Government of the Royal Republic of Bruke
Statement from the Office of the President:
We welcome those from near and far to witness the inauguration of the new Prime Minister, and hope their stay is a pleasant one. Those in attendance should feel free to discuss matters of various importance with the officials present at the Parliament and the Royal Palace.
President Bereket Abera
Statement from the Royal Palace:
The Crown and the Government welcome the results of the recent general election. The fact that an election was able to be held in spite of ongoing conflicts which posed an existential threat to the nation speaks to the resilience of our democracy.
In a celebratory spirit, an inauguration will be held in which the new Prime Minister and the Cabinet will be sworn in. His Majesty and the President will be in attendance, along with various figures from politics, culture, business, and other areas.
Officials and dignitaries from other countries will be welcomed, not just as representatives from abroad, but as esteemed and honored guests of the Royal Republic.
Issued in the name of he who is a servant of the the Most High, saved from sin and death by the Son, forgiven by the Father, and renewed and restored by the Holy Spirit, pride of the Prince who was made King, His Majesty Ras-Hoy and Negus Emmanuel the 2nd, of the Royal Republic of Bruke
Inauguration Schedule
At the Church of the Nine Saints, in Brukeville: Special Service for the Inauguration (9:00-11:00 am)
At the Parliament, in Dub City: Inauguration Ceremony and Prime Minister's Speech (midday-2:00 pm)
At the Parliament, in Dub City: Inaugural Session of Parliament (3:00-6:00 pm)
At the Royal Palace, in Brukeville: the Prime Minister's Ball (7:00 pm-midnight)
The 2018 election had been held against a backdrop of unprecedented change.
In a little under a year, the Royal Republic of Bruke had moved beyond its traditional focus on itself and its former colonies (which together make up the West American Union) to engage with the rest of the world.
Some of its first actions were to become part of the World Assembly, join the Reichsburg Free Trade Agreement, and provide diplomatic and military support to a newly democratic Diyaristan.
This had domestic consequences almost immediately.
In joining the World Assembly, the country had agreed to abide by a whole other category of international law. Of this, the General Assembly resolutions legalizing same-sex marriage, abortion, and euthanasia proved most problematic. Federal law made euthanasia illegal outright and banned abortion except in the cases of threats to the mother's life, rape, or incest. Recognition of marriage was a provincial issue, with Metropolitan Province extending this to same-sex couples, Central Province allowing civil unions, and Prince Bruce Province amending its constitution to define marriage as between a man and a woman. Activists in favor of LGBTQ rights, abortion and euthanasia took to the streets, with counterprotestors close behind: a violent incident between the two sides left the country on edge. What later become known as the Repeal Campaign Crisis did not just pit the religious versus the secular or the right wing versus the left wing, but cut across party lines. The real divide was between those who wanted Bruke to join and make a name for itself in the international community whatever the cost and those who would rather risk turning inward -and thus losing this newly found influence as the sole WAU member state in the World Assembly- than go against traditional values.
Joining the Reichsburg Free Trade Agreement opened up Brukean companies and workers to unprecedented foreign competition, angering the working class, especially in de-industrializing Central Province. Manufacturers like Zekulu Heavy Industry, which once provided employment to thousands, were jolted from a moribund state to closing up shop entirely. The end of the last industrial giants further shrunk the already-small industrial sector, which paled in importance to the services sector. There was a general sense that economic inequality, which was already high, would become even more of a problem as the economic center of gravity shifted to crowded Brukeville and Dub City.
Involvement in Diyaristan was seen as necessary by the national security establishment as part of the fight against a resurgent People's Revolutionary Front, which had established a base there, but the public was apprehensive of war. The first conflict that saw Brukean forces being deployed outside West America was a success at first but turned into a quagmire when the democratic government faded away, leaving Islamist militants and hardline Communists -with the PRF at their side- to fight over what remained of the war-torn country. Brukean forces eventually headed home, and the stinging taste of defeat rattled said establishment and war hawks in the Cabinet and Parliament.
Various other events, from the short but eventful Brukean-Uzumaki War and the infiltration of the military by oligarchic elements attempting to revive a corporatist rump state in the Hinterlands, came together to spur the revival of an anti-war, anti-interventionist and anti-corruption movement among the Brukean public.
Everything mentioned above and more led to a very, very contentious election process.
The right, left, and others sorted themselves out into their respective political parties.
The Royalists -supported by monarchists, social and fiscal conservatives, the civil service, and most business interests- especially the financial industry- supported continued membership in the WA and repeal of relevant resolutions, intervention abroad in the national interest, and an increase in foreign trade and investment. The party seemed willing to prioritize more defense spending and modest tax cuts, with a decrease in social services to balance the budget.
The Social Democrats- supported by weak monarchists or republicans, a still powerful but increasingly small contingent of organized labor, along with most social and fiscal liberals- supported continued membership in the WA without a repeal effort, limited intervention abroad, and an increase in foreign trade and investment. The party called for cuts to defense, a modest increase in taxes, and a revamping of the welfare state that it had created in the midst of the Great Depression.
The Progressives- supported by various social activism groups, some social and fiscal liberals, and progressive activists- supported continued membership in the WA without a repeal effort, a policy of neutrality, and making trade and investment efforts subject to labor, environmental, and human rights concerns. The party called for large cuts in defense, a large increase in taxes on high-income earners and large corporations, and an expansion of the welfare state to include single-payer health care and free higher education.
The Liberals -supported by libertarians, moderates, and a small but growing part of the business community- was split on everything from the repeal campaign to the welfare state. Beyond support for more foreign trade and investment, and lower taxes, the party could agree on little else.
The National Party -supported by ultra-nationalists, isolationists, jingoists, and pensioners- called for immediate withdrawal from the World Assembly and the Reichsburg Free Trade Agreement, an end to foreign intervention in favor of a focus on national defense (especially against communists or Islamic extremists), and a moratorium on immigration.
The People's Party of the Republic -formerly the political arm of the PRF- was agnostic on WA membership and neutral on social issues. Save for supporting a balanced budget amendment -a peculiarity from support being concentrated in Central Province- the party is generally fiscally liberal. It was strongly anti-war, supported a policy of neutrality, and wanted to implement both a maximum and a minimum wage. It did not emphasize immigration, even though members were split on the issue.
Having faced civil unrest, divisive social change, an economic downturn, and the prospect of invasion -not once, but three times at least- the Brukean public voted in the most conservative government in 40 years.
Tamru Negasi -a devoted Orthodox Christian, veteran spymaster, staunch monarchist, and aristocratic member of the House of Nobles- is the epitome of the old guard of the Royalist Party. He sees himself as a steady hand for uncertain times, and looks upon the world with caution.
Today he will know just how cautious he must be.