly, for the enemy that was.

At first, landing at Khankala itself had been something of an ordeal. As an old, Marimaian base, there was no ILS or operating TACAN system nor was there an air traffic control tower. What this meant was that the first few aircraft would be landing entirely be hand. They would be forced to make their approach over the city, from the west, and land visually. All they would know, coming into landing, was the airbase's mean sea level altitude of 548 feet. Of course, this would be rectified quickly as the first aircraft brought with it a deployment landing system along with the men to operate it. The system itself was called the TTLS or Transportable Transponder Landing System, which worked in all weather, from anywhere in the world, and was fully compatible with all Columbian - and Cottish - military aircraft. Transportable inside a single, twenty-foot Connex container, it had been offloaded from the first aircraft in and erected within a few hours, quick enough that the second wave of aircraft would have its benefit but not the first. Now fully operational, the TTLS was guiding in aircraft just like any airbase in Columbia.

This would make landing the high-performance fighter jets of the 369th Tactical Fighter Squadron a breeze. Lieutenant Colonel Ronald "Twister" Adams would be leading his fighter squadron in, soon to be followed by the rest of the wing and its commanding officer, Colonel Donald Kelly, who was due to arrive in a few weeks. Adams had been a pilot for fifteen years now, flying the F-16 Falcon for ten years while it was transitioned out of the inventory in favor of the more advanced and more capable F-28 Viper, which had been named after the Falcon's unofficial nickname. Having learned how to fly on the Falcon made transitioning to the Viper a breeze, especially when it came to the aircraft's handling. Bringing down the Viper was much easier than its predecessor, which required a certain finesse to land. With the aid of the TTLS, landing the Viper at Khankala would be nothing short of routine on this calm and otherwise perfect morning.

As a single group, the twenty-four aircraft of the 369th TFS had flown over to Grozny from Shaw Air Force Base in South Carolina, which meant a fourteen-hour ferry flight. The pilots doing the flight would need at least two days of rest before they were airborne again, which meant that relief pilots had flown on ahead so that, in case they were needed right away, they could be combat ready right away, well right away after the jets were serviced. A fourteen-hour ferry flight was probably amongst the longest that any Columbian fighter pilot would fly and that meant a lot of boredom on the trip over. The pilots had spent their time monitoring their aircraft's systems, flying in loose formation on autopilot, napping intermittently, tanking twice at even intervals as they crossed the North Atlantic and Europe. Amongst the ways the fighter pilots kept themselves busy on the flight over, when they were monitoring their systems or napping, was playing games with one another over a common frequency. The most exciting of these was a massive, twenty-four men game of battleship that had been rigorously preplanned ahead of the flight. They played from just south of Iceland all the way to the city of Kharkiv, passing just south of the city. To say it had been exciting was to put into perspective the fact that they were flying for hours upon hours doing nothing but sitting in their cockpits. Captain Rich "Slick" Crawford had declared himself the winner but, as several accusations of cheating had been made, would not be crowned as such until they were down and reviewed everyone's cards and the gamemaster, LTC Adams himself, reviewed the "attack calls."

Over Grozny, the fighter jets dropped down to 5,000 feet and formed up in three groups of eight aircraft. Within only two minutes of interval between each group, they fly over Grozny, their massive turbofan engines roaring overhead as they turned over and gave the city's residents something of an airshow. The parade formation was short-lived though as the pilots, exhausted and fatigued, did not wish to press their luck and subsequently split off into their four-aircraft flights. The TTLS could simultaneously guide four aircraft down at a time, each on its own frequency, and thus the 369th TFS would come down in groups of four, though they would be landing one-by-one. Taking on the necessary separation, Adams' flight came in first. From the cockpit, he went through his checklist, verifying his aircraft's weight from one of the MFD pages and matching that up to a corresponding approach and landing speed. He set up the landing system and made his approach, coming over the runway at an altitude of 1,500 feet above ground level and a speed of 300 knots. With the favorable visual conditions, the landing itself would not be terribly different than landing anywhere else in the world.

Coming straight down the runway, he made his initial approach and crossed the threshold of the runway before he went into the overhead break. Advancing the throttles, he pulled the aircraft into a hard, left turn, pulling three gees and a seventy-degree bank. As he pulled his turn, he extended the speed brakes, kept his turn level, and watched as his airspeed decreased from 300 knots down to 215 knots, having taken a complete, 180° turn. Reached down to his left, he dropped the gear and looked back at the runway. Reducing the throttle, the airspeed continued to drop, especially as the gear increased the plane's drag. Checking that all three wheels were down, he looked at his airspeed at 165 knots and looked back to see that his wingtip rail, which was empty, was at the edge of the runway. Having already received landing clearance, Adams further extended the brakes and began another left turn, dropping his altitude as he did. The aircraft gained speed up to 200 knots and as he finished his turn, he found himself looking down the runway, just 300 feet above the ground, the aircraft itself now properly lined up for landing. He set the glide scope on the HUD appropriate and the aircraft continued to slow down as he dropped towards the ground gradually, just like landing his F-16. Moments later, passing over the runway, now on what was called "short final," he chopped the throttle to idle and pulled back gently on the stick. He was doing just 160 knots and pulled the aircraft's AOA, or angle of attack, to 13° nose up attitude. His rear wheels touched down seconds later at his desired 142 knots.

Now it was time to aerobrake and he maintained back pressure on the stick, the nosewheel still off the ground. At this point, he opened the speed brakes fully and held the aircraft not only on the runway's centerline but also with the 13° nose up attitude. At 15°, he would risk a tail strike and any less and the aircraft would take even longer to slow down. He held it there until the airspeed was at 100 knots, at which point he gently dropped the nose, put the nosewheel down on the ground, and began to apply the aircraft's wheel brakes until the aircraft slowed down to just 30 knots. Turning on the nosewheel steering, he pulled further down the runway, letting off the brakes, and closed his speed brakes. He pulled off moments later and taxied towards the tarmac while the next plane came in right behind him. That was it, Adams was down and within minutes, his entire flight was down. The entire squadron was down in no time and, from there, the entirety of the 369th TFS was in Grozny and in the process of post-landing checks, shutting down their aircraft, and ready for some much needed stretching, a proper bathroom, a shower, food, and rest. In a few weeks, the second and third squadrons of the 20th Tactical Fighter wing would join them, one big, happy family amidst an even larger deployment of Columbian military forces.



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Grand California
Bureaucrat
 
Posts: 46
Founded: Apr 02, 2023
Left-wing Utopia

Postby Grand California » Sun May 14, 2023 4:01 pm


P R E S I D E N T I A L · M A N S I O N
Denver, Federal District, Federal Republic of California | Monday 26 September 2022 | 12:47 MDT (GMT -6)


The Presidential Mansion of the Federal Republic of California sat in the Federal District of Denver. The city itself was part of no state, the idea of a special administrative district used to prevent one state from claiming more power than any other in the union. The limestone-clad mansion sat on 4 acres of land in the Mile High City. It consisted of 35 rooms on 4 floors including the basement and employed the use of an elevator and multiple staircases to assist the President and his staff navigate the corridors of power. The mid-century modern take on the Norman revival style gave the Californian president a more unique looking home than most other national leaders. On the third floor sat the private office of the President, the office incumbent President Tyler Ellison preferred to the larger, more robust office shown on television during presidential addresses. On this particular day sat on his desk two bills passed by the Senate and requiring the signature of the President. In the first bill, the Federal Republic of California--known colloquially as Grand California--would recognize the Republic of Azerbaijan as the legal and legitimate successor state to the now-defunct Marimaian Federation. The second bill was in the same vein: the Federal Republic of California would recognize Georgia as a free and independent state. Personally, Ellison had no issues signing these bills. Nations were always free to choose their own path and secure their own freedoms. However, he paused momentarily when it came time to actually signing the bills. He had to weigh the consequences of such an announcement. Placing a phone call to the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, President Ellison was assured that there were no credible international threats for such a recognition of Azerbaijan and, by extension, the Georgian Provisional Government and their independent state of Georgia.

Ellison reached onto his desk and grabbed a black retractable pen. Nothing fancy or special, just your average kind of pen available at fine retailers around the Federal Republic and, presumably, the world. He opened the bill to recognize Azerbaijan. With a quick motion from his right hand, his signature legitimized the bill and meant from that moment forward, as far as the Federal Republic of California was concerned, Azerbaijan was a free and independent state. Opening the the bill to recognize Georgia, he hovered slightly over the line to sign the bill into law. He tapped the pen slightly. Then, with the same quick stroke, he signed the bill. California today had recognized the two newest nations on Earth. Long may their banners of freedom wave for their citizens. Now, the next order of business was to get the Foreign Affairs Department to officially begin diplomatic relations with the two nations.
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Freistaat-Ostafrika
Envoy
 
Posts: 280
Founded: Apr 10, 2018
Corporate Police State

Postby Freistaat-Ostafrika » Mon May 15, 2023 1:46 pm

29 September 2022, 18:00hrs [UTC+4]
Presidential Administration of Azerbaijan
Baku, Republic of Azerbaijan

As had become the norm whenever Feliks Baibakov called a press conference, the press briefing room of the Presidential Administration building was packed with representatives of the Krasnaya Media Group's outlets, as well as journalists from the Eastasian state-owned news networks and the networks of those communist or socialist states closely affiliated with the UER. The chattering amongst the gathered media personnel shifted dramatically into applause and cheering as the President of Azerbaijan strolled into the room, dressed in a navy pinstripe waistcoat with matching trousers and a white shirt. Feliks gave a playful wave to the always-receptive audience as he approached the podium, accompanied by Mateja Čubrilović, who was finally making an appearance at one of Feliks' press conferences. The Serb was dressed in an immaculate black military uniform that clearly displayed his rank as that of Kapitan, as Feliks had granted him a commission to match the rank that he had once held and that had resulted in Feliks' affectionate nickname for him: "my Kapetan". Upon reaching the podium, Feliks laughed as he gestured for the media to quieten down, eventually putting a finger to his lips and playfully shushing them.

"Okay, okay. May I begin please?" Feliks' trademark Cheshire Cat grin quickly came into existence as he addressed his audience, both in the room and either watching or listening elsewhere. "So, I have some things that I would like to address this evening. The first thing is the fact that the Federal Republic of California has recognised the Republic of Azerbaijan as the legal and legitimate successor state to the Marimaian Federation. Grand California is the latest in a succession of nations to recognise our status, and I would like to personally thank President Tyler Ellison and his administration for taking this action. Grand California is a nation that has had a profound impact on global culture. Hollywood, Disney, and Netflix, that's to name just three of the many aspects of Grand California that make it a true cultural and economic world power. Having the recognition of such a great nation shows that Azerbaijan is on the right track. I hope that perhaps, one day, President Ellison might be able to visit us here in Azerbaijan to reinforce the burgeoning ties of friendship that are developing between our two nations."

He waited for the resulting applause to finish before continuing. "The second thing that I would like to address is this whole situation with groups calling themselves 'Baibakov loyalists'." Feliks' expression became much more serious at that point. "When I became President of Azerbaijan, I stated that if there were those with any love left for my family and our legacy, then they would be welcome to join me in Azerbaijan. Now, there have been many who have answered that offer. They have come to Azerbaijan and are working to forge this nation into a strong and stable state. That is loyalty to my family and our legacy. Forging the greatest Azerbaijan that we can possibly forge, that is what I wish to do. The reason why I have sought recognition for Azerbaijan as the legal and legitimate successor of the Marimaian Federation is that the Federation cannot come back. My family's legacy is, therefore, best served here, in our true ancestral homeland of Azerbaijan. My family's legacy is not served by terrorising civilians in former member republics of the Federation. So I will say this once more. If you are truly loyal to my family, then your place is here, in Azerbaijan, helping to create the greatest nation possible.

"If you continue to call yourself a loyalist but you remain in a different republic, causing misery for innocent people, then you are no loyalist at all. You have...let's see...one week. Seven days. Your final opportunity, because some of you are really trying my patience. If you're still causing havoc after that week, then you're no loyalist at all, and I won't care if another power blows you to kingdom come. If you still claim to be a loyalist but you refuse to help me build upon my family's legacy, then you're dead to me. I will not endorse the murder of innocent civilians at the hands of glorified terrorists. If you believe that that is the best way to honour my family, then you are an idiot at best. The government of Azerbaijan does not, and will not, offer any support to such actions."

Several of the media representatives exchanged nervous looks, causing Feliks' grin to re-emerge. "Oh, don't worry, that's the last word that I will say on that particular matter. Now then, back to more positive things. In the spirit of continued friendship between our nations, the United Eastasian Republic has announced the creation of an 'investment and aid fund' that will be accessible to fund projects of importance to Azerbaijan, such as improving our energy and transport infrastructure, building up our foreign currency reserves, providing extra liquidity for our banks, that sort of thing. I was greatly heartened to learn that the Arab Socialist Federation will also be contributing to this fund. The ASF and Azerbaijan have much in common, and it is fantastic that our two nations will be cooperating even more closely alongside the United Eastasian Republic. The Republic of Azerbaijan is truly fortunate to have such generous friends on the international stage."

More applause followed that statement, allowing Feliks to take a drink of water before moving on. "The UER has also assured me that the flow of peacekeepers will continue until it is determined that we have a sufficiently large presence to deter potential agents of instability. I would like to offer my public thanks to the Eastasian peacekeepers for their courteous behaviour, even though nobody would expect anything else from Eastasian personnel. Their continued presence has allowed the Azeri military to deploy to the border regions near Armenia, in an attempt to stymie the continued militia crossings into our territory. Now, I'll be honest. I don't buy the Armenian administration's claims that they can't control these crossings. Armenians are crossing into Azeri territory and attacking innocent civilians, claiming that they occupy rightful Armenian territory. Our military is making decent progress in terms of engaging them, but this situation cannot continue indefinitely. So I am going to address the administration in Yerevan right now."

Feliks looked directly into the cameras facing him as he continued. "Get your people under control. If you are permitting or supporting these militia crossings, then you are going to stop doing so. If they are happening despite your best efforts to halt them, then you need to try harder. Put a stop to this militia debacle, because if you don't take decisive action, we will. Forging the greatest Azerbaijan that we can possibly forge does not involve allowing Armenian militias to cross our border and attack villages. Get your house in order, or we will put it in order for you." He then returned his attention to the assembled media. "Okay, so I'll take a couple of questions...Vasif, let's hear from you."

The political editor for the Krasnaya-owned Azad Azerbaijan TV, Vasif Mahmudov rose from his seat, nodding with slight deference as he addressed Feliks. "Mister President, what is your opinion on today's announcement that the Empire of Columbia has deployed forces to the Republic of Ichkeriya?"

Feliks chuckled lightly and grinned at him. "Honestly, Vasif, it's of no concern to me. If Drozhar Merkadov wishes to have Columbian forces stationed in Ichkeriya then that's his business. It doesn't affect Azerbaijan one iota. In fact, they may end up being a welcome addition to the region! I certainly won't shed any tears if they blow up some of those who invoke my family's name solely to justify terrorism. At the end of the day, Vasif, the Empire of Columbia is just one more world power stepping into the Caucasus. Their presence doesn't worry me or intimidate me because they are there to ensure the sovereignty of Ichkeriya's borders. Azerbaijan has no plan or design on Ichkeriyan territory, so...I don't know, good for them, to get involved? I personally have far more important things to think about, such as Azerbaijan. I hope that answers your question."

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-The United Federation of Nations-
Spokesperson
 
Posts: 137
Founded: Apr 10, 2018
Ex-Nation

Postby -The United Federation of Nations- » Tue May 16, 2023 2:09 pm

Lieutenant General Theodor Morgenstern, FA
Federation Embassy, Tbilisi
Federal Republic of Georgia
Friday 30th September 2022, 2100hrs Local Time




The Federation Mission to Georgia (FEDGEO), as the deployment was now officially designated, had been proceeding apace over recent weeks. Although the size of the military deployment had not expanded dramatically, considerable civilian support was being increased day-on-day, with the likes of the Federation Security Agency providing critical law enforcement expertise and support in a country whose law enforcement tradition was… tenuous at best. The mission’s biggest success, so far, had probably been the successful identification, location, and arrest of the perpetrators of the Rape of the Tbilisi City Orphanage. Although heavily supported by the FSA, the operation had been carried out by the nascent Georgian National Police, and this had done wonders to boost the legitimacy and perceptions of the equally nascent Georgian Provisional Government. The Provisional Government was steadily asserting itself across more and more of the nominal territory of Georgia, and something approaching normality was beginning to return. The first official recognition of Georgia has an independent state, by Greater California, had also done wonders to boost the legitimacy of the Provisional Government, as although the Federation had already done so it was hardly uninvolved.

The presence of the 2nd Response Division, surrounding the 5th Mechanised Brigade at Senaki, had already accomplished two thirds of its mission; containing the loyalist brigade, and more critically allowing the Georgina Provisional Government to focus on securing the rest of the country. As Elena Saakashvili, or Chairwoman (of the Georgian Provisional Government) Saakashvili as it was now, had attracted more and more factions to her moderate position this had brought peace and prevented old rivalries from reigniting. This had allowed many of the ad hoc militias that had formed to stand-down, which not only brought peace to their territories but also allowed their membership, many of whom had been military, reservists, or law enforcement, to focus on their nominal duties. Some had been removed, the Joint Strike Force 14th Battlegroup (in addition to helping Chairwoman Saakashvili to secure Tbilisi) had supported her own forces in identifying and detaining Baibakov loyalists and those that had committed crimes or atrocities during the Baibakov period, but many more had remained, which had allowed a semblance of law and order to return. It was far from perfect, but the challenges of several weeks previously when the GPG could not reasonably have claimed to have nominal control were receding rapidly.

This was exactly how the Federation preferred to perform it’s interventions; rather than swamping the troubled state with tens of thousands of troops and do their job for them, the Federation Council had long favoured deploying a stabilising force whilst supporting the government to get it’s own house in order. It would not always be possible, in situations where there simply was no viable local government to take up the slack then the Federation would do what it must, but by and large it had favoured getting involved more subtly and gently at an earlier stage than coming in heavy handed when the situation went to hell in a handbaskst. This was largely what was driving the Federation Council’s distrust of the intentions of the other world powers that were getting involved in the wider Caucuses Conflict; with tens upon tens of thousands of ‘peacekeepers’ from all over the world cramming into a relatively small geographic area on the Federation’s doorstep. Perhaps surprisingly though, as far as conventional Federation foreign policy went it was from the other relative local, the Realm of Cotland (and it’s Ukrainian component) and its ally, and to a lesser extent the Empire of Columbia, that had proven to be the most troublesome, both practically and in terms of their rhetoric and diplomatic messaging.

By contrast, the original major source of concern, the United Eastasian Republic and their peacekeepers, whilst in considerable numbers and propping up the surviving Baibakov scion, had by contrast been relatively benign as far as the Federation’s commitment and security guarantees to Georgia went, which was more than could be said for others. It was not for naught that there were discussions at the highest levels of the Department of the Exterior around the consequences and implications of what all parties had done here, and what it meant for Federation foreign policy going forwards. By and large the United Federation of Nations had worked to position itself neutrally, and had hoped to be a trusted third-party and mediator, however if that position was not respected, or the desire for peace misinterpreted as weakness, then perhaps a new and more robust foreign policy would be required. Indeed, President Caradonna, the Presidential Cabinet, and the Federation Council were actively discussing such things as well, behind closed doors for the moment, but with the Federation media calling for comment on a near daily basis, this would not remain the case for long.

None of this was the concern of Lieutenant General Theodor Morgenstern of the Federation Army, who had recently been appointed to command FEDGEO, as although not the largest collection of Federation forces it was growing in complexity. A native of Austria within the Kingdom of Apilonia, Lt. General Morgenstern had a long and distinguished career, including a number of years within the Joint Strike Force, which made him intimately familiar with the capabilities of the 14th Battlegroup, and as it happened his most recent command had in fact been the 2nd Response Division, which was doubtless the reason he had been pulled from his staff role at Defence Force Headquarters, due to his familiarity with the ground units involved and his experience both operationally and at staff levels with the other services within the Federation Defence Force. Regardless of what the politicians and the diplomats were discussing, his job and that of FEDGEO was fairly simple at this stage; resolve the current issue and deal with everything else once the military situation in Georgia was resolved to the satisfaction of the Federation Council and the Georgian Provisional Government.

With the Georgians consolidating their own control over their territory, this left Lt. General Morgenstern to focus on the real military threat; the 5th Mechanised Division.

The Federation had been making continuing entreaties to the 5th Mechanised, and its leader, Anatoly Baibakov, particularly after Feliks Baibakov had instructed all remaining Loyalists to gather around him in Azerbaijan. It had been hoped that they would be able to secure a peaceful surrender, particularly if safe passage could have been assured to Azerbaijan, particularly as the 5th Mechanised (when compared to the disorganised Loyalist Militia) had not been implicated in any atrocities (even if they had attacked the Federation Embassy and tried to kill Chairwoman Saakashvili. However, although there had been some defections which reduced the fighting strength of the brigade, Anatoly was clearly going off the deep-end and knew that he had backed himself into a corner, refusing to go to Feliks, and was apparently intending to go down fighting. The only silver lining to this mess was that there was at least some humanity, in that the Loyalists were not forcing the civilians of Senaki to remain in the city, or using them as human shields.

As such, as the 2nd Response Division prepared for its assault into the city, it could do so with a clear conscience. There would doubtless be some civilians left in the city, and every piece of fire support or offensive action would need to be carefully risk-assessed by the planning staff, but the nightmare scenario of fighting in an urban area that was still teeming with civilians had been avoided, to everyone’s relief. Moreover, the 5th Mechanised was largely focused around its base on the outskirts of the city, and its defensive positions were protecting their base, with only a relatively small force protecting Anatoly’s residence in the centre of the city. There was still a glimmer of hope that this could lead to further defections, perhaps even by the Brigade Commander if the situation was so bleak as to lose all hope. It was with this in mind that Lt. General Morgenstern put into motion the first stage of his battle plan to take the city and to destroy the ability of the 5th Mechanised to make war. He would not be directly controlling the 2nd Response Division, that was of course the purview of its new Commanding General, but he would be overseeing the overall operation and co-ordinating the air support element.

“Commence Phase One,” Lt. General Morgenstern said, looking around at this gathered staff officers.

Phase One called for a two-day bombardment of key military targets and critical infrastructure in and around Senaki and the garrison of the 5th Mechanised. The Federation Defence Force could, especially this close to the Federation itself, have launched a shock and awe campaign and destroyed all of their targets in a shorter period, however the physiological effect of a slower, precise, and deliberate campaign had been chosen. As such, rather than an overwhelming flurry of activity, the following two days would be a relentless series of strikes; no sooner had the dust settled on one strike than another, close-by or across the city, would follow. It was designed to over-stimulate the minds of everyone involved over a longer period, and to erode the morale of the defenders, in a way that Shock and Awe simple did not; a clear message that this would continue until capitulation, rather than a single great event that could be endured and moved on from. There was a time for Shock and Awe, but this was not it, especially when the Federation was eager to avoid looking heavy-handed itself.

By the end of the weekend the stage would be set for Phase Two, and the ground assault would commence.

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