1st East Slav Presidential Debate (MT Open, IC)

[Eastern Slavia]

(Post as news coverage, reporters etc)


"As we approach the month of October, the annual Forum where the President answers questions from the general population is coming up. However, this year, is an election year. Oktyabrskaya will be joined by potential candidates for debate and to answer your questions. Regular programming will be transferred to a secondary channel for the duration of this event to allow constant coverage.."

"Annd cut. We'll use that take."

"Really, did we get a good shot of the skyline..?" The reporter looked behind her, trying to make out the buildings in the early morning fog. Light glistened ever so slightly off the sky scrapers in the distance which had recently finished construction.

"We got as much as we can right now. We have some footage from yesterday we can roll. Our passes aren't valid until tomorrow so we wont get any city center shots til then."

"Alright, let's do another take, then head to the city and check into the hotel before all the other reporters get in. The joys of being a largely unrecognized country, border crossing takes forever.."

------
Hotel "International"


One of the potential candidates, from the port city of Norvinsk addressed a crowed of supporters and media outside his hotel. A well dressed middle aged man with greying hair, Dmitry Dorogin was the social conservative candidate. He firmly believed the country could be recognized if it had resembled a place with order, strict, clear laws. Reintroducing religion and closing the borders were his talking points along with receiving foreign investment into the economy.

"The government's policies did not bear fruit. When she claimed the country would prosper, we got 3 years of war and 75% of the country under a crown, and our remaining land as an anarchic hellscape where roving bands of gunmen mascarade as 'police' and are bandits by any other name. As Governor of the Norvinsk region I disbanded the 'militia', and had a force, picked from locals, created. Answering to a civilian leadership, with accountability, we cracked down on the criminal elements that had infested our cities and now have the safest in the region. We rebuilt and opened a cathedral that had been shut down by the communist government, and which had been destroyed by the Anarchist in charge of the country. I have no doubts that order was personally given. And the borders! Novoslaviya is full of former failed states and we simply cannot accomadate the refugees without some sort of system in place. If Slavia, under a foreign crown can implement an effective solution, we should have no problems enacting one our self. I know I can count on your support, and believe we can set our country on a path to prosperity"

Dzerzhinsky Center

The venue for the debate was normally used for large musical concerts and indoor football matches. Originally it was planned to be an outdoor event, but sound problems and weather forced a change. The new location enabled a more professional showing of the event. The President calmly smoked a cigarette as her assistants went over the prepared speech again. A young politician, who had (dyed) red hair that matched the flag, she was formerly in the state security service and was pushed though due to a photogenic appearance and her ability to connect with her generation who wasn't old enough to remember the old days, and who were pessimistic about the younger ones who embraced unrealistic ideas. She would prove to be difficult to control by state security as a puppet, but often took advice when other advisors were unhelpful. "You.. know that doesn't sound like me."

"Well yes. It's a guideline. Talking points are important on this one, because there is likely to be foreign reporters that will ask questions, who will want more detailed explanations of what you plan to do for the next 6 years."

"And I will tell them what will happen. Reconstruction of the country will continue. Cities will be expanded to accommodate the growing refugee population. Education will be standardized across the country - When I was in school we learned multiple languages because we still used SSR's education program - it's important that people are multilingual as it allows them to communicate with foreigners better - not to mention it can attract foreign companies, which our economy is in need of. Constitutional Reform is a hot topic, but I need a working senate for that. Military reforms from the previous President have been completed, but they were for a different time and we face different challenges now. Police Reform is another topic I will touch, though I have not put much thought into how it will be done yet. It is more then possible to just make them an official unitary national force, to be held to the same standard across the board. Or just integrate them into the Interior Ministry like they should have been in the first place, it's how it should have been done a long time ago. Oh yeah, Space Program. That's a priority since last time we neglected that the continent got burned by a meteor." she'd smirk, snuffing out the filter under foot and looked in a mirror. "We've got 5 hours til the show starts. I'll read it again, don't worry."



Hotel 'Stariy Gorod'

A small gathering of supporters for a 3rd candidate formed after details went out over social media. Leonid Udarsky was a 3rd person who could make the debate by a slim margin - while there were more then 5 people running, most were fringe candidates that could not draw enough support to make it. Udarsky himself was not likely to win - and did not have any significant political background. He was a university teacher, and worked with the city administrator closely, but his goal was to get the younger population involved in decision making. Many of Oktyabrskaya's decisions were taken as orders and carried out without much debate - some of which had some undesired effects or repercussions. If the country was to be a democracy, there had to be involvement by all people.

"My opponents - one an actual fascist and the other, a KGB funded anarchist that they can't even control, have neglected to mention that they do not care what happens with their actions. One wants a police state, the other is content with the country being regarded as another Afghanistan. Had she followed the ceasefire agreement with Slavia we could have had some stability. Perhaps even be a recognized state, but her defiance had forfeit territory and despite a 'friendly' relationship between our government and Slavia, why are there tanks and missiles pointing west? why are the border crossings closed most of the time? The OSCN mission that began after the UN left often contradicts official reports. Or the conflict in the west, that they barely talk about since it began? The continued occupation of an island that only continues to antagonize a small island nation, that should have been turned over over 25 years ago?" He'd scan over the crowd as it applauded, some waving a banner of his party, others of a proposed flag change. "And Dorogin, his ideas of a nation is not based on one that values personal liberties. His draft for a constitution does not take into account our country has a diverse population and would ensure that a single group would make policies. He plans on selling out to foreign interests, losing our widely known independent status on issues. On the economic side of things, he panders to private companies, who would have you pay for basic human necessities."

[Lillorainen]

Near the Dzerzhinsky Center, Snezinsk, Free Republic of Eastern Slavia.
For the journalists out there, who would be ready to start their interviews in a couple of hours, the travel from Lillorainen to Eastern Slavia had been long and tiring - but they were reasonably routined at getting to places difficult to enter, and their ethos of vocation would prevent them from refusing to go through stresses without any really good reason.
This being said, not only the KGB was informed. The Militärnachrichtendienst (Military Intelligence Service), or MND for short, was not the only intelligence agency serving the Federation of Lillorainen which would keep an eye on how they were doing over in Eastern Slavia - aside from the usual sane suspicion intelligence agencies had against each other, the MND was also quite keen on the Lillorainian reporters having to trouble over there, considering, that Eastern Slavia did lack international recognition to a high degree, and no one wanted to get into trouble at border control due to having a visa stamp possibly rendered invalid in their passports. There were enough stories of people stuck in some transit areas of airports to fill entire books with just that, and there were even movies on it. Better safe than sorry.
Granted, it wasn't as exciting as depicted in the Svea Herning novels, or the cineastic adaptions thereof, but the lads and lassies over in Saskilde did know how to do their job, that was for sure.
The leader of the squad was Frederik Rürup, an experienced reporter working for LR Network, the general broadcasting service of Lillorainen. It was the main organ of the Meritocratic Unity Party of the Federation of Lillorainen - which, while being indeed the unity party ruling in the Federation, was still keen on getting the truth. Rürup was around forty years old, blonde with some grey hair and blue-eyed, and if there was one who knew how to get one's point across on TV, then it was him.
He was accompanied by Ingo Tyrsholm, the man with the camera, who, with a small crew of three, was now working at setting everything up. He was a few years younger than Rürup, but definitely not less experienced, and neither were the pals who were in charge of all the technical stuff. Tyrsholm had dark hair and green eyes.
But the one with the most important job was Jana Kärlich. The dark-haired, blue-eyed woman in her early thirties would stand in front of the camera, with her full 184 centimeters of size - and the whole nation would see it. Her voice, according to the tiny note of Rhenish dialect one would never get out of her, no matter how hard one tried, was well known all over the Federation.
A few hours were left, enough time to get the big event starting. This debate had sounded promising - even though the list of candidates had already showed, that this place was quite stuck in a few deep-rooted problems. The current President, Anna Oktyabrskaya, had ruled with ... one could say, a very even hand, perhaps too even - and this was not going to change anytime soon. She hadn't really managed to get any stability into this situation, neither into the relations with (the other) Slavia, nor within Eastern Slavia's borders. She was alleged to just be a puppet of the KGB, but that hadn't been officially confirmed as of yet. - As opposed to that, her main opponent was an ultra-conservative man called Dmitry Dorogin, who, if his rhetorics were to believe, would probably love to create the Lord's Holy Theocratic Realm of Eastern Slavia in here in no time. Other candidates, with a distinctly low likelihood of winning any more than a flower pot in this election was a man named Leonid Udarsky, whose positions, so far, hadn't shone through in their entirety yet, but he seemed to be someone with a less radical approach, critizing Oktyabrskaya's rule of instability on the one hand, and Dorogin's social conservatism on the other.
Although there was yet a bit of time left, Rürup looked a bit nervous, watching the technicians at work with raised eyebrows. Kärlich noticed that.
"Saachens, Fred, is allet joot?" - she asked her colleague in a heavier dialect than one would hear on the news, if everything was okay.
Rürup just shrugged.
"No worries, we got everything under control" - Tyrsholm tried to reassure him. "We're not doing this for the first time."
Rürup looked up to the sky. "Are you sure, that the equipment is waterproof?"
Tyrsholm laughed. "Are we amateurs or something? Everything's waterproof, no worries."
"From your lips to Odin's Ears, mate."
"Are our cubs already at the 'International'?" - asked Kärlich.
Tyrsholm checked his watch. "Should have arrived by now - it's not awfully far away, after all. Dorogin might already be available for some questions. We'll see where it's going later. I hope, they are doing fine over there."

Hotel "International", Snezinsk, Free Republic of Eastern Slavia.
The 'cubs' Tyrsholm had mentioned were another three reporters, who almost wouldn't be noticed amongst all the other representatives of media, from Eastern Slavia as well as from abroad, gathered in front of the "International" - next to quite a few obvious supporters of Dorogin and the 180 degrees flip he was going to make, should be become the next President of the Free Republic.
Amongst them, Arno Frings, a lad in his mid-twenties working for Radio Eleven-Eleven - originally started off as an entertainment and music channel for the youth in and around Pontrath, the radio station had quickly become one of the most important news channels in Lillorainen, especially thanks to the loose tone they used.
Similarly, the Lysköpinger Almindelige Bladden had grown, from a Danish-language regional newspaper to one of the largest newspapers in the country, especially since it was available online and also in German and English. This was the news source Lykke Hedegaard was here for. She was as old as Arno, blonde, green-eyed and almost a head higher than him.
And last but not least, the youngest one amongst them. Leonie Theiss was actually a Student of History and Media Sciences at the University of Wiedheim, but since journalism was the profession she was most likely to ascend to in the foreseeable future, it surely couldn't harm to already gather some experience - which was why she was here. And finding young talents at this profession was quite a thing the small city-state in Lillorainen's sphere of influence needed to work at on a permanent basis. Theiss was of Arno's size, had ashy-beige hair and brown eyes.
Dmitry Dorogin left an impression, that he clearly knew what he wanted - cleaning up the mess the collapse of the SSR and Oktyabrskaya's Rule had created, at best, with an iron fist.
The big questions would, of course, come later, with the big event, with all candidates and all media assembled. But all three journalists had one urgent question, which one could already guess, if one knew where they were from.
Lykke Hedegaard made the start.
"If you allow me one question, Gospodin Dorogin" - she said. "Since your agenda obviously aims at restoring Eastern Slavia's national unity, strength, and faith, all of which surely are noble goals, what will your plan regarding the integration of ethnic and religious minorities, look like? How safe and free will people following other religions than the one you will promote, or speaking a different language, be under your rule?"
Frings and Theiss nodded.

[Eastern Slavia]

Hotel International


As a light rain began falling down, one of Dorogin's assistants handed him an Italian designed umbrella which he promptly opened and held himself, one of the other assistants whispering something in his ear causing him to look at his watch and whispering him something back. He wasn't really dressed for the weather as usual, but a little rain never really hurt anyone as far as he knew. His security detail seemed indifferent as they scanned the crowed and facade of a nearby building. They had been tipped off about a protest, but it was likely near the center and OMON had probably kept them from leaving a certain area - while normally they were instructed to allow it the event required a greater level of security then usual and everything needed to run smooth.

Answering a few local questions that were met with applause, Dorogin struggled to answer one asked by an individual who spoke East Slav over the universal Russian language that had been since the SSR days the 2nd or 3rd language of the eastern portion of the country. It was the main language in Slavia, alongside English which was taught in schools as well. Dorogin spent most of his youth in the western part of Slavia, and did not really have a need to learn or upkeep extra languages - though he was fluent in English and could at the very least understand East Slav in a pinch. He had momentarily forgot that he was not in Norvinsk, where it was a fairly homogenized population and the fact that someone, probably intentionally, threw him off like that was frustrating.

A question asked by a foreign reporter? He was surprised that they even showed up, as most of the reporters were from Norvinsk or the ever present Abkhazian News Network Agency, who were known to have a number of small offices around the country - possibly because registration was simple. As he pondered the question momentarily, he'd nod lightly.

"While I do plan to declare a national religion which has been absent for over 100 years, I understand that this country has a complex situation with people of diverse ethnic and religious backgrounds and my policies will take this into account. Much of these ethnic enclaves were designed by the SSR to keep people easy to control, if their village or town is a stones throw away from a historic rival. By keeping people focused on that, it was easy for the government to manage them without worry of widespread uprisings, if all they have to do is imply support for another group. I am an advocate of a single language for the country at an official level - what people speak amongst themselves at home is private business. But for official matters, all government officials need to be on the same table. Currently there are people in Norvinsk who cannot visit Snezinsk, Tiraspol or even Marinka because between the 3 of them there are 5 different languages. This is an issue that educational reforms would tackle. Concerning the status of religious minorities, while a state religion will be declared, it will not have influence in policy. One could argue that all religions are minorities here - and while I have my own beliefs I also must protect other ones. I will encourage the construction of religious sites - when I traveled abroad I quickly noticed these buildings and how they diversified the skyline. Look around this city - nothing but concrete blocks or towers of steel and glass. People will be protected under my leadership, to summarize it. Now, if you would excuse me, I must head to the center for the event. I look forward to seeing you all there!"

He'd wave, holding in place for a few moments knowing that pictures were being taken. East Slav memes of Dorogin often had him cropped out of pictures in a pose, then placed in other pictures - why, he never understood. He'd return to the hotel, likely to fix his hair before heading out to what he perceived to be a major milestone in his campaign. Despite voter apathy, he had got enough votes to be a major candidate after all.


Dzerzhinsky Center

Inside the building, a final security sweep was carried out - bomb sniffing dogs were taken around the facility, including the metro station under the building which was closed for the duration of the event. Upon completion, the head cop in charge radioed the KGB's Main Guard Directorate, who swept the upper floors, who then gave the go ahead to open the doors and let people in.

The building was fairly modern, built within the last few years over a smaller one that was in need of updates and to address some structural issues that occurred when the metro expanded. Bright LED lights illuminated the building while the temperature was kept cool & comfortable, while displays showed the dates of upcoming events and adds for various things.
As people filed in some people who were dressed like the police, but with a different sleeve patch spoke in different languages over the chatting of the crowed, more or less telling people to have their ID ready to be scanned. Most of the people appeared to be locals - with some lower level government officials mixed in who possessed slightly different cards then regular citizens. The cards were designed to replace an internal passport and also would possess information about current vehicle operation licenses, security clearances in some cases. Cards possessed by government officials were color coded, much like the ones that were given to the reporters at the border. They might recall the border guard stating plainly 'Keep this card on you at all times, it currently is the only accepted form of identification. It can be requested at any given time by state security forces, though police generally won't care.'

When they would approach the gate, the scan would display special instructions, of which the guard raised a brow, beaconing them to stand to the side as he wrapped up scanning the others. "Special instructions. You are not going in through this gate, follow the officer over there," he'd point at another who was standing watch, who appeared to have a handful of other reporters near him who were told the same thing, then took the radio from his belt and spoke into it in East Slav "Sending the last of them your way. Take them to the designated area then check with Gate 3, they need help."

The guard unlocked an emergency exit, holding the door as the followed. There were crews from various agencies - NTV, the state owned 'news only' channel, IAN - Another news agency that also reported regional news, GNN - the multinational news corporation that seemed to pop up in country over the years and now had several stations and a regional headquarters built. The ANNA reporters, who seemed to have trouble with the guard at first - mostly due to the fact that the camera man was already filming as if it was a documentary. The destination was an empty concourse off to the side of where the stage was. "This is where you'll wait until the even starts. Pre-debate interviews can be conducted, the President is around here somewhere, and the others are expected shortly."


Udarsky arrived shortly after, in his own personal car as he typically preferred to get around on his own. It was a relic of an old Soviet era car that he managed to keep running - though he probably replaced everything in it by now - the engine from an old Volvo he had won in a raffle - the car sitting in his garage as a collector display. His security tailed in one of the black German cars that the firm preferred. While he wasn't deemed at risk enough to warrant on official GOU detail, they did cover the costs of hiring a security firm for him. After checking with the guards in the parking structure, he would be escorted to the room where the reporters awaited.

Dorogin, after a wardrobe change was was taken through an access passage underground to enter the building through the metro station - he was unsure how congested the streets were as one of his advisors greatly overstated the size of the nearby protests, or the fact that OMON kept the opposing groups from ever clashing by doing it themselves. He'd arrive by a normally unused elevator, practicing a wave and smile as he took a step out, realizing at the last moment there were people watching - with the ANNA crew still fliming. He'd clear his throat, adjusting his tie before continuing forth

Oktyabrskaya, who'd been watching the whole time from above on a darkened upper level turned off her tape player, handing it to one of her assistants. "Well I better get down there. We still got a while but I'd rather get the interview over now before the event." She'd head down on the stairs, heels clicking on the concrete which echoed ominously in the dark.

[Lillorainen]

Hotel International


As a light rain began falling down, one of Dorogin's assistants handed him an Italian designed umbrella which he promptly opened and held himself, one of the other assistants whispering something in his ear causing him to look at his watch and whispering him something back. He wasn't really dressed for the weather as usual, but a little rain never really hurt anyone as far as he knew. His security detail seemed indifferent as they scanned the crowed and facade of a nearby building. They had been tipped off about a protest, but it was likely near the center and OMON had probably kept them from leaving a certain area - while normally they were instructed to allow it the event required a greater level of security then usual and everything needed to run smooth.

Answering a few local questions that were met with applause, Dorogin struggled to answer one asked by an individual who spoke East Slav over the universal Russian language that had been since the SSR days the 2nd or 3rd language of the eastern portion of the country. It was the main language in Slavia, alongside English which was taught in schools as well. Dorogin spent most of his youth in the western part of Slavia, and did not really have a need to learn or upkeep extra languages - though he was fluent in English and could at the very least understand East Slav in a pinch. He had momentarily forgot that he was not in Norvinsk, where it was a fairly homogenized population and the fact that someone, probably intentionally, threw him off like that was frustrating.

A question asked by a foreign reporter? He was surprised that they even showed up, as most of the reporters were from Norvinsk or the ever present Abkhazian News Network Agency, who were known to have a number of small offices around the country - possibly because registration was simple. As he pondered the question momentarily, he'd nod lightly.

"While I do plan to declare a national religion which has been absent for over 100 years, I understand that this country has a complex situation with people of diverse ethnic and religious backgrounds and my policies will take this into account. Much of these ethnic enclaves were designed by the SSR to keep people easy to control, if their village or town is a stones throw away from a historic rival. By keeping people focused on that, it was easy for the government to manage them without worry of widespread uprisings, if all they have to do is imply support for another group. I am an advocate of a single language for the country at an official level - what people speak amongst themselves at home is private business. But for official matters, all government officials need to be on the same table. Currently there are people in Norvinsk who cannot visit Snezinsk, Tiraspol or even Marinka because between the 3 of them there are 5 different languages. This is an issue that educational reforms would tackle. Concerning the status of religious minorities, while a state religion will be declared, it will not have influence in policy. One could argue that all religions are minorities here - and while I have my own beliefs I also must protect other ones. I will encourage the construction of religious sites - when I traveled abroad I quickly noticed these buildings and how they diversified the skyline. Look around this city - nothing but concrete blocks or towers of steel and glass. People will be protected under my leadership, to summarize it. Now, if you would excuse me, I must head to the center for the event. I look forward to seeing you all there!"

He'd wave, holding in place for a few moments knowing that pictures were being taken. East Slav memes of Dorogin often had him cropped out of pictures in a pose, then placed in other pictures - why, he never understood. He'd return to the hotel, likely to fix his hair before heading out to what he perceived to be a major milestone in his campaign. Despite voter apathy, he had got enough votes to be a major candidate after all.


Dzerzhinsky Center

Inside the building, a final security sweep was carried out - bomb sniffing dogs were taken around the facility, including the metro station under the building which was closed for the duration of the event. Upon completion, the head cop in charge radioed the KGB's Main Guard Directorate, who swept the upper floors, who then gave the go ahead to open the doors and let people in.

The building was fairly modern, built within the last few years over a smaller one that was in need of updates and to address some structural issues that occurred when the metro expanded. Bright LED lights illuminated the building while the temperature was kept cool & comfortable, while displays showed the dates of upcoming events and adds for various things.
As people filed in some people who were dressed like the police, but with a different sleeve patch spoke in different languages over the chatting of the crowed, more or less telling people to have their ID ready to be scanned. Most of the people appeared to be locals - with some lower level government officials mixed in who possessed slightly different cards then regular citizens. The cards were designed to replace an internal passport and also would possess information about current vehicle operation licenses, security clearances in some cases. Cards possessed by government officials were color coded, much like the ones that were given to the reporters at the border. They might recall the border guard stating plainly 'Keep this card on you at all times, it currently is the only accepted form of identification. It can be requested at any given time by state security forces, though police generally won't care.'

When they would approach the gate, the scan would display special instructions, of which the guard raised a brow, beaconing them to stand to the side as he wrapped up scanning the others. "Special instructions. You are not going in through this gate, follow the officer over there," he'd point at another who was standing watch, who appeared to have a handful of other reporters near him who were told the same thing, then took the radio from his belt and spoke into it in East Slav "Sending the last of them your way. Take them to the designated area then check with Gate 3, they need help."

The guard unlocked an emergency exit, holding the door as the followed. There were crews from various agencies - NTV, the state owned 'news only' channel, IAN - Another news agency that also reported regional news, GNN - the multinational news corporation that seemed to pop up in country over the years and now had several stations and a regional headquarters built. The ANNA reporters, who seemed to have trouble with the guard at first - mostly due to the fact that the camera man was already filming as if it was a documentary. The destination was an empty concourse off to the side of where the stage was. "This is where you'll wait until the even starts. Pre-debate interviews can be conducted, the President is around here somewhere, and the others are expected shortly."


Udarsky arrived shortly after, in his own personal car as he typically preferred to get around on his own. It was a relic of an old Soviet era car that he managed to keep running - though he probably replaced everything in it by now - the engine from an old Volvo he had won in a raffle - the car sitting in his garage as a collector display. His security tailed in one of the black German cars that the firm preferred. While he wasn't deemed at risk enough to warrant on official GOU detail, they did cover the costs of hiring a security firm for him. After checking with the guards in the parking structure, he would be escorted to the room where the reporters awaited.

Dorogin, after a wardrobe change was was taken through an access passage underground to enter the building through the metro station - he was unsure how congested the streets were as one of his advisors greatly overstated the size of the nearby protests, or the fact that OMON kept the opposing groups from ever clashing by doing it themselves. He'd arrive by a normally unused elevator, practicing a wave and smile as he took a step out, realizing at the last moment there were people watching - with the ANNA crew still fliming. He'd clear his throat, adjusting his tie before continuing forth

Oktyabrskaya, who'd been watching the whole time from above on a darkened upper level turned off her tape player, handing it to one of her assistants. "Well I better get down there. We still got a while but I'd rather get the interview over now before the event." She'd head down on the stairs, heels clicking on the concrete which echoed ominously in the dark.

Hotel "International".
Dorogin seemed to be rather thrown off by a foreign reporter using a Russian address, and while Hedegaard was informed about the linguistic chaos prevalent in Eastern Slavia due to the SSR's ethnic-centered way of redrawing the map in order to try to please everyone, she simply hadn't thought about that issue when just trying to use a polite address. But once spoken, a world could not be taken back, so there they went now - and Dorogin did seem to recover from this little shock quickly.
He referred to this situation again - a mess more complicated than in Lillorainen, which was already surprising enough, given all its minority languages, and even worse, dialects. Back then, in 1981, when the Federation had been founded, German had become the national official language, with the states given the possibility to add co-official languages into their use. This had a surprisingly little impact on national unity, due to the Lillorainian populace's long history of forming a Lillorainian national identity - one Lillorainian people which just had happened to be separated into numerous little states. It took many decades and a Civil War to eventually form a system of governance the people could agree on. Religious minorities were a thing as well, even with Norse Paganism being followed by the overwhelming majority. Nonetheless, thanks to the generally integrative Lillorainian culture respecting different beliefs, this hadn't been an issue, either.
Here, the situation was different. There was no clear majority of anything, as it seemed, and that was the crux of the matter. If one imagined a country with, for example, Lillos, Shamsiyyans, Shikonjimanese and Moana Nui Islander Tribes, all of them making up around a quarter of the entire populace each, any politician who would be capable of getting these together into one state, or getting anything done there, would probably receive letters of congratulations from all over the world. There was simply this general risk of instability immanent to many multi-ethnic countries, and El Presidente over in the U.C. had a heckload to do with that as well.
For now, there was one thing even Dorogin's opponents would probably agree with - this city was really full of concrete and glass bunkers. Not that there weren't any such places in Lillorainen at all - Lysköping-Hetager, Pontrath-Hehle, Preetz-Pustingen, or Saskilde-Nysted came into mind - but these were districts, not entire cities. The respective city centers were good examples for historical architecture still being preserved.
Hedegaard had nodded and said, "Thank you, Sir!", as he announced, that he would move towards the Dzerzhinsky Center, to prepare himself for the upcoming event, which had made the three journalists from Nordic Lands nod again. They would move back as well, in order to enter the Center with their colleagues.

Dzerzhinsky Center.
As soon as the 'Cubs' had gotten back to Tyrsholm, Kärlich, and the technicians, who had just shot a quick introductory film with Kärlich speaking and got their stuff together again - it would be about time to enter the Dzerzhinsky Center and to go to the usual shebang of ID and security checks that was necessary and reasonable at such occasions; it was hardly different in the Lillatorn. Of course, everyone remembered the border guard's statement as to how important it was to always have these cards at hand. This was nothing new to them, for the obligation of always being able to identify oneself when asked to by a police officer was a thing back home, too - be one a Citizen of the Federation or not. Granted, the level of actual enforcement of this could vary a lot throughout the country.
One document was even more important back home - the one they unironically called Permit A-38.
Surprisingly enough, they were led by another officer in lieu of simply being allowed to pass through the gate, but no one spent much of a thought about any possible reason for this. Probably just another security measure.
They also noticed, that the Center, while being built up in a fairly modern, comforting style - even though it was maybe a bit left behind by the times, considering that the world moved on, and as did the city's infrastructure.
Arriving in the concourse that would be their designated zone, they quickly noticed, that, again, only very few foreign media were present. It didn't really seem as if there were exactly many countries outside who were interested in what was going on in these parts. Given their current political situation, this wasn't even much of a surprise ...
Of course, no one could know it what way the candidates arrived, but especially in Dorogin's case, who was the target of quite a few protests (even possibly smaller ones than anticipated by his advisors), they would bet, that it was a way nobody knew about.
As they had been told, that pre-debate interviews could be conducted, the LR Network Crew prepared for starting to film again, for of course, no one wanted anyone else to miss the show.
Lykke, who had asked her most urgent question to Mr. Dorogin already in front of the "International", would now wait for a good occasion to ask her next one, pretty much a response to his answer.
As soon as she thought, that the moment had come, she approached him again, giving him a smile and a nod, for he was likely to remember her. "Good day again, Sir!" - she said, not using Russian addresses now. "As you have mentioned previously, you plan to establish a national religion, and the extreme religious diversity in Eastern Slavia makes it considerably hard to make all people agree on one in particular. While this might not be an issue too hard to fix, by establishing religious sites of all religions prevalent in these parts, the issues will, of course, go on with the linguistic part - an issue, which the one the country I hail from used to have looks fairly easy to fix compared to the one in these parts. You have mentioned an educational reform, along with according changes in law to make one language the official one - thus, how do you plan to make sure, that people actually do manage to agree on one to use?"
Meanwhile, Leonie Theiss and Arno Frings were waiting for Udarsky to be available, while Jana Kärlich would talk to President Oktyabrskaya, as soon as she would be free.

[Eastern Slavia]

The slow process of letting in attendees for the debate was ongoing, and lengthy. They never really expected even half the number of people to show up - as broadcasting over mobile or TV was simple enough due to an effective digital infrastructure. While local channels planned to broadcast in East Slav with Russian subtitles, GNN would broadcast in high definition in languages depending where it was to be watched - along side English. The building could seat a large amount of people and had standing room as well, so that was not the main concern.


Dzerzhinsky Center

Inside the building, which despite its age had good sound proofing in the areas off to the side, the candidates prepared themselves for what was hyped to be a great debate by some telecom personalities. While the initial voting was weeks away, it was still the first of several events. There was more conferences to be done, particularly by the smaller candidates. Udarsky in particular was keen on visiting universities and doing public meet & greets, using word of mouth as his form of advertisement. While his policies were still unclear, it was expected that he would detail them during the debate. He would arrive as he had been at his previous meeting - hair neatly combed to the side, clothes were simple, befitting of a professor or the like. He didn't believe in wearing a suit - he wanted his campaign to be based around openness and such did not try to sell an image. He possessed an old pair of glasses, which he had a bit of taking off before addressing a group of people and generally paced back and forth when speaking. His supporters would compare this to his opponents - Dorogin dressing in expensive suit, who probably only wore it once before getting a new one. Hair cut every other week. He wanted to look like some kind of executive.
Oktyabrskaya on the other hand, seemed to rarely express any personal opinion about anything she was discussing - she'd state things plainly without much added. It was obvious the politician and the individual were different people; on some occasions she'd do a live stream from home and had a completely different personality and during these rarely talked about anything official. The politician wore plain black clothing, much like the dress regulations she wore while in the KGB - otherwise she was known to wear bright colors and supposedly was into 80's music. The ability to separate the two personas was perhaps why the 25-3X demographic was drawn to her.
Udarsky turned to face the reporters after hanging up his rain jacket on a bench.

Dorogin scanned the area, noting the fairly large numbers of reporters that had turned up, recognizing the ones he had encountered at the hotel.

"Ah, yes. Good evening! You were at the hotel earlier." He'd respond, clearing his throat as if warming up for what was to come. He figured it was a good opportunity to give answers without being directly in the spotlight for millions to see - not really sure where they were from to begin with. Although with Udarsky, whom he knew as a major critic of his, and Oktyabrskaya lurking somewhere nearby he knew he had to keep his answers straight or he'd spend the rest of the night correcting the record.

"To select a state religion, I would push forth an amendment to the official census forms, and using the data from that we would make a decision from its results. It would not be an instant decision - in fact I want this to be a well informed action." It would depend on the populations willingness to actually input an option. He knew that most of the country did not follow one; in the town he grew up in there was only a small community of religious people, whom kept quite to avoid bringing the attention of the then-Soviet authorities. He knew of atleast 1 person that was sent off for a long time over it. He'd seldom bring this personal experience up, as the town he had came from rested on the wrong side of the border, and speaking of it would not have any relevance to how it would affect East Slavs. Despite all that, he was a firm believer that his country should run itself.

"Concerning an official language - this ties into my education plan. Russian is a widely spoken language tying back to the days of Soviet Occupation - it was taught in schools for decades and everyone knows it. Compared to East Slav, which is spoken by those in this country only - it is not spoken by our neighbors or anyone elsewhere in the world. By choosing a common language, and standardizing on it we can, within 15 years have a unified language in this country. I am not against people speaking other languages, but for official reasons we need just a single one.

On her way down the stairs Oktyabrskaya had contemplated slipping past the group to head straight for the designated green room - but decided against it and went for the group. She recognized the ANNA crew - they always seemed to turn up no matter where she went, still filming everything like a documentary. To this day, she has yet to see what they actually do with the footage. She figured it probably wasn't for an East Slav audience and was more for back where they originated. She also noticed the tall woman approaching - herself barely 170cm. North Europe perhaps? Unsure what language to greet in, she'd offer a small smile and wave as she paused.

"Zdarova, welcome to East Slav Republic." While she could mask her accent in Russian, in any of the other 4 languages she spoke it would show though strong.

[Lillorainen]

The slow process of letting in attendees for the debate was ongoing, and lengthy. They never really expected even half the number of people to show up - as broadcasting over mobile or TV was simple enough due to an effective digital infrastructure. While local channels planned to broadcast in East Slav with Russian subtitles, GNN would broadcast in high definition in languages depending where it was to be watched - along side English. The building could seat a large amount of people and had standing room as well, so that was not the main concern.


Dzerzhinsky Center

Inside the building, which despite its age had good sound proofing in the areas off to the side, the candidates prepared themselves for what was hyped to be a great debate by some telecom personalities. While the initial voting was weeks away, it was still the first of several events. There was more conferences to be done, particularly by the smaller candidates. Udarsky in particular was keen on visiting universities and doing public meet & greets, using word of mouth as his form of advertisement. While his policies were still unclear, it was expected that he would detail them during the debate. He would arrive as he had been at his previous meeting - hair neatly combed to the side, clothes were simple, befitting of a professor or the like. He didn't believe in wearing a suit - he wanted his campaign to be based around openness and such did not try to sell an image. He possessed an old pair of glasses, which he had a bit of taking off before addressing a group of people and generally paced back and forth when speaking. His supporters would compare this to his opponents - Dorogin dressing in expensive suit, who probably only wore it once before getting a new one. Hair cut every other week. He wanted to look like some kind of executive.
Oktyabrskaya on the other hand, seemed to rarely express any personal opinion about anything she was discussing - she'd state things plainly without much added. It was obvious the politician and the individual were different people; on some occasions she'd do a live stream from home and had a completely different personality and during these rarely talked about anything official. The politician wore plain black clothing, much like the dress regulations she wore while in the KGB - otherwise she was known to wear bright colors and supposedly was into 80's music. The ability to separate the two personas was perhaps why the 25-3X demographic was drawn to her.
Udarsky turned to face the reporters after hanging up his rain jacket on a bench.

Dorogin scanned the area, noting the fairly large numbers of reporters that had turned up, recognizing the ones he had encountered at the hotel.

"Ah, yes. Good evening! You were at the hotel earlier." He'd respond, clearing his throat as if warming up for what was to come. He figured it was a good opportunity to give answers without being directly in the spotlight for millions to see - not really sure where they were from to begin with. Although with Udarsky, whom he knew as a major critic of his, and Oktyabrskaya lurking somewhere nearby he knew he had to keep his answers straight or he'd spend the rest of the night correcting the record.

"To select a state religion, I would push forth an amendment to the official census forms, and using the data from that we would make a decision from its results. It would not be an instant decision - in fact I want this to be a well informed action." It would depend on the populations willingness to actually input an option. He knew that most of the country did not follow one; in the town he grew up in there was only a small community of religious people, whom kept quite to avoid bringing the attention of the then-Soviet authorities. He knew of atleast 1 person that was sent off for a long time over it. He'd seldom bring this personal experience up, as the town he had came from rested on the wrong side of the border, and speaking of it would not have any relevance to how it would affect East Slavs. Despite all that, he was a firm believer that his country should run itself.

"Concerning an official language - this ties into my education plan. Russian is a widely spoken language tying back to the days of Soviet Occupation - it was taught in schools for decades and everyone knows it. Compared to East Slav, which is spoken by those in this country only - it is not spoken by our neighbors or anyone elsewhere in the world. By choosing a common language, and standardizing on it we can, within 15 years have a unified language in this country. I am not against people speaking other languages, but for official reasons we need just a single one.

On her way down the stairs Oktyabrskaya had contemplated slipping past the group to head straight for the designated green room - but decided against it and went for the group. She recognized the ANNA crew - they always seemed to turn up no matter where she went, still filming everything like a documentary. To this day, she has yet to see what they actually do with the footage. She figured it probably wasn't for an East Slav audience and was more for back where they originated. She also noticed the tall woman approaching - herself barely 170cm. North Europe perhaps? Unsure what language to greet in, she'd offer a small smile and wave as she paused.

"Zdarova, welcome to East Slav Republic." While she could mask her accent in Russian, in any of the other 4 languages she spoke it would show though strong.

Dzerzhinsky Center.
The impressions one could get from the three candidates vastly varied. Dmitry Dorogin was wearing a suit that looked expensive and was probably just bought for this very occasion; it made him look like the CEO of some megacorporation. Udarsky looked like the polar opposite of Dorogin - simple clothes, hair combed to the side, a pair of old glasses; he instantly reminded Leonie Theiss of her professors at the UoW. And President Oktyabrskaya could switch between her two personalities, the politician and the individual, whenever she saw fit - the politician, whom one would see now, was wearing black clothing, as one would expect from a KGB agent, as opposed to the bright colors one would see her in normally. In any case, she had dyed her hair red, fitting the Free Republic's flag.
Back home, all three of these types were common. One analysis as to which types were more likely to gain popularity chased the other, but at the end of the day, the Lillorainian leadership did a good job at reflecting Lillorainen's general populace - in the Meritocratic Council, but also in the Chamber of States, one would find men, women, young and old individuals, the businessperson type, the professor type, as well as the more colorful type. Politicians were chosen by their merits and their know-how, nothing else. Not a flawless system, but it worked. Granted, hair dyed in black-yellow-vanilla was more of a thing to be seen during the World Cup, but rarely outside the international football tournaments.
Dorogin cleared his throat before he replied, possibly unsure as to how large his audience actually was outside the Free Republic - that Lykke would actual use her little voice recorder she brought to transcript and translate his response into Danish and keep direct quotes in her article in the LAB to a reasonable degree was something he couldn't know, after all. And even if so, keeping the risk of being vastly misunderstood to a minimum was surely not a bad thing to do.
Lykke nodded. "So your choice regarding a national religion will be based on census results which are supposed to find out, if the populace might even find any possible selection suitable, and if so, which one" - she summarized, "and as for language policies, a standardized education plan with a sufficiently standardized and codified national language is your goal to implement, with having a future generation perfectly capable of handling it. So you're clearly thinking in long-term solutions, as it seems." She let a beat pass. "Especially with the language policies, you have previously mentioned, that your plan includes keeping minority languages out of official use and limit it to a private degree - which now makes me wonder about use in public. Will, under your leadership, newspapers, journals, and other publications in a language other than the national language still be a thing, or will they be obliged to use the national language only?"
He wouldn't notice, that Lykke had a fairly good reason to be concerned about this, given she worked for a Danish-language newspaper for a Danish-speaking minority in a mainly German-speaking country, and surely didn't want her East Slav fellow colleagues to be confronted with a repressive language policy. She was professional enough to hide her concerns, though, asking in a very neutral manner.
Meanwhile, Udarsky, who had just hung up his rain jacket and turned to the reports, would soon meet Arno Frings and Leonie Theiss. Arno had nodded towards her, motioning for her to be ready for her debut. Aside from a few little instructions, he had decided to throw her into the cold water and just confront her directly - the same way he had done with apprentices working for media corporations, and particularly with the last two lads he had accompanied, their names having been Attila Debeljak and Dragan Bandera, this had clearly born fruits. Especially the latter would surely be able to carry a few nice business cards around.
As soon as Leonie, called Leo by her friends and 'Dear Miss Theiss' by her enemies, was sure to have Mr. Udarsky's attention, she cleared her throat herself, counted to three in thoughts, and started off.
"Good day, Mr. Udarsky!" - she said, bowing her head lightly while pushing the 'on' button on her voice recorder. "Please allow me a few questions, Sir. You have come out as a fairly direct and harsh critic of the current President's rather loose style of governance and mistakes when dealing with the conflict on the western border on the one hand, and your opponent Dorogin's plans based on religious values and national unity, with lack of leaving citizens a reasonable amount of civil liberties on the other hand. Since there is no reasonable doubt, that Eastern Slavia's lack of international recognition, border safety, consistent national identity, and ethnic and economic stability, all of which being results of the rule of the SSR and the aftermath thereof, are deep-rooted problems begging for solutions, I am wondering what your possible solutions look like. How should, in your opinion, these challenges be risen to?"
Arno Frings nodded - both in confirmation to his young colleague's question as well as in approval regarding her choice of words and tone.
President Oktyabrskaya would, in this moment, stand in front of the LR Network's squad's camera, thus be soon seen on all TVs and news streams in the Federation of Lillorainen. She seemed unsure, what language to use, since she quite obviously figured, that Jana Kärlich was from abroad, but couldn't tell what country from exactly. She greeted her and her colleagues with zdarova (Kärlich knew, that it would be zdravo in Serbian, so she did get it at once) and welcomed them to the East Slav Republic in an accent Kärlich had never heard before.
She bowed her head lightly. "Thank you! It's an honor to us to be around, President Oktyabrskaya!" - she said, perfectly mastering the pronunciation. "What I, and I'm unlikely to be alone with that, am wondering, is: What do your plans for the next years look like, especially in regards to the issues the Free Republic has on its western border, to the problems caused by a lack of opportunities to find together as an East Slav nation considering the ethnic matters, and to possible approaches for economic improvement?"
She was aware, that these were quite a few questions at a time, but all in all, they somewhat were related to each other - which would make the problems this country was stuck in even more obvious than they already were.

[Eastern Slavia]

Dzerzhinsky Center


Dorogin repeated the question in his head; reporters - particularly foreign ones had a tendency to inquire deeper about his policies then domestic ones. While he did have an idea on how it should be carried out, he had to concede the fact that there was no way of telling which religion was truly the most numerous. Even if it were to be placed on a new census form - there was no guarantee that people would fill it out and turn it back in. Other means of tracking population trends in practice might not work as desired either.

"If the choice were up to me - as a Catholic, that would be my choice. However, as I have no solid numbers on the amount of others, such decision cannot be made lightly. It would in the end have limited effects on government policy, but it may or may not help other countries view of us. The world at large views us in the same light as the PMR or similar places."
East Slavyanka - as it was referred in a less formal manner was only formally recognized by other break away regions and a handful of small countries - the unrecognized nation club. The country that had indirectly assisted the Royal Family in regaining control of Slavia even had it listed as a major travel advisory - there was little reason to go to the country unless one was seeking a potential final trip to a lawless land. And while they had for the most part a hands-off policy on how the leader ran the country, it took quite a bit to get her to call off the invasion of East Slavyanka. The end result was any attempt to make an official state was promptly shut down, discussions avoided.
"Concerning the right to publish in other languages - it would be protected. Freedom of Press is an important thing in any democracy and I would have it remain as such. This policy would primarily be aimed at official documents."

When Udarsky was approached, he'd give a slight bow as he took off his glasses and stuck them in the chest pocket of his vest. "Ahh, Privyet!" he'd respond, glancing between the pair. He'd listen to the question carefully as he pondered an effective response. He was an avid chess player - and he applied those skills in life. "You are correct in saying this country has quite a few problems due to the chaos that followed the the SSR's collapse. Civil war, the Continental War, the destruction caused by the Icarus Impact Event. The early developmental years of the nation were stunted by periods of constant conflict with our neighbors or with ourselves. With an entire generation growing up only knowing that, it ensured the cycle continued. The most stable period since the 80's were the later half of the 2000s - but that was under a military dictatorship. Quality of life was low, life expectancy dropped by 25%."
He'd run his hand though his hair briefly, as if remembering the time period.
"The current President is from that affected generation, and it can be seen with how her choices are made. Growing up with daily air raids, the possibility of chemical weapons being dropped - the sound of distant gunfire and explosions, it left many of them with a low value of life and a bleak outlook. And yet, not a single policy towards improving the mental health facilities or availability. Neither of my opponents have a health care plan for the country. While we do have state funded health care - you can walk into a hospital, even as a foreign citizen, and receive treatment - there is so much more that can be done to improve its efficiency. Modern hospitals are in short supply. A shortage of specialists is a major problem, particularly with a higher then average cancer rate."
He'd pause for a moment, his next line of thoughts prepared.
"Concerning recognition as a state - like my opponents, this is a major part of my campaign. The first step in this, would be to resolve our disagreements with Slavia - while I believe you cannot put Pandora back in the box, returning to normal relations would be a major step. Other steps to be taken - while the President has made an effort in reaching out to other countries with our embassy program, she has all but avoided attempting to join any treaty organizations, preferring to keep the country in a non-aligned status. I believe by joining such treaty organizations it would allow more exposure to our country. Joining the UN as an observer for example - that would be a good stepping stone to recognition. Working with Slavia will be a one of the major focuses of my presidency.
On the issue of border safety - Our western border is, as you know, a cold front line. The northern border is largely open by fact that it is sparsely settled. It's where a increasingly large number of refugees, fleeing conflict in their own countries cross though, typically staying in country for a few months before moving on elsewhere. Due to a large amount of landmines, unexploded munitions, many perish with no chance of help. Private organizations, which I had helped organize early on have taken the task of providing emergency medical treatment."
Udarsky took a sip of water, pausing again. His previous occupation as a Professor was apparent in the manner he spoke, as if he wanted the audience to do more then listen to what he was saying.
"The matter of ethnic stability and national identity is a difficult matter. When Slavia was a unified country, the eastern part was home to most of the ethnic minorities of the nation, particularly East Slavs, whom have a distinct language compared to those in the western portion of the country. The historical borders predating the SSR - there are no remaining records of such - the current ones drawn following the Great War when individual regions had borders drawn around ethnic lines. While the original culture was lost to time, the language remained and survived in what became East Slavyanka - which split from Slavia for a number of reasons. You don't go from being a vassal of another state, to having freedom, just to have it pulled out from under your feet."
There was no mistake - all the candidates so far did not have a positive view of the neighboring monarchy. Some of the protestors outside may have been seen with the light blue flag with a gold strip running through it. There were some minor candidates that advocated joining Slavia, or as a semiautonomous republic - the original agreement before certain actions taken had crashed those plans.
"On the economic front - we have a resource rich nation. The problem is our extraction methods are behind on the times. The ability to design advanced technologies is hampered by funding - little is available for R&D. This country has long relied on a black market for revenue - which works for individuals but with little tax revenue brought in there is only so much we can work with. While the President had began implementing policies that would lower the need for black market activity, a new tax code is desperately needed. Job training must be available for those who need it, if we are to modernize our industries to 21st century standards."


Oktyabrskaya smiled and bowed slightly. "I'm glad you were able to make it! Border crossing wasn't too bad I hope? Our airport isn't up to the task of international travel I'm afraid.." she'd hear the question and calculated a response. She did in fact have plenty of ideas - but also had a good understanding of what would or wouldn't work. Those that she knew were unrealistic she'd not bring up.
"The next few years, with regards to our status as a recognized nation I plan to make a case for recognition though more powerful neutral countries. We are not exactly able to directly talk with the crown about these matters. Concerning the military build up at the border - I feel this is a necessity to guarantee our sovereignty as an independent state."
Her tone of speaking would grow cold compared to when she introduced herself, with her piercing blue eyes fixed firmly on the camera. Just as quickly as it had changed, she snapped back into her warmer personality, frequently smiling between statements.
"Concerning our ethnic concerns - We are a country of many languages. A multilingual population is something other nations can only dream about having - and is something I hope to preserve. My policy towards education would have it that, depending which region one is in, a third language course is offered on top of the students native language and Russian, which is somewhat regarded as our second language due to policies enacted by the SSSR. Our current constitution is in fact based on a draft of the 1988 version that had not been implemented due to its collapse. Our economic outlook is not to great - tax reforms are needed, private industry must be encouraged to move in. In short we are in need of advances in various technologies - we are, at best, 15-20 years behind in areas. Making a push towards advancing past, rather then catching up, is to be a priority."

[Lillorainen]

Dzerzhinsky Center


Dorogin repeated the question in his head; reporters - particularly foreign ones had a tendency to inquire deeper about his policies then domestic ones. While he did have an idea on how it should be carried out, he had to concede the fact that there was no way of telling which religion was truly the most numerous. Even if it were to be placed on a new census form - there was no guarantee that people would fill it out and turn it back in. Other means of tracking population trends in practice might not work as desired either.

"If the choice were up to me - as a Catholic, that would be my choice. However, as I have no solid numbers on the amount of others, such decision cannot be made lightly. It would in the end have limited effects on government policy, but it may or may not help other countries view of us. The world at large views us in the same light as the PMR or similar places."
East Slavyanka - as it was referred in a less formal manner was only formally recognized by other break away regions and a handful of small countries - the unrecognized nation club. The country that had indirectly assisted the Royal Family in regaining control of Slavia even had it listed as a major travel advisory - there was little reason to go to the country unless one was seeking a potential final trip to a lawless land. And while they had for the most part a hands-off policy on how the leader ran the country, it took quite a bit to get her to call off the invasion of East Slavyanka. The end result was any attempt to make an official state was promptly shut down, discussions avoided.
"Concerning the right to publish in other languages - it would be protected. Freedom of Press is an important thing in any democracy and I would have it remain as such. This policy would primarily be aimed at official documents."

When Udarsky was approached, he'd give a slight bow as he took off his glasses and stuck them in the chest pocket of his vest. "Ahh, Privyet!" he'd respond, glancing between the pair. He'd listen to the question carefully as he pondered an effective response. He was an avid chess player - and he applied those skills in life. "You are correct in saying this country has quite a few problems due to the chaos that followed the the SSR's collapse. Civil war, the Continental War, the destruction caused by the Icarus Impact Event. The early developmental years of the nation were stunted by periods of constant conflict with our neighbors or with ourselves. With an entire generation growing up only knowing that, it ensured the cycle continued. The most stable period since the 80's were the later half of the 2000s - but that was under a military dictatorship. Quality of life was low, life expectancy dropped by 25%."
He'd run his hand though his hair briefly, as if remembering the time period.
"The current President is from that affected generation, and it can be seen with how her choices are made. Growing up with daily air raids, the possibility of chemical weapons being dropped - the sound of distant gunfire and explosions, it left many of them with a low value of life and a bleak outlook. And yet, not a single policy towards improving the mental health facilities or availability. Neither of my opponents have a health care plan for the country. While we do have state funded health care - you can walk into a hospital, even as a foreign citizen, and receive treatment - there is so much more that can be done to improve its efficiency. Modern hospitals are in short supply. A shortage of specialists is a major problem, particularly with a higher then average cancer rate."
He'd pause for a moment, his next line of thoughts prepared.
"Concerning recognition as a state - like my opponents, this is a major part of my campaign. The first step in this, would be to resolve our disagreements with Slavia - while I believe you cannot put Pandora back in the box, returning to normal relations would be a major step. Other steps to be taken - while the President has made an effort in reaching out to other countries with our embassy program, she has all but avoided attempting to join any treaty organizations, preferring to keep the country in a non-aligned status. I believe by joining such treaty organizations it would allow more exposure to our country. Joining the UN as an observer for example - that would be a good stepping stone to recognition. Working with Slavia will be a one of the major focuses of my presidency.
On the issue of border safety - Our western border is, as you know, a cold front line. The northern border is largely open by fact that it is sparsely settled. It's where a increasingly large number of refugees, fleeing conflict in their own countries cross though, typically staying in country for a few months before moving on elsewhere. Due to a large amount of landmines, unexploded munitions, many perish with no chance of help. Private organizations, which I had helped organize early on have taken the task of providing emergency medical treatment."
Udarsky took a sip of water, pausing again. His previous occupation as a Professor was apparent in the manner he spoke, as if he wanted the audience to do more then listen to what he was saying.
"The matter of ethnic stability and national identity is a difficult matter. When Slavia was a unified country, the eastern part was home to most of the ethnic minorities of the nation, particularly East Slavs, whom have a distinct language compared to those in the western portion of the country. The historical borders predating the SSR - there are no remaining records of such - the current ones drawn following the Great War when individual regions had borders drawn around ethnic lines. While the original culture was lost to time, the language remained and survived in what became East Slavyanka - which split from Slavia for a number of reasons. You don't go from being a vassal of another state, to having freedom, just to have it pulled out from under your feet."
There was no mistake - all the candidates so far did not have a positive view of the neighboring monarchy. Some of the protestors outside may have been seen with the light blue flag with a gold strip running through it. There were some minor candidates that advocated joining Slavia, or as a semiautonomous republic - the original agreement before certain actions taken had crashed those plans.
"On the economic front - we have a resource rich nation. The problem is our extraction methods are behind on the times. The ability to design advanced technologies is hampered by funding - little is available for R&D. This country has long relied on a black market for revenue - which works for individuals but with little tax revenue brought in there is only so much we can work with. While the President had began implementing policies that would lower the need for black market activity, a new tax code is desperately needed. Job training must be available for those who need it, if we are to modernize our industries to 21st century standards."


Oktyabrskaya smiled and bowed slightly. "I'm glad you were able to make it! Border crossing wasn't too bad I hope? Our airport isn't up to the task of international travel I'm afraid.." she'd hear the question and calculated a response. She did in fact have plenty of ideas - but also had a good understanding of what would or wouldn't work. Those that she knew were unrealistic she'd not bring up.
"The next few years, with regards to our status as a recognized nation I plan to make a case for recognition though more powerful neutral countries. We are not exactly able to directly talk with the crown about these matters. Concerning the military build up at the border - I feel this is a necessity to guarantee our sovereignty as an independent state."
Her tone of speaking would grow cold compared to when she introduced herself, with her piercing blue eyes fixed firmly on the camera. Just as quickly as it had changed, she snapped back into her warmer personality, frequently smiling between statements.
"Concerning our ethnic concerns - We are a country of many languages. A multilingual population is something other nations can only dream about having - and is something I hope to preserve. My policy towards education would have it that, depending which region one is in, a third language course is offered on top of the students native language and Russian, which is somewhat regarded as our second language due to policies enacted by the SSSR. Our current constitution is in fact based on a draft of the 1988 version that had not been implemented due to its collapse. Our economic outlook is not to great - tax reforms are needed, private industry must be encouraged to move in. In short we are in need of advances in various technologies - we are, at best, 15-20 years behind in areas. Making a push towards advancing past, rather then catching up, is to be a priority."

Dzerzhinsky Center.
Lykke Hedegaard nodded, aware of the issues the honorary membership in an Unrecognized Nation Club could cause. Within the sphere of influence of a major ally of the Federation, the Federal Republic of Shamsiyya, there were two possibly applicants of such a club as well - the Kingdom of Ahjada, which had pretty much been annexed by the Sultanate of Mairandra, with the current Ahjadan Royalty, Princes and Princesses whose father, King Hassan, had been assassinated in 2017, trying to restore the Kingdom and seeking diplomatic recognition, especially with Shamsiyya, the Mairani's arch-enemy. The other one would be the Kongani Free State, which had been disputed by Shamsiyya and the Sultanate of Kashira ever since the Archipelago's de facto independence, when the Principality of Shikonjima had abandoned it as a colony. In the letter case, this was even more of an issue, for Shamsiyya and Kashira actually had good diplomatic relations, so the dispute was not really being worked at. Kongani existed on its own - de facto. Lillorainen had another issue with a neighboring military dictatorship named Stella Dorata, along with its Autonomous Provinces, actual states that lacked recognition as well. But both the Federation and the Free City of Wiedheim (where Leonie Theiss was from) had the situation under control. So far.
Dorogin turned out to be Catholic, and indeed, it was yet to see how an East Slav state with Catholicism as a national religion would affect other countries' view on it. Lillorainen tended to have mixed feelings, considering how they had stricken back the Crusades in the late 13th century - Crusaders actually on their way to the Lands of the Selkie, attacked by Lillorainian pirates, accidentally tempting them. Nowadays, Lillorainen's views on Catholic countries could vary - there were some they hated the living guts of, like the Portuguese Ecclesiastical State, there were some they were on a let's-just-leave-each-other-alone basis with, like the Kingdom of Camelone, and there was some they viewed positively, like the Kingdom of Mervay, which would be another signatory of the SEA-Accords (along with the Selkie, again). As one could already see, this was not really an important factor influencing Lillorainen's view upon a country - there were other factors more important.
Dorogin also stated, that he didn't intend to touch minority-language press and other publications - rather government documents; while Lillorainen maintained a multilingual policy on state level, but only used German on a federal level, copying Lillorainen's format would hardly be sensible for Eastern Slavia, so there was some point. He didn't intend to touch the Freedom of Press, indeed an important thing, not only in democracies.
"This does sound like a set of quite reasonable approaches" - Hedegaard said. "And there we would be at the question you have possibly already expected to come. Your opponents, especially Mr. Udarsky, are known for alleging your policies of being fairly radical, even authoritarian. Considering the details you have given now so far, which don't sound particularly tyrannical - what do you say about these allegations?"
An inconvenient and somewhat direct question, Lykke was aware of that, but this was a presidential debate event, not daycare.
Meanwhile, Leonie Theiss found out, that Udarsky didn't only look like some of her Professors, but also sounded like one. He elaborated his points in the same manner; Leo nodded along, also making sure, that everything he said was properly recorded - after all, parts of it would be aired on Radio, even though with simultaneous translation. He gave a pretty elaborate statement as to how Eastern Slavia had only been stable under a couple of years of military rule and otherwise just had been in constant war with its neighbor, which none of the three main candidates was particularly fond of - and how this had an impact on an entire generation, which President Oktyabrskaya belonged to as well. He considered her attempt to keep Eastern Slavia non-aligned a result of this, and joining the UN as an observer would be a step Udarsky would wish to take, next to trying to normalize the relations with Slavia as much as possible. Making the healthcare system more efficient was another plan - a key idea, obviously, which Oktyabrskaya and Dorogin didn't seem to have in mind. Economically spoken, Eastern Slavia was in a sorry-state - mining facilities hadn't been advanced for decades, and proper funding was hardly possible with little tax revenue, a result of the fact, that taxing the black market was ... a bit difficult.
Gods in Asgard, so many construction lots ... for the average East Slav, it must have been entirely cloudy, how a small city-state like Wiedheim, with less than four million people living on an island with hardly any natural resources and practically no space to expand, could actually succeed, whereas a much bigger country rich at resources like Eastern Slavia kept failing at basically all fronts. Whoever would win this election, it was only left to hope, that there would actually be some improvement.
"Thank you for your elaborate response so far, Mr. Udarsky!" - Leonie Theiss said. "It is surely some kind of a vicious cycle - investments in order to make the economy more efficient aren't possible without sufficient tax revenue, and without a properly working economy, the tax revenue will remain insufficient, so you will surely have a lot to do to actually break this cycle at any point. Now, quite a fair share of our audience will certainly be wondering, how open Eastern Slavia might become regarding foreign investment, as the country will have a hard time to sustain without assistance from abroad. I am sure, that many foreign companies could get interested in setting up modern mining facilities, sending explosive ordnance disposals, and work at improving the infrastructure; other devices of more modern technology probably wouldn't sell badly in here, either. Let's assume you win and somehow manage to end the turmoil at the border and achieve more widespread recognition - how open would Eastern Slavia be for investments like these under your leadership?"
Arno Frings nodded again.
Meanwhile, the President asked for any trouble at border crossing - Jana Kärlich signalized, that it had been fine, even though the airport didn't exactly meet the standards of, say, Pontrath/Kerkenich International -, then replied to her question, in a somewhat colder tone when talking about the annoying neighbor, and getting warmer again, as she addressed the ethnic and economic concerns.
Powerful and neutral countries were her preferred countries to seek recognition of - a point she made, as if whe were actually aware, that the Federation of Lillorainen was perhaps an ideal target, considering how the archipelagic country of around 76 to 77 million people (they would know exactly after the next census), an enormous economic efficiency, and good trade relations despite being explicitly non-aligned (aside from being a future signatory of the SEA-Accords), actually did have certain potential to take some major influence. She was keen on keeping Eastern Slavia's national sovereignty up by all means - understandable from a Lillorainian point of view -, and for her, the multilingualism inherent to these parts was taken for granted.
"So, as for economic improvements, you are basically hoping for investments by companies from technologically advanced countries, which are, in ideal case, as non-aligned as you hope for Eastern Slavia to keep being, I take, right?" - Kärlich said. "This will surely be a lot of diplomatic effort in the future, especially considering the current lack of recognition the country suffers from."
She let a beat pass.
"While it is known, that you plan quite a few reforms in military and police structures, as well as a constitutional reform, you also face a fairly high amount of criticism for your alleged laissez-faire style when it comes to societal matters from your opponents, particularly Mr. Dorogin, but also Mr. Udarsky. How might this impact your plans on a constitutional reform - or, in other words, how would this reformed constitution ideally look like to you?"

[Eastern Slavia]

Dzerzhinsky Center


Dorogin nodded ever so slightly as he listened - he was well aware of those claims. It had its roots in how he had instructed the police force he had formed to enforce a set of local laws. For most of the country, there was no real law enforcement or seriously detailed laws - more of a loose code to keep people in line. The enforcement of this, carried out by the militisya, varied in its effectiveness; smaller towns and settlements generally had little crime and thus things seemed normal. In larger cities, they were perceived to be little more then well organized bandits that while were effective in keeping order, frequent clashes with criminal elements would make city living have a dangerous feeling to it. Despite this, people were not accustomed to a set of laws that while were fairly normalized in countries with strict police, so when Dorogin had formed a new force, and people were arrested and detained - the latter uncommon previously, he was quickly seen as an individual with an authoritarian leaning.
"My opponents are too comfortable with chaos. In order for a country to grow, its people need to feel safe in their homes. They would have it that criminals run wild in the streets, doing as they please. I believe this country needs the rule of law to be seen as a modern country. Lawlessness cannot be allowed to flourish as it has a detrimental effect on all kinds of developments. We have no real prisons here - detention centers exist but they rarely hold criminals for more then a few weeks at most. A prison system that can rehabilitate people before releasing them back into public is another goal of mine. While it may take some.. adjusting for people, in the long run it will pay off."

Udarsky firmly believed that foreign capital would help give a much needed boost to the economy, but he also understood that the country had to use it correctly.
"The plan for foreign investment in our economy relies on how effective reforms take hold. While state run industries in theory would adapt soon enough, private East Slav companies would need to be able to both adapt and if possible, compete with foreign analogues. I believe the best way to get these entities to catch up is by competition. For example - a state owned construction company. They take longer to build, finishing projects can take longer then expected, but everything is to a strict code. A private company can complete the same amount of work in a shorter amount of time. By encouraging healthy, fairly regulated competition they are forced to adapt to a constantly changing environment."
This, on the other hand ignored the cost cutting that may occur - but regulations exist for this reason.
"I also plan to form a counsel of experts to help run the economy, from abroad if needed. While I am against using the IMF, it may be required. Concerning how I would open the country to foreign investments - having an attractive tax rate is one. It has to be fair to our own industries, yet still bring in the option for others. To reform, for example, our entire mining industry it would likely require experts to catch up on modern techniques, if just to ensure that moving forward the same standards can be held."


Oktyabrskaya listened to her questions carefully as to avoid any misunderstandings with translating, nodding slightly as Kärlich continued. She was correct in pointing out that it would be a large diplomatic effort - She had only met with a few leaders of foreign countries. And these meetings were not exactly official - she just happened to be in the same location. Meeting with leaders of nations in a similar position as hers - she had done that many times. Her recently appointed Foreign Minister had been working non-stop on his embassy program, which while connected on paper to Slavia's own, a handful of countries opened an embassy in Snezinsk over Veblensk, much to the crowns annoyance.
"Ideally we'd work with like-minded countries to improve our own, but the work must come from our own people. My opponents seem to think that those kind of things just happen - but it is work we need to do ourselves. I plan on visiting a number of countries to introduce our country, just as we have been reaching out with our embassies, some of these countries we have minor trade deals on the table with and with some a student exchange program planned. On economic matters, in order to not adversely effect one class over others, a flat tax rate will be discussed. Limiting black market activity will be an important issue to tackle."
Her military reform plans, while largely seen as unrealistic were generally accepted by most, including the head of the MoD. When it was announced, she had shown on TV in her old uniform from her mandatory service within the KGB to discuss what would be a 6 year plan. If one were to look though enough footage of the civil war, there were a few pictures of her near the Lubyanka building in Snezinsk crouching behind a barricade with an AKM during a attempted raid on the building by royalists. Another sighting from a later date, the photo taken by an unknown source - she was seen guarding a number of trucks that were according to the photographer transporting chemical weapons out of the city following a series of intense air raids, while some individuals believed to be high ranking KGB officials argued with UN Peacekeepers after a traffic jam.
"My Military reform plan is fairly straight forward, and builds on the reforms carried out in the 90s. We have mandatory service here - I myself went though it. While it is arguably an outdated system, for small countries it is a necessity. I plan to make the terms shorter, pay will increase, particularly for contract soldiers. Benefits will be guaranteed, including access to higher education. For Police - militsiya will be under go a major restructuring, corruption will be rooted out and it will operate under watch of the Interior Ministry. This will bring them up to international standards."
When inquired about her constitutional reform plans, she'd nod lightly as she looked to the camera again. She knew this was a major subject within the country - she believed by cementing a firm East Slav identity, which by all counts included the majority of the minor ethnic groups as part of it historical issues would be resolved.
"My plan for a constitution secures rights for all East Slav citizens, and has them as equals. No single ethnic group will rule over another and are considered equals. Personal freedoms will be protected - the government has no business interfering in the private lives on individuals."

[Lillorainen]

Dzerzhinsky Center


Dorogin nodded ever so slightly as he listened - he was well aware of those claims. It had its roots in how he had instructed the police force he had formed to enforce a set of local laws. For most of the country, there was no real law enforcement or seriously detailed laws - more of a loose code to keep people in line. The enforcement of this, carried out by the militisya, varied in its effectiveness; smaller towns and settlements generally had little crime and thus things seemed normal. In larger cities, they were perceived to be little more then well organized bandits that while were effective in keeping order, frequent clashes with criminal elements would make city living have a dangerous feeling to it. Despite this, people were not accustomed to a set of laws that while were fairly normalized in countries with strict police, so when Dorogin had formed a new force, and people were arrested and detained - the latter uncommon previously, he was quickly seen as an individual with an authoritarian leaning.
"My opponents are too comfortable with chaos. In order for a country to grow, its people need to feel safe in their homes. They would have it that criminals run wild in the streets, doing as they please. I believe this country needs the rule of law to be seen as a modern country. Lawlessness cannot be allowed to flourish as it has a detrimental effect on all kinds of developments. We have no real prisons here - detention centers exist but they rarely hold criminals for more then a few weeks at most. A prison system that can rehabilitate people before releasing them back into public is another goal of mine. While it may take some.. adjusting for people, in the long run it will pay off."

Udarsky firmly believed that foreign capital would help give a much needed boost to the economy, but he also understood that the country had to use it correctly.
"The plan for foreign investment in our economy relies on how effective reforms take hold. While state run industries in theory would adapt soon enough, private East Slav companies would need to be able to both adapt and if possible, compete with foreign analogues. I believe the best way to get these entities to catch up is by competition. For example - a state owned construction company. They take longer to build, finishing projects can take longer then expected, but everything is to a strict code. A private company can complete the same amount of work in a shorter amount of time. By encouraging healthy, fairly regulated competition they are forced to adapt to a constantly changing environment."
This, on the other hand ignored the cost cutting that may occur - but regulations exist for this reason.
"I also plan to form a counsel of experts to help run the economy, from abroad if needed. While I am against using the IMF, it may be required. Concerning how I would open the country to foreign investments - having an attractive tax rate is one. It has to be fair to our own industries, yet still bring in the option for others. To reform, for example, our entire mining industry it would likely require experts to catch up on modern techniques, if just to ensure that moving forward the same standards can be held."


Oktyabrskaya listened to her questions carefully as to avoid any misunderstandings with translating, nodding slightly as Kärlich continued. She was correct in pointing out that it would be a large diplomatic effort - She had only met with a few leaders of foreign countries. And these meetings were not exactly official - she just happened to be in the same location. Meeting with leaders of nations in a similar position as hers - she had done that many times. Her recently appointed Foreign Minister had been working non-stop on his embassy program, which while connected on paper to Slavia's own, a handful of countries opened an embassy in Snezinsk over Veblensk, much to the crowns annoyance.
"Ideally we'd work with like-minded countries to improve our own, but the work must come from our own people. My opponents seem to think that those kind of things just happen - but it is work we need to do ourselves. I plan on visiting a number of countries to introduce our country, just as we have been reaching out with our embassies, some of these countries we have minor trade deals on the table with and with some a student exchange program planned. On economic matters, in order to not adversely effect one class over others, a flat tax rate will be discussed. Limiting black market activity will be an important issue to tackle."
Her military reform plans, while largely seen as unrealistic were generally accepted by most, including the head of the MoD. When it was announced, she had shown on TV in her old uniform from her mandatory service within the KGB to discuss what would be a 6 year plan. If one were to look though enough footage of the civil war, there were a few pictures of her near the Lubyanka building in Snezinsk crouching behind a barricade with an AKM during a attempted raid on the building by royalists. Another sighting from a later date, the photo taken by an unknown source - she was seen guarding a number of trucks that were according to the photographer transporting chemical weapons out of the city following a series of intense air raids, while some individuals believed to be high ranking KGB officials argued with UN Peacekeepers after a traffic jam.
"My Military reform plan is fairly straight forward, and builds on the reforms carried out in the 90s. We have mandatory service here - I myself went though it. While it is arguably an outdated system, for small countries it is a necessity. I plan to make the terms shorter, pay will increase, particularly for contract soldiers. Benefits will be guaranteed, including access to higher education. For Police - militsiya will be under go a major restructuring, corruption will be rooted out and it will operate under watch of the Interior Ministry. This will bring them up to international standards."
When inquired about her constitutional reform plans, she'd nod lightly as she looked to the camera again. She knew this was a major subject within the country - she believed by cementing a firm East Slav identity, which by all counts included the majority of the minor ethnic groups as part of it historical issues would be resolved.
"My plan for a constitution secures rights for all East Slav citizens, and has them as equals. No single ethnic group will rule over another and are considered equals. Personal freedoms will be protected - the government has no business interfering in the private lives on individuals."

Dzerzhinsky Center.
The origins of Dorogin's opponents thinking of him as authoritarian got clear at once - indeed, having a leadership 'too comfortable with chaos', as he put it, around, was genuinely perilous - this experience was well-known to Lillos from some of the states that had persisted before the Civil War and the unification and Founding of the Federation thereupon, in 1981. Bringing law and order into a country where the leadership and the populace were used to getting away with basically everything was a hard job to do. The difference between Dorogin and the rulership of the Lillorainian Federal Republic under President Evald Skovdal and General Harald Sydtrup in the 1960s and 1970s was, that the latter had tried it with a genuine iron fist, detaining various people for basically blinking in the wrong moment or having a crooked nose, all after the loss of their entire credibility. This was probably one of the horror scenarios Udarsky had in mind.
Lykke Hedegaard nodded again.
"Indeed, it might require a lot of ... adjusting, as you put it, Sir" - she said. "Am I right in assuming, that not only a remarkable change in the prison and general law enforcement system, for a given definition of the term, but also educational changes, in order to boost the general acceptance within the populace and familiarizing the people with the benefits of a proper law enforcement, will be a part of your plans - especially considering, that such a change in mindset doesn't come overnight?"
Udarsky explained his visions as to how to effectively reform the economy - much of the anticipated success in attracting foreign investment was dependent on the effectiveness of reforms; state-run industry and private enterprises would, in ideal case, bring progress by competition. The efficiency of state-run industry could heavily vary - while the LBB, the Lillorainian Federal Railroad Services, were one of many examples how efficient such a state-run company could be, the Free City of Wiedheim had had its problems competing with private industry in the past, especially in the 1980s and 1990s. Only few utilities in the city were still directly run by the Magistrat.
Experts, however, were easy to find abroad. The Commonwealth of Tangrusia had a long history of using inefficient and outdated mining facilities as well, until a consortium of experts from Lillorainen, Shamsiyya, and the Sharulsi Khanate (especially the latter being known for huge, modern mining facilities) had brought a few changes there. And if it worked miracles in Tangrusia, it was prudent to assume, that it would work in here as well.
Udarsky had concerns about using the IMF, an institution also viewed skeptically by Lillorainen and Wiedheim for a number of different reasons, but would be very likely to need it - although this remark made the Wiedheimer journalist immediately think of a few countries with quite strong financial sectors whose conditions might have been a tiny bit more reasonable ...
Be it as it may - Theiss nodded. "That does sound logical" - she said. "Although there seems to be a general consensus throughout the East Slav political landscape, that Eastern Slavia should be kept as independent as possible, total independence from foreign investments, let alone autarky, is practically impossible in a globalized economy, especially not for smaller countries." She let a beat pass. "Still, what about essential services such as water and energy supply and public transport facilities - are these going to remain in state hands only, or do you plan privatizations in these directions as well?"
In the meantime, President Oktyabrskaya explained her approach on foreign policy, along with the efforts made by the embassy program Eastern Slavia had launched (Kärlich was sure to have heard, that there was a Lillorainian plan underway as well, but so far, this had been limited to rumors, and Kärlich wasn't that keen on working with information solely based on hearsay), got over to an economic approach, including the plan to introduce a flat tax (while Lillorainen had a progressive tax system, attracting foreign business was surely remarkably easier with low barriers), and finally her plans to reform the structures of the Army and the Militsiya. She kept her explanation on her constitutional reform plan notably short - perhaps she was still working on the details.
Jana Kärlich nodded. "I could quite imagine, that the Federation of Lillorainen might be interested in some cooperation as well" - she said, "for the mutual benefit such deals can have, if worked out properly. - Now, as for your reform plans, particularly the law enforcement structures, which to bring onto international standards is surely an important goal - how will you address the problem of, let me put it like this, the law rather being interpreted as a set of well-meant guidelines rather than rules to abide by throughout the general populace - especially from the background of a more freedom-based constitutional draft meant to keep the government out of individuals' lives?"

[Eastern Slavia]

Dzerzhinsky Center

While Dorogin would often not take insults personally, he was not fond of being compared to the Military Counsel that had ruled for a number of years. During those years a noticeable reduction in personal freedoms occurred, including random imprisonments in a number of unmarked facilities. Most were closed and repurposed as per the buildings original designs. A single detention center remained, utilized for the worst of criminals who had been sentenced to death. While it was a sentence rarely handed out - of the ~200 people there only about 40 were to be executed for their crimes at some point. Dorogin, while not particularly for such things understood why the facility existed.
"Yes, with the formation of these new Police forces, a revamped court system and penal code will have to be created with it. The new policies will be explained in detail to the population during the conversion period to ease them in, as an abrupt change in system would cause confusion."
He had first hand look at how people adjusted, and while there were some minor issues, most people were accepting. It would only make sense that rolling it out nationwide would have the same effect for most people, he'd think.

Udarsky nodded slightly as he thought about the "true independence" aspect that a seemingly large number of people believed in. He considered it idealistic - and while he himself was often painted as an idealist, this was one thing he could agree with Dorogin on. It was doomed to keep the country largely isolated politically, and would make it difficult for the economy to expand.
"I believe public utilities and transportation are best left under control of the state - having to pay for such things is somewhat of a foreign concept. We do have a well thought out public transportation system, particularly in this city. There are rail connections to others, and buses that go to most smaller towns. Water supply could be improved as much of the infrastructure had to be quickly brought up following the asteroid impact on the continent - this is why you see many above ground pipes. Energy is handled by VosSlavAtom. I am not up to speed on that one in particular, but they replaced some older, less efficient reactors. Local city government required that new buildings were to have solar panels, but most energy utilized is nuclear in nature. Personally I have interest in investing in wind power, but our industry is not yet capable of producing reliable turbines efficiently."
If there was any candidate that was more in line with 'western' environmental concerns it was him - He was curious to where the waste material was disposed of as it was not publicly known.

Oktyabrskaya, still displaying her cheerful energy she used to her advantage during interviews nodded, "Well, I would be honored to meet with them at some point." she'd remark. When pressed with the question about how the law would be instated, she'd nod lightly as ideas bounced around within her head. She had an idea, that one of the KGB's advisors had loosely inspired her with - and while she generally was not too enthusiastic with the ideas they came up with, this one seemed like it would work.
"Creating a new law system is complicated by nature, especially if you spring it upon people suddenly. My plan for this is to give a date of when it will go into effect, then until that point I will explain the laws in detail. When done in this manner, the change should be relatively problem free. The new laws I have been presented with are not very much different from the current ones, it is more of an amendment to allow it to function with a means of enforcement. I do not believe the change is drastic, but it may take a little work to ensure the country is well informed. The inclusion of a court system is important as punishments must be handed out by an impartial party, that is well informed on the situation."
It was expected that by keeping mostly the same laws, people were less likely to resist. The penal code was the largest change - rather then fines/beatings by militisya, forced "camping" at a prison camp for a few weeks for more serious offenses, or for the most serious offenses ending up in Lubyanka then getting whisked off to an unknown location, a court would decide punishments. They were not to be excessive, but still carry some weight to them.

[Lillorainen]

Dzerzhinsky Center

While Dorogin would often not take insults personally, he was not fond of being compared to the Military Counsel that had ruled for a number of years. During those years a noticeable reduction in personal freedoms occurred, including random imprisonments in a number of unmarked facilities. Most were closed and repurposed as per the buildings original designs. A single detention center remained, utilized for the worst of criminals who had been sentenced to death. While it was a sentence rarely handed out - of the ~200 people there only about 40 were to be executed for their crimes at some point. Dorogin, while not particularly for such things understood why the facility existed.
"Yes, with the formation of these new Police forces, a revamped court system and penal code will have to be created with it. The new policies will be explained in detail to the population during the conversion period to ease them in, as an abrupt change in system would cause confusion."
He had first hand look at how people adjusted, and while there were some minor issues, most people were accepting. It would only make sense that rolling it out nationwide would have the same effect for most people, he'd think.

Udarsky nodded slightly as he thought about the "true independence" aspect that a seemingly large number of people believed in. He considered it idealistic - and while he himself was often painted as an idealist, this was one thing he could agree with Dorogin on. It was doomed to keep the country largely isolated politically, and would make it difficult for the economy to expand.
"I believe public utilities and transportation are best left under control of the state - having to pay for such things is somewhat of a foreign concept. We do have a well thought out public transportation system, particularly in this city. There are rail connections to others, and buses that go to most smaller towns. Water supply could be improved as much of the infrastructure had to be quickly brought up following the asteroid impact on the continent - this is why you see many above ground pipes. Energy is handled by VosSlavAtom. I am not up to speed on that one in particular, but they replaced some older, less efficient reactors. Local city government required that new buildings were to have solar panels, but most energy utilized is nuclear in nature. Personally I have interest in investing in wind power, but our industry is not yet capable of producing reliable turbines efficiently."
If there was any candidate that was more in line with 'western' environmental concerns it was him - He was curious to where the waste material was disposed of as it was not publicly known.

Oktyabrskaya, still displaying her cheerful energy she used to her advantage during interviews nodded, "Well, I would be honored to meet with them at some point." she'd remark. When pressed with the question about how the law would be instated, she'd nod lightly as ideas bounced around within her head. She had an idea, that one of the KGB's advisors had loosely inspired her with - and while she generally was not too enthusiastic with the ideas they came up with, this one seemed like it would work.
"Creating a new law system is complicated by nature, especially if you spring it upon people suddenly. My plan for this is to give a date of when it will go into effect, then until that point I will explain the laws in detail. When done in this manner, the change should be relatively problem free. The new laws I have been presented with are not very much different from the current ones, it is more of an amendment to allow it to function with a means of enforcement. I do not believe the change is drastic, but it may take a little work to ensure the country is well informed. The inclusion of a court system is important as punishments must be handed out by an impartial party, that is well informed on the situation."
It was expected that by keeping mostly the same laws, people were less likely to resist. The penal code was the largest change - rather then fines/beatings by militisya, forced "camping" at a prison camp for a few weeks for more serious offenses, or for the most serious offenses ending up in Lubyanka then getting whisked off to an unknown location, a court would decide punishments. They were not to be excessive, but still carry some weight to them.

Dorogin's response confirmed Lykke Hedegaard's impression, that he indeed had long-term plans, rather than just a couple of ideas revamping the legal and penal system entirely and in no time, at best. Long-term solutions were a thing generally considered the be-all and end-all in Lillorainen - granted, the Federation also had a system that made this perfectly possible ... but even in a system where it was possible to perform a 180 degrees flip regarding politics every couple of years depending on the people's current mood, it was obviously possible for someone thinking in long terms to gain party leadership. This country did have more problems than solutions, but when it came to this, other multi-party democracies, even more stable ones, could really take a page from the East Slav book.
"Thank you, Sir!" - she said. "This would be it for now, but you surely can expect a few more questions as soon as the big event has begun."
Leonie Theiss and Arno Frings nodded, too. There was a distinct difference between Lillorainen and Wiedheim regarding these issues - while Lillorainen was pretty much along the same lines with the East Slav policies, Wiedheim had been in a desparate need to give a few utilities away to private investors. What still was in their hand was the Wiedheimer Metro, but one still had to pay for it - it was not awfully expensive, but also not for free. Same went with water supply. Energy supply consisted of a mix of both. Other than that, Wiedheim was surprisingly independent for such a small country, but, of course, did depend on cash from abroad as well, from sales of passage and fishing licenses on the one hand, and its extended banking sector and IT companies on the other. This was also where the foreign currency exchange came from - used as a reserve to back the Batzen, the Wiedheimer currency, which had switched to a purely digital currency back in the 1990s for various reasons.
Theiss said, "That does sound reasonable, indeed! Now, I assume, that we will meet again at the big event quite soon, so that should be it for now. Thanks a lot, Sir!"
"Indeed. Thank you!" - Frings added.
Oktyabrskaya's ideas did sound like a plan, too, even if it was prudent to assume, that somebody else had come up with them - after all, there were the allegations of her being a puppet of the KGB, and while it was only natural to have a secret service advisor at hand (President Flemming did quite stay in contact with MND leader Srboljub Seljak), there was probably a bit more behind that.
Still, this issue was likely to pop up during the big debate soon, so Kärlich wouldn't ask about that now - for this reason, but also for the reason, that the President would deny all involvement of the intelligence agency she had done her Service in, anyways, for this was surely not what she wanted the Lillorainian public to remember too well.
Aside from that, getting oneself a proper court system was quite a reasonable thing to do. Back in Lillorainen, the judiciary was generally independent, to the extent, that judges were not allowed to be Party members, and the right to a fair trial was part of the constitution - or constitutions, if one added the ones of the states into it. Judicial decisions were, at least, expected to be as impartial as possible - of course, the system was not perfect, for there was no perfect system, but there were surely systems closer to the ideal than others.
"Wonderful!" - Jana Kärlich said, a bit infected by Oktyabrskaya's cheerfulness. "Then, we might already wish you good luck, with both your plans, and, of course, during the big debate, which we will be sure to attend! Thank you, President Oktyabrskaya!"

[Eastern Slavia]

As the stadium filled, final sound checks were verified before the East Slav announcer would begin to speak as the broadcast began. On some screens it could be seen that it was also subtitled in a number of languages, with translators keeping a minimal delay. TVs within the country had been programmed to display translated subtitles by default - though on normal, non-live TV it was instantaneous. Early estimates were showing that they anticipated around 60% of the population to watch the debate, which while considered to be low by some accounts it was still considered a large number compared to the number that would show up to actually vote when the time came around. The status of the country meant that some did not see any point - some felt it didn't matter because Slavia could just as easily invade with a more organized army or with allies, then they'd possibly be singled out afterwards. Everyone knew there were silent sympathizers of the crown within the country; while many fled west after the conflict ended, a number remained. Widely viewed with suspicion, they often kept it to themselves.

"Welcome to the first Presidential Debate. Tonight, we are here to ask questions, covering many subjects. These will be presented not only by myself, but from various reporters, officials and members of the public. In order to keep discussion flowing smoothly, we will have each candidate respond after the previous one, before any follow up questions are presented. If one has questions for another, it is during that time they should be presented. For our foreign viewers, the candidates should introduce themselves."

With no rehearsal in order to verify that it was not a scripted event, the camera soon switched feed to the stage. After a moment, it would fix on Oktyabrskaya, who stared at it for a moment before glancing off to the side to verify that it was correct. After clearing her throat, she'd tap her fingers on the podium before smiling and starting. While not known to be a great speaker, she was still a capable one and could keep her cool during heated discussions - she had not once been seen to lose her temper. Her usual method of speaking to the public she assumed that everyone knew who she was - but with the understanding that people from other countries were watching she had to try something different - the robotic speech prepared for her she had already forgot aside from the main points, which she had already known. The manner of which it had been written and how she was supposed to read it, it would make since for someone twice her age but she was always known to be somewhat unfiltered.

"Good evening... welcome to Snezinsk, capital of the Republic of East Slavyanka. It's a country of about 22 million people, with a very diverse linguistic make up, and home to many picturesque forests. I am President Anna Oktyabrskaya, from the Svoboda party. Grew up in Tiraspol among other places, after mandatory service went to university for a few years, planned on being a photographer. Then I was City Administrator of Tarkov for 3 years, which with policies I had enacted is now one of the more well off cities in the nation. And now I'm here, to bring the same to the rest of the country. I plan to ensure the rights of all, cement our nations independence. The economy, which has improved steadily, will continue to do so through planned modernization. None of this will be easy, but it must be done. Through collective hard work we'll set East Slavyanka on a path to be a nation that inspires others."

She'd much rather be a photographer like she had planned, but there were forces that needed a public image to run a country, whom could not do so on their own. They only needed end goals met - how it was done, it was up to her to get there. When speaking about the country she often used the East Slav title - the English or Russian naming was not particularly descriptive enough. She often tried to connect on a personal level to her audience, and felt that by them knowing unimportant details it helped them see her as more then a faceless politician. As the unofficial head of the unrecognized nation club, she made a point to speak as if it were recognized. Overall she was not worried about how the debate went - she had in the past month traveled around the country to speak to groups of people. Her closing statement was out of spite for Slavia - she had little desire to negotiate with them.

Next up was Dorogin. He personally was not a fan of how these events were carried out, there was no clear order in which they were to talk, if one misspoke they did not have a immediate chance to correct the statement. Unlike both Oktyabrskaya and Udarsky, Dorogin did have a speech plan - he often pointed out that Udarsky sounded like a rambling ex-professor who never paused to breath, and Oktyabrskaya like a school girl who wrote a paper last minute. Some considered him boring - but he had a professional image to maintain.

"I am Dmitri Dorogin of the Orel Party, I am the current governor of the Norvinsk region, and running for president under the promise that we as a country rise from our troubled past to a bright future with the West. We will become a internationally recognized nation through diplomacy, settle our issues through proper channels and boost trade with our neighbors. We will secure our well defined borders. There will be law & order within the country. The economy will improve."

He kept it short. He wasn't exactly in an area that was fond of him, and with his inability to fluently speak East Slav he had to rely on a translator. Dorogin was known to have a clear cut path for most of his policies, but the international recognition issue was one that kept him up at night. It was an important issue - one that his opponents had clear plans for. Oktyabrskaya advocated tanks, Udarsky favored international organizations. He wanted to deal directly with the Slavian crown. While they were not under any form of sanctions and had access to a foreign royal bank, they were not really in much better shape - worse in some aspects. He figured if he got the economy sorted before anything he could negotiate from a better spot.

Udarsky was last - he liked to plan out every move; not jump in head first or simply react like the others. With most of his supporters watching a stream of the debate, he had spoke of it weeks in advance. There was even a group of supporters outside who even dealt with the miserable weather conditions to observe. He was careful when speaking of his opponents - avoiding statements that could backfire if he was unsure, yet at the same time his phrasing was done in a manner to rile up his supporters.

"I am Leonid Udarsky, with the Soyuz Party. I am a university professor in Veblensk, I am running for president because the future of the nation is yet to be decided, and we as a nation need to work together to ensure it is a bright one. We will take on all challenges with well informed choices, create an economy that works for everyone. Not only that, an economy that will uphold in the future. Growth must be the goal. Through cooperation we will gain statehood, and you, the future of the nation will decide what we do with this."


With the end of each persons statements, the speaker was on camera again. "And with that, let us begin. From the first question.."

[Lillorainen]

As the stadium filled, final sound checks were verified before the East Slav announcer would begin to speak as the broadcast began. On some screens it could be seen that it was also subtitled in a number of languages, with translators keeping a minimal delay. TVs within the country had been programmed to display translated subtitles by default - though on normal, non-live TV it was instantaneous. Early estimates were showing that they anticipated around 60% of the population to watch the debate, which while considered to be low by some accounts it was still considered a large number compared to the number that would show up to actually vote when the time came around. The status of the country meant that some did not see any point - some felt it didn't matter because Slavia could just as easily invade with a more organized army or with allies, then they'd possibly be singled out afterwards. Everyone knew there were silent sympathizers of the crown within the country; while many fled west after the conflict ended, a number remained. Widely viewed with suspicion, they often kept it to themselves.

"Welcome to the first Presidential Debate. Tonight, we are here to ask questions, covering many subjects. These will be presented not only by myself, but from various reporters, officials and members of the public. In order to keep discussion flowing smoothly, we will have each candidate respond after the previous one, before any follow up questions are presented. If one has questions for another, it is during that time they should be presented. For our foreign viewers, the candidates should introduce themselves."

With no rehearsal in order to verify that it was not a scripted event, the camera soon switched feed to the stage. After a moment, it would fix on Oktyabrskaya, who stared at it for a moment before glancing off to the side to verify that it was correct. After clearing her throat, she'd tap her fingers on the podium before smiling and starting. While not known to be a great speaker, she was still a capable one and could keep her cool during heated discussions - she had not once been seen to lose her temper. Her usual method of speaking to the public she assumed that everyone knew who she was - but with the understanding that people from other countries were watching she had to try something different - the robotic speech prepared for her she had already forgot aside from the main points, which she had already known. The manner of which it had been written and how she was supposed to read it, it would make since for someone twice her age but she was always known to be somewhat unfiltered.

"Good evening... welcome to Snezinsk, capital of the Republic of East Slavyanka. It's a country of about 22 million people, with a very diverse linguistic make up, and home to many picturesque forests. I am President Anna Oktyabrskaya, from the Svoboda party. Grew up in Tiraspol among other places, after mandatory service went to university for a few years, planned on being a photographer. Then I was City Administrator of Tarkov for 3 years, which with policies I had enacted is now one of the more well off cities in the nation. And now I'm here, to bring the same to the rest of the country. I plan to ensure the rights of all, cement our nations independence. The economy, which has improved steadily, will continue to do so through planned modernization. None of this will be easy, but it must be done. Through collective hard work we'll set East Slavyanka on a path to be a nation that inspires others."

She'd much rather be a photographer like she had planned, but there were forces that needed a public image to run a country, whom could not do so on their own. They only needed end goals met - how it was done, it was up to her to get there. When speaking about the country she often used the East Slav title - the English or Russian naming was not particularly descriptive enough. She often tried to connect on a personal level to her audience, and felt that by them knowing unimportant details it helped them see her as more then a faceless politician. As the unofficial head of the unrecognized nation club, she made a point to speak as if it were recognized. Overall she was not worried about how the debate went - she had in the past month traveled around the country to speak to groups of people. Her closing statement was out of spite for Slavia - she had little desire to negotiate with them.

Next up was Dorogin. He personally was not a fan of how these events were carried out, there was no clear order in which they were to talk, if one misspoke they did not have a immediate chance to correct the statement. Unlike both Oktyabrskaya and Udarsky, Dorogin did have a speech plan - he often pointed out that Udarsky sounded like a rambling ex-professor who never paused to breath, and Oktyabrskaya like a school girl who wrote a paper last minute. Some considered him boring - but he had a professional image to maintain.

"I am Dmitri Dorogin of the Orel Party, I am the current governor of the Norvinsk region, and running for president under the promise that we as a country rise from our troubled past to a bright future with the West. We will become a internationally recognized nation through diplomacy, settle our issues through proper channels and boost trade with our neighbors. We will secure our well defined borders. There will be law & order within the country. The economy will improve."

He kept it short. He wasn't exactly in an area that was fond of him, and with his inability to fluently speak East Slav he had to rely on a translator. Dorogin was known to have a clear cut path for most of his policies, but the international recognition issue was one that kept him up at night. It was an important issue - one that his opponents had clear plans for. Oktyabrskaya advocated tanks, Udarsky favored international organizations. He wanted to deal directly with the Slavian crown. While they were not under any form of sanctions and had access to a foreign royal bank, they were not really in much better shape - worse in some aspects. He figured if he got the economy sorted before anything he could negotiate from a better spot.

Udarsky was last - he liked to plan out every move; not jump in head first or simply react like the others. With most of his supporters watching a stream of the debate, he had spoke of it weeks in advance. There was even a group of supporters outside who even dealt with the miserable weather conditions to observe. He was careful when speaking of his opponents - avoiding statements that could backfire if he was unsure, yet at the same time his phrasing was done in a manner to rile up his supporters.

"I am Leonid Udarsky, with the Soyuz Party. I am a university professor in Veblensk, I am running for president because the future of the nation is yet to be decided, and we as a nation need to work together to ensure it is a bright one. We will take on all challenges with well informed choices, create an economy that works for everyone. Not only that, an economy that will uphold in the future. Growth must be the goal. Through cooperation we will gain statehood, and you, the future of the nation will decide what we do with this."


With the end of each persons statements, the speaker was on camera again. "And with that, let us begin. From the first question.."

Hedegaard, Theiss, Frings, and the LR Network Crew around Tyrsholm and Kärlich used the short time they had for a quick briefing, exchanging the essentials of the pre-debate interviews they had done so far, in order to prevent asking the candidates questions someone else had already asked them. Most of which would end up aired on TV and radio, as well as - in a more comprehensive form - in Theiss's and Hedegaard's articles, anyways.
A last sound check was verified - although it would be too late for that now, even if something wouldn't be working, but orderliness and thoroughness were the be-all and end-all for representatives of media at such occasions. No one wanted to deliver unfinished work or low-quality recordings just becuase some lazy sod had been thinking, 'It worked once, it will continue working!' That would be embarrassing.
The announcer did what announcers usually do - namely announcing -, in East Slav language, then the three candidates introduced themselves.
President Oktyabrskaya made the start, visibly having forgotten about any speech possibly prepared, reminding Leonie Theiss auf her schooltime, especially math lessons, where she had prepared her homework in a genuinely professional manner - doing it while it was being collected. On the other hand, Oktyabrskaya sounded also more natural due to this; one usually could guess from politicians' speeches whether they had prepared them themselves, had their advisors preparing it, or giving it entirely out-of-hand.
One also noticed, that she introduced the country she was running, as if it were a regular subject of international law with diplomatic recognition unquestioned by almost every other country. Perhaps, she considered this her own duty as the unofficial head of the Unrecognized Nation Club. That she wasn't particularly keen on dealing with Slavia got clear by her using 'East Slavyanka' in lieu of 'Eastern Slavia'.
Next one was Dorogin. Lykke Hedegaard already knew his way of speaking; she was the one journalist from the Lillöer-Archipelago who was least surprised, that he actually had prepared a speech - even though a remarkably short one, using a translator due to his inability to speak East Slav properly.
Last one in the row was Udarsky, his style of speech well-known to the Wiedheimer journalist whose first name happened to be only one letter away from his one, indeed continuing to sound like one of her professors - not rambling in this case, though, although she did know quite a few examples of professors letting their frets and annoyances out.
Then, the time for questions began.
Now, Arno Frings took over asking, as he had let the ladies do that so far.
"Good evening!" - he said. "At first, a question to all of you - as we all know, Eastern Slavia is bugged by various problems all of you wish to solve; the lack of international recognition, the almost medieval law enforcement system, the issues going on with Slavia and its Crown, the economic issues and lack of technology, the linguistic issues caused by the country's probably unique diversity, yadda yadda yadda, the list could continue. Since it's obvious, that Eastern Slavia is caught in a vicious circle, for most of these problems are the cause and result of one another, this circle has to be broken somewhere. So, my question to all of you would be - which one of these points are you planning to work on first in your presidency?"

[Eastern Slavia]

Oktyabrskaya listened to the question carefully - it was one that she had gone over with her advisors extensively in the months leading up to the debate. As one who never claimed to be an expert in everything, she had found the most qualified individuals for all manners of issues that would arise during her presidency. The economy was an important one, an issue she was often pressed on frequently by people with expectations that everything will be great right away. She had been president for almost 5 years; some of her changes, particularly towards more effective taxing and its use were still in the process of taking hold - most of the focus had been on rebuilding the nations cities, public utilities had to be rebuilt from scratch in some areas due to damage or due to previous efficiency issues. There was little that could be done, short of borrowing funds, but that was not an option at the time. Forming a proper Army had also been a focus - during the civil war East Slavyanka had been declared independent by an alliance of warlords using equipment looted from old storage sites or loaned from across the border east. It was by luck that some operations had routed the larger Slavian forces, who were also running short on manpower and supplies. The resulting force was more organized then it had been, but there were still issues - funding was frequently insufficient, training was lacking, and there were still organizational issues. Some economic advisors were against making it a major focus at the time, but the country needed to guarantee its independence.

"My primary focus will be getting East Slavyanka international recognition as an independent country. By meeting with foreign leaders and detailing the plan for down the line, working out trade agreements. Without an exposure to the outside, no attention would be paid to the country. Currently it is seen as a perpetual warzone, stuck in the early 90s - while we've done well with what we have available, we are behind almost 30 years in development. We cannot be content with playing catch-up. International recognition will in effect spur economic growth. From that, we build upwards."

Her tone of speaking in these matters, gone was the cheerful personality, and she did not as much as blink while speaking.

Dorogin, who had based his entire image as one of stability had his own ideas of what should be focused on. The world had more then enough of its share of rogue states - While he also believed recognition was important, he felt that the country would be better if it stabilized first. A stable country was more likely to become a serious investment by larger countries to build up. The police force he had put together, funded by private donors was modeled after Western institutions unlike the current one, which even if they followed through with Oktyabrskaya's reform plan, would still resemble an armed group with little oversight.

"What East Slav Republic needs first and foremost is a return to civility - it's seen as a wild place, one that is not one people would willingly go to if it could be avoided. A major overhaul of law enforcement and judicial institutions must be our focus; with that stability in hand we will be able to gain assistance in solving issues where we as a nation are struggling. I have a comprehensive plan for reforms, that are easy to implement and have been proven to be effective in my region. He have to act like the country we want to be, after all."

Udarsky listened to the two of them speak - Oktyabrskaya presented her goals as something that was to require lots of work, that created as many questions as it gave answers. It was optimistic - which he respected; his whole campaign was based around getting the younger people out and more involved. Dorogin - he clearly was the safe candidate, not wanting to try anything that wasn't 100% guaranteed to work without issues. He also did his research on his regional reforms - it required more funding then was allotted for police work. The current force only worked to solve serious crimes, with little time spent on minor ones. And this was why he wanted proper functioning economy.


"My primary focus will be creating an economy that will fit the needs a of a growing nation. One that puts all its resources to a handful of needs and leaves the rest out with next to nothing is not the way to go. My economic reforms will produce a balanced budget that allows for growth, and the standard of living will rise with it. With this improved standard of living and a balanced economy, we will prove that we are ready to join the world as a nation - not by using tanks or losing our personal freedoms in the process.

[Lillorainen]

Oktyabrskaya listened to the question carefully - it was one that she had gone over with her advisors extensively in the months leading up to the debate. As one who never claimed to be an expert in everything, she had found the most qualified individuals for all manners of issues that would arise during her presidency. The economy was an important one, an issue she was often pressed on frequently by people with expectations that everything will be great right away. She had been president for almost 5 years; some of her changes, particularly towards more effective taxing and its use were still in the process of taking hold - most of the focus had been on rebuilding the nations cities, public utilities had to be rebuilt from scratch in some areas due to damage or due to previous efficiency issues. There was little that could be done, short of borrowing funds, but that was not an option at the time. Forming a proper Army had also been a focus - during the civil war East Slavyanka had been declared independent by an alliance of warlords using equipment looted from old storage sites or loaned from across the border east. It was by luck that some operations had routed the larger Slavian forces, who were also running short on manpower and supplies. The resulting force was more organized then it had been, but there were still issues - funding was frequently insufficient, training was lacking, and there were still organizational issues. Some economic advisors were against making it a major focus at the time, but the country needed to guarantee its independence.

"My primary focus will be getting East Slavyanka international recognition as an independent country. By meeting with foreign leaders and detailing the plan for down the line, working out trade agreements. Without an exposure to the outside, no attention would be paid to the country. Currently it is seen as a perpetual warzone, stuck in the early 90s - while we've done well with what we have available, we are behind almost 30 years in development. We cannot be content with playing catch-up. International recognition will in effect spur economic growth. From that, we build upwards."

Her tone of speaking in these matters, gone was the cheerful personality, and she did not as much as blink while speaking.

Dorogin, who had based his entire image as one of stability had his own ideas of what should be focused on. The world had more then enough of its share of rogue states - While he also believed recognition was important, he felt that the country would be better if it stabilized first. A stable country was more likely to become a serious investment by larger countries to build up. The police force he had put together, funded by private donors was modeled after Western institutions unlike the current one, which even if they followed through with Oktyabrskaya's reform plan, would still resemble an armed group with little oversight.

"What East Slav Republic needs first and foremost is a return to civility - it's seen as a wild place, one that is not one people would willingly go to if it could be avoided. A major overhaul of law enforcement and judicial institutions must be our focus; with that stability in hand we will be able to gain assistance in solving issues where we as a nation are struggling. I have a comprehensive plan for reforms, that are easy to implement and have been proven to be effective in my region. He have to act like the country we want to be, after all."

Udarsky listened to the two of them speak - Oktyabrskaya presented her goals as something that was to require lots of work, that created as many questions as it gave answers. It was optimistic - which he respected; his whole campaign was based around getting the younger people out and more involved. Dorogin - he clearly was the safe candidate, not wanting to try anything that wasn't 100% guaranteed to work without issues. He also did his research on his regional reforms - it required more funding then was allotted for police work. The current force only worked to solve serious crimes, with little time spent on minor ones. And this was why he wanted proper functioning economy.


"My primary focus will be creating an economy that will fit the needs a of a growing nation. One that puts all its resources to a handful of needs and leaves the rest out with next to nothing is not the way to go. My economic reforms will produce a balanced budget that allows for growth, and the standard of living will rise with it. With this improved standard of living and a balanced economy, we will prove that we are ready to join the world as a nation - not by using tanks or losing our personal freedoms in the process.

Arno Frings nodded, listening carefully. He did quite notice, how President Oktyabrskaya lost her cheerful tone again, her face not moving at all, aside from blinking. This was probably an answer she was prepared for giving - starting with getting Eastern Slavia recognized by foreign nations, and by gaining foreign countries' attention in the first place. A hard thing to do, of course, for many people abroad would just look onto a map of the former SSR and spotting Eastern Slavia by some luck, amongst all the other unrecognized nations in a sorry-state. This was surely a thing screaming for a change.
Dorogin, already well-known for playing the safe card, gave the answer expected - with the country in a need of a 'return to civilty', as he called it, he would pretty directly start off with his plans of a complete overhaul of the law enforcement system, towards the standard he had already established in his home region. Not exactly an unreasonable thing to do first, in order to bring the country on.
And then, there was Udarsky, in whose opinion, nothing went without a properly reformed economy, adjusting the budget anticipated to grow with the growing economy to all needs, not just a couple of points to focus on - once this would be established, it would pave the way for Eastern Slavia's step onto the world stage. His mention of tanks and loss of personal freedom quite did imply his views on his opponents - even though the Lillorainian journalists didn't quite have the impression of talking to a potential tin-pot dictator on the one hand, and a KGB Tankie Girl on the other, as Udarsky had continuously been implying. Nonetheless, a country without a proper economy had a hard time on the international floor, there was no doubt about that. Aside from that, Udarsky, unlike his opponents, seemed to more have the big picture in mind, in lieu of just the frame.
Which reminded Jana Kärlich of a question bugging her, and it had much to do with how the Federation of Lillorainen had been founded, back in 1981, and how the current system of it had come into being. She waited for Udarsky to finish and for Frings to confirm, that he was satisfied with the replies he had gotten to his question, then she continued.
"To all of you, again" - she began. "Since the current constitution of Eastern Slavia - or Slavyanka, as the case may be - is pretty much a relic of the Soviet Era, the issue of a constitutional reform has been up to debate as of late, too. All of you are well-known for having entirely different imaginations as to what a new constitution would be supposed to look like. Now, let's assume, that the upcoming election might only be a very close win for either of you, with your party not getting a majority sufficiently large to push a constitutional reform through on its own. How likely, do you think, would you be to be able to find a solid base to agree on with your respective opponents?"

[Eastern Slavia]

The current constitution was in fact a slightly amended version of the 1987 version - the official 1992 model had not been completed in time due to an outbreak of hostilities with neighboring countries - then the split with Slavia. There were a number of mutually agreed changes that had been proposed, it was a matter of completing the document, then having it approved. Of the dozens of drafted versions, Oktyabrskaya's was considered to be the most streamlined of the bunch. Passing it would be easy publicly - most did not see any glaring issues with it - it was designed to keep government small (and tight knit - despite not being part of the KGB's upper most levels, she understood the internal power structure), and out of the public's personal business. And with her previous actions as president showing that she would follow through with her interests, she figured that put peoples concerns at ease.

"My draft for a constitution was designed to be politically neutral - it would grant citizens rights previously established, alongside a number of new ones - freedom of movement. Previously internal passports were required to move between regions, I recently reduced the need for such documentation with the modernization of that system - the new ID cards are all that is needed. The new constitution would allow travel without any need to produce such cards at checkpoints within our borders. It would discard archaic laws about marriage between individuals, particularly regarding gender or orientation. Militsiya will not be able to detain without reason or charge. Opposition to a simple, straightforward reform as such would surely be for political reasons. By ensuring that it is favorable for all there should be no problems."


Dorogin was one of those who viewed hers with some suspicion. Despite all its clear intents, there was room for further explanation or detail that was lacking. In appearance it was good enough for the average person - who didn't want government interference in daily life? But there was little to nothing that would keep the KGB in check, which was something he was interested in feeling they had too much freedom to do what they wanted without answering to anyone - certainly not Oktyabrskaya, who seemingly at times gave them a free hand. It was his belief that Slavia was truthful in believing that she had personally ordered the bombings that had all but crippled their intelligence service. He had a personal interest in this matter - as one of such bombs went off in his own city.

"I believe a constitution should serve the public - there has to be accountability from the government, and it must ensure that citizens are protected by it, regardless where they are. While my version is more detailed then most, I believe we can find points to agree on, and I am sure the points we do not agree on, some compromise could be met."
He was again playing it safe - his choice to present himself as the candidate for stability required such moments.

Udarsky in comparison was not content with amending an existing document - his ideas for a country were not entirely compatible with such, because he thought about future changes in society, closely watching how other nations handled such things. This meant that his plan - a total replacement that required outside expertise would not work in this event, which was an outcome that he had not quite anticipated. As the other's had shown a willingness to cooperate, he ruffled his papers as he listened to how they would do such, visibly caught off guard. He was not one to compromise his beliefs, even if it would cause a set back.

"It is my belief that we need a full overhaul of this - adding to an already outdated document will not serve us well in the future. Laws have to adapt to the times, and a document written long ago will show its age with time. I personally do not agree that we can find agreement in such matters, and a new constitution must be made from scratch. I would encourage cooperation in doing such, for the sake of future generations - for the options given are one that provides no oversight for elements of the government, or one that is restrictive to ones personal freedoms."

[Lillorainen]

The current constitution was in fact a slightly amended version of the 1987 version - the official 1992 model had not been completed in time due to an outbreak of hostilities with neighboring countries - then the split with Slavia. There were a number of mutually agreed changes that had been proposed, it was a matter of completing the document, then having it approved. Of the dozens of drafted versions, Oktyabrskaya's was considered to be the most streamlined of the bunch. Passing it would be easy publicly - most did not see any glaring issues with it - it was designed to keep government small (and tight knit - despite not being part of the KGB's upper most levels, she understood the internal power structure), and out of the public's personal business. And with her previous actions as president showing that she would follow through with her interests, she figured that put peoples concerns at ease.

"My draft for a constitution was designed to be politically neutral - it would grant citizens rights previously established, alongside a number of new ones - freedom of movement. Previously internal passports were required to move between regions, I recently reduced the need for such documentation with the modernization of that system - the new ID cards are all that is needed. The new constitution would allow travel without any need to produce such cards at checkpoints within our borders. It would discard archaic laws about marriage between individuals, particularly regarding gender or orientation. Militsiya will not be able to detain without reason or charge. Opposition to a simple, straightforward reform as such would surely be for political reasons. By ensuring that it is favorable for all there should be no problems."


Dorogin was one of those who viewed hers with some suspicion. Despite all its clear intents, there was room for further explanation or detail that was lacking. In appearance it was good enough for the average person - who didn't want government interference in daily life? But there was little to nothing that would keep the KGB in check, which was something he was interested in feeling they had too much freedom to do what they wanted without answering to anyone - certainly not Oktyabrskaya, who seemingly at times gave them a free hand. It was his belief that Slavia was truthful in believing that she had personally ordered the bombings that had all but crippled their intelligence service. He had a personal interest in this matter - as one of such bombs went off in his own city.

"I believe a constitution should serve the public - there has to be accountability from the government, and it must ensure that citizens are protected by it, regardless where they are. While my version is more detailed then most, I believe we can find points to agree on, and I am sure the points we do not agree on, some compromise could be met."
He was again playing it safe - his choice to present himself as the candidate for stability required such moments.

Udarsky in comparison was not content with amending an existing document - his ideas for a country were not entirely compatible with such, because he thought about future changes in society, closely watching how other nations handled such things. This meant that his plan - a total replacement that required outside expertise would not work in this event, which was an outcome that he had not quite anticipated. As the other's had shown a willingness to cooperate, he ruffled his papers as he listened to how they would do such, visibly caught off guard. He was not one to compromise his beliefs, even if it would cause a set back.

"It is my belief that we need a full overhaul of this - adding to an already outdated document will not serve us well in the future. Laws have to adapt to the times, and a document written long ago will show its age with time. I personally do not agree that we can find agreement in such matters, and a new constitution must be made from scratch. I would encourage cooperation in doing such, for the sake of future generations - for the options given are one that provides no oversight for elements of the government, or one that is restrictive to ones personal freedoms."

Jana Kärlich nodded. She felt reminded of the debate that had been held prior to the founding of the Federation - of course, she was too young to remember, but she did know about it, logically.
Back in the late 1970s, before Lillorainen had actually unified, in the years after the Civil War, representatives of the Lillorainian States had formed the Constituent National Assembly, successor of the Assembly of the Lillorainian Union and predecessor of the Chamber of States and, indirectly, also the Meritocratic Council. Seven parties had made it up, with Siegfried Heiderich's Meritocratic Union being the leading one - in the end, not only by percentage, but also by presidency, after a short time of a national unity government, with all parties forming a government coalition. With the unification on March 9, 1981, the seven parties had merged into one, the Meritocratic Unity Party, which was still the ruling unity party in Lillorainen, making up 100% of the MC and 86% of the CoS (the remaining 14% were independent). But getting there had been a hard way, for all seven predecessor parties had different imaginations as to what a constitution draft for a unified Lillorainen should look like.
But they had managed to agree. And if they had managed (friendly reminder: Lillorainen had been stuck in a civil war from 1974 to 1976!), then it was prudent to assume, that it would also work in Eastern Slavia.
Leonie Theiss found this interesting as well - given that her home country did not share this historical experience, for Wiedheim had continuously been existing for around one and a half millennium. Yet, Wiedheim did share the experience of being a failed state, back in the 1980s, when the Magistrat hadn't had any effective power and crime syndicates had dominated. That was when Wiedheim had slowly, but surely, managed the transition from a merchants' republic to an engineers' republic, changed its constitution and taken effective measurements to fight crime - the most notable one being the switch to a purely digital currency in order to end the massive counterfeiting of money.
What did sound familiar to her as well were Dorogin's concerns about keeping authorities in check, or rather the lack of which; this was something the Magistrat around Milena Prescher was regularly accused of as well. - Lillorainen, on the other hand, was known to have good checks and balances, with two parliament chambers controlling each other and having to approve any law, with a fair amount of autonomy of the states, with an entirely independent judiciary, with referendums being required for major law and all constitution changes, with the explicit right to resistance combined with liberal gun laws (Lillos loved joking about countries granting the right to resistance to its citizens, but not private gun ownership - the latter would render the former pretty pointless), and with the MND being supervised and controlled by the government - not vice versa. It was a miracle, that this worked, especially considering the historical background - but it worked.
Lillos loved bragging about how well their system worked, but they knew, that nobody liked know-it-alls, so they kept it within reason and left recommendations to foreign countries out - especially since they knew, that this system had been designed for Lillorainen only, so results of attempts to implement this elsewhere would probably vary a lot. Yet, the point stood - if they had managed to agree on a constitution, getting Oktyabrskaya, Dorogin, and Udarsky agreeing on one should not be too hard.
The replies did sound good, though - Oktyabrskaya called for changes regarding civil rights and free travel between parts of the country (a thing a young lady named Lola Miramón Guerrero was about changing over in the U.C. as well) and thought, she could agree with the others on details; Dorogin was playing it safe again (surprise, surprise) and was sure to be able to find compromises, too; Udarsky was calling out for an entirely new constitution, which to work out would require cooperation - which he did encourage, at least, for the sake of future generations.
Kärlich nodded. "This surely sounds like a plan" - she said. "Or several ones, for that matter. So, assuming, that Eastern Slavia gets recognized on a noteworthy scale within the next term - where would all of you see its role on the international stage in the future? Rather a small island within a region of still unrecognized states, or even a regional power, by military or by economy? Hand in hand with Slavia, or rather a friendly competitor - or even its worst enemy?"
She was aware, that all three had already stated their goals, but this was now about their realistic predictions.

[Eastern Slavia]

Oktyabrskaya had long thought about the outcome of how they would be perceived as a state - after the end of the conflict with Slavia, there was still one ongoing in the south east of the country against the remaining elements of the communist insurgency that was a larger part during the civil war, alongside Slavian Nationalist militias. Hostilities were supposed to be over - OSCN observers had long since relocated to the "frontline" between Slavia & East Slavyanka - and she had ordered a deployment - some 16000 troops to the region to assist the Interior Ministry in 'restoring order' - it looked increasingly like an active war zone largely in part due to the limited training of the Army who did not really have the proper tactics to use against small groups of guerrillas hiding in the woods and hills. The cities in the region were largely destroyed when they forced out both groups out. As a recognized state - they'd face criticism from Slavia for "attacking their citizens", or the reds would gain support from one of the dozens of "INTERCOM" type groups that many tin pot countries were part of and would be showered with material aid and volunteers. The conflict while not popular was not exactly in the eye of the public either - man power shortages meant that militias loyal to Snezinsk were used extensively - with heavy losses during some major operations that rivaled the assault on Veblensk prior to the end of the war. As a regional power, it would be easy to gain favor from the failed states within the region - they had accepted most of the refugees from the asteroid impact and the conflicts that broke out. Assisting in reconstruction, supplying basic utilities - they could gain minor allies easily. It would also grow the economy as the others stabilized. In a way a stagnant economy was better then not having one at all.

"Within the next 10 years East Slavyanka could be a major regional power. Despite our shortcomings we are, in a manner of speaking, in a better position to do so then our neighboring countries. Our economy is functional to a point, and not propped up by a foreign power. We have a sizeable Armed Forces that has proven itself time and time again and is able to defend our country against all threats. Threats including Slavia - whom cooperation has time and time again proven to be difficult at best. Working with them would only be done out of necessity - I do not believe friendly coexistence can occur with the crown in power. On an international stage, we would best serve as a neutral power - acting as a mediator for countries in a similar situation that ours is in now."


Dorogin was less extreme in his opinions of Slavia - he lacked the personal connections that Oktyabrskaya had due to the war, of which the anger & hate she held against them was hard to hide. When he was researching his opponents he had found that she had no living relatives - parents were killed in an airstrike during the Continental War in the 90s, an older sister who was a captain in the Air Assault Forces was killed in the war when East Slavyanka split from Slavia, ironically during what had been a joint operation. In her home town of Tiraspol in an overgrown park there was a monument for paratroopers erected, with her as one of the ones depicted. Dorogin had seen his share of awful things during both conflicts, serving in the 90s at an airbase in what was now Slavia. He understood the manner in which she spoke of them, and did not necessarily disagree on most things.

"The East Slav Republic within a few years, should a positive growth trend remain economically, could be the dominant economic power within the region. We have the resources available to take advantage of this fact - first, working with our neighboring countries - I do not believe we should outright build them up, but rather guide them to their own feet as this in the long run will create strong allies. I am willing to work with Slavia, provided our sovereignty is respected. Until then - things will remain as they are. Working with the international community is something we need to focus on more then we are - as it is the only way to assert pressure against Slavia's claims without conflict."

Udarsky did not share the same views of Slavia - in his eyes they were in a similar situation. The return of the royal family to the country had to have been a major thing for them, after a decade of a broken government held together with electrical tape from the remains of the old Soviet government. Then suddenly a corner of the country violently splits off as soon as things seem to start to return to normal? Still, he knew that reconciliation was not likely - much less rejoining. If it were to occur by force, both would be destroyed in the process. It was his lack of anger that had drawn the younger generation towards him - the other two seen as ones who'd burn everything or get them caught in a reoccurring cycle. But, he did have vivid memories of the past 25 years - he remembered the sky burning - then being trapped in an apartment block basement, attempting to teach a class as East Slav OMON troops attempted to hold off the Russian PSUS assault on his town as both sides artillery frequently missed its mark and flattened the city a few years later. The PSUS - an organization he had been optimistic about when the country had joined it following the collapse of Soviet rule, but it quickly proved to be problematic and inevitably led to conflict between its members.

"We should seek to be a humanitarian oriented nation. We've all seen the horrors of civil wars - and we should take part in assisting countries going through the same troubles. I believe this would show the international community that despite our problems, we can do some good in the world - this in turn - would allow a significant amount of soft power to be gained. Sometimes words are more effective then rockets - and in today's world that is something forgotten.

[Lillorainen]

Oktyabrskaya had long thought about the outcome of how they would be perceived as a state - after the end of the conflict with Slavia, there was still one ongoing in the south east of the country against the remaining elements of the communist insurgency that was a larger part during the civil war, alongside Slavian Nationalist militias. Hostilities were supposed to be over - OSCN observers had long since relocated to the "frontline" between Slavia & East Slavyanka - and she had ordered a deployment - some 16000 troops to the region to assist the Interior Ministry in 'restoring order' - it looked increasingly like an active war zone largely in part due to the limited training of the Army who did not really have the proper tactics to use against small groups of guerrillas hiding in the woods and hills. The cities in the region were largely destroyed when they forced out both groups out. As a recognized state - they'd face criticism from Slavia for "attacking their citizens", or the reds would gain support from one of the dozens of "INTERCOM" type groups that many tin pot countries were part of and would be showered with material aid and volunteers. The conflict while not popular was not exactly in the eye of the public either - man power shortages meant that militias loyal to Snezinsk were used extensively - with heavy losses during some major operations that rivaled the assault on Veblensk prior to the end of the war. As a regional power, it would be easy to gain favor from the failed states within the region - they had accepted most of the refugees from the asteroid impact and the conflicts that broke out. Assisting in reconstruction, supplying basic utilities - they could gain minor allies easily. It would also grow the economy as the others stabilized. In a way a stagnant economy was better then not having one at all.

"Within the next 10 years East Slavyanka could be a major regional power. Despite our shortcomings we are, in a manner of speaking, in a better position to do so then our neighboring countries. Our economy is functional to a point, and not propped up by a foreign power. We have a sizeable Armed Forces that has proven itself time and time again and is able to defend our country against all threats. Threats including Slavia - whom cooperation has time and time again proven to be difficult at best. Working with them would only be done out of necessity - I do not believe friendly coexistence can occur with the crown in power. On an international stage, we would best serve as a neutral power - acting as a mediator for countries in a similar situation that ours is in now."


Dorogin was less extreme in his opinions of Slavia - he lacked the personal connections that Oktyabrskaya had due to the war, of which the anger & hate she held against them was hard to hide. When he was researching his opponents he had found that she had no living relatives - parents were killed in an airstrike during the Continental War in the 90s, an older sister who was a captain in the Air Assault Forces was killed in the war when East Slavyanka split from Slavia, ironically during what had been a joint operation. In her home town of Tiraspol in an overgrown park there was a monument for paratroopers erected, with her as one of the ones depicted. Dorogin had seen his share of awful things during both conflicts, serving in the 90s at an airbase in what was now Slavia. He understood the manner in which she spoke of them, and did not necessarily disagree on most things.

"The East Slav Republic within a few years, should a positive growth trend remain economically, could be the dominant economic power within the region. We have the resources available to take advantage of this fact - first, working with our neighboring countries - I do not believe we should outright build them up, but rather guide them to their own feet as this in the long run will create strong allies. I am willing to work with Slavia, provided our sovereignty is respected. Until then - things will remain as they are. Working with the international community is something we need to focus on more then we are - as it is the only way to assert pressure against Slavia's claims without conflict."

Udarsky did not share the same views of Slavia - in his eyes they were in a similar situation. The return of the royal family to the country had to have been a major thing for them, after a decade of a broken government held together with electrical tape from the remains of the old Soviet government. Then suddenly a corner of the country violently splits off as soon as things seem to start to return to normal? Still, he knew that reconciliation was not likely - much less rejoining. If it were to occur by force, both would be destroyed in the process. It was his lack of anger that had drawn the younger generation towards him - the other two seen as ones who'd burn everything or get them caught in a reoccurring cycle. But, he did have vivid memories of the past 25 years - he remembered the sky burning - then being trapped in an apartment block basement, attempting to teach a class as East Slav OMON troops attempted to hold off the Russian PSUS assault on his town as both sides artillery frequently missed its mark and flattened the city a few years later. The PSUS - an organization he had been optimistic about when the country had joined it following the collapse of Soviet rule, but it quickly proved to be problematic and inevitably led to conflict between its members.

"We should seek to be a humanitarian oriented nation. We've all seen the horrors of civil wars - and we should take part in assisting countries going through the same troubles. I believe this would show the international community that despite our problems, we can do some good in the world - this in turn - would allow a significant amount of soft power to be gained. Sometimes words are more effective then rockets - and in today's world that is something forgotten.

The reasons for Oktyabrskaya's resentments were quite clear to everyone who was aware of her background - she had lost her parents during an airstrike back in the 1990s and her older sister during a joint operation (Gods in Asgard, that irony!); this was a thing she had in common with Lillorainen's President. Silas Flemming had grown up in an orphanage, as his parents had fallen in the Civil War, when he had been very young, too young to actually remember anything about it (he was of 1973 vintage). This had inspired him on studying History in Pontrath and investigating several war crimes of that era, and eventually got him into politics - first on state level, then on federal level.
This, as well as the persistent deployment of rather unskilled troops, at least when it came to fighting against guerrilla groups, into various regions which were hard to tell apart from the area hit by an asteroid afterwards, easily explained why in her opinion, Slavia wasn't a particularly good country to have talks with.
As a neutral power, East Slavyanka, however, might quite become a good mediator in similar conflicts abroad in the future; neutrality could quite be helpful with that. Lillorainen could confirm this, as President Siegfried Heiderich had already mediated between Shikonjima and Democratic Semporna, when the issue of child abductions during the Colonial War in the 1960s had become a matter of conflict again in the early 1980s, as the victims of these, now grown-ups, had raised the issue again. Another example would be the Sultanate of Kyrenaia, which had mediated between the Free Lands of the Selkie and the Confederated City-States of Lutetii in 1983, the Utica Peace Accords ending the Second Vellenge War.
Dorogin rather saw Eastern Slavia as the dominant economic power in the region, and unlike Oktyabrskaya, he was absolutely willing to talk to the Crown of Slavia - of course under the condition, that Eastern Slavia's sovereignty would be respected. With the economic power rising and aid to neighboring countries would boost their economy as well, Eastern Slavia could easily be the guide to prosperity in the region.
This, again, was something Eastern Slavia would have in common with Shikonjima, then - during the Colonial Rule, the Shikonjimanese had pulled up infrastructure and industries in their colonies, including, but not limited to mining. A result of the end of the Shikonjimanese Empire was, that the Principality, as the case was now, was surrounded by countries with good to very good economies today, and it thoroughly maintained good ties with them, especially with the Sharulsi Khanate and Democratic Semporna - and also Kyrkraut, which, while never having been a Shikonjimanese Colony itself, had been an important docking station for Imperial Vessels, as well as a trade partner.
Udarsky rather saw Eastern Slavia as some sort of the region's Stuhrscheid Association, aiding humans wherever a significant number of humans were in a serious need of being aided. Surely not a bad thing to do, either, for it would send the international community a sign, that Eastern Slavia was willing to do something good out there. Considering his own memories of the last quarter century, it did seem logical, that he was quite in favor of humanitarian aid being prioritized.
When it came to that, neither Lillorainen, nor Wiedheim were willing to admit, that they were awful role models when it came to that, for foreign aid was usually associated with conditions regarding economic advantages towards their own places, serving as a new export market for Lillorainian cars, guns, IT devices, or beverages, or a new financial center for Wiedheimer banks ... there was a reason why foreign countries often preferred asking private organizations like the Stuhrscheid Association in lieu of the Meritocratic Council or the Magistrat.
Jana Kärlich nodded. "Thank you all, so far!" - she said, leaving others the opportunity to ask questions.
Which Leonie Theiss took the chance of.
"President Oktyabrskaya" - she addressed the President, "one question I have to you in particular. You are already well-known - some would say, almost notorious - for your desire to keep the Free Republic as neutral as possible, and while there is surely not little justifiable criticism against a number of international organizations such as the UN, quite a few people abroad, especially those who lack an understanding of Eastern Slavia's current position, are certainly wondering what your specific criticism is based on. Considering the number of organizations there are, next to the UN, what, in particular, would be your reason to keep East Slavyanka out of any?"

[Eastern Slavia]

Oktyabrskaya's pessimistic views of organizations view of the UN was one that was shared by many in East Slavyanka - following the deployment of them into the country following the continental war, they were a common sight within the countries cities. With a constant rotating host nation and with a mission without a clear objective they did little to maintain order as civil unrest slowly overtook the country. They frequently clashed with East Slav militias, who in absence of an organized military were tasked with dealing with remaining pockets of hostile foreign backed groups, who had been left behind by the invading forces. During the outbreak of the civil war, the UN forces made an effort to secure economically important locations by force, siding with the Royalist factions as they made a push to grab as much territory as possible before any sort of ceasefire took effect. When the conflict spiraled out of control - and the UN made a rapid pullout of forces many had been left behind and were largely considered to be foreign mercenaries. When the Royal forces were pushed back and a new UN sponsored mission, under a neutral leadership was established the scattered pockets were removed from the country and further incursions were limited to the "border" between countries.

"I am opposed to such organizations because I have seen first hand how they can prolong a conflict if there is a reason for them to act favorably to one side - When we faced an invasion by Slavia's forces there were numerous occasions where they openly took their side. For example, the Siege of Veblensk, which lasted nearly 8 months before it was broken, UN forces had seized the east highway and a bridge that prevented evacuations of the civilian population. When they were not actively participating in combat, they frequently blocked our forces from moving within the city and allowed infiltration by Royal forces and hired mercenaries."
It was a recounting of an event through tinted glasses none the less - as some weeks later the same bridge was destroyed when Royalists pushed further east - cutting off reinforcements to a large number that were stuck in the outskirts of another city. It prevented the capture of one city, but prolonged Veblensk's siege and slowed attempts to relieve it. The last bit - a well documented assault on the Lubyanka building by what was presumed to be a mix of Royal aligned mercenaries and foreign special forces in an attempt to free some specific prisoners from its detention center - an event that she had been present for. When the attackers had been routed to a nearby building the UN rolled up just in time. She often wondered of it had been a clever cover for extraction - an idea that had been bounced around within Intelligence but no clear consensus could be reached - it was still a possibility that it had in fact just been some random patrol that happened to go down that street at the time.
"Other such organizations - such as the defunct PSUS, while intended as more of an economical organization, had turned into a mess due to ineffective leadership, which in turn, despite frequent rotation of leadership, was solely used to enrich a few individuals at the cost of everyone else - with one foreign government creating regulations for others without thinking of how it affected others. Another point - nations coercing others to do their dirty work for them - one cannot allow their country to be pushed to act to anothers sole benefit. There have been many examples of this world wide. By keeping East Slavyanka as an independent, self reliant state, we can gain trust of others without any doubt of any secondary motives."
Her manner of explaining her beliefs on this matter would give the impression that she was very reluctant to trust other countries motives - particularly much larger ones. A result of her upbringing - she'd never left the country and most places were just places she had seen in books. She had infact only seen the ocean, prior to becoming President, a handful of times. But as it was, traveling outside the country was not something easily done, especially for government officials.

[Lillorainen]

Oktyabrskaya's pessimistic views of organizations view of the UN was one that was shared by many in East Slavyanka - following the deployment of them into the country following the continental war, they were a common sight within the countries cities. With a constant rotating host nation and with a mission without a clear objective they did little to maintain order as civil unrest slowly overtook the country. They frequently clashed with East Slav militias, who in absence of an organized military were tasked with dealing with remaining pockets of hostile foreign backed groups, who had been left behind by the invading forces. During the outbreak of the civil war, the UN forces made an effort to secure economically important locations by force, siding with the Royalist factions as they made a push to grab as much territory as possible before any sort of ceasefire took effect. When the conflict spiraled out of control - and the UN made a rapid pullout of forces many had been left behind and were largely considered to be foreign mercenaries. When the Royal forces were pushed back and a new UN sponsored mission, under a neutral leadership was established the scattered pockets were removed from the country and further incursions were limited to the "border" between countries.

"I am opposed to such organizations because I have seen first hand how they can prolong a conflict if there is a reason for them to act favorably to one side - When we faced an invasion by Slavia's forces there were numerous occasions where they openly took their side. For example, the Siege of Veblensk, which lasted nearly 8 months before it was broken, UN forces had seized the east highway and a bridge that prevented evacuations of the civilian population. When they were not actively participating in combat, they frequently blocked our forces from moving within the city and allowed infiltration by Royal forces and hired mercenaries."
It was a recounting of an event through tinted glasses none the less - as some weeks later the same bridge was destroyed when Royalists pushed further east - cutting off reinforcements to a large number that were stuck in the outskirts of another city. It prevented the capture of one city, but prolonged Veblensk's siege and slowed attempts to relieve it. The last bit - a well documented assault on the Lubyanka building by what was presumed to be a mix of Royal aligned mercenaries and foreign special forces in an attempt to free some specific prisoners from its detention center - an event that she had been present for. When the attackers had been routed to a nearby building the UN rolled up just in time. She often wondered of it had been a clever cover for extraction - an idea that had been bounced around within Intelligence but no clear consensus could be reached - it was still a possibility that it had in fact just been some random patrol that happened to go down that street at the time.
"Other such organizations - such as the defunct PSUS, while intended as more of an economical organization, had turned into a mess due to ineffective leadership, which in turn, despite frequent rotation of leadership, was solely used to enrich a few individuals at the cost of everyone else - with one foreign government creating regulations for others without thinking of how it affected others. Another point - nations coercing others to do their dirty work for them - one cannot allow their country to be pushed to act to anothers sole benefit. There have been many examples of this world wide. By keeping East Slavyanka as an independent, self reliant state, we can gain trust of others without any doubt of any secondary motives."
Her manner of explaining her beliefs on this matter would give the impression that she was very reluctant to trust other countries motives - particularly much larger ones. A result of her upbringing - she'd never left the country and most places were just places she had seen in books. She had infact only seen the ocean, prior to becoming President, a handful of times. But as it was, traveling outside the country was not something easily done, especially for government officials.

Leonie Theiss nodded, somewhat seeing where President Oktyabrskaya was coming from. In case of the UN intervention in this area, Murphy's Law had applied - everything that could have go wrong had gone wrong - the UN troops had effectively sided with Slavia at various points throughout the conflict, for instance, during the Siege of Veblensk, where blockings of a highway and a bridge hadn't only effectively prevented the deployment of East Slav troops, but also the evacuation of civilians. What this had not prevented was the infiltration by Royal Forces and hired mercenaries. This, next to the Royal troops' assault on the Lubyanka building in order to free some particular prisoners (the degree of involvement of UN troops being controversial amongst the Intelligence), was just one out of many examples of how the intervention had effectively hindered the entire conflict from resolving, a result of the decision being made without a clear objective - the needless loss of lives during this clusterfuck not even being mentioned.
The PSUS, originally having been thought of as an economic organization, had ended up filling the wallets of a few individuals at the expense of everyone else, creating regulations without wasting a single thought as to how that may affect other nations. Not to mention the obligations of a country to do the dirty work for others.
Not only Theiss, but also the journalists from Lillorainen somewhat got her point - Lillorainen had used to maintain a similar doctrine. For a long time, the Meritocratic Council had discussed the benefits of joining some international body - the UN having been a point of debate for the first time for many decades, since a few predecessor states of the Federation had left the League of Nations, which had turned out to be dysfunctional anyways, with the result, its abandonment and replacement by the UN in 1945, being well-known. This 'project' had been upheld by many countries of the world, but the Lillorainian States had already decided to get back to minding their own businesses, founding a loose regional organization called the Lillorainian Union. Nowadays, the Federation owned a few spicy weapons condemned by the UN, and not being a member state was an incredibly effective means to avoid attracting too much international attention because of things they considered nobody else's business - a philosophy they shared with quite a few of their allies, such as Shamsiyya and Shikonjima. In a retrospective, nobody knew what conflicts like the 1970s Civil War in Lillorainen or the 1964 war between Shamsiyya and Ahjada would have turned out like, if the UN had intervened - especially if they had intervened in the same clueless and biased manner as they later had in Eastern Slavia. The WA was looked upon with a similar low esteem, considered a bureaucracy disregarding any ability of member states to handle things on their own while being entirely unable to effectively solve any issues bugging war-torn or underdeveloped countries. Or, as the Kyrenaians once had put it, simply a joke.
The PSUS was another quite good example of an international organization many countries the part of the world Lillorainen was situated in deemed undesirable. A few years ago, both the Meritocratic Council of Lillorainen and the Shikonjimanese Royalty had debated the opportunity of joining SACTO, but in both countries, the plan had been dismissed rather quickly. While both weren't particularly fond of communism, neither of both were particularly keen on sending their children into foreign places that happened to run against the SACTO leadership's bias, no matter whether they actually were a threat or not. Independently from each other, President Flemming and Princess Kyouko had agreed, that if the only point of SACTO was fighting useless proxy wars in service of a (camouflaged) fascist elite, SACTO was welcome to throw their party without them. As it had turned out later, the Selkie, in particular their Elder Council, had dismissed the idea of joining for the very same reason. - Specifically Shikonjima had quite a history of shrugging ideas like these off; the Principality had viewed the plans for a Monarchist Treaty Organization quite skeptical, not only due to the risk of having to send troops abroad in order to serve foreign powers' interests, but also due to a possible negative impact on the Shikonjimanese relationships with their close friends, most of which were republics.
For Lillorainen and Shamsiyya, this status of being lost would not last long anymore - both would soon sign the SEA-Accords, serving as a base for countries maintaining a friendship for cooperation in economics, mutual defense, development, and environmental protection - all this while still respecting each other's sovereignty and equality of status. The SEA was considered to promise all benefits organizations like PSUS, SACTO, etc. simply failed in. And while Wiedheim, Shikonjima, and the U.C. would not be members, they were likely to send ambassadors as observers, as a sign of their support.
Considering all this, it did not surprise anyone in here, that President Oktyabrskaya rather sought relationships with countries with a similar mindset - nonetheless, of course, one should not forget, that Dorogin and Udarsky did have points as well - after all, they all had to deal with the task of getting Eastern Slavia recognized on an international scale. Then again, Flemming and Prescher would soon notice, that none of the three downright opposed talks to countries like Lillorainen and Wiedheim, which they surely would deem a good sign.
But that was something to sort out later.
Leonie Theiss thought the response through for a couple of seconds. Then, she said, "Thank you for your explanation! I take, that your skepticism towards other international bodies dealing with more financial issues, like the World Bank or the IMF, similarly roots from your desire to keep East Slavyanka as independent as possible, even though they, or departments thereof, have the primary task of providing financial and development aid to countries in the very same situation East Slavyanka is stuck in? Or is there more about that?"
She could already imagine what the answer would look like, but a foreign audience, huge parts of which probably could barely find Eastern Slavia on a map, most certainly couldn't.

[Eastern Slavia]

Oktyabrskaya had often thought about dealing with the IMF - in debates with her staff & advisors it was never conclusive as to what the solution for this kind of question could be. On one had, the boost of funding would allow everything to run smooth - but she was skeptical about how it would function in the long term. Would it be a simple long term debt with no strings attached - something that East Slavs were typically unwilling to accept - preferring to have funding upfront and only using what they have, and if the need to borrow had arisen - it was paid back as soon as possible. The possibility of getting forced to make concessions as to how the country was run as a guarantee that the funding would continue - becoming an economic puppet, was something she did not want to happen. As it stood, most of East Slavyanka's economy was based around producing oil and selling what wasn't needed for domestic use through a 3rd party. Selling surplus or newly produced and sanitized weapons to far corners of the earth was a quiet secret within the country. Natural resources also required a 3rd party to handle transactions, even if it was possible to deliver materials via ship or rail. She had a memory of a time when representatives from a foreign 3-letter alphabet gang had struck a deal with some officials to transfer equipment from storage near where she had been based - it all seemed to be a routine transaction. It was as it had been as long as she could remember how things had been - getting in trouble with militia as a teenager, throw some cash their way and there was nothing but mosquitoes around. While nowadays it was not as corrupt on a publicly visible level, KGB had been concentrating it for the last 25 years. As part of that structure - she also didn't remember the last time she actually bothered to check her personal account. This in all likely hood, while probably not too different with most governments was not something that they wanted to be associated with and would likely require major anti-corruption initiatives. If a hospital needed to be built, paying out of her own pocket was a possibility, if done in a manner that wouldn't make it obvious.

"My main concern with organizations of those kinds - it puts control of an economic lifeline in the hands of others - who might seek to exert pressure to control a nations economic development if just to prolong debt or to gain favorable conditions for economic control. Such things we dealt with in the past with known results - we would not be keen to repeat them again so soon. While it gives the impression that the country is investment friendly, it would in effect limit growth potential. Should no attempt as such be pushed on us, I would otherwise see no issue with working with those kind of organizations."

It was all things that Slavia itself was fine with - they had a for the most part functional economy, bolstered by a far off monarchy. Most of the heavy industry was in East Slavyanka - likewise Slavia had more of the agricultural base. Veblensk, the largest city also had access by river to all the factories that lined it. Overall an economic point of interest, Slavia's loss of the city was was a major factor in their position towards East Slavyanka. When the country was unified, and part of of PSUS it was often tasked with manufacturing things that other member states couldn't or were unable to due to internal regulations - advanced technologies existed, but years of conflict had caused a brain drain in fully using them.