Someone to Watch Over Me [Earth II]

[Freistaat-Ostafrika]

4 April 2018 - 08:55hrs [UTC+3]
OAG Headquarters
Dar es Salaam, Freistaat Ostafrika

The city of Dar es Salaam had been nothing more than a vanity project by a local ruler in the 1860s which had been left unfinished upon his death, but the settlement's fortunes had changed dramatically upon the arrival of the Ostafrikanische Gesellschaft (OAG), a privately funded exploration by merchants looking for new opportunities away from Europe. The OAG established a station at Dar es Salaam before quickly adopting it as their administrative and commercial centre. From there the OAG and their 'Freistaat Ostafrika' had spread their talons across the eastern coast of Africa and out into the Indian Ocean, using bribery and diplomacy where they could but having no hesitation in utilising their hired mercenaries if it was deemed necessary. Over the decades they had refined and improved their methods of administration and cooperation with the indigenous peoples who resided within Ostafrika's claimed territories, finally reaching the status quo which now existed. Indigenous kingdoms which had cooperated with the OAG retained political autonomy and possessed their own militias, while those who had resisted found themselves residing on 'company land'. The OAG had developed into a governmental entity while the company's holdings were now essentially state-run industries; of course the OAG possessed monopolies over the nation's major industries including media, water, electricity, railroads, airlines, and mining, as well as oil and gas exploration. While the founders of the OAG had been Germanic in origin there had been immigration to Ostafrika from various parts of the globe, particularly Europe, and as a result Ostafrika possessed a healthy mix of ethnicities although the majority of the population were understandably from the indigenous African tribes. The official policy was that 'all were welcome as long as they could contribute', as the OAG truly did not care about an individual's ethnic background as long as they could prove useful to the company in some way. Likewise citizens of Ostafrika enjoyed quite liberal civil rights not because the OAG was particularly liberal minded, but rather because 'happy employees were productive employees'. There was absolutely no obfuscation on the subject of political franchise either, as quite simply put it was in the hands of a very select few. Decisions on policy were pretty much restricted to the Supervisory Board (Aufsichtsrat) which essentially acted as an executive, the Management Board (Vorstand) which acted more as the heads of the civil service, and the rulers of the autonomous kingdoms. Even then, the Vorstand tended more towards implementing policy than deciding it.

As it was a Wednesday morning in Ostafrika, the weekly meeting of the Aufsichtsrat was being held at the OAG's gleaming skyscraper headquarters, an edifice of black painted steel and reinforced glass which towered over the rest of the capital with the company's simplistic logo emblazoned across the outside of the top floor. More popularly referred to as 'Zentrale', the building had been constructed in the early 2000s to provide the OAG with a new headquarters for the new millennium, and security was therefore understandably tight. Khaki uniformed guards from the OAG's Polizeitruppe ('police force') patrolled the walled compound which surrounded Zentrale's base and performed security functions within the skyscraper as well, always courteous yet firm when necessary. Zentrale's underground parking area was similarly patrolled, and the guard on the entrance barrier gave a sharp salute as he granted entry to the black replica Mercedes-Benz 770 luxury car which always arrived promptly before nine o'clock. After the vehicle reached its assigned parking space and came to rest, the immaculately dressed chauffeur exited the driver seat and opened the rear passenger door for the dignitary he worked for. Präsident Friedrich Luxenberg was the sixty-one year old head of the Aufsichtsrat and therefore essentially acted as Head of State for Ostafrika, albeit with slightly more power than the position of HoS would normally possess. The Aufsichtsrat had the authority to appoint and dismiss members of the Vorstand depending on their performance, as well as having the authority to 'advise' the Vorstand on policy matters. As the members of the Vorstand could be fired by the Aufsichtsrat, it was incredibly rare for them to go against the offered 'advice'. Luxenberg had held the position of Präsident for the past ten years and had recently been elected to the post for another five year term by the rest of the Aufsichtsrat, as there was a definite culture of re-appointing proven individuals to the same leadership roles until their retirement. Always clean shaven, with the same short styled grey haircut and dressed in freshly pressed tailored business suits, Luxenberg was a true executive. Blessed with a voice that was easy to listen to and a certain amiable charm, he had a certain skill with interpersonal relations and demonstrated a leadership style which was polite and guiding, yet he could certainly be harsh and firm if the need arose. After thanking his chauffeur, Luxenberg walked the short distance to the elevator and entered, pressing the button for the top floor. Clutching a folder of documents and information, he hummed softly to himself as classical music was piped into the elevator and always offered a polite greeting when someone else entered the art deco-designed elevator car. Eventually the elevator reached the top floor and the doors slid open with a light ringing bell, at which point Luxenberg stepped out and was greeted by Vizepräsident Bertram Denker, his slightly taller and bespectacled fifty-eight year old deputy. Black hair slicked into neatness and clutching his own folder, Denker offered a polite nod.

"Good morning, Herr Präsident. How are you today?"

"I'm good, thank you for asking. Yourself?"

"I am also well, thank you."

That particular greeting had played out in the same way every Monday morning since Denker had become Luxenberg's deputy five years ago. Denker had worked his way up from the Vorstand but still showed the same deference to Luxenberg that he had learned while part of that lower body. Luxenberg began to walk in the direction of the conference room and Denker quickly fell into line one step behind him to his right.

"How are your family, Herr Präsident?"

"Oh, they're doing well. Lisbeth is in good health as always. Tobias is leaving on a delegation to the Kingdom of Buganda this afternoon, his M.A. in International Management instantly qualified him for selection. It helps that he speaks Luganda as well as German and English."

Denker nodded. "Trilingual at twenty-five, you must be proud."

"Indeed, a true example of Ostafrikan proficiency. It'll be good for him to visit them, they are our largest autonomous kingdom after all. He met some of their royal family at the Ostafrika Day celebrations last year, he seemed to get along with them. How are Karin and Hilde?"

"Karin is very well, Herr Präsident, thank you for asking. Hilde's studies at the University of Ostafrika are progressing well as always."

"Excellent."

As they reached the African mahogany doors of the conference room, Denker stepped ahead and opened them for Luxenberg before moving to one side and allowing the Präsident to enter first. The meeting was not scheduled to begin until 09:30hrs but Luxenberg always arrived early for such events, and Denker had started arriving even earlier once he realised the Präsident's routine. As a result they took the opportunity to have some freshly made coffee before the rest of the Aufsichtsrat arrived. The other seven members of the supervisory board and the attendant administrative assistant filed into the conference room about ten minutes before the meeting was due to start, so the gathered individuals took the opportunity to greet each other amiably and discuss their families and own personal well-being before taking their plush seats at the large mahogany conference table and beginning the meeting at precisely 09:30hrs. Luxenberg spoke first, calling the meeting to order and going over the minutes from their previous meeting before moving onto new business.

"Bernhard, I understand that you've received an update from the Vizedirektor of External Relations regarding the Unified Arab Sultanate?"

Bernhard Oberholzer nodded. "That is correct, Herr Präsident." A rather overweight and balding individual in his mid-fifties, Oberholzer was the Aufsichtsrat member who oversaw the Department of External Relations as well as the Department of Internal Relations; while each department acted as a government ministry, the Vizedirektors were more like civil servants than actual ministers and the structure of the OAG meant that multiple Vizedirektors reported to a single member of the Aufsichtsrat. The weekly meetings allowed the Aufsichtsrat to regularly evaluate situations and pass down their 'guidance' to the Vizedirektors on policy aims, leaving the Vizedirektors to decide exactly how to achieve these aims. Oberholzer took a sip of coffee before continuing.

"As we are all aware, the Unified Arab Sultanate lies on the southeastern tip of the Arabian Peninsula, comprising of eight units. The largest of these units is the Sultanate of Oman, which essentially harangued its smaller seven neighbours into uniting with it. We have existing trade ties with the UAS but they've grown more and more anxious of late regarding the situation in neighbouring Yemen, where the terrorist organisation known as Al-Shams is operating and the Empire of Layarteb are clearly conducting operations against them. The UAS elite are understandably concerned that if Al-Shams are driven out of Yemen then they may move directly into the Sultanate, but they've always been slightly reticent to move closer to us in the past."

Luxenberg tilted his head slightly. "I take it that things have changed?"

"Yes, Herr Präsident. As we are all aware, Sultan Taimur al-Said announced his abdication yesterday due to advanced age, which means that Crown Prince Ibrahim shall shortly ascend to the throne. Ibrahim was educated at the University of Ostafrika, he speaks German and he has signalled to our ambassador in Muscat that he wishes a much closer relationship between us. The original Crown Prince was of course unfortunately killed in a car crash two years ago, which is why we now have an Ostafrikan-educated prince in line. Sultan Taimur sent his second son to be educated here as a mark of respect and friendship but I don't believe he ever thought that Ibrahim would end up on the throne."

Luxenberg tented his fingers and looked thoughtful. "How much closer does he envision our relationship becoming?"

"We believe that he would be willing to invite us to station forces in the UAS as a countermeasure against possible Al-Shams insurgency. Once we're in..."

Oberholzer trailed off and shared a wry smile with the rest of the Aufsichtsrat before continuing. "When the UAS was created in 1974, Muscat initially wanted the Emirates of Qatar and Bahrain to join as well but they refused, and various diplomatic interventions by other powers dissuaded Muscat from pressing the issue. We could always promise them an opportunity to annex Qatar and Bahrain with our assistance, in return for various considerations."

Denker raised his hand. "Aren't Qatar and Bahrain friendly with the United Federation of Nations? War with two small states is one thing, war with two small states and their much larger friend is quite another."

Luxenberg 'hmmed' at that. "He has a point. The UFN do not seem like the type to appreciate such a move."

Oberholzer shook his head. "With respect, Herr Präsident, they are all the way over in North America. If we were to launch an attack on Qatar and Bahrain then the invasion would be over before the UFN knew it was happening. In those circumstances it would be better for them to accept the new status quo. They wouldn't be cut off from oil, it would be coming from us. Besides, their incoming President made his career as a diplomat. He may be more amenable to discussion."

Luxenberg sat back in his seat, briefly looking from Oberholzer to Denker and then back to Oberholzer once more. "We shall see how matters proceed once Ibrahim al-Said has formally ascended to the throne of the UAS. Should the opportunity arise for us to seize Qatar and Bahrain, then we shall take it." He smiled at the rest of the Aufsichtsrat members and then gestured towards a rather stern individual sat to the right of Oberholzer. "Reinhard, I believe that you have some economic news of interest?"

[-The United Federation of Nations-]

President of the United Federation of Nations Sebastian Barnes,
Federation Tower, Phoenix
The Commonwealth of the Mojave, United Federation of Nations
Friday 6th April 2018, 0900hrs Local Time

Sebastian Barnes, newly sworn-in President of the United Federation of Nations, stepped out of the motorcade that had transported him from the Presidential residence and looked up and Federation Tower, the fifteen-story building that housed the government of the Federation. He could not help but feel a swell of emotion, nor feel the weight upon his shoulders, for as he climbed the steps, and acknowledged the salutes of the Federation Marines standing post by the door, this was his first time entering the building, not simply as a Federation official but rather as the President of the Federation. Barnes had, in his time, served as a member of the Federation Diplomatic Corps, as a Federation Councillor (from the Republic of California) and as the Federation Secretary of the Exterior. And yet, in many respects, none of this experience truly prepared him for the way that all the hustle and bustle in the lobby of Federation Tower suddenly stopped and a passage quickly formed in the crowd to allow their President to make his way to the elevator that would take him up to the Presidential Office on the fifteenth floor. Although fully aware of the weight of history upon his shoulders, Barnes was by no means unqualified and squared his shoulders as he walked forwards, smiling greetings as he did so.

Barnes had spent the early years of his career in the Federation Diplomatic Service, joining straight after completing his degree at Stanford, rising rapidly through the ranks on merit. He had truly made a name for himself when, in 1990, he was appointed Federation Envoy to the State of Malta following foreign aggression against the small independent state, and was instrumental in bringing Malta into the Federation, as the first overseas member-state. Six years later he was was subsequently nominated and elected as the Federation Councillor from the Republic of California, and in that role he helped shaped policy that ensured that, when a nearby dictatorship decided to test the Federation’s commitment to protecting it’s far-flung member-state. The Invasion of Malta was repulsed by the Federation’s Task Force 31, solidifying the reputation of both the Federation, as a whole, and of Sebastian Barnes, individually. Thereafter Barnes was one of the best known members of the Federation Council, and given his background it was perhaps not surprising that, during the presidency of Edward Faulkner, Barnes was appointed as the Secretary of the Exterior in 2010.

Over the following years Barnes was instrumental in continuing to expand and grow the Federation’s influence and links outside of North America; with a view to expanding the Federation’s membership in the long-run. Although no new member-states joined during this period, Barnes’ work as Secretary of the Exterior laid the foundations in many parts of the world. Seeing much of the work that he and President Faulkner had embarked upon as unfinished, Barnes announced his candidacy to the Presidency in late 2016, and campaigned throughout 2017. Seen by many as a personification of the Federation’s ideals, Barnes garnered a great deal of support and, importantly, significant endorsements in various member-states. Although he faced stiff competition from Nathaniel Cartwright, the Federation Councillor from Texas, particularly given that Councillor Cartwright was far more of a realist compared to Barnes’ idealism, but ultimately the Federation electorate favoured idealism, underlining the ideals and values of the Federation. This was important as it was a long time since a member-state had joined without an outside threat, Malta had joined due to the threats to it’s independence, after all.

Barnes knew that the expectations on his Presidency were high to say the least, and that he had a delicate balancing act to perform as a result. The Federation electorate had clearly favoured an idealistic approach, whilst at the same time only a fool could not see that the world was a dangerous place. Both in terms of his personal experience, and the platform he had been elected on, favoured a diplomatic approach, and that would always be his go-to, but after Malta he was a realist, and knew that there would be times when they would have to fight, either to protect a member-state or for moral reasons, even if that would not come easy to him; a diplomat at heart.

Stepping out of the elevator on the Fifteenth Floor, straight into the waiting room for his own office, Barnes was met by two smartly individuals. The first was his Chief of Staff, Renée Spencer, his long-time friend and colleague who had served as his chief of staff whilst a Federation Councillor. The second was the Personal Secretary to the President, Mike Jones, a former member of Barnes’ campaign who he had appointed his personal secretary in recognition of his commitment and dedication during the campaign. He shook hands with both of them and they followed him into the expansive Presidential Office.

The office, which took up a significant portion of the fifteenth floor, was dominated by a large partners desk in front of the wall of glass that took up the entirety of the back wall, the glass was, of course, made of bullet and blast proof materials. Arrayed in front of the desk were sofas and chairs to allow the President to hold meetings of his senior staff. The entire space was tastefully decorated with paintings of past Presidents, although many shelves and spaces were empty as each new President was responsible for determining which items from the National Archives he (or she) would decorate his workspace with. His two staffers gave him a few moments to walk over to the desk, looking out the window at Downtown Phoenix, before settling into the seat behind the desk for the first time, noting the large pile of folders already waiting.

“Alright,” Barnes said in a no-nonsense tone. “What’s my itinerary?”

“You have an hour with each of the cabinet secretaries from ten, followed by staff time this evening to start turning campaign promises into a proper legislative agenda,” Renée replied immediately, handing him a print-out with the details. “Firstly, however, you’ve got a defence and intelligence briefing from the UDF, I do believe that the Adam and the UDF Liaison Officer are already waiting for you.”

“Very well, send them in.”

The two staffers nodded and left the room, only a few moments later they were replaced by two men. The first was in civilian clothes and was Adam Ross, the Federation Security Advisor, whilst the second man was in the uniform of the United Defence Force, the Federation’s military, specifically wearing the rank of Admiral, and was the designated liaison officer attached to the Office of the President from Defence Force Command in San Francisco. Both men, either serving or having served in the UDF, stood to attention and the Admiral saluted smartly.

“Thank you, Gentlemen,” Barnes nodded. “Please, have a seat.”

The President waited until the two men had taken their seats before leaning back in his own chair and nodding for them to commence their briefing. Over the next hour they touched upon pretty much every part of the world and the potential threats to the Federation, it’s member-states, it’s trade or, indeed, it’s allies and other interests. The UDF Admiral, Edward Pike, detailed the disposition of the Fleet and other deployed assets, whilst Ross went over the morning report from the Federation Security Agency (FSA, or more usually, Federation Security). All in all it was a normal day, and Barnes got the impression that the majority of these briefings would be relatively routine, although would doubtless need his input for long-term policy. Indeed, he rather suspected that if there was a matter which require urgent attention he would either be awoken in the middle of the night, or quietly pulled from the rest of his schedule to attend them. Never the less, he knew from experience that these briefings were designed more to ensure the the recipient was kept up to speed on developing events, and that should a crisis occur they would have a firm grasp of the context. Of course, due in no small part to his background, Barnes kept himself up to date on current events as a matter of course.

There was one matter that needed addressing however; specifically the developing tensions in the Persian Gulf; specifically the Federation allies in the Kingdom of Bahrain and the Emirate of Qatar. The Federation had been making overtures to both nations for some times, indeed they had been one of Barnes’ key projects as Secretary of the Exterior, as the two main independent, and most importantly moderate, states in the region. Both were fiercely independent, and whilst the Federation’s promise of autonomy and a real voice had been persuasive, both governments were slow to commit, and the Federation was not one to push too much. The announcement of the impending abdication of the Sultan of the United Arab Sultunate, however, had been to push matters to something of a head. Both Bahrain and Qatar had opposed overtures to join the United Arab Sultunate in the 1970s when the state had first been formed, if they were reluctant to join the Federation, in which they would be equals and have a very real voice, it went without saying that they had been far more reluctant in a Sultanate where this would not be the case.

The mere abdication of the Sultan would not have been enough to worry the independents of the region, not on it’s own, but who the Crown Prince liked to associate with was causing concern. The Crown Prince, Ibrahim, had been educated in the Freistaat Ostafrika, the Corporatocracy that ruled the majority of East Africa. The governments of both Bahrain and Qatar were both concerned that the impending new Sultan of the United Arab Sultunate would seek closer ties with Ostafrika, perhaps even to the extent that the larger power would provide assistance in taking Bahrain and Qatar by force; it was well known that the UAS coveted both.

“… as a result the Qatari Government, joined by Bahrain, has requested that we deploy a warship to the Persian Gulf,” Admiral Pike commented. “Given the isolation from the 3rd Fleet in the Mediterranean, we’re going to want to send something that can look after itself long enough for reinforcements to arrive.”

“A cruiser,” Barnes replied, not really asking.

“Yes, not as threatening as a carrier, and it’s escorts of course, but big enough to make the point and to be able to look after itself if the lead starts flying, only a Cruiser really has that capability,” Pike nodded in response. “I’d have to confirm with Defence Force Operations, but looking at the deployment roster, the most likely ship would come from Malta… likely the USS Excelsior.”

“Well, we need to reassure our allies of our commitment to them, especially as a new administration takes over,” Barnes replied thoughtfully. “Let’s get orders cut for the Excelsior to get underway as soon as possible and to proceed to the Persian Gulf.”

Captain Julian Armstrong, United Defence Force (Naval)
USS Excelsior, UDF Valetta
The State of Malta, United Federation of Nations
Friday 6th April 2018, 1700hrs Local Time

“…to make best speed to the Persian Gulf, and thereafter position ourselves to provide reassurance to Federation allies in the region, and to deter hostile actions by any state or non-state actors.”

Captain Julian Armstrong, the commanding officer of the Federation Cruiser Excelsior, looked thoughtfully at his executive officer as he read the orders that they had just received from Defence Force Command. After completing a major fleet exercise with the 3rd Fleet, the Excelsior had been cooling her heels at Valetta, allowing her crew shore leave whilst they awaited new orders. This was not what Armstrong had been expecting, although having skimmed through the Defence Force Intelligence appendix whilst waiting for his XO to arrive after being summoned he could certainly see the logic behind their orders. Although the United Federation of Nations was by no means the largest nation-state in the world, yet, it did possess a large, capable and advanced military in the form of the United Defence Force, and the presence of a Federation warship would give pause to many; certainly to the likely targets; Ostafrika. Obviously the intention was that the presence of the Excelsior would make clear to any ‘state or non-state actor’, by which the orders clearly meant to imply Ostafrika without directly saying it, and, short of deploying a full task group, sending a ship like the Excelsior was the only real option.

The Excelsior, lead-ship of her class of Heavy Cruiser, was, in many ways, the poster-child of the United Defence Force, certainly of Naval Command. The largest surface ship, short of a capital ship, in the UDF Fleet; heavily armed and well-protected, the Excelsior was designed to be able to go toe-to-toe with any other surface ship currently in commission by a foreign navy. The Excelsior was also designed to operate independently on long-range flag flying missions, forming a vital part of the Federation’s foreign policy, such as in this case. Given that there was not a Federation Aircraft Carrier permanently assigned to the 3rd Fleet, and given that the whole point of putting the Excelsior in the Persian Gulf was to make a point without unnecessary sabre-rattling, it stood to reason that it would be a cruiser that was sent.

“Well that sounds lovely, I assume they’ll be appending detail, not to mention rules of engagement, soon,” Commander Jack Prentice commented dryly. “Gotta love the political acumen of whichever pencil-pusher penned those orders at Defence Force Operations.”

“Even a Defence Force Officer is not above being smart when politics abounds, especially those fine men and women who get to call the San Fransisco Presidio their home,” Armstrong replied with a wry smile at his XO. “At the end of the day, Jack, I get what they’re trying to do, and let’s face it, putting us in the middle of all that… gotta to have come from the new President, no one at DFO is gonna stick their necks out like this otherwise.”

“Point,” Prentice conceded. “Alright, so we’re sailing head-first into a cluster-fuck.”

“And being grateful for the opportunity,” Armstrong grinned. “How soon can we get underway?”

“We’ve got maybe two dozen personnel ashore, most of the crew were getting ready for night’s out, but we’ve caught a break with the timing, we’ll have a load of pissed sailors, but we shouldn’t have to put to sea with half the crew three sheets to the wind,” Prentice replied thoughtfully. “If we send our security teams ashore we ought to be able to get our people back in a few hours depending on how far away from Valetta they may have wandered, but I’d say we could get underway by nightfall at the very latest.”

“Very well, liaise with the harbour master and make it so,” Armstrong nodded. “Now, it’s what, five… six days from here to the Gulf.”

“More or less,” Prentice agreed.

“We’re pretty well up to speed after the exercises, but I don’t want us to lose our edge; I want at least two snap exercises every day until we reach the Gulf,” Armstrong ordered after a few moments of thought, calculating the travel time. “Once we’re there I want us at condition three at all times, until further notice we’ll be at wartime cruising and we will be treating the Persian Gulf as a war zone."

[Freistaat-Ostafrika]

8 April 2018 - 15:00hrs [UTC+4]
Al Alam Palace
Muscat, Unified Arab Sultanate

The capital city of the UAS, Muscat had been a port of some importance for centuries due to its position at the southeastern tip of the Arabian Peninsula. Over its existence the city had undergone various transformations due to warfare, expansion, and the like; many of its more modern buildings were of white and cream colouration in what was described as 'contemporary Islamic design'. Home to just over one and a half million people, Muscat had been the capital of the Al Said dynasty since their ascension to power in the 18th century and was now undoubtedly at a historic height of importance as the capital of the prosperous Unified Arab Sultanate. Comprised as a federation of seven emirates and one sultanate, the UAS was blessed with oil and natural gas wealth, allowing it to embark on a variety of modernisation initiatives as well as outlandish construction projects which were rooted in both economic potential and self-aggrandisement. The UAS political system was headed by the Sultan, who was head of state as well as head of government and came from the Al Said dynasty; the seven emirs retained some degree of autonomy for their individual territories and also formed the Royal Advisory Council alongside the various government ministers who were responsible for implementing the Sultan's policies. While the UAS was wealthy it was not particularly populous with only 13.6 million citizens, meaning that the Sultanate's military only weighed in at approximately 125,000 personnel altogether; while the active fighting personnel had access to excellent equipment due to the Sultanate's wealth, they were primarily designed as a defensive and patrol force. However, this military limitation had done nothing to reduce the aspirations of the UAS elites in regard to their neighbours. When the Sultanate of Oman had corralled their seven smaller neighbours into federalising with them in 1974, they had attempted to do the same with the Emirate of Qatar and the Kingdom of Bahrain but had been rebuffed; Qatar and Bahrain had the advantage of being separated from them by the waters of the Persian Gulf, and a combination of outside diplomatic pressure alongside the lack of a sufficiently strong navy caused the newly formed UAS to back off. Since then the Sultanate's ruling nobility had continued to covet their northwestern brethren as well as the oil and gas reserves controlled by them.

The Unified Arab Sultanate had eventually formed a strong trading relationship with Ostafrika, with both nations profiting; Ostafrika bought Sultanate oil and natural gas while the UAS bought Ostafrikan agricultural produce and manufactured products. Sultan Taimur, who had orchestrated the creation of the UAS, attempted to curry favour with the Ostafrikans by sending his second son Ibrahim to be educated in the nation; born in 1984, Ibrahim had subsequently spent many of his formative years at the prestigious Wissmann College boarding school from age thirteen to eighteen, followed by attendance at the Dar es Salaam University College of Education from eighteen to twenty-two. Now aged thirty-four, Ibrahim was a fluent German speaker and was not shy about expressing his pro-Ostafrikan views which had been fostered during his time in the country, as well as exploiting his ties to numerous high-ranking Ostafrikan officials, which he had developed by being educated either alongside them personally or alongside their children, who were of course themselves destined to attain important stations within Ostafrika. However, Sultan Taimur had never expected Ibrahim to become the heir to the throne. That particular role had belonged to Ibrahim's older brother and Taimur's first-born son Hassan, who had received a more traditional education within the Unified Arab Sultanate. Tragedy had struck when Hassan died in a car crash outside Muscat in 2016, a shock which had resulted in several health issues for the then-seventy-seven year old Sultan and positioned Ibrahim as the new heir. Sultan Taimur's health had fluctuated since Hassan's death and he had been seen less frequently in public as a consequence. Now approaching his seventy-ninth birthday, Sultan Taimur had followed the advice of his physicians and abdicated the throne of the Unified Arab Sultanate. Crown Prince Ibrahim had been declared as the new Sultan with his official coronation set for April 16th 2018, the planning of which had been taking place ever since Taimur's initial agreement to abdicate.

On this particular afternoon Ibrahim was meeting with Arnold Schneider, the Ostafrikan ambassador to the UAS and a longtime contact as Ibrahim had befriended Schneider's son Ernst while at university. Always polite and respectful, the fifty-nine year old Schneider wore his thin grey hair in a slight comb over as he still retained enough to cover most of his head and wore a grey business suit with a lapel pin depicting the Ostafrikan lion sigil. The pair were strolling in the immaculately landscaped grounds of Al Alam Palace, the impressive white edifice with touches of blue and gold which served as the official residence of the UAS Sultan; Ibrahim was dressed in traditional attire of tan and brown silks with golden embroidery, his black hair neatly styled.

"So Your Majesty, I understand that you've been giving additional thought to the future relationship between our peoples?"

Ibrahim smiled broadly. "Indeed I have, Herr Schneider. My father founded the Unified Arab Sultanate but he never truly grasped just how strong a bond could be created between the UAS and Ostafrika, I have sometimes wondered if my education in your nation was an attempt to mollify your leadership and convince them that the UAS was already friendly enough. The simple fact is that we can no longer afford to play games. The Confederation of Yemeni Emirates lies next door and there are several concerns stemming from that fact, not least the presence of the Al-Shams organisation and the activities of the Empire of Layarteb. Our ships have seen Layartebian aircraft crossing the sea from the island of Socotra, we've heard rumours about what's going on. If the Layartebians are striking at Al-Shams then there exists a serious risk of them trying to cross into the UAS to escape, and I have no desire to see the UAS come under Layartebian scrutiny.

"That is why I shall be informing my advisors that I intend to invite Freistaat Ostafrika to station forces in our nation. Your presence will hopefully help to deter any potential Al-Shams movement into the UAS, and it will also give us leverage to ensure that we are not next on the Layartebian list. I have investigated the available facilities myself, we have an airbase at Thumrait and an airbase on Masirah Island which could be utilised by Ostafrikan military personnel. We could also host Ostafrikan naval vessels at Said bin Sultan Naval Base. Those are the available facilities on the Arabian Sea and closest to Yemen, we do have further facilities on the Persian Gulf side of the UAS but I thought perhaps your government would prefer bases that little bit closer to the Ostafrikan mainland."

Schneider nodded agreeably. "I would imagine that my superiors would be greatly heartened to hear of such an opportunity. We too have observed the Layartebian activity in the region and while we would certainly shed no tears if they are indeed striking at Al-Shams with the intention of obliterating them, I can say that Dar es Salaam shares Your Majesty's concern at the prospect of terrorists dragging the Unified Arab Sultanate into a conflict. Forgive me for asking this, but isn't there a risk that stationing Ostafrikan forces in the UAS could actually incite Al-Shams to cross the border? I do not believe that such an organisation would appreciate our presence on the peninsula."

Ibrahim chuckled at that point. "It's certainly possible, Herr Schneider, but I believe that Ostafrikan forces possess the right sort of experience when it comes to ferreting out insurgency."

Schneider smirked in response. "We have certainly handled our fair share of insurgents and terrorists over the years."

"Indeed, I remember reading about the Maji Maji Rebellion at university. From 1905 to 1907, ultimately leaving just over four hundred Ostafrikans dead compared to tens of thousands of the Maji Maji. They never revolted again, just as the Wahehe never revolted again after their rebellion prior to the Maji Maji. Perhaps you could teach us how to be so efficient at maintaining law and order."

"Oh, I believe that the UAS has proven capable in that particular aspect of statecraft, Your Majesty."

Ibrahim then raised an issue which had been in his mind the entire time. "Perhaps an Ostafrikan presence could help to finally resolve our territorial dispute as well."

Schneider cleared his throat. "Oh, are you referring to Bahrain and Qatar by any chance?"

"I think you know that I am, Herr Schneider. If it were not for the corrupt regimes controlling those territories, their people would be our people. Vainglorious nobility who are too proud to accept that their rightful place is within our nation."

Schneider suppressed a laugh at that statement. After all, he knew that the Unified Arab Sultanate had no real historical claim over the Kingdom of Bahrain or the Emirate of Qatar. The UAS assertions of sovereignty were nothing more than an unresolved grudge resulting from Bahrain and Qatar refusing to join the nation when the Sultanate of Oman had strong-armed their smaller neighbours into unification. Of course that did not mean that the claim could not prove useful to the Ostafrikans.

"Well, Your Majesty, as a humble ambassador I cannot guarantee anything of that nature. However, I would say that Dar es Salaam would not be averse to a single government controlling the territories mentioned, particularly if that government were a dear and true friend of ours. My personal belief is that the situation should be resolved by the Unified Arab Sultanate, the Kingdom of Bahrain, and the Emirate of Qatar. There is no need for outside intervention."

Schneider then paused and smiled. "Of course, we Ostafrikans can be a most idealistic sort at times. It's entirely possible that if the UAS decided to rectify the current state of affairs with regard to Bahrain and Qatar, there could well be serving or retired Ostafrikan military personnel who may take a leave of absence and volunteer. If they were to take their equipment as well, possibly even including naval vessels, we would be sure to hold a thorough investigation on the matter. Once they returned."

Ibrahim grinned at the insinuation. "If such a thing took place, the UAS would of course be willing to compensate the Ostafrikan military for any damage caused to their misappropriated equipment."

The Ostafrikan ambassador nodded curtly. "I believe we have an understanding on future foreign affairs, Your Majesty. I shall return to the embassy and inform Dar es Salaam that the Unified Arab Sultanate will indeed be our truest and closest friend in the region."

[-The United Federation of Nations-]

Colonel Julian Armstrong, United Defence Force (Naval)
USS Excelsior, Manama Harbour
The Kingdom of Bahrain
Wednesday 11th April 2018, 1300hrs Local Time

“Harbour tugs to fore and aft,” The Officer of the Deck reported. “Rate of closure with the jetty slowing.”

Colonel Armstrong stood on the bridge wing of the Excelsior, a professional eye watching the progress of the Officer of the Deck, Major Michael Poole, as he manoeuvred the ship towards the berth that the Bahraini Government had set aside for the Excelsior to come alongside at. Under normal circumstances the evolution would be handled either Colonel Armstrong or his XO, Lieutenant Colonel Jack Prentice, given the risk of damage to the ship if it was improperly carried out, but Major Poole was up for his own command soon and Armstrong was eager to ensure that he had all the necessary qualifications to be at the top of the list; and one of those was an unassisted mooring in a foreign, unfamiliar port. Of course although it was unassisted it was hardly unsupervised; Armstrong himself was watching from the bridge whilst Lt. Colonel Prentice was on the flight deck, ensuring that there were no issues by the stern. If it looked like something was going to go wrong then one or both of them would take over control and avert the problem before it harmed the ship. Not that it looked like it was necessary, Major Poole was doing just fine.

Raising his eyes from the state of his ship for a moment, Armstrong turned his attention to the shore. There were large crowds gawking at the Excelsior as it came alongside; which was hardly surprising given that the Federation cruiser was the largest, most powerful and most advanced naval ship to be seen in this part of the world in some years. The presence of Federation warships in the Persian Gulf, whilst permanent, were not exactly unheard of; UDF frigates were a relatively common sight, shepherding Federation-flagged merchant shipping through the volatile shipping lanes of the Gulf, but none came close to comparing to the Excelsior. Indeed they had passed a UDF Frigate, the USS El Paso, on their way through the Straits of Hormuz, and had exchanged passing honours, and even the crew of the El Paso had lined the upper decks gawking at the sleek lines of the much larger cruiser. It was hardly surprising, the Excelsior and her class were the poster-child of the UDF Fleet for good reason.

On the dockside Armstrong could see the Bahraini Prime Minister, Hamid bin Salman, waiting to greet them in person; as clear an indication as any of just how grateful Bahrain was for the presence of a major Federation warship in the Persian Gulf. Alongside him was Abdulllah bin Khalifi, the Qatari Ambassador to the Kingdom of Bahrain; doubtless here for much the same reason as the Prime Minister; to express his gratitude for the arrival of the Excelsior. Armstrong had expected something of a welcoming party, but he had not been expecting this, but definitely underlined to him just how much both Bahrain and Qatar feared being absorbed into a polity in which their voices and interests would not be heard, specifically the United Arab Sultanate in this case. Which made sense, both were wealthy, moderate states that valued their independence so much that they had been resisting Federation overtures, gentle as they were, for the past decade or so. If they were reluctant to join the Federation, in which their voices would have as much weight as any other member-state and they would retain their autonomy, it stood to reason that they would oppose becoming part of a large sultanate; especially if their own royalty would likely have to give up their titles as well.

Although he was no diplomat, Armstrong knew that, as the senior Defence Force Officer in the Gulf, to emphasise the value of the protection that the Federation could, and would, provide to it’s member-states and protectorates. Like many Federation Citizens he would not want a prospective member-state to join solely for the defensive aspects, but he was also not naive enough to think that wasn’t a significant factor in this case. Both Qatar and Bahrain had already been approached regards joining the Federation, and Armstrong knew that the defensive factor, like it or not, would likely be the thing that pushed them firmly into accepting status as a Federation Protectorate. Once they had become a Protectorate they would either remain that way, under the protection of the Federation, or they would accept full membership, which many in the Federation considered highly likely, given both the Qatari and Bahrain Government’s desires to retain as much autonomy as possible, and they would get more of that as full member states than as mere protectorates.

Armstrong watched with satisfaction as the lines were thrown ashore and the Excelsior was firmly secured dockside. He waited until the gangway was firmly in place before making his way aft and off the ship, stepping down onto the dockside to be greeted by an honour guard from the Bahrain Royal Guard. Returning the salute offered him he continued forwards until he was face-to-face with the Bahrain Prime Minister, whom he saluted as a matter of respect, before shaking hands.

“Prime Minister.”

“Colonel Armstrong,” Hamid bin Salman smiled broadly. “Welcome to Bahrain.”

“Thank You, Sir, it’s a pleasure to be here,” Armstrong replied.

“We’re happy to have you here, Colonel,” Salman nodded. “Have you met the Qatari Ambassador to the Kingdom?”

“I have not had the pleasure,” Armstrong shook his head. “I have heard much about you, Ambassador Khalifi.”

“And you, Colonel Armstrong,” Khalifi replied, smiling broadly as they shook hands. “The Federation Department of Defence was good enough to send my office your service record?”

“I don’t doubt it.”

“Well, we’ve got a reception arranged for you and your officers this evening, Colonel,” Salman commented, looking up at the Excelsior with a smile. “But the Ambassador and I wanted to speak to you for a few minutes now, could we use your ship?”

“Of course,” Armstrong replied, turning and leading the two men onto the Excelsior, through the corridors of men preparing the ship for a short stay alongside, including taking on more supplies, before reaching his cabin. “Alright Gentlemen, what can I do for you?”

“We wanted to know what your intentions are, now you are here,” Salman replied. “We requested your Government deploy your ship, to fly the flag, how will you accomplish that?”

“We’ll take on supplies and stay overnight here, then we’ll move onto a Qatari Port, after which we’ll commence a standard, and highly visible in the shipping routes, patrol pattern,” Armstrong replied, understanding their query. “We’ll also conduct patrols of your territorial waters and EEZ, it would be beneficial if you could spare some of your ships to accompany us, ideally all three of us at least once.”

“I’m sure that can be arranged, Colonel,” Khalifi nodded. “And if the Sultanate does attempt something?”

“Then we’ll defend you,” Armstrong assured them. “The Federation looks after it’s friends.”

After a few more questions regarding the patrol, and the possibility of linking up all three navies for the purpose, the other two men left leaving Armstrong to his duties. As the enlisted and junior officers began to go ashore, or help in the restock, the Colonel pulled together his senior officers and began the task of planning the patrol. The idea, as he had stated to the Prime Minister and the Ambassador, was to be as visible as possible; even if they did not encounter any Sultanate Warships it was near certain that their merchant ships would report the sighting of a foreign warship, and a large one at that, in the Persian Gulf. Moreover, the Federation might not be the largest nation on the planet, but it’s naval ensign was well known as a source of rescue for those unlucky enough to be attacked by pirates at sea, or generally to need assistance; the UDF Fleet had a fearsome reputation countering pirates, all things considered. Given that the Federation had trade routes all over the globe this was perhaps hardly surprising, and was part of the reason why it maintained a large, capable fleet that had responsibilities all over the world. It was, in part, that reputation that they were banking on.

After the planning session was complete Armstrong and his officers changed into their mess dress and made their way off ship, into the vehicles provided for them by the Bahrain Government, and were soon on their way to Riffa Palace for the reception that the Prime Minister had spoken off, hosted by the King himself. There was a great deal of grumbling from pretty much every officer who had been ‘lucky’ enough to get an invitation, these things were usually long, onerous affairs that required wearing the uncomfortable, if stylish, mess dress uniforms for far longer than anyone particularly cared for. Yet such things were vital for conducting diplomacy, which was a key mission of the UDF Fleet, even more so in this case when they were making the case for Federation protection to the very people that likely needed it the most. Of course, much like their enlisted and junior officer counterparts, some of the senior officers were likely looking to get laid tonight, ahead of an undetermined period at sea, and Armstrong just hoped that they did not elect to go home with the offspring of someone important and scupper the whole project.

In the end the reception went quite well, as far as Colonel Armstrong was concerned, no one got in any trouble and the food and drink was superb to say the least. He remained in quiet conversation with the Bahrain King, Prime Minister and the Qatari Ambassador for most of the night, answering any questions they had about the Federation, in general, and the United Defence Force, in particular. It was a long, gruelling night, this was the first time any of these men had come face-to-face with a senior Federation Officer, or indeed a Federation Citizen outside of the diplomatic corps, and they were eager to pick his brain about everything from the rights of member states to the protection offered by the UDF. Whilst he was answering he also tried to make mental notes, to be put down onto paper as soon as he got back to the ship, to report back to the Diplomatic Corps. Ultimately he thought he did quite well, and was grateful for the enhanced diplomatic training that UDF Officers above the rank of Colonel were given as a matter of course.

God knew that it was needed!

[Freistaat-Ostafrika]

16 April 2018 - 13:00hrs [UTC +4]
Al Alam Palace
Muscat, Unified Arab Sultanate

Given the wealth and absolutist nature of the Unified Arab Sultanate, one could be forgiven for expecting a lavish and long-winded coronation ceremony for a new Sultan. In truth there was very little pomp and ceremony regarding the event, although it was still being broadcast live on UAS state media to demonstrate the ease of a handover under Sultanate law. Held in the gleaming white, blue, and gold Grand Hall of Al Alam Palace, the ceremony featured Sultan Taimur and Crown Prince Ibrahim sitting side by side at an ornate marble and gilt desk with the members of the Royal Advisory Council standing behind them, all dressed in traditional white dishdasha garments with accompanying masar headdresses; each wearer's masar was a different combination of colours depending on which tribe they were from. As the scene from the Grand Hall was beamed across the Sultanate and beyond, a similarly dressed aide approached, bowed, and then placed two documents on the desk, one before Taimur and one before Ibrahim. After taking a moment to read the document before them, both individuals signed their names before swapping documents to sign again, providing two signed copies of the official Declaration of Succession. The aide then approached once more and carefully collected both copies, storing them in separate leather folders before bowing once again and leaving. Taimur and Ibrahim then rose to their feet and embraced before Taimur was carefully escorted away by two assistants, at which point another aide removed Taimur's chair and the Royal Advisory Council moved Ibrahim's chair into a more central position at the desk and the new Sultan took his seat once again. With Ibrahim in position, the Royal Advisory Council then formed a line on the other side of the desk and took turns congratulating him as well as pledging their allegiance to his reign.

Once he had received pledges of allegiance from all members of the Royal Advisory Council, Ibrahim waited for a moment as an aide deferentially approached and placed a thin microphone on the desk before retreating; the newly enthroned Sultan then looked directly at the primary television camera and began to address the nation with the Royal Advisory Council gathered behind him to demonstrate their support for his speech.

"My people, as you are aware the position of Sultan brings many responsibilities. The responsibility to rule, the responsibility to maintain order. The responsibility to ensure the protection and security of both the realm and its people. We are blessed with wealth, we are a prosperous and orderly society that is admired by many around the world. However, for some it is not admiration but envy that they feel towards us. They are envious of our continued prosperity and they would take it from us for their own ends. The terrorist group known as Al-Shams would overthrow our carefully nurtured society, tear asunder our way of life and have us all become footsoldiers in their quest to create a worldwide caliphate. Al-Shams would impose their interpretation of Islam upon all others and in the process they would reduce us all to paupers or corpses. They would use our wealth, the wealth that we have strived so long to create, to fund murder around the world. As Sultan, I now reiterate my father's belief that Al-Shams are not just a threat to the West, they are a threat to the way of life of everyone, including us here in the Unified Arab Sultanate. As Sultan, I shall continue to oppose the operations of Al-Shams whenever possible. They shall not gain a foothold here in the Unified Arab Sultanate."

The Royal Advisory Council politely applauded as Ibrahim continued.

"However, Al-Shams are not the only threat to our way of life. A far more insidious threat is attempting to worm its way into our lives. The Kingdom of Bahrain and the Emirate of Qatar have invited a presence into the Arab world which would slowly but surely undo our traditions and our way of life if it is given the opportunity. The United Federation of Nations has been at work in our neighbours for a considerable time and we always hoped that perhaps it was simply friendship that the UFN was seeking. Unfortunately we have now been shown that they want much more than friendship. When my father's abdication was announced it did not take long for a UFN naval cruiser to arrive in the region, a blatant and crass attempt to intimidate the Unified Arab Sultanate during a period of transition. What is perhaps worse is the fact that the rulers of both Bahrain and Qatar seem to be in league with this attempt to intimidate us. It is becoming clear that this North American power is attempting to colonise the Arabian Peninsula, not through direct force but through false demonstrations of friendship and through intimidation. The Bahraini and Qatari people are being pulled into the orbit of the UFN by their leaders, who have undoubtedly received all manner of bribes and promises from these colonisers. I say that the Unified Arab Sultanate must take a stand against North American imperialism. Their only interest in Bahrain and Qatar is oil and gas, and I am certain that once they have their way both the Bahraini and Qatari people will be outnumbered in their own homelands by Federation settlers.

"In response to the dual threat we are facing from Al-Shams on the one side and the United Federation of Nations on the other side, I believe that we must find a friend of our own. A true friend, one who will assist us in protecting our sovereignty and way of life. A friend who does not frown upon our culture but rather respects it. A friend who will not attempt to change us. That friend is Freistaat Ostafrika. They have been a major trading partner of ours for decades and they have always respected both our laws and our culture. I have spoken with the Ostafrikan ambassador on this matter and he has assured me that his nation unwaveringly supports us in our stand against Al-Shams and the UFN. I can also now reveal that I have spoken to Präsident Friedrich Luxenberg via video conference regarding the potential for closer cooperation between our nations with regard to ensuring the stability and security of the region. In one week's time I shall be receiving a delegation from the Ostafrikan government here in Muscat and we shall be discussing more specific actions that we can take to combat terrorism and imperialism on the Arabian Peninsula."

He paused as the Royal Advisory Council once again applauded.

"May Allah bestow his blessings on us at this time."

[-The United Federation of Nations-]

Colonel Julian Armstrong, United Defence Force (Naval)
USS Excelsior, East of Bahrain
The Persian Gulf
Monday 16th April 2018, 1330hrs Local Time

“He can’t be serious.”

Colonel Armstrong glanced over at his Executive Officer, Lieutenant Colonel Jack Prentice, with a wry expression. Prentice had invited his Commanding Officer to join him and the other officers in the Wardroom, in which the CO required an invitation to visit by tradition, as they watched the transfer of power in the United Arab Sultanate. Armstrong and Prentice were sat at the front of the collection of comfortable chairs that had been gathered around the television, all of which were taken up by the other ship’s officers, as the news coverage moved on from the speech itself into analysis and reaction. As they were watching a Federation-based news network the immediate reaction was aghast to say the least; the news media in the Federation had been following the situation in the United Arab Sultanate principally in relation to the deployment of the Excelsior to the region. No one in the Federation media, or indeed in Federation government or military, had expected the UFN to receive a name-drop in the new Sultan’s immediate post-succession speech to the UAS and the world, much less that he would commit at least half of the speech itself to taking shots at the Federation.

The irony of the United Arab Sultanate condemning anyone for coveting Bahrain and Qatar was not being missed by anyone.

“The Federation and Al-Shams in the same breath,” Prentice scowled. “It’s insulting.”

“Not to mention hypocritical as hell,” Major Samantha Edwards, Excelsior’s Tactical Officer, commented from her seat on the other side of Lt. Colonel Prentice. “The confirmation of the Ostafrikan connection is disconcerting though…”

“And will only push the Bahraini and Qatari Governments deeper into our camp; they were both already wary of the new Sultan’s motivations, they’re going to be aghast over this news of tighter links between the UAS and Ostafrika,” Lt. Colonel Prentice agreed. “Neither the Bahraini nor Qatari people are stupid, they know they’ll have far more autonomy and cultural freedom under us than they ever would under the UAS, or Ostafrika, they know our character better than what the Sultan claims.”

“Regardless of the political situation we must turn our attention to the tactical and strategic one,” Colonel Armstrong said firmly after a moment. “Closer ties with Ostafrika could mean military support, so we’ll want to be ready for that.”

The other officers turned their attention quickly to their CO.

“I’ll be needing a line to Defence Force Command as soon as possible, Commo, I intend to ask for additional ships to be sent out here to increase our situational awareness,” Armstrong continued. “Nothing major, as I don’t want to give the Sultan any more ammunition, but if we can get a few frigates to serve as our eyes and ears then I’ll be far happier.”

“What about the Qatari and Bahraini naval units?” Prentice queried.

“I want to have a chance to personally evaluate their skills and abilities; the DFI reports suggest they're competent but I want to see it first hand before I potentially take the into battle,” Armstrong replied simply. “I want you to get on with our people in both the Kingdom and the Emirate and see if you can move up those joint manoeuvres we discussed, we may have just lost a lot of the time I was expecting us to have…”

President of the United Federation of Nations Sebastian Barnes
Federation Tower, Phoenix
The Commonwealth of the Mojave, United Federation of Nations
Monday 16th April 2018, 0900hrs Local Time

Sebastian Barnes nodded to the two UDF Marines standing post on either side of the vast door into the Council Chamber and watched as they turned crisply and in parade-perfect unison opened the door for their President. The low murmur of conversation in the chamber died down as all eyes, the seven Federation Councillors and the packed public gallery, turned to watch as Barnes made his way forwards. At the far end of the chamber was the raised dais upon which the chair’s podium, bearing the grand seal of the United Federation of Nations, was located; behind a single Federation flag at the centre of a line of flags from each of the member-states of the Federation. Barnes steps rang on the floor as he strode forwards; his arrival would not always be greeted like this, he was not a King or a tyrant after all, but this was his first appearance on the floor of the Federation Council since being elected President so a greater amount of respect than would normally be given to the President, which was substantial anyway, was to be expected. It felt like a far longer walk than it was, extra conscious of the various television cameras that were also watching his progress, but soon enough Barnes was stood at the podium and turned to face the Council.

As per protocol he had been given a little over a week to settle-in and acclimatise to his new role before the Federation Council re-convened for it’s first meeting of the new cycle. Meetings of the full Council happened less frequently, usually once a week, with the various sub-councils meeting far more frequently, to discuss matters of specific concern. The weekly session of the full council, presided over by the President, usually began with a period of Questions to the President, as part of the Council’s role in holding the President to account, before they moved on to other business. Of course, given the Sultan of the United Arab Sultane’s statement of some hours previously, everyone knew what the first question would be. It came from Joseph Colerio, Federation Councillor from the State of Malta, the symbolism of which was lost on nobody.

“Good Morning, Mister President, let me first congratulate you on your election to the Office of the President of the United Federation of Nations, may your time in office be one of prosperity and growth for the entire Federation and beyond,” Colerio said formally. “As for my question… you were Secretary of the Exterior for many years before standing for election, I would be very interested, both in your role as President, and given your experience, to hear your response to the UAS Sultan’s ludicrous comments earlier today.”

“I was shocked and appalled when I woke this morning to see rolling news coverage of the Sultan comparing the Federation to the despicable terrorist group Al-Shams; such a comparison is not only insulting it raises, in my mind, serious questions about the Sultan’s agenda, at best, and his mental state, at worst; only a fool, or someone being deliberately provocative, would make such ridiculous claims on such a public stage,” Barnes replied bluntly. “The Al-Shams Group is responsible for the cold-blooded brutal murder of hundreds, if not thousands of innocent people, in the pursuit of their radical agenda. By contrast the United Federation of Nations feeds the hungry, heals the sick and defends the weak; since our founding our humanitarian missions have saved tens, if not hundreds, of thousands, if not more, from death, and have contributed to global defence and made the world a safer place.

“With regards to the Kingdom of Bahrain and the Emirate of Qatar in particular, the Federation has had a long, close relationship with both these states, in no small part due to the fact that they share many of our values; they are a vital moderate presence in a part of the world that has far too much radicalism for anyone’s liking; the presence of Al-Shams in the region is a testament to that, but not once has the, nor will we, ever force membership in our Federation upon them,”
Barnes continued. “It is true that the Federation would welcome both these states as members of the Federation in a heart-beat, and a Special Envoy has been working towards that goal, mutually, with both governments, however we have always been clear that, in the final consideration, the decision will be, and must be, that of the Bahraini and Qatari people; it is not in our way to force membership upon anyone; we are stronger by our voluntary union than we ever could be by force.”

Barnes paused as he was interrupted by applause, he waited a few moments for it to die down before speaking again.

“Moreover, I would be remiss in my duties not to respond, directly, to a fellow head of state’s, frankly libellous, assertions about what a Federation presence in the region would mean; as this Council is well aware, as should anyone who has studied our Federation in even the slightest amount, the Federation’s member-states have the most autonomy of any multi-state union anywhere in the world; not to mention equal representation, regardless of size, in this very council,” Barnes said firmly. “We value the cultural and traditional uniqueness of each of our member-states, and despite the Sultan’s attempts to claim otherwise, we have no interest in attempting to change the way of life in any of our member-states; membership in the Federation means working together for a common goal based on shared values, it does not mean that any member-state has to give up it’s traditions. or it’s own unique way of doing things, indeed such is valued.

“For the Sultan to assert that the autonomy, sovereignty and cultural way of life of Bahrain and Qatari is safer under the United Arab Sultanate is dubious in it’s own right, however with the increasing ties with a state such as Ostafrika it becomes simply laughable; when profit margins become your highest concern autonomy and cultural uniqueness will quickly take a back seat to that,” Barnes commented dryly. “As it is Bahrain and Qatar share many values that would make them exceptional Federation members, however whether or not that comes to pass the Federation has made a commitment to protect both states from unwanted aggression; the United Arab Sultanate has long lusted over Bahrain and Qatar, as such both states see far more of a threat from the UAS than they ever would from the Federation, that is why we protect them, not any potential gain we might get down the road.”

Barnes paused again as applause broke out before continuing.

“Far from intimidation it is at the request of the Bahraini and Qatari governments that the United Defence Force deployed the USS Excelsior to the region, in order to both show our commitment to protecting our friends in the Persian Gulf, but also to serve as a very real shield, should the UAS, or their Ostafriakan friends, attempt to take either by force,” Barnes continued. “Neither the Federation, nor Warship Excelsior, are in the Persian Gulf to take over, or wax imperial, we are there to defend the rights of those who might be stepped on by the iron heel of a larger, imperialistic power; if those states then choose to join the Federation, not out of gratitude for being protected, but out of a sense of shared values and goals, then they will be welcomed as valued friends and true equals, something they, nor any prospective member-state, will find anywhere else and that is what sets our Federation apart.”

[Freistaat-Ostafrika]

25 April 2018 - 13:30hrs [UTC +4]
Al Alam Palace
Muscat, Unified Arab Sultanate

As the Vizedirektor of Defense, Joseph Schwarzmann was the obvious choice as Ostafrika's representative to discuss cooperation with Sultan Ibrahim, and his arrival in the Unified Arab Sultanate had provided a demonstration of just how welcoming the new monarch was to the nation that he openly favoured as an ally. Schwarzmann's Kranich business jet had been greeted at Muscat International Airport on April 23rd with a great deal of pomp and ceremony, with an honour guard and military band present to play the national anthems of both nations; more than that, Sultan Ibrahim had been there at the airport to meet him as he stepped off the aircraft, as had the Sultanate's Foreign Minister Faisal Adwan. Schwarzmann had brought along a small delegation of functionaries as well as representatives from each of Ostafrika's military branches, who already had a good idea of the potential facilities available in the UAS thanks to information communicated to them by their Sultanate counterparts. Following the performance of the respective national anthems and a great deal of polite chatter, Sultan Ibrahim and his entourage accompanied the Ostafrikan delegation back to Al Alam Palace via a convoy of armoured white limousines; upon arriving at the palace, the Ostafrikans were cheerfully shown the opulent accommodations which had been made available to them as 'honoured guests of the Sultan'. The delegation's visit had been expected to last at least a couple of days as they were scheduled to inspect military facilities and discuss a variety of defense-related matters in greater detail. In truth, the remarks by President Barnes had slightly gotten under the skin of the OAG administration as they disliked being branded as having 'profit margins as their highest concern'. While it was certainly true that the OAG viewed profitability as a primary concern, they were of the opinion that any nation with an ounce of sense would seek to be earning more money than they were spending as that 'profit' could be directed into new ventures or simply saved for a potential 'rainy day'. The Ostafrikans had refrained from publicly addressing the President's remarks and were instead intent on strengthening their ties with the Unified Arab Sultanate to provide their response.

It was now two days since the Ostafrikan delegation had arrived in the Unified Arab Sultanate and a press conference had been called so that Sultan Ibrahim and Vizedirektor Schwarzmann could make public statements regarding the visit and any important developments stemming from it. The setting for the press conference was the Grand Hall of Al Alam Palace where Ibrahim had officially become the Sultan of the UAS, with two comfortable high-backed chairs positioned at the ornate marble and gilt desk that sat at the centre of the expansive room. A small number of authorised media representatives were either sat or standing facing the desk, all of them either from the UAS or from Freistaat Ostafrika and therefore could be relied upon to 'follow the script'. The media personnel all stood as Sultan Ibrahim and Vizedirektor Schwarzmann entered and walked side-by-side to the desk, then once the two had taken their seats at the desk the media returned to their own seats. While Ibrahim was dressed in the usual dishdasha with masar headdress, Schwarzmann wore the black uniform with red trim that was the official attire of the Ostafrikan Vizedirektor of Defense, with his brown hair slicked back. Ibrahim was the first to speak.

"I would like to begin by thanking Vizedirektor Schwarzmann for visiting us here in the Unified Arab Sultanate. His presence demonstrates the importance of the growing special relationship between our two nations, a relationship which is vital to the security and stability of the region. With the ever-present threat of Al-Shams and now the unapologetic encroachment of the United Federation of Nations, our two nations believe that it is time to begin closer cooperation in order to ensure our continued prosperity. The Ostafrikan delegation which has been visiting us since Monday have been open to all areas of discussion, and we have reached agreement on several initiatives which will strengthen our relationship as well as strengthening our joint global position. Vizedirektor Schwarzmann?"

Schwarzmann nodded politely. "Thank you, Your Majesty. Freistaat Ostafrika views the stability and security of the Unified Arab Sultanate extremely seriously, as the UAS is by far the most influential nation in the Arabian Peninsula. Not only are they excellent friends, but they are also a bulwark against the abhorrent ideology of Al-Shams. As such, Ostafrika feels that it is time for us to play a more active role alongside the UAS in maintaining the security and stability of the Arabian Peninsula. We have recently discussed several options and proposals at the highest level of our respective governments, and we are now ready to reveal what we have agreed. In light of UAS concerns regarding their border with the Confederation of Yemeni Emirates, Freistaat Ostafrika is committing to assist the UAS Border Guard Service by supplying patrol drones which can fly over more sparsely populated areas and monitor for illegal crossings. We are also committing to joint patrols of the border, meaning that personnel from the Ostafrikan Border Patrol will be working alongside their UAS colleagues; this increase in manpower will allow for greater frequency of patrols along the border."

He paused and took a sip of water. "Ostafrika is also committing to bolster the conventional armed forces of the Unified Arab Sultanate. Our respective governments shall be finalising an armaments deal worth some thirteen billion marks over the next few days, aimed at ensuring that the UAS will possess the same military equipment and level of sophistication as Ostafrika in all fields. This will be a great advantage over coming years as standardisation between us will make it far easier for our nations to cooperate on technical training, creation of repair facilities, and any advances in military technology can then be applied to both armed forces. In addition to this, we have concluded negotiations which will see the Ostafrikan military able to assist the Unified Arab Sultanate in particular circumstances. The UAS has agreed to lease the Thumrait air base to the Luftstreitkräfte, and vessels of the Staatsmarine will be permitted to utilise the facilities at the Duqm Port complex. Our governments have also agreed in principle to the construction of a new Joint Logistics Support Base at Duqm, a project which will ultimately provide both nations with access to state of the art naval facilities at a particularly strategic point.

"Thumrait will allow the Luftstreitkräfte to launch strikes against any substantial move across the borders of the UAS, while Duqm will give the Staatsmarine an excellent starting point for patrols of the Arabian Sea and the Persian Gulf. It is a sad fact of our modern times that scourges such as piracy and rogue states still blight our planet, and it is our intention that the Unified Arab Sultanate and Freistaat Ostafrika will work together to halt the advance of these scourges in the region as best we can."

Sultan Ibrahim smiled broadly as the Vizedirektor finished. "It is truly gratifying to know that there are nations such as Ostafrika in the world. Nations who wish to work with others rather than controlling them. This new partnership between the Unified Arab Sultanate and Freistaat Ostafrika will be a beacon of security and stability in the region, a partnership built upon mutual respect."

[-The United Federation of Nations-]

Fleet Admiral Alexander Kenway, United Defence Force
Fleet Headquarters, Alcatraz Island
Republic of California, The United Federation of Nations
Wednesday 25th April 2018, 0900hrs Local Time

Fleet Admiral Alexander Kenway stepped down from the modified UH-60 Black Hawk that had ferried him from his home, in the Presidio of San Francisco, out to Alcatraz Island, as it did every morning. As the Commander, Fleet; the senior United Defence Force officer in command of the UDF Fleet as a whole, Kenway was lucky enough to a helicopter specifically assigned to him, all other senior officers had to draw from a pool. In either case it saved him from having to either catch the regular transfer boats out to Alcatraz or bunk down in the accommodation block at all; neither of which were tremendously appealing to him after a career of serving at sea he had earned a few luxuries. Such were the perks of rank, and given that he was outranked by only one officer, the Commander-in-Chief of the United Defence Force, and called only two other officers his peers, he had more than a few perks. It didn’t hurt that, on a sunny day, it was an utterly beautiful sight as he flew from the Presidio, the beating heart of the United Defence Force, to iconic Alcatraz Island.

The United Defence Force had acquired Alcatraz from the Department of Justice in 1963 when the Federal Penitentiary had been shut down with the intent of returning the island to use as a military post. It had taken two years, and significant investment, to repair the salt water erosion of the buildings, and indeed some had been built anew, but the new Alcatraz Fleet Headquarters complex opened in summer of 1965 to serve as the nerve-centre of the UDF Fleet. The old cellhouse and administration block had been turned into the fleet command offices, whilst accommodation blocks for officers and enlisted had either been renovated or specifically build, and the island boasted amenities ranging from a medical centre to a post exchange for the Fleet HQ personnel based on the island itself. It was an isolated place to be sure, but in the eyes of the UDF Fleet that had only enhanced the security of the island, much in the same way that the operational command of the UDF Air Forces was based out of Cheyenne Mountain in Colorado. As beautiful as the UDF Fleet had made Alcatraz, it was still isolated and Kenway was more than happy to live ashore and be helicoptered out every day.

“Good Morning, Sir,” Colonel Michael Turner, his Chief of Staff, said alongside a formal salute.

“Good Morning, Mike,” Kenway nodded, returning the salute. “What’s the business today?”

“The Gulf, Sir,” Colonel Turner replied as they began to make their way towards Cellblock House.

“Ah, I’ve heard nothing but the Persian Gulf for nearly a month now, I do hope that the Federation Council knows what it’s getting itself in for by courting Bahrain and Qatar,” FADM Kenway scowled as he returned the salute of the posted Marine. “The UAS Is never going to accept our presence there, which means we’re going to have to maintain a significant force… but that’s the future, so what today?”

“At your orders we detached several frigates from the 3rd Fleet in the Mediterranean several days ago, with instructions to make best possible speed towards the Persian Gulf, following the request for additional ships from Colonel Armstrong on the 16th April,” Colonel Turner replied. “They are expected in the Gulf today, and will rendezvous with Excelsior later today, although we must assume that the UAS will have monitored their arrival through the Straits of Hormuz, as such they were ordered to make the transit at Condition One.”

“Sensible,” Kenway nodded. “Which ships did we send?”

“The Boundary Peak, Sierra Blanca and Mount Rainier,” Turner answered, naming three ships of the United Defence Force Fleet’s Peak-Class Guided Missile Frigate. “From the 8th Frigate Squadron, the detachment commanded by the squadron deputy, Colonel Jackson.”

“Who is going to get into a pissing match with Colonel Armstrong exactly five minutes after coming alongside the Excelsior,” Kenway commented dryly. “Colonel Armstrong has the bigger ship, but Jackson has three of them… who is senior?”

“Armstrong, but not by much.”

“So Jackson will have to follow Armstrong’s lead, but he won’t be happy about it, following a mother colonel,” Kenway replied wryly. “What do you know of the two men… who would you rather have running point for us out there?”

“Colonel Jackson is a by-the-book officer with a by-the-numbers career; he’s done everything right to rise through to his current rank, almost exclusively aboard frigates,” Turner answered after a few moments of thought. “Armstrong has been everywhere, and although Jackson has three ships at his command now it’s Armstrong that has regularly ran point for dozens of flag officers over the past few years.”

“So you’d rather have Armstrong?”

“Yes,” Turner nodded. “That, and he’s already got a good rapport with the locals by all accounts.”

“In that case let’s bump Armstrong up to Commander… if he’s commanding a heavy cruiser he’s on the verge of promotion to low flag rank anyway, and it’ll avoid any issues with Jackson; seniority is one thing, rank is another, one allows bad attitude, the other doesn’t,” Kenway said firmly. “Aside from anything else, if the word out of the Department of the Exterior is anything to go by, we’re going to have a permanently deployed task force in the Gulf soon enough, it won’t large enough to need a Rear Admiral, and I would rather keep Armstrong in-theatre for the first year or two, he knows the ground and he knows the people, it makes the most sense all around.”

“Agreed, Sir,” Turner nodded again. “I’ll get the paperwork sorted with Defence Force Personnel.”

Kenway nodded and with that Turner took his leave and began to head to his office whilst the Fleet Admiral continued towards the fleet operations room, as he did every morning, to get a personal view of the global situation. The senior of the two Federation Marines posted outside the heavy oak door snapped to attention and saluted whilst the other opened the door and announced the Fleet Admiral’s arrival. Stepping into the operations room Kenway turned a professional gaze over the officers and enlisted sailors at their stations before waving them back to their duties as he stepped up to the central table and nodded to Rear Admiral Jessica Harper, the FOR Duty Officer, who had made her way back to the central table as the Fleet Admiral made his approach.

“Get me the Excelsior.”

RADM Harper nodded and made her way over to the communications station to get the connection sorted and, a few minutes later, a video link was established and Colonel Armstrong appeared on the big-screen at the centre of the front wall of the fleet operations room. The man looked flushed and it was obvious that he had just come from the bridge, likely the bridge wing given his obvious exposure to the high temperatures of the Persian Gulf.

“Fleet Admiral, Sir,” Armstrong said formally.

“Colonel Armstrong,” Kenway nodded. “How’s the situation out there?”

“We’re doing okay, Sir, we linked up with ships from the Royal Bahraini Navy, but there’s a lot of apprehension out there with how buddy-buddy Ostafrika is getting,” Colonel Armstrong replied honestly after a moment. “We’ve not detected any Ostafrikan assets yet, but we’re keeping our distance from the UAS, as per our standing orders, but we’re maintaining a high level of readiness regardless.”

“That is very good to hear,” Kenway smiled, then glanced down. “The deployment chart shows the three frigates from Third Fleet with you… have they already made it there?”

“Within the half hour, Sir, we’ve been in contact and arranged a rendezvous.”

“Very well, in that case, with the authority granted my by the Commander-in-Chief, United Defence Force, and the Chief of Defence Force Operations, I do hereby authorise a field promotion to the rank of Commander, which will be revisited with a view to confirmation once things settle down out there,” Kenway said formally, noting Armstrong’s surprised expression. “To go with your new rank; the Excelsior and the three frigates shall hereby by designated as Task Force 40, with you as the overall commander, full orders will be provided in due course.”

“I… thank you, Sir,” Armstrong replied simply, not knowing what else to say.

“Don’t let me down, Commander, I’m going to be relying on your cool head and your common sense to keep a firm grip on a very volatile situation out there,” Kenway said firmly, putting just enough bite of command into his voice. “You’re going to be under a lot of pressure from the Bahraini and Qatari Government, but you must take any action unless directed by Defence Force Command, am I clear?”

“As crystal, Sir,” Armstrong nodded. “We’ll get the job done.”

[Layarteb]

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• • • † • • •

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Wednesday, April 25, 2018 | 15:40 hrs [UTC-5]

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Layarteb City, New York | Fortress of Comhghall
40° 41' 28" N, 74° 0' 58" W

The Empire was a sort of an enigma in how it was structured. It had a dual executive with a head of state - the Emperor - and a head of government - the Chief Executive. The former resided in Layarteb City and the latter in Washington City. The executive branch was thus split between both cities with the legislative branch resting entirely within Washington City. The judicial branch spanned both as well with the primary, federal court in Layarteb City. The head of government, Chief Executive Jonathan Walker, handled domestic matters, chiefly the implementation of domestic policy and laws while the head of state, the Emperor, handled international matters. As a separation of power, neither had any overlap though the Emperor had the power to dismiss the entire government.

Beyond this however, there was an oligarchy - of sorts - in power at the executive level. Domestic policy was largely a function of the legislature and the Chief Executive but foreign policy was a function of an 11-man council known as the National Security Council where matters were put to a majority-rules vote with the Emperor voting only as a tiebreaker. On the NSC sat, aside from the Emperor, the National Security Advisor, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the country's eight Cabinet Ministers. These eleven men and women had near absolute power over the country's foreign policy and only on matters concerning domestic policy crossover did they consult with the Chief Executive. The NSC had sole power to declare war, make treaties, and sign international trade agreements. This was done independently of either the judicial or the legislative branches. The NSC had no overriding authority.

On this particular evening, the members of the NSC watched as two dozen aides and other Cabinet members shuffled out of the office. The Cabinet meeting, having just broken up, would not segue into the NSC's daily meeting, which was perhaps the most important of all of the meetings. Once the room had been emptied of non-essential personnel and the doors shut, the meeting began. As always, the NSC started the meeting discussing the two most important topics for the Empire, Al-Shams and Mexico. In the case of the former, discussions revolved around progress combating Al-Shams in Yemen and around the world. The Empire's operations in Yemen were laughably secret. The entire world knew that the Empire was responsible for combat operations in Yemen whether they were drone strikes, targeting airstrikes, or commando raids yet the Empire disavowed any and all action in Yemen. If a Layartebian aircraft crashed, the Emperor would denounce it as a planted fake and roll out a freshly painted aircraft matching the serial number to show that none had been downed. A captured or dead pilot or commando would be branded as a mercenary or an actor. It was laughable because the Empire was fooling no one with its charade and yet it kept it up without skipping a beat. With regards to Mexico, the topics always revolved around the drug cartels, particularly LSP, and the fight against them. The Mexican government was always discussed as well because why not.

Then, forty minutes into the meeting, Minister Fisher of Foreign Affairs brought up the three-week-old pissing match going on between the United Federation of Nations and the Unified Arab Sultanate. The crisis had begun on April 3 when Sultan Taimur al-Said abdicated the throne to allow Crown Prince Ibrahim to take over and lead the country. All seemed well and good until Ibrahim was crowned Sultan thirteen days later. He used his coronation speech to denounce Al-Shams and the Unified Federation of Nations in one breath. In truth, Ibrahim had re-ignited a 4-declades-old spat between the UAS and Bahrain and Qatar. When the UAS was founded in 1974, it had made a bid to both of these micronations to join but the offer had been rejected. Now, forty-four years later, Ibrahim was trying again and far less subtly. A lot had changed in those forty-four years and while UAS remained firmly aligned with Freistaat-Ostafrika, Bahrain and Qatar were aligned with the UFN.

Naturally, in the way the world works, the situation had been gradually escalating day-by-day. Al-Said's abdication had made Bahrain and Qatar nervous, knowing how closely aligned Ibrahim would be with Dar es Salaam. That led to the deployment of a UFN cruiser into the Persian Gulf, which only escalated thanks to Ibrahim's speech. Now it would be joined by three frigates and formed into a naval task force. It was small, perhaps too small to ward off a major attack but the presence alone showed the UFN's commitment to Bahrain and Qatar. This of course meant a countermove had to be made and that was done only hours ago when the UAS announced a major arms deal with the OAG as well as a major deployment of the OAG's military to Oman.

The speech had caught the close attention of the Empire, given its presence in Yemen as well as its small, territorial holdings in the Persian Gulf. For that matter, Minister Fisher began the discussion with a slight recap of the events of the past three weeks and then adding, "At this point, the Empire does not have to choose sides. We trade with and are allied with both nations though perhaps we're more favorable to the UFN because of their closer proximity. That isn't to say that FO is considered a 'lesser nation' in these matters."

"Is there really any threat to our shipping lanes?" The Emperor asked, knowing the answer.

"None really sir," Minister Fisher said, "Dar es Salaam and Muscat have both continually pledged not to interfere with our merchant traffic in and out of the Persian Gulf."

"I have to say I like this Ibrahim if only because he knows to keep his mouth shut on our involvement in Yemen," the Emperor pointed out, "is he someone we can do business with?"

"I should think so sir," Minister Fisher said, pausing before continuing in case the Emperor had another question to ask or statement to give. "The OAG is largely a sole supplier to the UAS and that is fine really. We trade enough with FO that we aren't losing out here. Neither Muscat nor Dar es Salaam looks to be willing to change our relationship."

"And the UFN?"

"No changes there either sir. Choosing one side over the other wouldn't be advisable and we don't have defense pacts with either nation. Really we might favor the UFN because of their closer proximity but in a conflict between the UFN and the UAS and by proxy FO, we have no reason to choose a side."

"I think that's sufficient enough then," the Emperor said. Gauging the table, he saw no one had any reason to question it. "We have a token defense force in the Persian Gulf, do we not?"

"Yes sir," said Minister Sanders of Defense. "Our naval presence consists of four patrol boats and four patrol corvettes based out of Kish Island along with some coast guard ships, five to be precise. For air defense, we have one tactical fighter wing based out of Kish Island along with a support wing of transports and airborne early warning. There's only a single squadron of fighters at Kharg Island. Then we have some associated coast guard units and a Poseidon squadron for maritime patrol. Ground forces are limited to two battalions of infantry. Beyond this, we have nothing else."

"I don't see a need to bolster those defenses."

"Nor do we sir," answered Minister Sanders, "and Chairman-General Barnes and I are in agreement."

"Yes sir we are," answered the head of the nation's military in his usual gruff and powerful voice.

"Then what we do is the same thing we always do," the Emperor said, "we wait and we watch. If we need to step in, we can. If we need to mediate between the parties, we can. Otherwise, we have no role to play. Of course, if the OAG or the UAS get punchy with regards to Yemen then perhaps we have a polite conversation with them on the matter, right Timothy?"

"Yes sir," Minister Fisher answered.

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• • • † • • •

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[Freistaat-Ostafrika]

27 April 2018 - 09:30hrs [UTC +5:30]
Kuthiramalika Palace
Thiruvananthapuram, Kingdom of Travancore

More popularly known as Trivandrum, Thiruvananthapuram was the capital city of the small Kingdom of Travancore which was home to the Malayali people, located on the southwestern coast of the Indian Subcontinent. Travancore's fortunes had waxed and waned since its founding in the early 18th century, but it had achieved territorial stability thanks to the kingdom's contact with Freistaat Ostafrika. The kingdom had tied itself to Ostafrika through a series of treaties signed between 1945 and 1949 which were the culmination of increasingly closer ties since first official diplomatic relations in 1915; the 69 years following the treaties had seen Travancore develop into what the OAG regarded as a 'model protectorate', continuing to be ruled by the Kulasekhara dynasty who traced their lineage through various other royal dynasties back to the 3rd century B.C. The monarchs of Travancore had long been known for spending a relatively small percentage of the kingdom's revenues on themselves as there was a long-standing 'parental tradition' where the monarchs would spend much of the revenue for the benefit of their subjects, meaning that they were actually quite popular with the people. Travancore also possessed a long tradition of religious tolerance, as the Hindu monarchs had often donated land and material for the construction of Christian churches and Muslim mosques within their kingdom; there was also a longstanding tradition of social freedom for women with no hindrance to women being educated, as well as women having the right to divorce and remarry. The OAG had made no real attempt to meddle in the internal affairs of Travancore as the ruling dynasty seemed more than capable of maintaining their own authority, being content to have the kingdom's economy brought into the Ostafrikan 'bloc' while also receiving military basing rights.

A primarily agricultural nation, Travancore was well known for cashews, coconuts, coffee, black pepper, rice, natural rubber, tapioca, tea, and a wide variety of spices including cardamom, cinnamon, nutmeg, and vanilla. Fishing and animal husbandry was also important, and there was a general preference for organic and home farming over synthetic fertilizers and pesticides throughout the agricultural sector. Tourism also played an important part in Travancore's economy due to the kingdom's natural beauty and cultural heritage, an example of this being the fact that there were 12 wildlife sanctuaries and two sprawling national parks within Travancore's 38,863 square kilometres. However, another of Travancore's major economic resources had proved to be the Malayali diaspora. The creation of the Unified Arab Sultanate had resulted in the movement of large numbers of migrant workers from Travancore to the nearby nation, to the point where almost one million Malayali now worked in the UAS in a variety of manual jobs while sending remittances back home. The situation had resulted in so-called 'Gulf Men', migrant workers who returned home with sufficient wealth to make them attractive marriage prospects for wealthier and more respected families; the 'Gulf Men' phenomenon was gradually altering Travancore's upper-middle class as more and more men from the working and lower-middle classes 'married up'. This meant that the kingdom always paid close attention to what happened in the Unified Arab Sultanate and also indirectly tied the UAS even more into the existing Ostafrikan economic menagerie. The recent ascension of Sultan Ibrahim had been warmly greeted by the Kingdom of Travancore and he had received a number of traditionally crafted Malayali gifts from the twenty-six year old Maharajah Vivaan Thirunal Rama Varma VII, more popularly known simply as Rama Varma VII. As the third Maharajah to reign under Ostafrikan protectorate status, Rama Varma VII possessed a keen understanding of how the OAG operated and how best to work with them. The ongoing situation between the Unified Arab Sultanate and their neighbours in Bahrain and Qatar had already piqued Travancore's interest, and Ostafrika's expanding role in the dispute gave Rama Varma VII an opportunity for his own personal intervention. While he was certainly concerned about the potential impact upon the Malayali working in the UAS and subsequently upon Travancore's economy, Rama Varma VII viewed the dispute as a chance to impress Dar es Salaam with his loyalty and therefore bank some political capital with the OAG in anticipation of his own future intentions.

As the primary residence of the Kulasekhara dynasty, Kuthiramalika Palace was a prime example of how the royal family did not really spend that much on themselves out of state revenues. Constructed in the 1840s, the 80 room palace was constructed from teakwood, rosewood, marble, and granite, with a wooden roof and a floor comprised of egg whites, charcoal, and limestone. While it was admittedly part of a wider royal complex in the city of Trivandum, Kuthiramalika Palace was not completely sealed away from the public. The palace courtyard was often used for public music festivals and open air theatrical productions, while guided weekly tours allowed visitors to see roughly a quarter of the palace interior; Rama Varma VII always made an appearance during courtyard events as well as the tours, as he felt that it was a good way of reinforcing the dynasty's link with their people. This particular morning saw a press statement being held in the immaculately tended courtyard of the palace, a podium set up in the middle of the central lawn with a folding chair positioned either side while a larger number of folding chairs had been arranged facing the podium. Various media representatives now occupied the chairs facing the podium, chatting away until three individuals made their way out of the palace and up to the podium. The youthful Maharajah was dressed in a white cotton suit which combined elements of traditional Malayali design as well as 'Western' influences, his dark and slightly shaggy hair worn loosely to his shoulders while his facial hair was neatly trimmed into a separated moustache and small goatee. At his left was Travancore's Prime Minister Bhajan Panachayil, a bespectacled man in his late fifties with slicked black hair and wearing a navy blue business suit; at the Maharajah's right was the smartly coiffed and suit-clad fourty-one year old Gerhard Fischer who held the position of Finanzberater or 'financial advisor'. Every protectorate or autonomous state within Freistaat Ostafrika received a Finanzberater who was appointed by the OAG, nominally tasked with assisting monarchs and their ilk with financial matters but actually acting as more of an unofficial viceroy and representative of Dar es Salaam. Upon reaching the podium, Rama Varma VII took his place standing behind it while Panachayil and Fischer took the seats flanking him. The Maharajah opened the folder which had awaited him on the podium and offered a slight smile to the media before addressing them.

"Ladies and gentlemen, thank you for coming here this morning. I would like to address the current developing situation in the Persian Gulf, a situation which has the potential to become a full-blown conflict. Twenty-two days ago Sultan Taimur of the Unified Arab Sultanate announced that he would be abdicating the throne, unfortunately his health had led him to make what was undoubtedly a difficult decision. Five days before his son and heir could officially assume the throne, the United Federation of Nations positioned a warship in the region in a clear reaction to Ibrahim's ascension to the throne. When Sultan Ibrahim criticised this, Federation President Barnes threw out a verbal attack not just upon the UAS but also upon Freistaat Ostafrika for potentially increasing their ties with the UAS. On April 25th, two days ago, additional Federation warships arrived in the region on the same day that Sultan Ibrahim and Vizedirektor Schwarzmann announced new cooperation between the UAS and Ostafrika. Those additional warships were not a reaction to the newly announced cooperation as they had obviously been dispatched before Vizedirektor Schwarzmann had even arrived in Muscat in order to arrive on that day. If President Barnes is truly the diplomat that he claims to be, then surely he must realise that the UFN is the escalating party in all this.

"Sultan Ibrahim had officially said nothing about Bahrain and Qatar before his formal ascension to the throne. Nothing. Yet the Federation sends a warship because they expect trouble, not realising that they themselves are causing the trouble by doing so. Sultan Ibrahim criticises them so they verbally attack him and Ostafrika before sending additional warships in anticipation of the UAS and Ostafrika increasing their cooperation. The UFN appear not to care that the new cooperation between Muscat and Dar es Salaam is aimed primarily at the threat of Al-Shams..."

He paused momentarily.

"Forgive me, I have now opened myself to attack by the UFN for mentioning them in the same sentence as Al-Shams. No doubt the Kingdom of Travancore will soon have Federation warships off our coast for such an egregious insult. The Federation seem to pride themselves on peacefulness and diplomacy yet in this instance there had been no attempt at diplomacy from them. Thus far, the only potentially aggressive action carried out against them has been Sultan Ibrahim making a speech. Apparently one person making a speech requires warships to be dispatched as a response. There has been no offer to discuss the situation, no attempt to defuse tensions. Instead the UFN evidently believe that a military build-up is the best way to solve the issues. They have taken no responsibility whatsoever for the fact that they began this escalation. The arrival of their first vessel was clearly meant to be a flexing of muscles, then they respond with incredulity when Sultan Ibrahim calls them out over it. They use his response to the vessel's arrival as justification for sending the vessel in the first place. Of course, having heard their low opinion of both the UAS and Freistaat Ostafrika, perhaps they believe that neither state is worth talking to.

"President Barnes requires a lesson, I feel. The Kingdom of Travancore has been aligned with Dar es Salaam for almost seventy years now, and we still retain our cultural uniqueness. I have travelled to eastern Africa and I have seen first-hand the rich and vibrant cultures which have flourished within Ostafrika's structure. It is possible that President Barnes simply misunderstands Ostafrika, that the UFN does not fully understand that Ostafrika has brought a great deal of security and stability to eastern Africa and the Indian Ocean region. They helped us with the issue of piracy, the Kingdom of Travancore has opportunties open to us which could have never been conceived without Ostafrika's assistance and support."

The Maharajah adopted a slightly more relaxed stance before continuing.

"The Federation obviously fail to see that their military response to Sultan Taimur's abdication and the ascension of Sultan Ibrahim is precisely the sort of action that colonisers of old used to practise. I believe it was known as 'gunboat diplomacy'. You cannot use the practises of a coloniser and and then complain when you are perceived to be one. If the UFN is truly interested in peace as they have always claimed then let us hear it. Show us a genuine interest in peace. All we have seen is Federation military deployment. What will be next?"

----------------------------------------------------

27 April 2018 - 07:15hrs [UTC+3]
Luxenberg Penthouse
Dar es Salaam, Freistaat Ostafrika

Präsident Friedrich Luxenberg was sat at the stylish cypress dining table in the second dining room of his expansive three-storey penthouse apartment, watching Rama Varma VII's speech live on the room's wall-mounted 52 inch television. He sipped at his coffee as he listened to the young monarch's words, but turned his attention away from the television as his son Tobias entered. Dressed in a white shirt, black tie, and black trousers, Tobias wore his black hair quite short and pushed his thin black spectacles further up the bridge of his nose as he took a seat next his father. Luxenberg's wife Lisbeth brought over the müsli that Tobias always had for breakfast and placed it in front of him, planting a gentle kiss on her son's forehead before returning to the kitchen to fetch her own breakfast. Tobias gestured towards the television with his spoon.

"What's he been saying?"

Luxenberg smiled slightly at the question. "Precisely the sort of things that we would have wanted him to say. Rama Varma VII is continuing to be one of our favourite monarchs, he's proving to be a genuine asset. Oh yes, I was interested to read your analysis of the Bugandan royal family. It's impressed quite a few people actually, there's a delegation going to visit the Karamojong clans who live to the north of Buganda and your name has been mentioned if you're interested in going."

Tobias nodded as he finished a mouthful of cereal. "It would be an excellent opportunity. As I understand it they've always retained their semi-nomadic way of life. I heard them mentioned while I was in Buganda, they aren't particularly popular because the Bugandan authorities see them as somewhat backward."

[Cotland]

MS Savannens Tårer
Cottish-flagged bulk carrier
Gulf of Aden, easterly course
27 April, 2018

The motorship Savannens Tårer, a 17,000 DWT bulk carrier four days out of Crete heading for Kuwait was steaming through the Gulf of Aden at an economic 14 knot speed, navigating the pirate-infested waters as best they could while still maintaining an economic and managable speed of advance. The vessel was lightly loaded, having taken on a varied cargo of concrete, a few thousand Cottish-made automatic rifles for the Kuwaiti domestic (read: international black) market, and woodchips (to cover the small-arms containers). While not entirely legal, by Cottish law, it wasn't entirely illegal either as long as the company paid tax off the profits, which they chose to do in order to retain the protection of the Cottish flag.

The official position of the Cottish Government was that it didn't really bother too much with the goings-on in far-away regions of the world unless it had an effect on Cottish national interests. Unfortunately for many parties throughout the world, infringing upon Cottish trade was considered to have an effect on Cottish national interests, as the Cottish government earned a pretty penny from taxes on Cottish shipping and hefty tariffs on trade brought home to Cottish shores by non-Cottish ships, generating a need for a sizable merchant navy and overseas business ventures. Hence, almost no matter where in the world's oceans one looked, there was a Cottish merchant presence. The Persian Gulf and Indian Ocean was no difference, with a significant number of Cottish-flagged and -manned tankers, bulk carriers and container ships sailing to and fro as the laws of trade required.

As the Cotland had managed to resist Christendom, often at sword-point, when it washed over the rest of Europe, the Cottish culture had developed somewhat differently from the rest of Europe with paganism remaining intact and religion having a fairly low impact on the modern Cot. Thus, the Cottish had a different sense of morality and what was allowed and what was not allowed compared to many other western countries. Add to this lax legislation in Cotland as to what its merchant ships could carry, as well as the Cottish penchant for trading with anyone who had the cash and morals be damned, international use of Cottish-flagged shipping was very popular, even through war zones as the Cottish were willing to do pretty much anything for money. Incidentally, this was also a participating cause for the disproportionatly large quantity of Cottish mercenaries around the world. Naturally, this could warrant undesirable attention from other nations with more moral qualms than the vikings of old, which meant that the Cottish maintained a significant miiltary capability to ensure its trade remained untouched.

Over the years, many attempts at hinder Cottish trade with pariahs of the world had led to severe retaliation from the Cottish, mostly in the form of a naval warship or ten providing a swift and heavy-handed reply to the Cottish displeasure at infringment upon their trade. The Cottish had waged a number of trade wars with a number of countries over the centuries, having developed from the hairy pagan raiders of Christian monestaries to hairy pagan merchants who traded with anyone who had money. That the majority of Cottish merchant ships carried a variety of small-arms and machine guns in order to protect themselves from pirates, coast guard inspectors and other pesky intruders was simply an insurance policy.

With this in mind, the Cottish generally relied on neutrality when it came to the stage of world affairs with the exception of the firm alliance with fellow pagan nation Layarteb. The two nations had been at each others teeth centuries ago, developed a grudging respect for each other on the field of battle which had matured into a strong and lasting friendship.

As such, the crew of Savannens Tårer didn't really fear much, even as news of the renewed spat between the United Federation of Nations and the Unified Arab Sultanate reached them. They had the Cottish flag flying from the mainmast, even though they didn't shine AIS due to the threat of Yemeni pirates, and kept a sharp lookout and kept live ammunition for the machine guns on the bridge wings close by the mounts. They also had the safe knowledge that there was a Cottish naval group cruising the Indian Ocean somewhere that could be called upon if something happened.

OOC: Consider this a glorified TAG!

[-The United Federation of Nations-]

President of the United Federation of Nations Sebastian Barnes
Bing Concert Hall, Stanford University
Republic of California, The United Federation of Nations
Friday 27th April 2018, 1900hrs Local Time

President Barnes smiled broadly as he stepped out onto the stage of the Bing Concert Hall, which had been appropriated for this event today, and waved to the applauding crowd of students as he made his way towards the centre where a single stood sat with a low table and glass of iced water upon it, along with a microphone. Ever since he had been elected Federation Councillor Barnes had regularly held townhall meetings to ensure that he stayed in touch with his constituents, and he saw no reason why he should not continue to do so now as President, although naturally they would be far higher profile events. Indeed, this particular event was being recorded by television cameras and, although he did not know it yet, some of his comments would become the top story of the evening news in a few hours now. Barnes enjoyed interacting with students; those that turned out to events like these tended to be the smart, engaged ones and more often than not provided thoughtful, insightful questions, and he did his best to provide thought-provoking answers in return. Moreover, these young men and women were the next generation, and he was more than happy to help foster their development.

“Good Evening everyone,” He smiled broadly. “For those who don’t know me, I am Sebastian Barnes… I’m President of the United Federation of Nations.”

A rumble of laughter greeted his quip, and the lingering nervousness disappeared; the first student selected to ask a question looked very relieved about this as he stepped forwards.

“Mister President, you have long been a supporter of the idea that those nations wishing to join the Federation should not do so simply for the military protect our Federation can offer,” The Student commented. “Why is that? The Federation is made stronger, both practically and culturally, politically and as a society by each member that joins, why does it matter why they join?”

“A good question, and one with a nuanced answer,” Barnes nodded.

“A member-state that joins simply to benefit from the protection that we can offer would be solely interested in the physical, the tangible, aspects of the Federation; strength in numbers, strength of economy and strength of arms, persuasive of course, but there remains, even if far from the truth, the unspoken power dynamic between the stronger whole and the lone member-state,” Barnes replied thoughtfully. “When a member-state joins because of the intangible bonds of shared ideals, principles and vision joins because they want to work together with like-minded states to built a better future, together; when a state joins for those aspects there is the very real power dynamic of equals, regardless of size, it is not for no reason that every member state gets equal representation.”

“That is not to say that mutual defence will not be a consideration; but it must never be the primary one; Malta, for example, was often at risk of invasion, and yet they only sought Federation membership after years of my work as Special Envoy, exploring and developing the links between the ideals of the Federation and the values of the Maltese people, they did not just just for our protection,” Barnes added firmly. “Likewise, in the Persian Gulf at the moment; Bahrain and Qatar are not considering Federation membership solely for protection from foreign aggression, rather, as two moderate states in a very radical part of the world, their values and goals are in line with our own, and it is the future we can build together that drives talks of their joining the Federation, not our superior military power.”

“Some have called such an approach, and the valuable work of Federation Special Envoys, as insidious, but they could not be more wrong; the Federation is always open about it’s intentions, and never seeks to push our views, or our goals, on others, whether openly or subtly; we greet the world with an open hand,” Barnes continued. “Those that join the Federation, whilst able to leave at any time of their own free will, are, in general, in for the long-haul; building the future together; the Federation has not survived three hundred years by bringing in members that only see the short-term gains that membership offers, and not the long-term future we hope to build.”

Another round of polite applause rolled around the concert hall before silence fell and the next student stepped forward to ask his question.

“Mister President, I’m sure you’ve seen speech given by the Maharajah of the Kingdom of Travancore; an Ostafrikan client state,” The student commented. “Do you have any comments in relation to this?”

“You Stanford lot don’t hold back,” Barnes chuckled. “For those of you who don’t know, the Maharajah’s speech related to the stationing of Federation warships in the Persian Gulf.”

Barnes paused and took a sip of the water before continuing.

“My main comment in response would be to suggest that the Maharajah consult a history book; the United Arab Sultanate has long coveted control of both Bahrain and Qatar, certainly since they both refused to join the UAS some decades ago; and both states rightly fear a renewal of this imperialistic desire with every new Sultan; a fear which I do not believe is unreasonable, it is par for the course,” Barnes replied evenly. “Moreover this time is different in one key respect; specifically the education of the new Sultan in Ostafrika; not only as the corporate state been expanding it’s influence, and it’s territory through client states, all over the region, but it is not unreasonable again to fear Ostafrikan military strength be used to support the Sultanate’s desires for Bahrain and Qatar.”

“The potential threat posed by the Sultanate against Bahrain and Qatar on it’s own would have been enough to raise fears in both those states, this combined with a very real Ostafrikan connection in the new Sultan, whether this would result in expansion efforts by Ostafrika themselves or on behalf of the Sultan, was enough to cause very real concerns and fears in both the states,” Barnes continued. “It is or that reason, and that reason alone, that, at the request of both the Emir of Qatar and the King of Bahrain, that I ordered the United Defence Force to deploy the Warship Excelsior to the region, her orders merely to defend those states in the event of any aggression; it was not, in any way, muscle-flexing on the part of the Federation; we have no need, Malta, I believe, shows our commitment to our friends and member-states.”

“Moreover, before anyone mistakes my meaning, I do not mean to say that Federation would only protect those states if they became Federation member-states or protectorates; whilst it may be true that the developing situation encourages them to do so, the UDF will protect both Bahrain and Qatar regardless of their political status.”

Barnes paused and took a sip of water.

“I cannot help but feel that the Maharajah is being… creative, with his interpretation of the Sultan’s speech upon his ascension to the Sultanate; I, and I know many of you and others all over the Federation, share the view that his words, in effect comparing the Federation; a bastion of freedom, democracy and decency, to the terrorist group Al-Shams, as an affront and an attack,” Barnes began again. “If the comments had been an aside, or an unguarded moment, then they could, perhaps, be seen in that light, but they were, instead, a deliberate and purposeful provocation; and a very real indicator of the combative approach that the new Sultan intends to adopt; an indicator which has only heightened the concerns of the Bahraini and Qatari government, understandably so.”

“The UDF Senior Officer in the Persian Gulf, Commander Julian Armstrong, made the tactical decision, with knowledge of the Sultan’s speech, in which he indicated military support for the UAS by Ostafrika, that he needed additional ships; as I said before, the Federation protects it’s friends and allies as if they were a member-state, our ships are there to do just that, not just to look pretty,” Barnes continued. “Their purpose there is not ‘Gunboat Diplomacy’, despite what the Maharajah would like to have us believe, our ships are there to protect our friends, not to take over; and it is for that reason that we have not reached out to the Sultanate, or Ostafrika; we are not there to start a fight, we are there to support Qatar and Bahrain, and it is their lead that we follow; after all they are not part of our Federation, it would not be right for us to usurp their own diplomatic processes.”

“If the Sultan, or his Ostafrikan friends, view the presence of Federation Warships in the Persian Gulf as a provocation, one must as the question why; does the presence of our ships in the region throw a wrench into their plans perhaps? I don’t know, but I suggest that they consider their positions before proceeding; we are not flexing our military strength; our ships have remained in allied waters and have not conducted incursions of Sultanate territorial waters as the would if that was the case, they are merely there to protect our friends, and if anyone has a problem with that, then they need to consider their own motives and, again, I would strongly recommend the Maharajah acquaint himself with a good history book; two in fact; one on the UAS, and one on the UFN; our history and what we stand for.”

Barnes paused and smiled.

“Now, I’m fairly sure my tone and the measured, academic nature of my answer, should prevent anyone from turning my words into a rant, a rave, or an attack” Barnes commented, to another wave of laughter. “Now, let’s get something less controversial, shall we?”

[Freistaat-Ostafrika]

30 April 2018 - 09:30hrs [UTC+3]
OAG Headquarters
Dar es Salaam, Freistaat Ostafrika

"So it would appear that the United Federation of Nations is not as easily dissuaded as certain analysis indicated."

Präsident Luxenberg paused to take a sip of coffee while he gave his statement time to sink in. The weekly meeting of the Aufsichtsrat had started in the usual fashion, going over the minutes of the previous meeting before proceeding with the scheduled business on the meeting agenda. For this particular meeting the agenda was dominated by the continuing situation between the Unified Arab Sultanate and the United Federation of Nations, and the increasing involvement of not only the OAG but also the company's various client states and puppet regimes. While Luxenberg's statement was clearly aimed directly at Bernhard Oberholzer for his previous declarations that Bahrain and Qatar could be taken before the UFN arrived, and that the UFN under President Barnes would be more likely to talk than deploy military assets, the OAG Präsident refrained for addressing him directly or adding his name to the statement. After Luxenberg finished sipping at his coffee, he continued speaking and broke the silence which had settled within the conference room.

"To be blunt gentlemen, this situation is meandering rather oddly. We have our foothold in the UAS and permission to deploy forces within their borders so we have achieved our primary aim. We decided at our meeting on April 4th that if an opportunity arose to seize Bahrain and Qatar then we would take it, but we did not decide that we would seize them regardless of the situation. I have read through the reports from Ambassador Schneider in the Unified Arab Sultanate and while he expressed sympathy for Sultan Ibrahim's desire to control Bahrain and Qatar, he did not actually commit us to anything. He may have suggested that Ostafrikan personnel may decide to volunteer to fight on the side of the Sultanate in a conflict but he did not state that such a thing was definite. Vizedirektor Schwarzmann also privately expressed our sympathy with Ibrahim's point of view during his visit but also did not commit us to anything specific regarding any potential UAS action against Bahrain and Qatar. Maharajah Rama Varma VII is to be commended for his attempt to intervene, he is continuing the tradition of Travancore being a model state within our sphere. I think we should find some way to reward Travancore for their continuing loyalty."

"Seconded." Vizepräsident Bertram Denker nodded after raising his hand. "Rewarding Travancore will not only reinforce their loyalty but may also spur other autonomous kingdoms to demonstrate their loyalty. I would recommend waiting until after the current situation has been resolved, otherwise we may find overenthusiastic monarchs making things worse in an attempt to curry favour."

"Agreed." Luxenberg cast his eye around the table at the other Aufsichtsrat members. "We shall hold off on rewarding Travancore until the UFN situation is behind us. Now, President Sebastian Barnes. He has been rather unpleasant about us in his statements since coming to power and is clearly tying us to Sultan Ibrahim's ambitions regarding Bahrain and Qatar. Given the current circumstances it is highly unlikely that we will receive an opportunity to assist Ibrahim with his ambitions in the near future so perhaps now is the time for Dar es Salaam to finally issue a statement on the situation. Bernhard, what is your opinion?"

Bernhard Oberholzer appeared to be deep in thought for a few moments before he replied. "Herr Präsident, I would issue a statement making it absolutely clear that any issues between the UAS, Bahrain, and Qatar should be resolved by the UAS, Bahrain, and Qatar. The UFN were apparently asked to send a warship by Bahrain and Qatar, make it clear that we were approached by Sultan Ibrahim. Bahrain and Qatar were apparently fearful of Ibrahim's ambitions, well Ibrahim was concerned by a complete lack of diplomacy on their behalf. After all, they have not said anything during all of this. The UFN has done all the talking from that side of the situation.

"Clearly state that we are not stationing forces within the UAS in order to strike at Bahrain and Qatar. We are there to help Muscat against Al-Shams and to help to defend the Sultanate against attack. We could also express our regret at the fact that President Barnes has expressed such a low opinion of us as we believed that he would be open to the idea of greater cooperation between us on matters such as piracy, particularly as we have not actually done anything to warrant such an attitude aside from stepping in to support a concerned friend."

Luxenberg drummed his fingers on the conference table for a moment. "I think that you are on the right track with that, Bernhard. Remind everyone that we are simply reacting to Sultan Ibrahim's request, categorically deny that we are supposedly planning an attack on Bahrain and Qatar. Yes, I think that this would be a good approach. Have the Department of External Relations issue a statement this afternoon."

----------------------------------------------------

That afternoon, the Department of External Relations issued the following release:

Department of External Relations of Freistaat Ostafrika
Official Communiqué from the Vizedirektor of External Affairs

In recent weeks there has been a developing situation between the government of the Unified Arab Sultanate and the governments of the Kingdom of Bahrain and the Emirate of Qatar, regarding the sovereignty of Bahrain and Qatar due to a claim asserted by the Unified Arab Sultanate. During the course of this developing situation several remarks and accusations have been leveled at Freistaat Ostafrika by the government of the United Federation of Nations and more specifically by the newly elected President Sebastian Barnes.

Freistaat Ostafrika wish to make it clear that we have no plans to invade Bahrain or Qatar, either unilaterally or on behalf of the Unified Arab Sultanate. We have never made any suggestion of an Ostafrikan invasion to the government of the UAS. Our impending military presence in the UAS is specifically for the purposes of assisting Muscat against the Al-Shams terrorist organisation and to assist Muscat with defending their territory if they should come under attack. We find it interesting that Bahrain and Qatar invite the UFN to send a warship due to their concern about the Sultanate, yet seemingly no-one can understand that Sultan Ibrahim could feel similarly about a Federation warship entering the area so close to his ascension to the throne. This concern may have been exacerbated by the fact that thus far Bahrain and Qatar have issued no statement on the situation. The UFN may state that they are following the lead of the two states in this, but neither state has expressed their intentions as yet.

We also regret the stance that President Barnes has evidently adopted in regard to Freistaat Ostafrika. He has consistently made disparaging comments about our nation because he believes that we are involved in some nefarious plot to attack Bahrain and Qatar. We are not. Every statement he has made on this situation has been coloured by his perception of Ostafrika as an instigating influence. He appears to believe that we are some form of malign power. We assist in combating piracy in the region, we work to keep vital trade routes open in the Indian Ocean, we have made no offensive move against Bahrain and Qatar yet he continues to discuss us negatively. It is interesting that we are in the same situation with him that he claims the UFN is in with Sultan Ibrahim. He states that apparently Sultan Ibrahim is issuing baseless accusations of aggression against the UFN, yet he himself constantly refers to Ostafrika despite the fact that our only involvement to date in the situation is that we are helping a friend with their defense. Just as the UFN state they are doing. Our government has made no official statement on this situation because, in our opinion, it should be resolved between the Sultanate, Bahrain, and Qatar. This has not prevented President Barnes from scaremongering about us, unfortunately.

If President Barnes has proof that Freistaat Ostafrika is planning to attack Bahrain and Qatar then let him present it. If he has no such proof then we would request that he stop referring to us as if we are planning such an action. We would also suggest that Bahrain and Qatar step forward to clearly state their own intentions in this developing situation. Freistaat Ostafrika have remained silent up until now as we are no more than a peripheral part of this. Bahrain and Qatar are central parts of this situation, and their silence raises questions about their intentions and the lead that they expect the UFN to follow.

The Ostafrikan government is hopeful that a mutually satisfactory and peaceful conclusion can be found to this issue.

Dietrich Albrecht
Vizedirektor of External Affairs

---------------------------------------------------------------------------------

[-The United Federation of Nations-]

Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Bahrain Hamid Bin Salman
Parliament House, Manama
The Kingdom of Bahrain
Tuesday 1st May 2018, 0900hrs Local Time

Hamid Bin Salman stepped up to the podium, erected on the steps of the Bahraini Parliament House, and looked around at the gathered reporters and television cameras. At his side was the Qatari Ambassador, Abdulllah bin Khalifi, on one side, and Commander Armstrong of the UDF on the other. This press conference had been called late the previous night, following a supposedly secret (which of course meant that everyone knew about it) meeting between the Prime Minister, the Qatari Ambassador, Colonel Armstrong and the UFN Special Envoy who had jumped on the first flight back to the Federation after that meeting. The Excelsior had returned to Manama Harbour, at the request of the Bahraini Prime Minister, shortly after the Ostafrikans had broken their silence, ironically in order to slam Qatar and Bahrain for not dong the same, in order to ensure that there was still a Federation representative for this press conference; which given the contents was a very good thing. The long and short of it was that the Bahraini Government, and it’s Qatari counterparts, had had enough of being slandered for their, well-founded and historical, fears of what the UAS would do to them given half the chance, and that the Ostafrikans would give them that very chance.

Now was time to set the record straight, and to move forwards.

“Good Morning, Ladies and Gentleman, and thank you all for coming so early. I am here today to respond to the statement from the Ostafrikan foreign ministry yesterday afternoon, and to address the ongoing tensions in the region, and to make an announcement that I am confident will ensure peace and prosperity for Bahrain, and our friends in the Emirate of Qatar,” Salman said firmly, gesturing to the Qatari Ambassador. “Let me first say this; my Government, and that of the Emirate, requested that the United Federation of Nations dispatch a warship to aid in our defence because we had, and still have, vey real fears that the United Arab Sultanate will attempt to invade our lands, as they have threatened to do many times in the past, ever since we rejected their offer to join the UAS.”

“This is not an idle fear; every new Sultan has brought about new uncertainty for Bahrain, and for Qatar, and this time was no different; indeed our fears were heightened by the background of the current Sultan; raised in Ostafrika we feared that the Sultan would make use of these links to use their military force to aid in his invasion of Bahrain and/or Qatar in the years to come,” Salman continued, gathering pace now. “This fear would seem to be justified by the announcement of closer military co-operation between the UAS and the FO; now they may cite the presence of the Federation Warship in the Persian Gulf as provocation for that, but it is not like this is the first time the UFN has deployed ships to this part of the world, indeed at least three ships were already deployed as part of Task Force 100 off Yemen, fighting piracy; just like the Ostafrikans.”

Salman paused.

“Whether justified or not, many of us in this part of the world have a certain perspective of the Freistaat Ostafrika, as a spiders web of client states and puppet leaders; that is not something either Bahrain or Qatar wish to be part of, and closer links between the Sultanate and Ostafrika raise additional concerns that it would not just be the ambitions of the Sultanate that would threaten us,” Salman stated. “By contrast the United Federation of Nations, with a proven record of openness, autonomy and trustworthiness, has been our stalwart ally; ensuring our protection despite the slanderous and insulting remarks that have been hurled against them as a result, and although they have long offered membership to Bahrain, and to Qatar, neither their protection, nor their friendship, has been reliant on a positive answer.”

“That being said; it is clear to us now that the days of neutrality are coming to an end, and that very same unwavering loyalty, without expectations of anything in return, that has convinced me, and my colleagues here and in Qatar, of the right course of action,” Salman continued. “After consulting with both our governments, our cabinets and our democratic representatives, it is my distinct honour to announce that, subject to a referendum to confirm the matter, the Kingdom of Bahrain, and the Emirate of Qatar, will be joining the United Federation of Nations.”

As surprised gasps and hurried murmurs and chatter broke out in the watching crowd, as well as more than a few cheers and shouts of approval, Salman stepped forward and allowed Ambassador Khalifi to step forwards.

“Both the Emir’s Government, and that of the Kingdom of Bahrain, are of the opinion that the United Federation of Nations provides the best chance that both our states have for a peaceful, prosperous future, and one in which we will retain the vast majority of our due national sovereignty; it is a Federation of nations after all, and the UFNs record on member-state autonomy is well-documented,” Khalifi began. “Moreover, in a part of the world that is blighted by radicalism and fundamentalism in Yemen, and other places, both the Emirate, and the Kingdom, have long stood as moderate voices, preaching tolerance and understanding; this diversity is something that the UFN has long championed and it is comforting to know that our values align, perhaps despite our cultural differences.”

“As President Barnes, who does not deserve the rhetoric being targeted against him, said a few days ago at Stanford University; the Federation’s member-states should not join merely for military protection; the same is true for Qatar and for Bahrain; we are not joining merely for their defence, but rather to help build a moderate, respectful, peaceful and prosperous world together,” Khalifi added, turning and smiling to Commander Armstrong. “As Prime Minister Salman said, the decision made by our governments will have to be confirmed by our people, but I am confident that we have both judged the mood and public opinion of our respective populaces, and these referenda will rather serve to underline our commitment to the ideals of the Federation we wish to join, and all those we reject.”

[Layarteb]

---

• • • † • • •

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Friday, April 27, 2018 | 13:14 hrs [UTC+3]

---

Gulf of Aden | ILS Marvin J. McCollum (DDGN-115)
12° 45' 51" N, 48° 19' 16" E

Despite being infested with pirates, the Gulf of Aden was a high traffic waterway. The perpetual presence of a warship from Combined Task Force 100 naturally made it safer but only so safe. In response to CTF-100, the pirates had gotten craftier in their attacks, striking at dawn, dusk, and at odd hours of the night. They listened to radios and watched AIS beacons for targets, spotting them from afar thanks to the high terrain around Al Mukalla and elsewhere along the Yemeni coastline. The most recent attack had been three weeks earlier when a pair of skiffs from Al Mukalla attempted to attack an oil tanker. The attack had been thwarted by the ship's private security detail and though the skiffs were not destroyed, the pirates had taken some casualties and deemed the seizure of the tanker too costly. They returned to Al Mukalla shortly thereafter.

In the Gulf of Aden, the ILS Marvin J. McCollum (DDGN-115), a Hughes-class, guided-missile destroyer had been on patrol for the better part of six weeks now. They had two more weeks on station before they were due to be replaced and the crew of the warship were more than happy to have it end. Thus far, the ship had been privy to a lot of action but only over the radio. They had yet to respond to a single incident in time to do anything and now the glitz, the glam, and the prospect of action on an anti-piracy patrol had faded. The sailors were bored and they were becoming complacent. Commander Zachary Gonzales, the skipper of the McCollum had noticed it already and he'd task his senior staff with giving everyone a kick in the ass. Complacency, especially off the coast of Yemen was terrible. Accidents could happen all too easily.

The skipper was presently on the bridge of the McCollum, seated in his chair with a pair of binoculars to his eyes. Eight nautical miles in the distance, the Cottish bulk carrier, Savannens Tårer was slowly overtaking the vessel as the McCollum was moving three knots slower than the Cottish ship was. Unlike the Cottish ship, the McCollum had no where to be except here, on patrol. Once the Cottish ship was acquired visually, it was kept track of by both radar and the watch standers. Neither ship would come close to one another but watch standers needed to account for every ship within visual range at all times and the ILN did not skimp on the basics. Skimping on the basics led to accidents, collisions, casualties, and deaths.

Not far from the skipper was Lieutenant Alan Carr, the navigation officer. Carr's job was relatively simple on this patrol. Yet, basic navigation was not something to ignore. Even in a situation as relatively simple as this was, Carr was still running through his exercises and his training. Training never stopped in the navy. Coming up to the skipper, Carr had a cup of warm coffee in one hand a cup of piping hot coffee in the other. This one he handed to the skipper. "She's overtaking us finally," Carr said to the skipper, making idle conversation.

"Yes she is, I suspect she's more concerned with getting through these waters than keeping her schedule."

"I can't imagine it would be good if she were seized by some pirates, given what she's probably carrying."

"Everyone wonders what they're carrying," Gonzales said with a laugh. "You can always trust that the Cottish are smuggling something. It's one of those open secrets but that's none of our business. Unless they're smuggling weapons to Al-Shams, which is a million-to-one shot, what their cargo is, isn't our business."

"No sir it isn't," Carr answered as he looked through his own binoculars and saw the Cottish-flagged vessel. "Let's just hope the pirates leave that one alone."

"If they get brave this might be our only action of this patrol. I'm hoping not to encounter them, lest something go wrong fast but let's just say if it does I won't feel bad about it Carr."

"No sir."

"Speaking of which, about how long until we run near Al Mukalla?"

"About ten hours sir, we're going to be coming around thirty-five nautical miles off the coast."

"That's close enough I gather, good work. Let's stay on this course. We'll pass well behind the Cottish ship with our current course and that's fine with me." The McCollum would continue heading on a northeasterly course as she transited the Gulf of Aden.

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• • • † • • •

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[Freistaat-Ostafrika]

1 May 2018 - 10:05hrs [UTC+3]
Al Alam Palace
Muscat, Unified Arab Sultanate

Ambassador Schneider had tuned into the broadcast from Bahrain earlier that morning with some degree of interest to hear what the latest salvo in the ongoing war of words would sound like, and needless to say he had been caught offguard by the announcement that Bahrain and Qatar were actually pushing ahead with intentions to join the United Federation of Nations. It had only been minutes after the end of the announcement that the Ostafrikan embassy in Muscat had been contacted by Al Alam Palace to demand that the ambassador meet with Sultan Ibrahim immediately, but that was something which had not caught Schneider offguard. The decision by Bahrain and Qatar was effectively putting an unsurmountable block on any UAS ambitions towards them because the Sultanate would be considerably outmatched militarily by the UFN, and it was entirely likely that Sultan Ibrahim might be about to demand that Ostafrika assist him in any potential military action that he was hoping to commit. If that were to be the case then Schneider's task would be to ensure that the Sultan was dissuaded from such an endeavour. After all, Ostafrika's primary aim in all of this was to bring the Sultanate more deeply into their orbit and while Muscat would undoubtedly be appreciative if Dar es Salaam joined with them in an attempt to conquer Bahrain and Qatar, Ostafrika did not relish the possibility of entering a military conflict with the United Federation of Nations as there were no guarantees that such a conflict would end well. As far as Ostafrika were concerned, Bahrain and Qatar were no longer on the table for the UAS. So Ambassador Schneider would have to use an alternate method to draw Ibrahim and the Sultanate into Dar es Salaam's web.

After making the sixteen minute car journey from the Ostafrikan embassy to Al Alam Palace, Ambassador Schneider was hurriedly escorted by a palace aide into the Sultan's favourite place for more informal meetings, the well-tended grounds and gardens which provided a welcome splash of lush greenery to the royal residence. Sure enough Sultan Ibrahim was already outside, looking thoughtfully into a clear pond as Schneider approached. A wave of the Sultan's hand dismissed the aide who had escorted the ambassador.

"Bahrain and Qatar have announced that they are joining the United Federation of Nations, and that Ostafrika's direct intervention spurred them into announcing the decision." Ibrahim turned to glare at Schneider. "How are we to take our rightful territory now?! If we attack them now then we would essentially be attacking the UFN, and international opinion would be stage-managed against us by the spin doctors and lie-mongers from North America! The Federation have insulted us, Bahrain and Qatar have insulted us, and Ostafrika has been of little help during all this!"

Schneider raised his eyebrows at the Sultan. "Your Majesty, while we did not expect such a declaration from the two states so soon, it is not exactly a surprise that they have proceeded down this route. As for your analysis of our role in all this...I must respectfully disagree. We have provided the UAS with public support, we are in the process of stationing forces within the UAS to strengthen your hand against Al-Shams and any potential hostile states, and we will continue to stand with you in what will most surely be difficult times ahead."

"Difficult times ahead?! You think it will get worse?!"

"Yes, Your Majesty. Bahrain and Qatar must still ratify their membership and the Federation will not permit any interference in that. The announcement earlier this morning undoubtedly means that we shall soon see a steady stream of Federation troops, aircraft, and even more vessels into Bahrain and Qatar. Such new deployments would be made to ensure that Bahrain and Qatar 'feel safe' and do not have to worry about the Unified Arab Sultanate. You stood up to the UFN in public. They will now regard you and the UAS as a genuine threat to what will be their territory, so they will always be watching your actions from now on. As a potential threat to Federation national security, you may be targeted for assassination or overthrown in a Federation sponsored coup. They might even decide to position nuclear weapons in the region as a deterrent against Sultanate activities."

Ibrahim shook his head. "They wouldn't dare!"

"I wouldn't be so sure, Your Majesty. They saw nothing wrong in responding to your ascension to the throne by dispatching a warship to the region. You weren't cowed by that so more vessels arrived. There is only so much room in the Persian Gulf for warship patrols, so any further Federation attempts to reduce the threat that you pose to them could be more substantial. Much more. If the Federation station nuclear weapons in Bahrain and Qatar, how will the UAS match that?"

Schneider paused to let that sink in, then continued. "Consider what might happen if the Federation use Bahrain and Qatar as a starting point in the region. Eventually the UAS could find themselves neighbouring Yemen to the west and a massive Federation presence throughout the rest of the Arabian Peninsula, achieved through diplomacy, subterfuge, and possibly military conquest. In that situation, the UAS would effectively be alone if it were not for Ostafrika. The other nations of the world have their own problems to deal with and are unlikely to bat an eyelid if the UFN were to turn their military on the Unified Arab Sultanate, you know this and I know this. If Bahrain and Qatar are truly so terrified of you then the UFN may well incorporate the UAS into the Federation by force or seek to disarm you by force. Freistaat Ostafrika would do our utmost to help you in such a situation but I think the key is to ensure that military conflict is not given an opportunity to erupt. We must find our own way to deter the UFN."

Ibrahim cast a questioning look at Schneider. "The only way to deter them would be for us to have our own nuclear weapons, surely?"

"Your Majesty, if the UAS were to acquire nuclear weapons then Al-Shams would make this nation a priority target and you would earn the critical eye of every nation on the planet. There is a political method of deterrent if you would be willing to explore it, one which would secure your position as Sultan and ensure that the UAS does not come under attack. Of course not everyone in the Sultanate would necessarily approve."

"What are you proposing, Herr Schneider?"

Schneider steeled himself before speaking it aloud. "The Unified Arab Sultanate could join the Ostafrikanische Freihandelszone."

"The 'free trade zone'? You suggest that the UAS defend itself from the UFN by becoming an Ostafrikan client state?"

"With all due respect, Your Majesty...the Unified Arab Sultanate is already closely tied to Ostafrika. You have already agreed to purchase military equipment from us, you are leasing military facilities to us. Ostafrika is one of your primary trading partners, and the Kingdom of Travancore provides almost one million migrant workers to the UAS economy. The benefits of joining the Ostafrikanische Freihandelszone would massively outweigh any perceived downsides. Frictionless trade with the rest of the zone would make food imports for the Sultanate cheaper for a start, plus there is the inevitable investment that would flood into the UAS from the OAG itself. Joining the zone would also send a clear message to the United Federation of Nations that the Unified Arab Sultanate is not a viable target. It would simply be a deepening of the already strong relationship between the Sultanate and Ostafrika.

"I do of course realise that it would be a significant decision so it would be best to take time to consider it. The UFN is unlikely to do anything against the Sultanate until after Bahrain and Qatar have officially joined them as members; whatever you decide to do, I would suggest having a course of action decided so that you can respond to their announcement of membership."

[-The United Federation of Nations-]

President of the United Federation of Nations Sebastian Barnes
Federation Tower, Phoenix
The Commonwealth of the Mojave, United Federation of Nations
Wednesday 2nd May 2018, 0900hrs Local Time

Sebastian Barnes smiled broadly as he strode into Federation Council Chambers to a standing ovation; Bahrain and Qatar announcing their intention to join the Federation was a vindication of the hard work that Barnes had put in over the past decade as Secretary of the Exterior, and his gentle handling of the crisis with the Unified Arab Sultanate. Despite what his opponents in Ostafrika and it’s client states had tried to say, his reputation as a diplomat was stronger than ever, certainly in the Federation itself. After all, here was the man that had identified Bahrain as a moderate influence early, and had worked closely with the Emirate of Qatar over recent years to bring it’s civil rights up to a standard that would be required for Federation membership, all the while working tirelessly to maintain the cultural uniqueness of both states; and laying the ground work for the same should they choose to become a part of the Federation. Not only that but he had taken the brunt of the rhetoric of the UAS and the FO in order to give Bahrain and Qatar to fully, properly, consider their options, rather than to elect for Federation membership as a knee-jerk reaction.

Instead they had been able to take their time, and their decision to join the Federation had been made for the right reasons; not just merely the desire for the protection of the United Defence Force.

Barnes stopped to shake the hands of the Councillors on either side of the floor before making his way to the raised platform at the eastern end of the room upon which a podium bearing the seal of the President of the United Federation of Nations was emblazoned. Although he knew it to be essentially a formality Barnes still had a vitally important role to play before Bahrain and Qatar could conduct their referenda to confirm their government’s decision to bring them into the Federation. Specifically the Federation Council had to vote to accept Bahrain and Qatar’s request to join. Whilst it was true that the Federation President, both Barnes and his predecessor, had been making overtures through the Federation Special Envoy, the fact of the matter was that the Council technically still had to vote to accept their request, in principle, to ensure that when the referendum results came in the process of joining would be smooth and efficient. Indeed, this vote would allow the Federation Government to make preparations, working under the assumption that the referendum would return the result that everyone expected, and that the overnight polls had suggested.

“Good Morning, thank you for your welcome, we have a great deal to cover this morning, Councillors, so I suggest we get right down to it as quickly as possible,” Barnes said simply and with a smile. “Our first order of business, the application by the Kingdom of Bahrain and the Emirate of Qatar to join the Federation, I suggest a straight up-down vote, any objections?”

Barnes waited a few moments to allow any Councillor who wished to object to do so before nodding.

“Very well, the issue before the Council is the application of the Kingdom of Bahrain, subject to internal referendum,” Barnes began. “All those of the opinion that this application be accepted, in principle, let it be known.”

“AYE.” Was the resounding response.

Barnes was fairly sure that the vote was unanimous, it was certainly enough to pass the motion, but procedure required that he give any dissenting voice an opportunity to be heard on the official record.

“All those of the opinion that this application be rejected, in principle, let it be known.”

The silence was as resounding as the previous response had been, in its own way.

With the vote completed the gathered Councillors, their aides and those in the public gallery, broke out into applause at the decision that they had made and shook hands with each other. In particular two individuals from the public gallery, the ambassadors to the Federation from Bahrain and Qatar, made their way over and shook hands with the Councillors that had just voted to accept their nation into the United Federation of Nations. Barnes allowed this to go on for a few minutes before raising his hands for silence, and watched as all present returned to their seats, save for the Bahrain Ambassador who would now speak.

“Mister President… honourable Councillors, I speak now on behalf of my King, and my learned friend from Qatar; we thank the Federation Council for this vote today; it is a recognition of everything that Bahrain and Qatar have strove to gain and develop over the past decades,” The Bahrain Ambassador said formally from the Council floor. “As we moved away from extremism to progress, and yet never losing our faith, nor our culture, this vote today is proof that such is possible, and it is my sincere hope that, as members of the UFN, Bahrain and Qatar will serve as shining examples of what is possible.”

The Ambassador paused.

“The advocacy of President Barnes, whose stance on states joining the Federation purely for defensive needs, is also deeply encouraging as it proves that the we are not simply joining for defence from our foes, current and future,” The Ambassador continued. “And yet, regretfully, my first words before this Council must be in relation to such needs; the same threat that has encouraged the deployment of Federation Warships to the Persian Gulf still remains, indeed it may have heightened.”

The Ambassador paused again.

“Many in my nation, and in Qatar, fear that the Unified Arab Sultanate may choose this moment to strike and take what they believe to be theirs; before we formally join the Federation, and before the protection of the UDF is guaranteed,” The Ambassador commented. “Therefore, it is the request of both the Bahraini and Qatari Governments that the Federation Council authorise the deployment of a larger naval force during this most dangerous time, to supplement our defence.”

Barnes did not look surprised by the request, mainly because the request had already been made directly to his office; but this kind of non-routine deployment required consent by the Federation Council; as it had the very real potential of raising tensions. However, Barnes was confident that it would do nothing of the sort; if the Ostafrika Connection was as real as Barnes suspected, and UDF Intelligence believed it was, then the Ostafrikans would likely serve as a calming influence on the Unified Arab Sultanate. If the UAS was on its own it was, perhaps, possible, that they would try to strike now and try and achieve a fait accompli before Bahrain and Qatar voted for Federation membership. It would not work, of course, given that once a state request Federation membership, but before it was ratified, they became a de facto Federation protectorate, with all the defensive implications that entailed. As such Barnes was not surprised when the vote passed, again unanimous, after all the integrity and reliability of the Federation political system during the joining process was essential for encouraging states to join in the future.

Rear Admiral Edward Ross, UDF Fleet
USS Reprisal CVN-12
Persian Gulf
Monday 14th May 2018, 1500hrs Local Time

In the afternoon of the twelfth day after the request for her presence had been made the Federation Supercarrier Reprisal was cutting her way through the waters of the Persian Gulf. As soon as the orders had came through the Reprisal, and her nuclear powered lead escort; light cruiser USS Spitifre, had sped ahead of their conventionally powered escorts, which had to consider fuel and replacements at sea, in order to reach the Persian Gulf as quickly as possible. Which, from the South Pacific, still took the better part of two weeks. Under normal circumstances the UDF Fleet would not dream of sending a carrier in without its entire escort group consisting of one light cruiser, four destroyers and two frigates, plus attached fleet submarines, but someone in UDF Command had decided that the chances of actually being engaged were unlikely. In any case the Reprisal did have the Spitfire with her, not to mention the three frigates that had already been deployed to the region and, if push came to shove, the Warship Excelsior as well. Of course, lurking beneath the waves operating in support of the carrier, was an attack submarine. Not ideal for combat operations, but enough for flag flying.

And that was precisely what the Reprisal was here for, answering the request by the Federation’s latest two prospective member states. Sure, she might bring dozens of combat aircraft into play but her mere presence would help dissuade any sort of aggression against Bahrain and Qatar. Even if her own capabilities were not enough, there was the unspoken reminder that there were five other ships like her in the UDF Fleet, for the moment. The Reprisal had been leisurely completing her circuit patrol of the Pacific, loitering in the South Pacific after visiting New Zealand in support of the Federation Special Envoy there, and although maintaining a patrol of the Pacific was an important part of the UDF’s naval strategy, it was not the most immediate concern, and having a carrier in the Gulf was. In any case, Carrier Strike Group 5, the USS Kitty Hawk, which was in regeneration, would be accelerated to become available for deployment sooner, should the need arise for a third carrier on operational deployments. In the long-run the UDF Fleet was going to re-consider what forces it deployed to the Fourth Fleet, given the changing circumstances.

The Carrier Strike Group Commander, Rear Admiral Edward Ross, had been put ashore in New Zealand and had flown home to San Fransisco for an in-person meeting with the Commander, Fleet, in order for it to be made clear to him exactly what the situation was and his responsibility was going forwards. He had then been flown back out to western Australia and picked up by COD and returned to the carrier, a very, very tired flag officer after almost continuous travel. Over a week later however, RADM Ross was grateful for the long discussion he had had with Fleet Admiral Kenway as it had allowed him to ask far more questions than even the longest video conference would have allowed. Given that he was now the UDF point man for all of this, supplanting the newly promoted Commander Armstrong who would continue to command the non-attached UDF naval assets in the Gulf, he had been eager to ensure that he had all of his proverbial ducks in a row. And now, with the Excelsior passing off the starboard beam of the Reprisal, exchanging passing compliments as she did so, RADM Ross knew that his work out here was only just beginning.

[Freistaat-Ostafrika]

16 May 2018 - 14:30hrs [UTC+3]
Al Alam Palace
Muscat, Unified Arab Sultanate

In the two weeks following the announcement of Bahrain and Qatar seeking membership of the United Federation of Nations, the Unified Arab Sultanate had remained somewhat muted. Aside from the occasional statement from the Sultanate's Foreign Ministry decrying the 'excessive UFN deployments in the region', Muscat appeared to be heeding private advice from Dar es Salaam to refrain from doing anything which might push the populations of Bahrain and Qatar further into the UFN camp than they already were. Instead Sultan Ibrahim and the Royal Advisory Council were focusing on the Ostafrikan military deployment to their nation. A squadron of twelve Falke-II V/STOL strike aircraft had arrived at Thumrait air base along with a squadron of six Barrakuda reconnaissance/combat UAVs, while the Duqm Port complex received a flag flying visit from 4th Squadron of the Staatsmarine which was comprised of four Marienthal-class FFGs. The UAVs were now conducting patrols along the border area between the Unified Arab Sultanate and the Confederation of Yemeni Emirates in order to try and intercept any individuals or vehicles crossing the border, in case they turned out to be terrorists from the Al-Shams organisation; of course, the UAV operators made sure not to stray into Yemeni airspace in order to avoid potential issues with either the Yemeni authorities (such as they were) or the Empire of Layarteb, who were officially not conducting military operations in Yemen but Ostafrika privately didn't believe a word of that. The Empire was one of Ostafrika's major trading partners and therefore Dar es Salaam wanted to avoid getting in the way of the action in Yemen, even if such action did not officially exist.

At the suggestion of Ambassador Schneider, the OAG had contacted Rama Varma VII the day after Schneider first planted the idea of the UAS joining the Ostafrikanische Freihandelszone, and they had asked him to organise a visit to Sultan Ibrahim as a gesture of the friendship between the Unified Arab Sultanate and the Kingdom of Travancore. Naturally this was not the only purpose behind the Maharajah's subsequent request to visit Muscat. The OAG were well aware that Ibrahim required a nudge in the right direction and they hoped that Rama Varma VII could provide it due to the economic ties between Travancore and the UAS. The Ostafrikanische Freihandelszone, more popularly referred to by Ostafrikans as the "OFZ", was ostensibly an economic entity which allowed customs-free trade between its members. However, the OFZ was actually primarily a front which attempted to confer some level of legitimacy upon the OAG's expansionist aims. While African kingdoms under OAG influence were autonomous regions of the Freistaat itself, overseas protectorates and client states would be officially treated as separate signatories to the OFZ even though realistically they were just as much a part of Ostafrika's empire as the autonomous African monarchs and the territories directly administered by the OAG. The OFZ was not a particularly large entity as it was currently only comprised of Freistaat Ostafrika and the Kingdom of Travancore, with Travancore listed as a separate signatory due to their demonstrated loyalty and cooperation with the OAG's agenda. The corporate regime believed that bringing the UAS into the OFZ would serve as the next step in adding Ibrahim to their menagerie of pet monarchs with the ultimate goal of having the UAS become a 'second Travancore', and they had faith in their favourite client monarch's ability to give Ibrahim the insight which he obviously sorely needed. Rama Varma VII certainly had no qualms about the request from Dar es Salaam as he believed that UAS membership of the OFZ would benefit all concerned, and success could potentially make the OAG even more amenable to his own future proposals.

After receiving a warm ceremonial welcome at Muscat International Airport, Rama Varma VII had been ferried to Al Alam Palace for a private meeting with Sultan Ibrahim in the UAS ruler's favourite location for discussions, namely the grounds and gardens of the royal residence. While the outside temperature was hovering around 34°C the Maharajah was not in any discomfort as his own capital reached similar temperatures during this time of year. The two young monarchs were casually strolling together side by side while their respective advisors stood in the shade waiting for a signal to approach, Ibrahim wearing a white dishdasha with a tribally coloured masar headdress while Rama Varma VII was dressed in his preferred white cotton suit. As they discussed the current situation involving the Sultanate's issues with Bahrain and Qatar, the seemingly ever-relaxed Maharajah attempted to guide the conversation towards the matter that he was truly here to discuss.

"No matter what may happen, always remember that you have friends, Ibrahim. Travancore will always stand with our brothers and sisters in the Sultanate, and the OAG would never have stationed forces within your borders if they didn't regard you as friendly. Bahrain and Qatar are burning their bridges in the region by abasing themselves before the Federation in exchange for military deployments. In time the Bahraini and Qatari peoples will find themselves outnumbered in their own homelands by Federation colonists, but of course the Federation would never admit that they are colonists. You will be vindicated by history, my friend."

Ibrahim hummed for a moment. "The Ostafrikan ambassador believes that I should be considering the idea of the Sultanate joining the Ostafrikanische Freihandelszone. I must admit that I am somewhat unsure about it. While I personally have a great deal of affection for Ostafrika after being educated there, I know that joining the OFZ could be the end of an independent UAS and there are those in this nation who would abhor that idea. After all, I was never truly supposed to become Sultan. If I had always been the first in line then I would not have been educated in Ostafrika. If I try to take the UAS into the OFZ without convincing the Royal Advisory Council first, they could move against me. Any instability could open the door for the UFN to slither their way into the Sultanate so I need a solid argument to take to them. They gave up their independence to become part of the Unified Arab Sultanate, but would they be willing to give up the Sultanate's independence, even if we are likely to become a Federation target? Ambassador Schneider advised me that the Federation would probably start deploying additional forces to the region after the announcement by Bahrain and Qatar, and the arrival of that carrier proved him correct. I need a way to convince the council to support membership of the OFZ before I can genuinely entertain the idea."

Rama Varma VII clasped his hands together before turning to face Ibrahim. "My friend, in such a discussion your council should ask themselves what is best for the Sultanate. The Federation can talk all they wish about maintaining cultural uniqueness and autonomy, but they are currently comprised solely of North American and European territories. They have not tried to incorporate a truly different culture into their state. If Bahrain and Qatar have any laws which are not compatible with UFN law then they will most likely have new laws imposed upon them from North America. If the Sultanate does not possess a position of strength and stability then Muscat would become a Federation target. This whole situation has demonstrated that the world is getting smaller, and the UAS may have to make a decision sooner rather than later regarding their own future. Otherwise they may have that decision made for them.

"I can speak from experience that membership of the OFZ is not a prospect to fear. Travancore benefits greatly from membership. The OAG have invested in our economy, helped us build schools and hospitals, and they have left us to decide our own laws. We enjoy free and open trade with the Ostafrikan heartland, and the OAG treat us with respect. They have never approached us as masters, merely as more powerful friends. Ostafrikan military personnel stationed in Travancore are always polite, respectful, and they never demand anything. They pay for what they want. If the Sultanate joined the OFZ then it would barely change anything for your people, aside from the possibility of greater prosperity. Cheaper food, cheaper goods from Ostafrika and Travancore, the Sultanate would find it easier to sell to Ostafrika and Travancore. The OAG would invest heavily in your economy, and your advisors would find themselves becoming even more wealthy. There is of course the possibility of the OAG assisting you to quash any internal opposition which might arise as a result of joining the OFZ."

Ibrahim nodded understandingly. "All excellent points, but there will be arguments that Ostafrika and Travancore are profiting from us joining. Some might try to argue that Ostafrika benefits more from us joining the OFZ than we do."

"In that case, be honest. Of course Ostafrika and Travancore would benefit from having the Sultanate in the OFZ. Would anyone genuinely expect a state like Ostafrika to invite the UAS into the OFZ if there was nothing in it for them? No nation or state on this planet acts entirely out of altruism. If the roles were reversed, would the UAS invite a state into their bloc if there was no advantage in doing so? Ostafrika would gain better access to oil and gas. I will admit that it would be appreciated if the Sultanate made it easier for migrant workers from Travancore to come and go as they wished, it would benefit our economy as well as yours as you would have easier access to migrant labour. If your council still require convincing, explain to them that the Sultanate's greatest resources are also its greatest leverage."

Ibrahim smiled slightly at that. "If some on the council believe that Ostafrika is only interested in us for our oil and gas then I explain that we can use access to our oil and gas as a bargaining chip to ensure a limit on OAG interference in our politics."

"Exactly. I believe that you would be left alone for the most part, like we are. You would of course receive a Finanzberater but they're usually very hands-off in their duties. I think I spend about half an hour per week with our Finanzberater, if you're running your nation competently then the OAG see no reason to meddle. At the end of the day, the benefits of joining the OFZ far outweigh any perceived downsides."

The Sultan nodded once again as Rama Varma VII finished speaking. "You offer excellent counsel, friend. While you are here visiting the Sultanate, could I perhaps impose on you to address the Royal Advisory Council alongside me? I think it would be good for them to hear your arguments in favour of the OFZ, and then I can gauge the level of potential support for joining."

[Layarteb]

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• • • † • • •

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Thursday, May 17, 2018 | 10:05 hrs [UTC-5]

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Layarteb City, New York | Fortress of Comhghall
40° 41' 28" N, 74° 0' 58" W

The Fortress of Comhghall was many things for the Empire of Layarteb and its citizens but above all, it represented the largest and most expensive construction project in the history of the country. When the first stones had been laid in 1432, the plan was for a modestly sized castle on the northern part of Governors Island. Walls would protect the entire island's perimeter but the vast majority of the island would be kept as open fields for many purposes. When construction of the Fortress of Comhghall finished in 1869, it hardly looked like its original plans. For starters, the walls had never been completed though the entire northern half of the island was enclosed by walls, earmarking ninety-five of the island's one hundred and seventy-two acres as part of the fortress' grounds. The fortress itself occupied forty of those acres. Remarkably, when the fortress's construction started, the decreed style had been Gothic and it had been completed in the Gothic style, despite its four hundred and thirty-seven year construction.

Inside however was a very different story. The fortress contained about three thousand rooms and over the years, as architectural styles shifted so too did the internal construction of these rooms. To stroll through the Fortress of Comhghall was to stroll through a living, breathing representation of four hundred years of architectural styles. University students doing their doctoral thesis in architecture lined up by the dozens to study this fortress and only three were chosen per year and only after extreme vetting for it was the headquarters of the country's executive branch of government.

When the Fortress of Comhghall had been under construction, the only way to reach it was by boat; and all along the island, piers had been constructed to facilitate the offloading of supplies and workers. None of the original piers remained and in 1895, construction had begun on a swing bridge to connect the island to Brooklyn. It was designed with four lanes for vehicular traffic and a sidewalk on each side for pedestrians and it spanned a total length of six hundred and fifty meters or about four-tenths of a mile. It took five years to construct and it was overhauled over a five-year period from 1999 to 2004. Access was originally open but nowadays it was restricted due to security measures protecting Governors Island from attack, whether by terrorists or other unknown hostile parties. In addition to its controlled access, the bridge's swing mechanism had been disabled during the renovation due to the high cost of repairs and ferries and other boats were no longer permitted underneath the bridge, lest they be used to carry a bomb that would sever the bridge in half.

Still, the Fortress of Comhghall stood proudly on Governors Island. A good portion of it had been modernized over the years with fire suppression systems, intruder alarms, and all manner of improvements such as air conditioning and heating; however, renovations were a constant nuisance. Renovations needed to proceed slowly for care of the fortress' age and construction methods, which meant that even though it was 2018, roughly one-third of the rooms had yet to receive any modern air conditioning or heating and might not for another twenty or thirty years. Of course, these rooms were considered non-essential and by and large disused or unoccupied. Of the vast size of the Fortress of Comhghall, only one-third of it was used on a daily basis by the individuals of the country's executive branch. Tours were given through limited areas of the remaining one-third while the rest was largely disused or under renovation.

When the massive Fortress of Comhghall had been completed in 1869, the concept of a bunker was almost non-existent. The word "bunker" itself existed but not in the sense of what it was to become. In 1949, with the dawn of atomic weaponry, a major construction project was undertaken on the grounds of Governors Island. To the public, this construction was explained as necessary for the preservation of the oldest parts of the fortress, which were by then over or approaching five hundred years in age. In reality, what was being done was the construction of a major bunker deep underneath the fortress' grounds.

In addition to this bunker, a long access tunnel was bored out and constructed linking Governors Island - and this bunker in particular - with the New Jersey side of New York harbor. The tunnel was meant to be a secure escape route, underneath the harbor, for VIPs exiting in the event of an incoming, nuclear attack. The tunnel ran two-and-a-quarter miles and exited into a secure structure about a quarter-of-a-mile north of the Liberty Science Center, on the eastern side of Interstate 78.

The bunker had been built in the new era of atomic weaponry. Though multi-megaton warheads were envisioned, none existed at the time of the bunker's construction and bombs had to be delivered by airplane. Missiles were the future and the people who designed the bunker understood that but what they didn't understand was the true power of modern-day, thermonuclear weapons. When it had been built, the bunker would have withstood a direct hit from any of the weapons of the day and a near hit by any of the weapons of "tomorrow" but a near hit was much different in the 1950s than it was in the 2000s. ICBMs were accurate to two hundred meters or less with warheads equivalent to nearly five hundred kilotons. Whether or not the bunker could withstand such a strike today remained to be seen.

Despite this, the bunker was still widely used. It was the most physically and electronically secure place on Governors Island. It was accessible only by a single elevator and stairwell, both guarded at all times by both active (guards) and passive (cameras and motion detectors) means. Further limiting the use of this elevator, it only functioned when specific keycards were used and only those with permission to access the bunker could.

It was in this bunker that the Emperor found himself, along with Robert Crawford, the National Security Advisor, a half-dozen military liaisons, and Chairman-General Anthony S. Barnes. They were sitting inside of the War Room - as it was called. Spacious and featuring a massive table capable of seating more than a dozen people comfortably, the room had monitors all around it to display any manner of graphical presentations. Those were blank now and only the fluorescent lighting filled the room.

"So where do we want to start?" The Emperor asked as he took his seat and those around did so as well. As a gesture of respect, everyone stood when the man entered a room and sat only after he sat, unless he specified otherwise.

"I'd like to start with the situation in the Persian Gulf sir," said Crawford. "We're continuing to monitor the situation accordingly. It has truly developed into a tit-for-tat row. There is some military posturing but by and large it is remaining diplomatic."

"We're not concerned for our meager territories right?"

"No sir and they're not even in the crossfire, so to speak, if someone should do something stupid. Our presence in the Persian Gulf is insignificant to either nation. It is insignificant almost to us even if it were not for the oil terminals and the associated platforms throughout the Persian Gulf."

"There is a concern with the UAS and the proximity of both Abu Musa and Sirri. There could be some ancient claim to them by the UAS. Who knows if some Sultan in the 1200s laid claim to the islands and lost them in the modern world. What do we have for defenses on these islands? I know we do not leave them undefended but what precisely do we have?"

Here, a major with the air force spoke up, "Sir, I am afraid we do not have much but that is largely because the islands are so small. Each island is protected by a single battery of the NASAMS 2 using the AMRAAM-ER missile. There are four anti-aircraft, mobile, point defense units on each island as well as a number of Stinger units. The point defense systems combine both guns, primarily for helicopters, and missiles."

"What about surface-to-surface capabilities?"

"Sir, we have one unit spread across both islands. The unit has eight missile launchers spread across the two islands."

"Well defended enough I should suspect?"

"Sir this is what we believe is the best defense for these islands. It is enough to deter a moderately-sized invasion force but if the UAS truly wanted to take our islands sir, they could. They could also make transiting the Strait of Hormuz a suicide run."

"I suppose it is a good thing that the government in Dar es Salaam is a major trading partner with us. Even with the frustrations that the UAS is feeling, I hardly doubt they'll take them out on us."

"Sir I couldn't agree more and I see no reason why we should be posturing either," Chairman-General Barnes said, "not that I wish to play politics sir but the presence of a Layartebian naval unit or military maneuvers in the region would not be of benefit to any party."

"You're correct Chairman-General, which is why I won't be ordering such a thing. Rest assured it will be business as usual in the Persian Territory. In this matter, let the UFN, FO, the UAS, and Qatar and Bahrain settle it."

"Which leads me sir into our next matter of discussion," began Crawford, "as it concerns the military deployment of FO into the UAS, particularly in western Oman. Surveillance has been monitoring an increased activity along the Omani side of the border. Thus far, we have not seen any penetrations into Yemeni airspace. The maneuvers along the border, while coming at a time of diplomatic crisis, certainly look to us as what Dar es Salaam says they are, which is counterterrorism.

"The UAS has a particular fear of Al-Shams and it goes without saying that if Al-Shams were to venture into the UAS, particularly Oman, they could become a major nuisance for Muscat. Given this presence, we should develop a predetermined response for any incursions into Yemeni airspace."

"That's impossible Robert," said the Emperor, "do you forget? We're not involved in Yemen. Flat denial of all operations in Yemen."

"Sir, I understand the importance of this on a diplomatic and political level but who are we kidding? The entire world knows we're operating in Yemen and if the Yemeni government wants to hide behind this farce, we should talk some sense into them. Our operations remain limited because of the nature of our mission and the secrecy behind it."

"We cannot alter the way we run this conflict Robert. Yemen might not be able to oppose us but the there is a very thin line between that government and Al-Shams. Walif Basara is in our pocket today but tomorrow he could easily join some of the others. There are twenty-one emirs and seven of them, a full one-third, have openly expressed their support for Al-Shams. A further two are known to be tolerant, including Sa'id Bitar in Sana'a. The rest are against Al-Shams, or so they claim. Al-Shams could just as easily remove them from power and tip the scales in their favor, easier than we can. If we assassinate a leader, we become the enemy of the people whereas Al-Shams can win the PR war, despite being a terrorist organization."

"I so despise the delicacy of the situation there," answered Chairman-General Barnes. "Sir, we should just nuke the place."

"It would do us a lot of good," the Emperor said, "and a lot of bad. There's no victory in Yemen and we know this. If we annihilate Al-Shams then in a year we'll be fighting a new organization and they'll have learned from Al-Shams' mistakes. They'll need to distinguish themselves from Al-Shams and that means more brutality, a bolder strategy, and perhaps even that caliphate nonsense. Al-Shams is the enemy of the world and yet they are the enemy we know and the enemy we somewhat understand. The enemy we do not know and the enemy we cannot understand is not the enemy I want to face."

"Sir this is precisely why we need some measure of a response for FO. Imagine if they get intel on a major commander or leader's convoy and blast it away. Think of the implications."

"Yet we cannot simply go to the government in Dar es Salaam and say, 'Listen, don't target Al-Shams.' Our deniability is non-negotiable."

"Sir we have to speak to them in some manner. We don't have to admit to operating in Yemen but perhaps our ambassador explains the delicate balance of power in Yemen. Perhaps in doing so he could send the message that Al-Shams is the enemy we know versus the enemy we could unleash."

The Emperor thought for a moment and then agreed, "Perhaps you're right. I'll speak with Timothy after our meeting this afternoon and see what he can convey. We'll make sure the ambassador's statement is scripted and that he memorizes it. This is one scenario where we cannot have him go 'off script' on us."

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[Freistaat-Ostafrika]

21 May 2018 - 13:30hrs [UTC+3]
OAG Headquarters
Dar es Salaam, Freistaat Ostafrika

Präsident Friedrich Luxenberg's personal office was not only a testament to the wealth and comfort that high-ranking OAG executives enjoyed, it was also a working space which would undoubtedly be envied by many corporate presidents. Located on the top floor of the glistening 'Zentrale' skyscraper which acted as the OAG's headquarters in Dar es Salaam, Luxenberg's office was a short distance from the Aufsichtsrat's conference room located on the same floor. The office was expansive and expensively decorated, with African mahogany furniture which included Luxenberg's large intricately carved desk as well as the office's own conference table and a myriad of expertly crafted drawers and cabinets. The walls featured shades of cream which worked well with the colouration of the wood used elsewhere in the office, and a variety of expensive artworks were positioned around the office. Luxenberg's chair was a particularly high-backed and supremely comfortable office chair in black leather upholstery which was often referred to as the 'company throne', due to the OAG's command over so much of Africa and beyond. A sprawling 100" high-definition screen dominated the wall opposite the desk, alternating between several displays; these displays included a map of Ostafrika and the wider Ostafrikanische Freihandelszone, the latest information from the Ostafrikanische Wertpapierbörse (Ostafrikan Stock Exchange), and any pertinent updates from the Ostafrikanische Presse-Agentur (Ostafrikan News Agency). The screen was also equipped to handle video conferencing, allowing the Präsident to easily converse with others from the comfort of his desk. The conference table and the attendant black leather chairs were positioned in their own space on the right hand side of the office from the perspective of the desk, while the left hand side of the office featured a plush lounge area as well as a mahogany door which led to the office's opulent ensuite bathroom. Beyond the conference table area, huge tinted windows offered a breathtaking view over the city of Dar es Salaam and out towards the Indian Ocean.

As the set lunch period had ended and the employees within Zentrale were returning to their desks, Präsident Luxenberg calmly strolled into his office clutching a collection of dossiers and placed them on his desk before pouring himself a fresh cup of coffee from the drinks station located near the conference table. After taking his seat, Luxenberg reached forward and affectionately patted the head of the large marble statue of a lion which sat on the right hand side of the desk, then began looking through the dossiers. A meeting had been requested by the Layartebian embassy between the ambassador and Präsident Luxenberg, a request which Luxenberg was more than happy to grant, and the meeting was scheduled for that afternoon so Luxenberg was taking the opportunity to brush up on a few facts. Relations between Freistaat Ostafrika and the Empire of Layarteb were good overall, as neither nation seemed interested in encroaching on the sphere of influence of the other. The OAG had no interest in challenging the Layartebian position in the Americas, preferring to keep to Africa and the Indian Ocean while trading with the Empire. For their part, the Layartebians had only a handful of islands in the OAG's preferred region of influence and were certainly amicable neighbours. The two nations were part of the multinational anti-piracy "Task Force 100" which operated in the Red Sea and the Arabian Sea, and neither nation ever felt a need to criticise the other for any internal actions. As a result of this, Luxenberg was rather looking forward to meeting with the Layartebian ambassador. His mood was already a pleasant one as his son Tobias had returned from a two-week delegation to the Karamojong clans of northern Ostafrika, and his performance record was apparently lining him up as a potential Finanzberater candidate. Luxenberg would not be recommending Tobias to become the potential future Finanzberater to the Unified Arab Sultanate, however. Instead, he would prefer to see his son become the advisor to an African leader as it would keep him closer to home and within easier range of any potential reinforcements if civil strife broke out. Since there were currently no openings for a new Finanzberater in the African territories, Tobias would either have to wait for a current Finanzberater to retire or for a new African territory to be brought into Ostafrika.

Luxenberg took a sip of coffee and hummed softly to himself as he perused the information in front of him, passing the time until his appointment with the ambassador arrived.

[Layarteb]

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Monday, May 21, 2018 | 13:30 hrs [UTC+3]

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Dar es Salaam, Freistaat Ostafrika | Embassy of the Empire of Layarteb
6° 46' 21" S, 39° 15' 59" E

The Layartebian embassy in Dar es Salaam was a veritable fortress, not unlike Layartebian embassies around the world. Located on the far southeastern edge of the Msasani ward, the embassy's grounds occupied twenty acres of territory. Sovereign land to the Empire, these twenty acres were protected on all sides by a thick, reinforced concrete wall topped with razor wire and surveillance cameras. There was an outer wall and an inner wall, providing a dual layer of security that separated vehicles from the embassy's primary grounds. The embassy consisted of multiple structures all designated for varying purposes with the main chancery consisting of a 9-story structure. The residences for both the head of mission and the deputy head of mission were both located apart from the main chancery. There were also the motor pool, the staff apartments, and the security annex, amongst several other structures on the spacious plot of land.

The Layartebian ambassador to Freistaat Ostafrika was Ashley M. Montes, a 49-year old divorcee who'd spent the better part of the last twenty-five years of her life in the service of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Her ambassadorial appointment had come in 2017 and she'd been in Dar es Salaam ever since July of last year, which meant that she hadn't been in the country for even a year yet. Despite this, she'd kept the good and cordial relations of the two nations in working order. FO was the closest, non-hostile nation to the Empire's Indian Ocean territories, primarily the island of Ceylon, which accounted for nearly ninety percent of the Ceylonese Republic. Ceylon imported as much from FO as it did from the Empire and in some areas, more came from the African nation than the Empire.

Ambassador Montes had spent the better part of her morning going through what anyone would call a routine. She woke up at 05:00 and exercised for an hour. Then she had breakfast and caught up on the news. Around 07:00, she began to get dressed and ready for work. Around 07:45, she departed her residence and made her way to her office where she promptly "clocked in" at 08:00. She'd had an otherwise quiet morning. She'd responded to several e-mails, drafted a half-dozen memos for he secretary to proofread and polish, reviewed two briefings concerning trade matters between the two nations, and lastly she'd met with her political attaché concerning her upcoming meeting with Präsident Luxenberg.

Her meeting was scheduled for 14:00 and the Zentrale skyscraper was just over six kilometers from the embassy, by way of the quickest route. However, her driver had reported a traffic blockade this afternoon so they would have to take a slightly longer route. It would add only two minutes to their otherwise short trip, allowing her to arrive no less than ten minutes early for her meeting, which was more than enough time to zip up to the top floor of the largest building in the city. It was unusual, she thought, that the leader of the country was also the highest-ranking executive in a multinational conglomerate. The Empire had divested itself of all corporate influence in the government following the revolution, largely due to the corrupt nation of the Republic's corporate influence system. Thus, FO/OAG was an enigma to the bureaucrats of the Empire, something to unravel and understand as much as to look at from afar and stare in wonderment.

Relations between the two countries was good and who was to say they shouldn't be? The Empire had no designs for Africa and the OAG had no designs for the Empire's backyard. There were no ideological conflicts and certainly no political grudges to hold. Thus, there was no reason why the two nations shouldn't be friendly and for trade partners as large as these two were, hostility was beyond counterproductive. Were there things about the FO/OAG that the Empire disagreed with and vehemently opposed? Of course there were! The same could be said for the other way around but realpolitik prevailed. It always prevailed; there was no alternative.

On this particular afternoon, Montes walked out of the chancery and into the backseat of her waiting vehicle. The driver was already behind the wheel and her single bodyguard shut the door behind her, climbing in the front passenger seat just in front of her. The air conditioner was blowing at full blast to keep the humidity and oppressive, Tanzanian air from turning the three of them into puddles of sweat. Both the driver and the bodyguard wore suits while Montes was dressed in a business suit herself consisting of a blazer, blouse, and knee-length skirt. As was traditional to the Empire, she also wore pantyhose and high-heeled shoes, which only added to the discomfort that hot and humid temperatures brought. "Are we good?" She asked when she sat down in the backseat, resting her briefcase just to her left.

"Yes ma'am, we'll be there in eighteen minutes, or so," her driver, a man by the name of Ralph Frank said. Once the bodyguard had shut his door, Ralph gently stepped on the accelerator and the Cadillac CT6 moved forward.

The choice of car was unique for this posting. By and large, Layartebian ambassadors were driven around in S-Class Mercedes-Benz saloon cars. However, for this embassy, a Cadillac CT6 had been procured and it was an impressive vehicle to say the least. Painted a metallic silver, the car had a black, leather interior and all of the bells and whistles one might expect. It was customized to the "Platinum Package" before the Layartebian government began adding its own modifications. It was powered by a 3.0L LGW V6 twin-turbo engine that put out 404 hp and 400 lb-ft of torque. The transmission was an 8-speed that provided remarkable fuel economy for such a powerful and heavy vehicle. Beyond this, the vehicle was immaculately kept both inside and out and there wasn't a dent, ding, or scratch to be seen. Modifications added to the vehicle included ballistic glass and armored panels to protect against 7.62x39mm rounds. There was also tracking and communications systems installed along with compartment for ammunition, first-aid equipment, and ration supplies. When all was said and done, the cost of these and other modifications practically doubled the price of the car but these modifications were part of Layartebian SOPs.

The Cadillac headed out of the embassy's main gate and to the left, taking an easterly course down the road to the main highway, continuing southward. With the sea to the left, the car continued into the main part of the city before turning to the left, the driver's attempt to avoid the congestion, to follow along the coastal road. Traffic was largely moving along that corridor of the road and it wasn't before long that the vehicle turned right, away from the sea, and towards the looming tower in the distance. It was about one-and-a-quarter kilometers later that the Cadillac pulled up to the tower and into the underground parking garage. The diplomatic plates and the ambassador's appointment meant that the guard directed them to park in a specially designated area for OAG executives and their personal guests. It was a quick trip and an easy one no less.

Montes' bodyguard stepped out of the car and let her out before following her into the elevator. The driver would remain with the car, which he backed into a spot - for quick escape - and turned off the engine. The vehicle had a push-button-start, which meant he could have the vehicle ready to go in seconds once he received the call. The doors were kept locked and he relaxed somewhat in the seat. Periodically he would turn the car on and let it idle to keep the internal temperature of the vehicle cool but by and large, he kept it off to conserve gas. One of the effects of the armor plating and thick glass was that the vehicle retained its internal temperature longer, especially when it was parked in the shade or in an underground garage like this.

• • • • ‡ • • • •

Monday, May 21, 2018 | 13:50 hrs [UTC+3]

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Dar es Salaam, Freistaat Ostafrika | Zentrale Tower
6° 49' 0" S 39° 17' 17" E

Ambassador Montes found herself in Luxenberg's waiting room in no time. Her bodyguard, who had an M414 Equinox semi-automatic pistol in a shoulder holster, held the door open for her as she stepped inside. He found a seat and stayed quietly in the background while she signed in her presence with Luxenberg's secretary. She was early and she expected to wait a short amount of time, as was natural. In the midst of this, she took in the surroundings, as she always did. Her office was one of purpose and function. She was the ambassador and her office was meant to be a reflection of the country that she represented. It was not overly decorated but it was not barren. Her desk was an old one but it was purposeful in what it held. There was nothing about her office that screamed opulence or grandeur. It was not meant to be a symbol of her status but rather her rank and only her rank.

Luxenberg's office was the opposite. It was the office of someone who not only ran a country but also ran one of the largest, multinational conglomerates in the world. Luxenberg had appearances to maintain, especially for his other, corporate visitors. Montes could imagine Luxenberg sitting around a table discussing business cards and who's cost more or was the best. She presumed he didn't pass many around since anyone whom he'd want contacting him knew how to do so. As she waited, she wondered just how the meeting would go and what directions it might take. She had a strict script when it came to "the important matter" - as it was referred to amongst individuals - but beyond that, little else would scripted.

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• • • † • • •

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[Freistaat-Ostafrika]

OOC: The following is a collaborative post written by Layarteb and Freistaat-Ostafrika.



21 May 2018 - 13:55hrs [UTC+3]
OAG Headquarters
Dar es Salaam, Freistaat Ostafrika

With five minutes to go before the start of the scheduled meeting, Präsident Luxenberg emerged from his office with a polite smile stretched across his face. He calmly approached Ambassador Montes and extended his hand to shake once he had crossed the short distance from his office door to her position, making direct eye contact while speaking in English with only a slight hint of the Ostafrikan accent. He did however pepper his English with German phrases, primarily because he enjoyed doing so.

“Guten Tag, Frau Ambassador.”

After a brief handshake, Luxenberg gestured towards his office door. “This way, please.”

In truth, he still found it slightly amusing that the Empire of Layarteb had appointed a woman as their ambassador to Freistaat Ostafrika. While the Ostafrikan state officially viewed men and women as equals, the OAG hierarchy was a different matter entirely. Within the company there had been little acceptance of women in high positions of responsibility and power over the decades, and any female OAG employees encountered on the upper floors of Zentrale were usually either secretaries, cleaners, or receptionists. While the Aufsichtsrat was still comprised entirely of older white males, the OAG ranks featured much more in the way of ethnic diversity than gender equality. Luxenberg had of course never allowed his amusement to show in front of Ambassador Montes as he recognised that she was still representing one of the most powerful nations on the planet.

“Thank you Mister Präsident,” Montes said as she was led into the office. Her bodyguard would remain outside of the meeting since there was really little reason he was there. The Zentrale was more than secure but SOPs were SOPs and they weren’t to be broken for anyone. “Thank you for seeing me on what I can imagine was short enough notice to require some schedule shuffles by your part.”

“A rescheduled meeting or two is nothing new, Frau Ambassador. Besides, those who have had to be rescheduled understand that a requested ambassadorial meeting should be convened as soon as possible.”

Once the pair had entered Luxenberg’s office, the OAG Präsident closed the door and gestured towards his desk. “Take a seat, please. Would you like anything to drink? Tea, coffee, water, anything of that nature?”

For Montes, coffee was more than merely a beverage, it was fuel and so that was where her request lay. She drank it black with only two teaspoons of sugar, the only purpose of which was to remove some of the base bitterness of coffee. Her posting to FO meant abundant and quick access to Kenyan coffee, which happened to be her preferred flavor of choice.

Luxenberg nodded approvingly at the ambassador’s choice before crossing the office to the drinks station and preparing her coffee himself. While it would have usually been the task of his secretary to prepare refreshments for himself and his guests, Luxenberg preferred to be the one who prepared drinks for ambassadors and their ilk. This was primarily due to a desire to appear more personable and ‘hands-on’ with those of more diplomatic professions, whereas individuals of a more business-oriented background would be treated as such. Once the coffee was ready, Luxenberg brought it over to the desk and placed it before Montes in an immaculately clean white cup and saucer, then made his way round to his own seat at the desk and settled down comfortably before addressing her.

“So, what can I do for you then?”

Montes’ meeting was by and large to discuss the situation in the southern Arabian Peninsula but she did not want to lead off with this discussion point. As such, she had several other topics that she could bring up ahead of time, topics that while menial were still affairs of state that were worth discussing. “Well there are a few topics I had in mind. If you do not mind, may we start with the current situation in the Persian Gulf. While, the Empire has no desire to take a stance supporting or opposing any side in that particular row, we are concerned of the effect it may have on the trade rounds in the greater Indian Ocean region.”

Luxenberg nodded slowly before responding. “Well, in all honesty I believe that the row may be abating somewhat these days. We have utilised our friendship with Sultan Ibrahim of the Unified Arab Sultanate to persuade him that hostile rhetoric is not really helping the current situation. I can of course sympathise with him and his position. The arrival of a Federation warship coincided with his coronation, he spoke out about it, and then additional Federation warships arrived. However, things seem to be calming somewhat now that Bahrain and Qatar have announced their intention to formally join the United Federation of Nations. Ostafrikan forces are now stationed in the UAS and our naval patrols have added the Sultanate onto their list of potential visiting spots, and I believe that this has reassured the Sultan that he is not as vulnerable to Federation attack as he may have initially believed. So as far as trade in the Indian Ocean is concerned, I believe that there is no considerable threat to it stemming from the Persian Gulf situation. While I cannot divulge specifics at this time, we are continuing to work with Sultan Ibrahim in an effort to defuse tensions as, if we are truly being honest, much of the tension stems from him being uncomfortable about the growing Federation presence in the region.”

He paused to take a sip of his own coffee, which he had prepared just before meeting her. “I for one would like to express my appreciation to the Empire of Layarteb for allowing us to handle the situation without stepping in, we here in Ostafrika have a great deal of experience with local rulers and we often know the best manner in which to guide them towards peaceful resolutions of conflict.”

“Well it is not our prerogative to insert ourselves into these kinds of matters where they do not concern us directly. Indirectly is a different matter, there’s nowhere on this planet that is not an indirect - at best - concern to the Empire but that’s because we’re a global superpower. Even still, this matter, as you say, may be abating. We’re interested in fact in the UAS. We do not have particular relations either way with the UAS and we’re aware of their relationship to you. Thus far, we’ve been satisfied with a consulate but perhaps there’s more to be had. The Empire does not have what you would consider a very long history in the region but we have one nonetheless. Your country may be the backer and protecting power of the UAS but perhaps there are one-on-one deals that the Empire might fancy with the UAS, presuming of course that they did not impede upon our deals currently in place with the FO/OAG.”

“It is a distinct possibility, Frau Ambassador. As I am sure you can appreciate, Sultan Ibrahim is still a little jittery at the present moment regarding foreign powers, more specifically North American ones, but that will change in time. If you would be amenable to the idea, the OAG could act as something of a go-between for you initially. Just a way of smoothing the road ahead so that then the Empire and the Sultanate can discuss matters in a calm and civilised manner. We have in fact acted in similar ways before. After the UAS initially formed, we acted as a go-between on behalf of the Kingdom of Travancore and in time the two states began to enjoy a great deal of economic interaction.”

“Naturally I would expect no less,” Montes said, concerning the jitteriness of Sultan Ibrahim. “We’re not looking for a quick entry but more of a long-term, strategic partnership with the UAS in the region so that we could broaden our markets. I need not say how concerned we would be if hostile regimes cropped up in the Persian Gulf and Arabian Peninsula region. I’m sure your own government would have such concerns. Thus your introduction and assistance would be more than appreciated.”

“Of course, of course. I feel that it goes without saying that we share your concerns regarding potential hostile regimes in the Arabian region. The Unified Arab Sultanate is similarly concerned about such a possibility, and that is why they have given us permission to conduct air patrols and the like within their borders. Simply put, the Sultanate have concerns about more than just the Federation presence in Bahrain and Qatar. They also have a degree of trepidation regarding the current situation in the Confederation of Yemeni Emirates, although at this time they have no real desire to involve themselves in the internal workings of Yemen. They would much prefer to observe, albeit with Ostafrikan forces maintaining the sovereignty of their borders. The OAG are happy to provide this assistance of course, not just out of the existing friendship with the UAS but also in an attempt to protect the global economy’s access to commodities such as oil and natural gas. If a truly hostile regime were to arise and claim a sufficiently large area of the Arabian Peninsula and the Persian Gulf region, then it could play havoc with the economy of every nation on the planet.”

“It most certainly can,” Montes answered, finishing her cup of coffee. “The resources in the region are truly invaluable and that is why we have an interest there. Our platforms in the Persian Gulf are always a concern to us. Naturally, being based nearby in Socotra offers assistance but only so much. We are prepared to defend our assets in the region from any of the aforementioned possibilities. I guess then this brings us to the particular situation in Yemen.” She paused here a moment just to gather her thoughts, “The Empire takes a great interest in Yemen, not the least because of Al-Shams’ near unopposed presence within its borders. Our assets on Socotra are tuned towards the theater’s threats. We have certainly noticed the deployed into Oman and we more than understand the UAS’s concern for Al-Shams spilling over the border. These borders are difficult to lock down in the best of situations. Putting that aside, what really are the intentions of the FO with regards to Yemen?”

Luxenberg smirked ever-so-slightly at the question. “In all honesty Frau Ambassador, we have no actual intentions towards Yemen. We have noticed certain...shall we say, actions being carried out by the Empire of Layarteb and we have always followed a policy of not asking exactly what you are doing in Yemen because it does not appear to be any particular danger to us. Put simply, it is our analysis that direct Ostafrikan intervention in Yemen would be costly and lengthy even in the best case scenarios. We prefer the idea of doing our best to contain the Yemeni situation within Yemen’s borders. Sultan Ibrahim has no real appetite to go into Yemen but he does have concerns about Al-Shams spreading across the border into the Unified Arab Sultanate. That is why we have deployed to the UAS, to increase patrols along the Sultanate’s border with Yemen and to help Sultan Ibrahim secure his own nation against the terrorist organisation. The OAG has a long and, dare I say it, successful history in dealing with insurgents and terrorists within our own territories. Sultan Ibrahim has indicated that he has no opposition to us using similar methods if Al-Shams manage to gain a foothold in Yemen. So to directly answer your question once again, we have no real intentions towards Yemen aside from containing any potential spillover into the Unified Arab Sultanate.”

At the mention of “actions,” Montes knew she would have to deliver - no matter how ridiculous it sounded - the official line concerning Layartebian actions in Yemen. “Containment is, unfortunately, the best policy because, as you say, action into Yemen would simply be too costly from a standpoint of political will, personnel, materials, and money. We would strongly advise against action within Yemen for many upon many reasons and certainly the UAS knows precisely this. The situation is more than non-permissive, it’s downright hostile. As to this ‘action’ you reference, I must inform you that sources suggesting such a thing are incorrect. The Empire is not active within Yemeni territory in any capacity whatsoever. Despite our close presence to Yemen, the largest extent of Layartebian action concerning Yemen is CTF-100, which your nation and others is a part of, as the piracy situation is simply intolerable.”

“Ah, I see. Evidently the aircraft that our naval patrols have seen flying in the area must be from somewhere else. That is most unfortunate, we believed that the internal Yemeni situation was being addressed by another power but apparently that is not the case.” Luxenberg frowned slightly. “Most unfortunate indeed. If that is the case then perhaps the OAG should establish contact with one of the Yemeni emirs to gather more intel about the Al-Shams situation, simply as a starting point of course. From there we could potentially convince enough emirs to start acting, but I wouldn’t have particular high hopes for their success. We had always factored your potential actions into our analysis but if there is no such action taking place then we may need to re-evaluate our stance on Yemen. The Aufsichtsrat will not be pleased to hear about this.”

He continued after a slight sigh. “Perhaps we should try to build some form of international consensus about Yemen. Despite our recent differences, I am sure that the United Federation of Nations would have an interest in assisting such an effort, especially now that they have Bahrain and Qatar joining as full members. They are almost on the front line themselves as a result.”

Luxenberg lifted his cup to take another sip of coffee, waiting to see how Montes would respond to such an idea.

Montes quickly saw the trap she’d been led into but as such as the official line, she could not contradict it. She could, however, convey the feelings of the Layartebian government when it came to Yemen. “We’ve monitored aircraft over Yemen as well but we’re not at liberty to discuss what nation those may belong to, precisely because long-range detection is so uncertain. What we can provide however is that Layartebian aircraft and naval patrols originating from Yemen are always under careful direction so as to avoid straying into airspace where they are not allowed. Insofar as the internal situation, the balance of power in Yemen is extremely fragile. I would compare it to a sheet of ice only paper thin. The tiniest of acorns could send cracks throughout a very vast and wide area. Walking on it is simply impossible. That being said the Empire strongly, in the strongest words possible, conveys that being such a fragile situation, it would be unwise to upset that balance of power. There are emirs who are firmly in favor of Al-Shams and there are emirs who are firmly against Al-Shams but together, combined, they are not a majority. The emirs who lay on the fence are a concern. The simplest of transgressions could flip them one way or the other and while it would be nice to have them turn against Al-Shams, nothing can be guaranteed. The nuances of Yemen are simply too delicate to meddle with on such a level. I would also strongly recommend against a broad international consensus.

“An international consensus is a tricky matter just the same. Every nation has its own political restraints, its own moral codes, and its own limitations. To have a consensus with two nations is to invite forty opinions on how to handle one situation and it grows exponentially from there. Truly if you want inaction, an international consensus is the way to go and Al-Shams will grow stronger and more entrenched than they are already. This must be considered and respected.

“I would say that the situation, as it stands now, is the best that we can hope for right now. Despite the fact that Al-Shams runs rampant in the country and commits violent acts of terrorism throughout the world, imagine this. Al-Shams is the enemy we know, the enemy we have researched, and the enemy we have fought. They are the enemy of today and they share the limitations of today. They are restrained, if you can believe it. If Al-Shams was wholly and completely defeated imagine what would replace them because make no mistake, this is not a cause that can be defeated. It is perpetual so long as it has reasons to exist and so long as its enemies exist, namely us, it shall have reasons. It’s perpetual and thus it can only grow more and more extreme. Al-Shams is more extreme than its predecessors were and so on and so forth. Yet, looking forward, imagine just how much more extreme their successor would be? The enemy of tomorrow is not the enemy any international coalition can face simply because of the political and moral limitations of countries,” Montes continued, taking a momentary pause. “To fight Al-Shams to eradication is not something one nation can do by itself but it would take a coalition of every willing nation on this planet. Those nations would have to act beyond their laws allow. As you can see, to begin such an endeavor will result in defeat simply because of the nations we are today. Al-Shams is fighting 600 years behind the rest of the world. Six hundred years ago we would have slaughtered them to the last man and yet today, we do not have the political will to do such a thing. Even the Empire, which is more militaristic than any nation in this present day, cannot endeavor upon such a thing. If we are the example of the most capable then what does that say to the rest of the world?”

Luxenberg nodded, a slightly smug expression on his face. “Well, Frau Ambassador, you certainly have a way with words. It is interesting that the Empire of Layarteb is apparently not at liberty to be completely honest with us despite the fact that we have been completely honest with you. Make no mistake, I am not a fool. Your nation can deny it as much as you wish but you are up to something in Yemen and you clearly do not want anyone intruding on your activities, as evinced by your rather passionate attempt to dissuade me of the idea of an international coalition. I must admit that it is unfortunate that your government apparently feels that lying to us is in their best interest. We do not ask for specifics, a simple private confirmation that you are acting within Yemeni borders and that you would prefer Ostafrika to keep out of it would be enough for us. We would be content to know that action is being taken. At that point we can rest easy, knowing that the Sultanate-Yemeni border is our only real concern.”

“If it were to set your mind at ease Mister Präsident, the Empire will never allow the situation in Yemen or with Al-Shams to spill beyond the borders of that country. There is no possible scenario where the Empire will allow Al-Shams to grow beyond where it has already and no possible scenario where we will allow or tolerate the Yemeni disorder and chaos to go beyond those borders. There is no length to which we will not go to prevent such a thing and we have pledged to undertake this guarantee with, or without, international assistance. If we need to act unilaterally we will regardless of how any one or multiple nations act. There is no weapon in our inventory, which we would not use to stop such a thing.”

“Well, if that is as close as you are permitted to get to a private admission then it shall have to suffice. Very well, Ostafrika shall continue to refrain from involvement in Yemen but I would ask that you convey a message to your government for me. We know that something is going on. We are not asking for you to tell the world, a simple confirmation to us would be fine. We have been honest with you about our intentions towards Yemen because you asked what they were. It is our belief that honesty is an excellent attribute in a business partner, hence why I told you the truth when you asked. I am...disappointed that your government apparently cannot make a simple one-off confirmation within the confines of this office, and I would like you to express that sentiment to your superiors. While this will obviously have no effect on any trade or existing partnerships that our two states are currently engaged in, I will of course keep it in mind.”

Luxenberg leaned forward, clasping his hands together and resting them on the desk. “So, is there anything else that I can help you with?”

“I will most certainly pass that on Mister Präsident and we do not expect you to stop watching and listening, as it were, to the goings on in Yemen.”

With discussion of that particular subject concluded, the rest of the meeting focused on more mundane matters such as the trade links between both nations. Despite Luxenberg’s clear disapproval of the Layartebian refusal to confirm their suspected activities within Yemen, it was not a matter that would necessarily cause any damage to the existing relationship between the Empire of Layarteb and Freistaat Ostafrika. He had taken the measure of Ambassador Montes and found her to be quite resolute in sticking to the ‘company line’, a trait that would be viewed as admirable in an OAG employee. The conclusion of the meeting was certainly amiable enough as the pair shook hands after Luxenberg accompanied Montes to the door of his office and wished her a good day.

[-The United Federation of Nations-]

William Carmichael, Federation Secretary of Justice
Department of Justice, Phoenix
The Commonwealth of the Mojave, United Federation of Nations
Friday 18th May 2018, 1800hrs Local Time

Whenever a sovereign state decided to apply to join the United Federation of Nations there was generally between one and three months before the prospective state could hold a referendum to confirm the direction chosen by the state’s government and legislature. During that time the Federation Government conducted a series of investigations, known as Member Due Diligence (MDD) in order to confirm that prospective state was of the required moral, legal and ethnical standard and that it would not violate the Articles of the Federation. Of course by the point that a prospective member was preparing to hold a referendum the majority of a prospective state’s stances and opinions were already known, but MDD focused on the miniature and helped lay the ground work for any adjustments and the process of bringing the prospective state into the Federation. In the vast majority of cases there were very little adjustments, as long as member state’s laws and culture were not unconstitutional, in which case it was unlikely they would be looking to join the Federation, or have been invited, in the first place. As such, although in some respects it was a paper exercises the MDD was just that, due diligence.

For the Federation Department of Justice the MDD entailed going through the minutiae of the prospective member’s jurisprudence to make sure there wasn’t anything that would conflict with the Articles of the Federation; the only marking stick by which a prospective member would be judged. With not one but two prospective member states it had been all hands on deck at the DOJ Building in Downtown Phoenix, with everyone not working a high-priority case being drafted in go through centuries of legislation. The last two days had been the busiest, with both the Bahraini and Qatari Ministers of Justice arriving for top-level meetings with the Secretary of Justice, William Carmichael. The MDD of one prospective member was important, of two, especially in a part of the world as controversial as the middle east, was vital, and Carmichael had taken a direct, hands-on interest in the progress of the investigations and was pleased with what he found.

By and large very few problems had been identified over the past few days. Both the Bahraini and Qatari legal systems were well developed and the state-level court systems were compatible with Federation standard. A Federal Court for each of them would need to be established, but that was only for violations of Federal Law, and was standard for any member-state. Nothing had been identified as flat-out unconstitutional. Although some precepts were somewhat restrictive by western standards, particularly those built around religious prohibitions, they were not excessive and both Bahrain and Qatari had done away with religious-based shariah law in the past two decades. After all there wasn’t a constitutional right to consume alcohol, for example, nor indeed was there a consensus, even within the Federation, on matters such as abortion, euthanasia, and a variety of other controversial topics. What many of the Federation’s critics did not seem to understand was that neither the Articles of the Federation, nor Federal law, was interested in dictating opinions on member-states, particularly on controversial matters. What the Articles did do was provide for a certain standard of human rights, on which all reasonable men and women could agree, and allowed the individual member-states to sort out the rest.

In short, there would be no legal issues with the United Federation and its two new prospective members and, more importantly given the circumstances, nothing in the new members culture or laws would conflict with the various Guarantees provided for in the Articles of the Federation. There would doubtless be some laws that would be considered unusual, or even restrictive, by some others in the Federation, but the whole point of the UFN was that it was a place for all peoples, all cultures and all beliefs to come together to build a better world together. As long as essential human rights, provided for in the Articles, were not infringed the whole spirit of the Federation was about accepting different perspectives and opinions. Indeed the only thing that would change would be the establishment of Federal Courts within both Bahrain and Qatar, to oversee any violations of Federal law, which both new member states would play a valuable role in shaping going forwards; however such federal law strictly focused on high-level, multi-member state matters, and as such would have very little involvement in the day-to-day member-state level conduct of the law. You could not, for example, protest the ruling of a member-state court, for a violation of member state law, to the Federation District Court for your territory, although you could appeal the ruling to the UFN Supreme Court, if you believed that its rulings violated your rights under the Articles of the Federation.

As such the Secretary of Justice had a complex, and nuanced, role to play, and it was not without reason that every such Secretary had been a qualified lawyer and an experienced litigator; of all the executive secretaries of the UFN Federal Government the Secretary of Justice was one that was not, by tradition if not by statute, used as a mere political appointment. This tradition also helped ensure that there was a real check and balance on the Federation President and the Federation Council by ensuring that the head of the Department that would investigate and wrongdoing by the federal government was as independent as possible. By and large, and if he did say so himself, Carmichael was satisfied that they had made a great deal of progress in their meetings over the past few days, and both he and his counterparts in Bahrain and Qatar, were satisfied that their staffs could sort out the fine print without their oversight. After all, for the average Qatari or Bahraini, very little would change, all things considered. Shaking the hands of the two men Carmichael saw them out of his office before returning to his desk for his next meeting.

Sure enough, and perhaps not surprising given who they were and their backgrounds, the next three individuals, two men and one woman, were right on time. The first was Andrew Carson, the Secretary of Defence and the civilian government official responsible for overseeing the United Defence Force. The second was High Marshal Jonathan DeSoto, the Commander, United Defence Force, the uniformed head of the UDF, responsible for general policy and holding top-level command of all the armed forces. The third was Marshal Jennifer Buchanan, the Commander, Defence Force Operations, the operational commander of the UDF, responsible for overseeing the day-to-day operations as well as planning major operations. Both the two uniformed officers had served in combat roles, DeSoto had served in the UDF Fleet and had served as Commander, Fleet, and Commander, Operations, before his current role, whilst Buchanan had come up from the UDF Air Forces, as a combat pilot. Secretary Carson had retired as a High Marshal, having come up the ranks in the Ground Forces, indeed he held the distinction to not only be the first private soldier to rise to the rank of High Marshal, but also the first to be appointed Secretary of Defence after leaving the service.

Pleasantries were exchanged, coffee and tea was brought in, and the attendees all settled into their seats.

“Thank you all for coming, I appreciate it is late in the day, unfortunately my meetings with the Qatari and Bahraini Ministers of Justice went on longer than I was expecting, although for all the right reasons,” Carmichael said by means of opening, leaning forwards to place his elbows upon his desk. “I wanted to meet with you all to go over the legal implications for the joining process of Bahrain and Qatari; to make sure we’re all singing from the same hymn sheet, as it were… with that in mind, how is the JAG Corps reacting to all this.”

“We’ve got two JAG delegations making preparations to head out to Bahrain and to Qatar, they’ll meet with their counterparts over there and start the process for implementing the UDF Code of Military Justice across all the Bahraini and Qatari guard units, as they will be once they join the Federation,” Secretary Carson replied after a brief pause to sip his coffee. “By and large we don’t expect any major issues; as every previously member joining the Federation has shown there is, generally, very little that differs between military justice, certainly nowhere near as much as would potentially be the case with civil and criminal laws and legislation, so JAG should be fine.”

“Good,” Carmichael nodded. “Now, with regards to military activity in and around the Persian Gulf, I believe you have some questions for me.”

“Indeed we do,” High Marshal DeSoto commented. “Firstly, we have confirmed intelligence that Ostafrikan military assets are stationed, or being stationed, in the UAS… how does this effect our rules of engagement.”

“With regards to rules of engagement it doesn’t actually change all that much; as you all know all too well our standard rules of engagement are not to fire unless fired upon, or in the defence of the territory of a UFN Member, Protectorate or allied state,” Carmichael replied. “In all honesty, the presence of Ostafrikan military forces in the Persian Gulf is more of a political problem than it is a legal one, and that, thankfully, is firmly out of my area of expertise, and jurisdiction, that’s for Secretary Carson and the President.”

High Marshal DeSoto considered Carmichael’s answer, clearly not particularly pleased with the stereotypical ‘lawyers’ answer, but accepted it none the less.

“My question is in regards to Yemen, Mister Secretary, now between our own naval assets, and those of the multi-nation Combined Task Force 150, the threat of Yemeni Piracy has effectively been neutred, if all the merchant ships follow instructions and good practice, but the root cause remains,” Marshal Buchanan explained earnestly. “The Layartebians, whether they’ll admit it or not, are conducting military strikes against targets within Yemen, with apparently little success; with our new presence in the region, UDF Operations is looking into options for us to take a more… proactive role in the matter, but I’m curious as to the legal implications.”

“Military strikes against Al-Shams terrorists in Yemen would be permissible under the doctrines of self defence, furthermore although it would be much preferable if you were able to gain the permission of the Yemini Government, such as it is, given the circumstances in that country it would not be strictly necessary,” Carmichael replied. “If you are referring to the Layartebian strikes and any legal issues that might arise as a result of our own, then, again, the issue would be less legal and more political, there would be the question as to whether the Layartebians would admit anything, given the lengths we believe they are going to to deny their activities.”

“If we were to launch strikes, I would ensure that we made clear our intentions with the Layartebians, and it would be my hope that, in the face of our intention to interfere, they would reveal their own activities; to do otherwise would be unnecessarily reckless,” Secretary Carson commented. “Moreover, the Federation Council is making no secret of its discussions on the matter, after all it is not like the Yemini Al-Shams cells would have the capability to stop our strikes, so the EoL may well reach out to us first, in which case we will likewise challenge their denials.”

“Very well, that would have me satisfied; the last thing I want to happen is for an incident to occur between UDF and EoL military aircraft or other assets over Yemen, aside from the loss of life there would be significant legal and political fallout,” Carmichael commented dryly. “In any event, I want to go back to the JAG Delegations, specifically I want to discuss in details the matters that I want them to focus on, I realise they’re not in my formal change of command, but their justice-related activities do come under my purview, as such…"

[Freistaat-Ostafrika]

5 June 2018 - 13:30hrs [UTC+3]
Al Alam Palace
Muscat, Unified Arab Sultanate

Almost three weeks after hosting a visit from Maharajah Rama Varma VII, Sultan Ibrahim of the Unified Arab Sultanate had continued with his relative silence on the subject of Bahrain and Qatar. Although the Sultanate had been rather quiet in terms of rhetoric, they had not been without activity. Several high level meetings had taken place within the nation between the Sultan and his Royal Advisory Council, with Ambassador Schneider of Ostafrika also attending the vast majority of these gatherings. A flurry of activity had also taken place between the Sultanate's Foreign Ministry and the Ostafrikan Department of External Relations, resulting in a 'surprise visit' to the UAS by Generaldirektor Leopold Eschenbach, head of the Vorstand (or 'Management Board') which essentially made him the Ostafrikan Head of Government as the Vorstand managed the day-to-day running of the state. In fact the visit was only a surprise to foreign powers as the Ostafrikan and Sultanate governments had planned the entire event as a prelude to a supposedly impromptu press announcement.

Following the traditional pattern for press announcements and conferences from Al Alam Palace, the usual authorised media representatives and journalists had gathered in the Grand Hall, all discussing what the announcement could be; in truth, they all had a fairly good idea of what would be coming. The chatter halted and they all stood respectfully as Sultan Ibrahim entered the Grand Hall with Generaldirektor Eschenbach at his side, both amiably talking with broad smiles displayed on the faces of both individuals. Upon reaching the marble and gilt desk that sat at the centre of the Hall, the pair took their seats and the press all took their cue to sit as well. Sultan Ibrahim was dressed in his usual attire of a white dishdasha with a tribally coloured masar headdress while the thin Eschenbach wore a light grey business suit, his short grey hair neatly styled while a pair of black round-rimmed spectacles sat on the bridge of his nose. The fifty year-old was a consummate bureaucrat who had successfully introduced several streamlining reforms into the Ostafrikan state apparatus and had received consistent plaudits for his management style. Eschenbach was now on his second five year term as Generaldirektor and was regarded as something of a protege to Präsident Luxenberg, with a potential seat on the Aufsichtsrat in his future. There was a pause before Sultan Ibrahim began.

"Gathered representatives of the media, thank you for attending on such short notice. As the world is undoubtedly aware, there has been a great deal of contention between particular nations here on the Arabian Pensinula. With the announcement that the Kingdom of Bahrain and the Emirate of Qatar are to join the United Federation of Nations, we here in the Unified Arab Sultanate have been reminded of the necessity of friendship. A few weeks ago I was visited by Maharajah Rama Varma VII of the Kingdom of Travancore, a true friend to the Sultanate and to me personally. Today I have been visited by Generaldirektor Leopold Eschenbach of Freistaat Ostafrika. Ostafrika have demonstrated their friendship towards the UAS on many occasions, and they are currently assisting us with the defense of our borders against the threat of Al-Shams as well as any nation which might attempt to assault us.

"Generaldirektor Eschenbach's visit is not just about the reaffirmation of the friendship between our two nations, however. The arrival of the UFN in our region has demonstrated a fact of current politics. Our world is getting smaller, and more nations will inevitably find their way to our region with less-than-honourable intentions. After a great deal of discussion with my Royal Advisory Council, as well as consulting with Rama Varma VII and Ambassador Arnold Schneider of Freistaat Ostafrika, I have reached a decision regarding the future of the Unified Arab Sultanate which is in the best interests of our nation and our people. I can therefore announce at this time that the Unified Arab Sultanate is officially applying for membership of the Ostafrikanische Freihandelszone. It is a decision which makes a great deal of sense. Freistaat Ostafrika and the Kingdom of Travancore are two of our most important trading partners, our economy is already linked with their own in various respects. For example, we receive almost one million migrant workers from Travancore. Membership of the OFZ will simply deepen ties which are already deepening. Becoming an OFZ member will bring down the few existing trade barriers between the UAS, Travancore, and Ostafrika. We will be able to import Ostafrikan foodstuffs and manufacturing goods more cheaply and more easily, migrant workers from Travancore will find it even easier to find work within our economy. It shall become easier for investment and capital to flow into our nation, all of our analysis shows that joining the OFZ will be a genuine boon for the Sultanate's economy. It is worth noting of course that we are not opening up our nation to all comers, however. We must ensure the protection of our culture and our way of life, and we will find that in the OFZ. Travancore has been part of the OFZ with Ostafrika for decades, and it is clear to all that Travancore have retained their cultural uniqueness and their right of self-governance."

Ibrahim paused, allowing Eschenbach to speak.

"After meeting with His Majesty today and discussing a wide variety of issues, I can safely state that Freistaat Ostafrika fully endorses and supports the Sultanate's application for membership of the Ostafrikanische Freihandelszone. The OFZ is not simply an economic entity offering free trade between its membership, it is also becoming a family of like-minded nations built upon ideas of mutual respect. When you look at the decades-old relationship between Freistaat Ostafrika and the Kingdom of Travancore, all you will see is friendship, cooperation, and mutual prosperity. That is what OFZ membership offers the UAS. Ostafrika and Travancore see the Sultanate for who they are, a leading power on the Arabian Peninsula. Imagine the possibilities available to the OFZ if it is comprised of Ostafrika, Travancore, and the Sultanate. The Ostafrikanische Freihandelszone can become the vanguard of prosperity, security, and stability in the Indian Ocean region. Joining the OFZ would not diminish the influence of the Sultanate, instead it would be enhanced by being joined with the influence of Ostafrika and Travancore. There would be no requirement to change any domestic laws or the Sultanate's political system either. Ostafrika and Travancore are the Sultanate's closest friends, and friends do not ask you to change."

Eschenbach took a sip of water before continuing.

"The criteria for membership of the Ostafrikanische Freihandelszone are easily met by the Sultanate, so the process of joining should be relatively simple. It is my understanding that the Kingdom of Travancore have expressed their agreement to Sultanate membership so once we have official confirmation of their agreement then we can proceed with the initial phase of bringing the Unified Arab Sultanate into the OFZ."

Sultan Ibrahim then took over once more, a beaming smile on display for all to see.

"This is a momentous day, not just for the Unified Arab Sultanate but also for the Ostafrikanische Freihandelszone. It is my sincere wish that other nations in the region will follow our example and apply for membership of the OFZ, as it represents an opportunity for the countries of the Indian Ocean to form our own family of nations united by economic prosperity and genuine respect for each other. We do not need or want far-flung empires attempting to impose their will upon our region, we are more than capable of prospering and becoming stronger by cooperation within the region."

The pair then stood and shook hands, creating an image which would be broadcast far and wide while the OAG finally wrapped their tentacles around the Unified Arab Sultanate with no intention of ever letting go.