News Thread [Kylaris|Canon|IC]

by **Insaeldor** » Sun Feb 11, 2024 10:14 am

Corruption, Sex Trafficking, and the Erosion of the State, Party-line policy in BMG’s Surubon

By: John Basang

Some names have been altered to protect the identity of at risk individuals

December 31st, 2023. An unreported flight initially originating in Euclea from Bamburu Garuda International Airport would touch down at Bukit Merah Regional Airport in southern Surubon. Flight records show that the medium sized business jet was set to the priority VIP gate, where the occupants could exit the airport without going through post flight security. A right typically reserved for government officials in Surubon. In the car were a dozen men, most notably were several Euclean businessmen, whose names have not been delisted from the Surubonese Defendant Privacy Act list. As well as Raden WartawIharyo, Air Marshal of the Surubonese Republic, the leading military official from the air Force, who currently sits as part of the National Joint Leadership Council which governs the military. Bukit Merah Regional is the connecting airport to the Bukit Merah Special Economic Zone, known for its long beaches, lush rainforest, and assortment of themed hotels and casinos like Münzwurf, Akagi, and Riluo. The group would drive from the airport into the SEZ’s main commercial road, where they would visit the Akagi, themed around early modern Senrian aesthetics and visual trappings. The casino girls dressed in faux geisha attire, serving pricey teas and exotic sushi in the VIP lounge.

Kasih Tanandarto, a young woman from nearby Chhiatwan, a small village propped up by rice farming and rubber processing, was working as a hostess in the lounge with the men. She says at roughly 1:25 am one of the men paid here Ɍ350,000, or roughly €240 to have sex. She states that she had met a financial quota set by the Akagis management and had the right to decline. The man complained to management, where Tanandarto was then escorted by security to the man's room, where she says she was sexually assaulted. Security was present but did not come to her aid, instead, after the fact, she was escorted back to her shared living quarters at around 5:50 am. Tanandarto was then offered two days sick leave by management, explaining that management felt that she was experiencing “Stress Induced somatic sensations'', a pseudo-scientific medical diagnosis that implies general somatic sensations (Hallucinations based around the perception of bodily mutilation or violation) as caused by work or life related stress. The point was clear, management was aware of what happened, and was attempting to gaslight her and fein sympathy.

Sadly, Kisah's story is all too common in Surubon. Kisah is an ethnic Miwaun, and grew up near the Capurian border. Her family were chicken farmers, her father and uncles specializing in raising Ayam Cemani for local cockfighting rings. Her prospects were few, she had a limited formal education, as an ethnic minority she was subject to discrimination in traditional work spaces, and chicken farming was a boarish career that would see her trapped in the same cycle of poverty her mother and her mothers mother were caught in. in 2019 she and her mother went to the town of Goraung to potentially buy a few roosters for the farm, while there she saw an advert for a position as Casino Hostess at the Palácio de Dados, a themed hotel located in the Njagakarta Special Economic Zone roughly 12 km from where she lived. It advertised a base salary of Ɍ165,000 monthly plus commission and tips, an unbelievable salary equating to roughly €200 monthly, she would need to living in on premise housing, and to even be considered she'd need To go through an interview process which determined if she could fit the “look”.

She would taxi to the SEZs gate, and was given temporary papers for her time, paid for by the Casino through an intermediary she met with in Goraung. She would visit the casino, themed around an old colonial Asterian fazenda. She was given the uniform, a powder blue colonial style Dress, she was then interviewed multiple times by different people throughout the day. She would be offered a position as a “Temporary Unclassified Employee” according to documents she gave to Suara Rakyat. She was then escorted to a room, where her documentation was taken and withheld from her, she was then informed that by the terms of the contract she had signed, she owed the Casino, owned and operated by the United Entertainment Group, in excess of Ɍ7,000,000 as debt for the interview process and then “time and expenditures” related to her travel and interview process, according to her she also needed to pay interest set at 35%, this would mean her whole salary would be taken as payment, plus her living expenses would be calculated monthly and added to the initial debt. She was then moved to a cubicle-like environment in the casinos basement, where women were working at computers, she was then forced to work for an online dating scam factory, tasked with talking to multiple men via online dating services, where she was expected to cultivate relations with the men and encourage them to send her money under the auspice of helping her to emigrate from Surubon to the target's home country, usually an Euclean or asterian nation. The money she got from this would be added to her payments, compelling her to take on more work in the hope she could more quickly pay off her contract and be let go. She would do this for 4 months between June and September.

In September she was informed her contract was bought out by another business, and she was moved to the Palazzo Reale, another casino in the Njagakarta SEZ. the difference between her established debt and the price that she was about for, about Ɍ3,000,000 was added to her established debt, as well as Ɍ1,000,000 in assorted fees. She was then forced to work in a Cam Girl Farm, where she would make money based on donations brought in from her live streams. This was a change in her situation, a transition into what is legally classified as forced prostitution. She was made to do this for one month, her employer notified her that they had sold her to another business due to low performance. That is how she ended up in the Akagi. It was her that she was made to transition from online to in person prostitution. Her debt now stood at nearly Ɍ9,500,000. She was hired for hostess work, and was not directly instructed to engage in prostitution as part of the job, however the established salary was no longer enough to make payments on the principal and interest, meaning she was now trapped in a debt cycle unless she earned extra money through prostitution which was heavily encouraged by management, the Akagi also being owned and operated by Universal Entertainment Group.

She would work at the Akagi from 2019 onwards, Where she was tasked with catering to guests, serving food and beverages, and acting as a guide to the hotel, informing patrons of the games offered, prices, and tips for winning certain games. At night her role shifted to that of a hostess where she would work in the lounges, serving drinks to customers and chatting them up, ultimately there would be an invitation for services which would be exchanged, with rates ranging from €100 to €350 depending on duration and specific client requests. Tanandarto had worked there for roughly 3 years at the time of the assault, and has stated that such events are not uncommon, but generally the casino had security throw out clients that attempted these sorts of attacks and generally kept the women safe as she puts it, what was so different was that, to her, management and security were complicit in not only allowing the attack, but also setting it up, with management then attempting to tell her that she was suffering from a mental illness after the fact.

Surubon has suffered from a major human trafficking crisis over the last 30 years. Estimates published yearly by the Surubonese based Institute for at Risk Peoples (IRP) say that there are roughly 200,000 trafficked peoples in the country. With roughly 80% of them being women and children, with girls between the ages of 16 and 25 being at greater risk. IRp also estimates that of those currently in trafficking situations in Surubon, roughly 85% are local Surubonese, 10% are from the wider Brown Sea Region, 4% Are from Coius, generally Southwest and Southern Coius, and 1% being from Euclea and Asteria, usually bought and sold to specific businesses through international human trafficking networks. Historically Trafficked people were made to work as domestic servants, children and men were forced into menial labor roles. But over the last 30 years the trajectory of trafficking in Surubon has changed, Prostitution is now the most common outcome for trafficked individuals, which ranges greatly. Brothel and street prostitution were previously the most common forms, however now cybersexual prostitution makes up a major component of the industry, where young women like Kisah are made to perform to audiences on live streaming sites involuntarily and under the threat of violence by ‘foremen’ who help run and maintain these facilities. Issues of sexual and fetish slavery have also been an area of growing concern for the IRP and states that this form of human trafficking disproportionately affects children. The IRP says that the Special Economic Zone project has been the main incubator of this shift and rise in human trafficking, Surubon has a wide wealth gap between the urban and rural localities, Which incentivizes rural flight into these cities, many people who come to the cities do not have formal education and lack familial support groups that could help them avoid victimization as traffickers use the promise of high paying low skill work to entice young woman. The government's subsidization of the SEZ airports also play a role, as it makes traveling to Surubon roughly 37% cheaper than anywhere else in the region from places like Euclea, Asteria, and Southern Coius which has aided into the growth of the sex tourism industry in the country.

The weeks after the assault, Kasih would use her personal relations with staff members to help accumulate information, she was planning to go to the police, and wanted to have evidence to back up her story. A friend who worked in receptions brought her a 32GB Thumb Drive, which she used to download video evidence from the casino's CCTV system, as well as financial documents from the night of the assault and room registrations. She would on the night of March January 20th, after work use the employee smoke break patio to escape the facility unseen. She would walk the streets of Njagakarta for roughly 5 km before reaching the gate, where she used loose cigarettes to bribe the guards into allowing her to pass the gate without her documents. She would make it back to Goraung, and would sleep in front of the police station until it opened its doors at 6:30 am that morning. She gave the thumb drive and other information to police sergeant Basile Marwoto, Marwoto sent Kisah to the hospital for a medical check up, he then wrote his report based on testimony from Ms. Tanandarto, and he put everything into an evidence locker and sent his report to the Ministry of Internal Security Database, a repository for all police stations to submit reports on criminal complaints. 2 days layer agents from the Federated National Police (PNP) would visit the station and request access to the information locker regarding the case of an escaped casino girl, Marwoto complied and gave them access to the evidence, which contained the majority of the evidence provided except for the thumb drive, which a insightful young deputy had taken and given to local journalist before it ended up in the hands of various expatriate journalist. Afterwards PNP officers went into the local hospital to arrest Kisah, however she had discharged herself the night before, and presumably returned to her village.

As news leaked out that General WartawIharyo had been accused of being complicit in the assault, news remained tight-lipped on the matter, declining press questions, but most media either did not ask the question or asked around the accusations levied against him. The Government also declined to answer any questions related to the case, which had opened a lot of questions regarding President Gombeks continued relations with the Universal Entertainment Group, a company which he founded and operated and still maintains control of to this day. Ultimately the PNP made a statement of February 7th stating that they would not seek to investigate WartawIharyo, citing lack of direct evidence and evidence tampering as the main reasons. WartawIharyo only statement on the matter came hours after this announcement, speaking to a Tasikbaya Times Post reporter Joe Mulwano he said “When one feels no shame in telling a deliberate lie, there is no evil, I tell you, he will not do. But if he does do, then that is for him to explain, not for me to argue.``

The Surubonese Government is however directly linked to this incident. Universal Entertainment Group was founded by Budiharto Gombek, who was instrumental in helping to plan and execute the SEZ program in the early 2000’s. He would become a billionaire based on the revenue generated by the lax regulations and non-existant taxes that flowed out of the SEZ’s as he established a Casino empire made up of nearly 45 small to large casinos that operated in these areas. While corruption has been a serious issue facing Surubon since independence in 1949, Gombek’s injection into the political membrane of the state would inflate the issue. Before becoming president in 2017 he was implicated in a abuse of discretion case where it was reported that Gombek had paid off numerous customs officials to allow the flow of Baga, a synthetic amphetamine, to pass through several ports on the nation's western coast. It is believed that this was done as a favor to the Lautan Sindikat, an organized criminal group which has been heavily involved in the trafficking of drugs and people since the 60’s. Who are rumored to have aided in Gombek’s plans to cut out smaller competition in the newly legal gambling industry. Recently the government has been implicated in a graft scheme organized by the central government and military. Earlier in 2023 it was announced that the New Infantry Rifle Program had started voting on a new rifle for the military, in August voting had been finalized and the winner of the program was the Sentem-2000, made by PEMNAS. Immediately junior officers within the military began to sound off on the situation. The Sentem was reportedly poorly made, further reporting showed that PEMNAS was partially owned by General Maung Pekasan and Brigadier General Jean-Marc Priyono. The decision was formally accepted by President Gombek who has had a long working relationship with both Pekasan and Priyono, the claims from junior officers being that the military chose the rifle so that the state could offer procurement contracts, the Sentem being poorly made so as to maximize potential earning from the graft scheme and increasing the overall payout the two generals would receive.

The SEZ’s themselves are the major vectors for this corruption to occur, and so deep is the corruption that the state is nearly incapable of functioning and taking action. Recently on 6th of Feburary ressponding to the announcement of Zorasani sanction against Austeria and Valduvia President Gombek made a public statement of Chipr that he intended to back the Zorasani sanction and also join the sanction regime, which his party pushed through in the legislature later that day. However these sanctions can not by law take effect in the SEZ’s. The party has crippled its own foreign policy and it is by design. It offers the ability for Surubon to engage diplomatically with its traditional allies in Shangea and Zorasan, while never having to completely cut itself out from the major Euclean and Asterian markets that make up the majority of the funding and cash flow within the SEZ’s. They pose a damaging situation, Surubon can not regulate the financial happening within the SEZ’s, and they themselves have engineered a powerless situation for themselves. Where the Council of Trustees for multiple SEZ’s have instituted financial privacy laws that prevent the localized and corporate police from investigating these matters. Sanctioning Austeria and Valduvia is meaningless, because there is no way in which Surubon can functionally go after their financial interest in the country if any were to exist in the first place, not only that but the SEZ’s offering the ability to evade sanctions. Creating a poisonous cocktail where Zorasani, Austerian, and Valduvian financial trickers operate within the SEZ’s to help maintain cash flows in defiance of any sanction placed against them. Surubon thus has no ability to act out its foreign policy aims in any meaningful capacity, as the state's authority to act has been dismantled and eroded on purpose for the maximization of corporate profits which the national government benefits from.

This is in part the ultimate design of Getaku’s vision for Surubon, as early as 2007, Secretariat for National Development and Industry Jaya Suwatan gave a speech to a group of investors in the capital, explaining his ultimate vision for a “Interconnected and boundaryless world.” stating “Our main goal with the SEZ Program is to demonstrate a known reality, that unmitigated freedom in the market will be the ultimate driver of global prosperity. The SEZ exist to establish zones of freedom, where people can spend their money as wanted, and where the profit motive drives employment and growth in the wider economy, simply through their existence they will not only embolden the economy of Surubon, but become an economic hub for the entire of Southeast Coius, unburdened by borders and state regulation that destroy human ingenuity and economic success.”

Ultimately, the SEZ’s bring in no money to the state treasury, they are not subjected to tax, and actually cost the government millions in subsidies yearly as their growth is tied to the artificial deflation of prices. In turn the governing elite make large sums of money operating business interests in the regions, and taxpayers are forced to take on the financial burden of their artificial success and are routinely victimized in order to develop as many possible revenue streams as they can in order to increase their yearly salaries. Something that both Getaku and the Military are now shown to be intimately involved in. Kasih Tanandarto was forced into a life of prostitution in order to make money for Gombeks casino empire which already makes billion based solely of rigged games of chance, she was assaulted to appease foreign business interest, who were meeting with members of the nations military elite, and when she came out and offered evidence of the fact she was quickly relegated into obscurity and the police refused to act in her interest, rather they protected the well being of a man worth nearly €10 Million, entirely made off of corruption and exploitation.

by **Asase Lewa** » Mon Feb 12, 2024 2:32 am

OPINION: Why have Euclean capitalists awoken only to Zorasani imperialism in Austeria, despite a long history of Zorasani imperialism throughout Coius?
by Bosede Ide

Lavanan Premier Emmanuel Bakhtzhany, one of the Yoloten's strongest allies against Hacyinian
semi-feudalism and Zorasani imperialism, discusses the history of the class struggle in the Yoloten
in a recent interview with proletarian Estmerish journalist Alexandra Carlson.

KARTHA, AUSTERIA - In the wake of the Austerian intelligence community's allegations that Zorasan orchestrated a spy and torture ring in its country targeting Zorasani refugees, the countries of Euclea have demonstrated a rare show of unity in denouncing Zorasan's actions. With the exception of our proletarian, but wayward, Champanian comrades, the national-bourgeois Soravian regime and that regime's neocolonies in occupied Miersa and western Euclea, the states of Euclea have assembled together in a rare show of unity to denounce Zorasan's actions. Governments ranging from our Valduvian comrades to the labor-aristocratic and class-collaborationist Gaullican and Estmerish governments to the liberal-monarchist Weranian dictatorship of the bourgeoisie to even the neo-Functionalist Etrurian regime have all denounced Zorasan's actions in Austeria, with many using the opportunity to initiate a further struggle against Zorasani imperialism in Austeria. Sylviane Lambert, the Foreign Minister of Gaullica and a member of the labor-aristocratic Social Democratic Party, called for "a stronger domestic and EC-wide response to adequately address issues pertaining to espionage and foreign interference in domestic affairs," while Zoe Halivar, the Prime Minister of Estmere who also hails from a labor-aristocratic orientation, denounced Zorasani imperialism throughout Euclea and Coius and offered Austeria Estmere's support in efforts to combat organized crime and Zorasani terrorism.

Whatever else one may think of Euclea, and the bourgeois-dictatorships of that continent's pivotal roles in historically spreading and maintaining imperialism, colonialism, and neocolonialism throughout Coius and the Asterias, Euclea's response to Zorasani imperialism and torture in Austeria is admirable, and must be understood as such. Though the bourgeoisie overthrew the Austerian workers' state in a counter-revolution in 2005, the Austerian working-class retains substantial political power—most notably, through its continued control of its security state, its leadership of the leading Socialist Party, and its substantial presence in prominent tribalist parties, notably the labor-aristocratic and Irfanic Kuvendi Party and the tribalist-socialist Novalian Revolutionary Front—and has used that political power to ensure that Austeria remains a prominent voice in the workers' struggle internationally, with the country retaining close ties with our Valduvian comrades and housing socialist and leftist Zorasani dissidents who have criticized that country's dominant capitalist-roader element. It is precisely these dissidents—the majority of whom escaped from occupied Irvadistan when Zorasan invaded that country in the 1970s, or left-wing and socialist Zorasani dissidents that have fled to Austeria after capitalist-roader and national-bourgeois elements solidified their control over the country in the mid-2000s—that Zorasan targeted in its torture ring in the 2000s. Aggression against Austeria and is foreign policy, therefore, can be broadly understood as aggression against the international workers' cause given that the proletarian line remains, at least for now, largely in command of Austerian foreign policy.

More importantly, Euclean unity represents the formation of a prominent and potentially-powerful bulwark against Zorasani imperialism. To be sure, the Zorasani Revolution's anti-colonial and socialist origins remain an inspiration to workers everywhere, and the legacy of those ideals means that Zorasan's foreign policy still remains steadfastly opposed to Euclean imperialism, as evidenced by its close ties with, and support for, our Shangean comrades and its founding of the International Forum for Developing States. However, the tragic reality is that capitalist-roader and national-bourgeois elements have gradually infiltrated the Zorasani state and perverted the Revolution's original ideals—as commonly occurred in other ex-socialist countries that insufficiently combat the national-bourgeoisie, such as Rwizikuru or Surubon—beginning with their invasion of socialist Irvadistan and support for the Mabifian counter-revolution in the 1970s, continuing escalating with their mass primitive accumulation and consequent enclosure of the Zorasani peasantry and privatization of public services in the 1980s and 1990s, and exemplified by actions in recent years following the complete capitalist-roader and national-bourgeois takeover of the country. Following the capitalist-roader takeover of the country, the Zorasani proletariat live in decrepit, even slavelike, conditions while the elite frolic in cities like Mina al-Majid, exempt from the evermore arbitrary tribalist decrees they force the workers to live under.

But Zorasani imperialism did not begin with its torture of leftist emigres; that was only when it crossed the Solarian Sea. Zorasani imperialism is a reality that the world’s oppressed, proletarian majority has increasingly felt for some time. Zorasan has been instrumental in Yemet’s deterioration and turn to disaster and Civil War, backing a tribalist-comprador military dictatorship as it massacres its own people and keeps them in perpetual underdevelopment. In Mabifia, Zorasan has solidified support for the Mabifian counter-revolution and supplied the Ndjarendie-tribalist regime in efforts to suppress the Makanian Workers’ Army, which seeks to restore councilism in Makania. Most severely and concerningly, Zorasan played an integral role in enabling Hacyinian semi-feudalists to crush the Yolotenese people’s attempt to free their compatriots in occupied Yoloten, and re-enslaved hundreds of thousands of Yolotenese people under the Hacyinian yoke.

Yet until it reached its own continent, the response of Euclea— save for our Valduvian, Miersaan, and Autuzian comrades—to such Zorasani imperialism and aggression has been middling and ineffectual. Capitalist Euclea has, in Yemet—led by Yemet’s former colonizer in Werania—cut off all humanitarian aid to the one of the poorest countries in the world while engaging in vastly-insufficient efforts to free the country. Capitalist Euclea has never condemned nor opposed the Mabifian counter-revolutionary state and regime, even as Mabifia’s tremendous inequality and underdevelopment brought the proletariat to near-starvation during a food crisis in 2020-2021 and the regime continues its wanton abuse and violence against the Makanian people for having the audacity to dare to struggle and dare to win. Capitalist Euclea was silent and offered no military support to the Yoloten and Lavana in 2022, even as our Chistovodian comrades sacrificed and sent massive military aid so that all the Yolotense people might be free. It is only when Zorasan attacks one of their own, in Austeria, that Euclea moves from mere condemnation to real and material opposition to Zorasani imperialism.

The reason for this Euclean inaction, obvious to any Bahian with a basic understanding of their country’s history, is, of course, that Euclea is, save for the councilist countries, historically complicit in imperialism and exploitation of the poorer nations, including pre-liberation Asase Lewa or, once upon a time, Zorasan itself. The shameful history of Euclean colonialism and neocolonialism in Bahia and Coius is long: Estmere and Gaullica’s opposition to the United Bahian Republic and consequent support first for the Rwizikuran tribalist-comprador bourgeois regime of evil that Ngonidzashes have plunged the country into, and second for the comprador-bourgeois state of Garambura, their support for the successive tribalist-comprador bourgeois regimes that enslaved Tiwura until the 1990s, culminating in the genocide of our Tiwuran Gundaya brothers and sisters until our People’s Revolutionary Army ended the occupation, and their establishment of the Global Institute for Fiscal Affairs, whose “structural adjustment programs” have looted the oppressed majority the world over and become the most prominent instrument of financial imperialism in the world today. It is plain and obvious to see that Estmere, Gaullica, and Werania are just as if not more complicit than Zorasan in the long and shameful history of tribalism, imperialism, and capitalism that oppresses and enslaves most of the world even today.

In this context, then, it is understandable that certain wayward comrades hesitate to condemn Zorasani imperialism, or are skeptical of its claims. Globally, our wayward Champanian comrades are a prominent example of this tyranny. Closer to home, Jesse Mushohwe, a prominent leader of the Rwizikuran Progressive Front, the leading progressive, anti-tribalist, and anti-comprador movement in the country, has gone so far as to argue that the Zorasani torture ring is “a sham made up by the imperialist powers of the world.” Yet the torture ring is, sadly, as real as the sky above or the earth below, with the proletarian, and thus universal, class nature of the Austerian intelligence community ensuring that few ideological blinders prevent their protection of the Austerian people from Zorasani imperialism. The immiseration of the proletarians of Zorasan, Yemet, the Yoloten, and Mabifia thanks to Zorasani tribalism, capitalism, and imperialism similarly remain so terribly, tragically real.

The natural course of action for proletarians and councilists, then, is to wage a two-line struggle, against Zorasani and Euclean imperialism and capitalism alike. This two-line struggle, indeed, is precisely what the Congress of the Workers’ International is waging the world over. Our Valduvian comrades promise a renewed struggle against “international liberalism [bourgeois thought]” and support the Alslandic proletariat in their struggle against austerity and financial imperialism just as they fight against Zorasani imperialism in Austeria and the Yoloten. Our Section and our Supreme Workers’ Council promises a similar path, leading our Bahian Council Republic to material support to the Bahian people in struggle against Zorasani imperialism just as we continue the struggle against the Global Institute for Fiscal Affairs’s financial imperialism by establishing a financial institution of our own in the Bank of Bahia.

But with the recent crisis in Austeria, and political developments throughout Euclea offer some hope that the situation is changing. Though far from ideal, the labor-aristocratic parties governing Estmere and Gaullica do indeed govern, both domestically and internationally, with greater beneficence than would be expected under pure bourgeois dictatorship, and the labor-aristocratic parties increasingly realize that the brutal imperialism of previous years is no longer sustainable, given both the Zorasani challenge and the re-invigoration of councilism and anti-imperialism throughout the workers’ states, including in Valduvia, Chistovodia, Dezevau, Lavana, and Asase Lewa. Whatever their faults, the labor aristocracy now realizes that condemnations of Zorasani imperialism will ring hollow so long as capitalist Euclean countries are just as imperialistic.

In fairness to them, some labor aristocrats realized the danger of Zorasani imperialism, and a need to adjust their own foreign policies and move away from brutal imperialism and neocolonialism, even before the Austerian crisis. In September, Zoe Halivar, the Prime Minister of Estmere, publicly hoped for a “New Bahian Country,” in which Estmere would not engage in the neocolonialism of previous years and entered into diplomatic rapprochement with our Bahian Council Republic, during which Kwassi Kodjo and Ablà Koranten secured major concessions, including Estmerish funding for the Bank of Bahia and investment in Asalewan industry and commerce, Estmerish support for the GIFA moving away from brutal structural adjustment, and the repatriation of Asalewan artifacts stolen during colonialism. Unlike some Eucleans, Halivar also opposes Zorasani imperialism beyond the Solarian Sea, her statement denouncing Zorasan’s actions in Lavana and Tsabara as well as in Austeria.

While Euclea’s awakening to the threat and reality of Zorasani imperialism is unacceptably, inappropriately, indefensibly late, some actions and statements, especially Halivar’s, thus indicate that Euclea will indeed oppose Zorasani imperialism beyond the Solarian Sea, not just on their sceptered and golden island. And if the labor aristocrats dominating much of the continent, such as in Gaullica and Caldia, are genuine in their opposition to Zorasani imperialism, certainly Zorasani imperialism beyond the Solarian Sea, they will have no choice but to follow in Halivar and Estmere’s footsteps. If Euclea truly wishes to engage in a new age of struggle against Zorasan, it is the proletariat, the world’s oppressed majority—as in 1921, 1935, 1953, 1960, and 1965—which will decide the victor. The people know what countries, classes, and political forces are responsible for their oppression, only support those which are not responsible for, and indeed oppose, it, and never forget their oppressors. In this new age of struggle, we will decide who wins, and all countries must never forget this.

Domestic News:
NEWS - Supreme Workers' Council to boost investment in ibogaine production and clinics nationally, Ablà Koranten calls ibogaine "our most important tool in fighting tramadol addiction"
ECONOMY - Facilitation Board revises projected economic output growth in 2024 upward, based on higher-than-expected textile exports to Euclea
HUMAN INTEREST - Once a Yemeti refugee, now the chef of a popular Yemeti restaurant in Edudzi Agyeman City, Zeyada Mengistu says she wants to "put my love for this country in my food"
International News:
GARAMBURA - Corruption scandal rocks the nation after local comprador-bourgeois politicians embezzled aid for development projects
RWIZIKURU - Election season begins in earnest - can the Progressive Front successfully overthrow the tribalist-comprador bourgeois tyranny of the Ngonidzashes and their puppeteers?
VALDUVIA - Our Valduvian comrades reach agreement with Soravia, agree to install a hotline between the two countries and fight international liberalism

by **Union of Akoren** » Mon Feb 12, 2024 7:35 am

by **Union of Akoren** » Wed Feb 14, 2024 8:10 am

by **Eskaeba** » Wed Feb 14, 2024 3:16 pm

by **Etruria2** » Fri Feb 16, 2024 6:47 am

by **Imagua and the Assimas** » Sun Feb 18, 2024 2:23 pm

IMAGUA PREPARES FOR ITS FIRST DAY IN THE 2024 WINTER INVICTUS GAMES
Coach Isiah Lecruse interviewed by the Imaguan Television Service on a variety of topics

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BETTY MOWAT (@BettyMowat)
18 FEBRUARY, 2024 15:25 IST | RIMSO, SCOVERN

Vinebaldo Ciccarelli at Nordfolden (Imaguan Invictus Committee)

As the 2024 Invictus Games officially opens at the Rentenbank Arena in the Scovernois capital of Rimso, the Imaguan delegation is preparing for their first day of events tomorrow, when Vinebaldo Ciccarelli, Angelina Peterson, Gabino Puntacuto, and Winton Stepney compete in the six kilometre mixed biathlon relay.

We at ITS secured an interview with team coach Isiah Lacruse to interview him over the team's preparation methods; their expectations for the Imaguan biathletes, and how the Imaguans are faring in Rimso.

How were you able to prepare the Imaguan team for the Invictus Games in a country where it does not snow?

"This has been a very common question that we've been asked every time we participate in a winter games," Lacruse said. "There's training that we can do in Imagua, even without the presence of any snow."

"During the wet season, while everyone else plays chausse, we go to the shooting range in the village of The Hump just over the St. Ellen's-St. Fiacre's border, and we not only practice shooting at the target, we also practice skiing in the mud to try and simulate conditions in Scovern," Lacruse said. "During the dry season too, we practice skiing in the range surrounding the hump."

"Of course, there is only so much you can do when your country does not snow, so especially in the past month or two, we've been spending time up in the Neeves perfecting our skills to match real-world conditions," Lacruse added. "So we've spent much of that time since Nativity in Estmerish Neeves preparing for the Winter Invictus Games."

What are your expectations for the Imaguan delegation this time around?

"We are planning on securing our first ever winter medal," Lacruse said. "In 2020, in the Soravian city of Novokharbatsk, our biathletes did well, but the best we placed was fourth place in the twenty kilometre male individual start."

"By the standards of a country that does not get snow, fourth place is good enough, but of course, the rest of the Imaguan biathletes didn't do so well: the men finished sixth in the fifteen kilometre, and the women placed thirteenth and fifteenth in the fifteen kilometre and twelve-and-a-half kilometre events repsectively," Lacruse said. "So, we have an uphill road ahead if we want to achieve a medal."

"However, as the Coupe du Monde last year has shown, even small countries can produce giants, and just as we have shocked the world by making it all the way to the Round of 32 on our footballing debut, I am very confident we will get at least a bronze," Lacrusde declared.

How are the Imaguans enjoying Scovern?

"We are enjoying Scovern and everything that it has to offer," Lacruse said. "Our accommodations are excellent, the people have been friendly, even if the Arucian cuisine in Rimso, let alone the rest of Scovern, leaves a lot to be desired."

"Rimso is a very beautiful, clean, modern city, and it is a shame that we will not be spending a lot of time in Rimso," Lacruse added. "However, I will say that the Revnettind Extreme Park in Nordfolden has been quite excellent, and I am very confident that we will acquire our first ever winter Invictus medal tomorrow, or if not tomorrow, over the eight days we will be competing in biathlon."

With our interview concluded, it seems like the Imaguan delegation is in good hands as it prepares for its first day of the 2024 Invictus Games. We wish the Imaguan invictus team a wonderful Invictus Games, and may they bring home our first ever medals for the 2024 Winter Games.

For more live coverage of the 2024 Invictus Games in Rimso-Nordfolden, tune in to its one or its due, or watch live coverage online here!

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by **Imagua and the Assimas** » Sat Feb 24, 2024 9:30 pm

A MONTH IN: WHAT ARE THE MAIN ISSUES THAT THE PARTIES ARE CAMPAIGNING ON?
Major parties are focusing on housing, infrastructure, foreign affairs, and the economy

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BETTY MOWAT (@BettyMowat)
24 FEBRUARY, 2024 17:35 IST | CUANSTAD, CITY OF

Clockwise from top left: Elisabetta Cefalu (DLP), Icaro Grillo (SLP), Mystelle Stone (GRN), Garon Ripley (MNI)

Over a month after the general election was called by outgoing President Edmondo Privitera, the nation's political parties have been busy campaigning, even as many people across Imagua and the Assimas have turned their focus away from the election campaign towards Imagua's athletes in the Scovernois cities of Rimso and Nordfolden. The political parties have largely focused their energies on four key issues: housing, infrastructure, foreign affairs, and the economy.

Housing

In the four years since the last election, housing has become more and more of a pressing concern for Imaguans as the average price of housing has soared out of reach of many Imaguans. Although long thought to be solely a Cuanstad and San Pietro problem, it has forced younger Imaguans living in Cuanstad, foreign retirees, and investors to seek cheaper housing elsewhere, pushing prices ever higher and higher across the country. The increasing housing prices in urban centres like Altaithe, Lundholm, Nua Taois, and Rutigliano have led to people in those cities no longer being able to afford a home, pushing people into smaller towns across the country.

The major political parties have outlined their proposals to resolve Imagua's growing housing crisis, as the Democratic Labour Party have been criticised for only building thirty-nine new units of social housing in Cuanstad alone between the start of 2020 and end of 2023.

The Democratic Labour Party has pledged to increase the number of social housing units across the country and to reduce waiting lists for social housing
The Green Party has proposed a 200% tax on second homes and homes owned by non-Imaguan citizens to combat speculation and reduce prices, in addition to building more social housing within Cuanstad itself
The Movement for a New Imagua has promised in the 2020 election to prohibit ownership of houses for those who are not either permanent residents or citizens of the country, and to "buy back" homes currently owned by foreigners at market rates
The Sotirian Labour Party has pledged to abolish all restrictions to urban development outside of national parks in order to facilitate the construction of new homes, institute a tax credit to first-time homebuyers, and to institute a temporary one-year moratorium on all home sales to non-Arucian nationals

Infrastructure

Another major issue facing Imaguans is infrastructure. With the completion of the first line of the Cuanstad Metro between Cuanstad and Altaithe, the Democratic Labour Party has proposed expanding Line One from Altaithe to New Burdale within the next decade, and on planning out a second line that would initially connect Wimney in the west to Lundholm in the east, as well as beginning construction on San Pietro's own bus rapid transit system that would serve San Pietro's own suburbs.

However, many other parties have criticised the Democratic Labour Party's "neglect of the rest of the country," with many voters and candidates calling for upgrading the road that goes around Avitabile Island to motorway standards, and for widening the Imaguan Motorway to reduce traffic congestion and reduce traffic times for all passengers.

The Democratic Labour Party has pledged to expand Line 1 of the Cuanstad Metro up to New Burdale in the next decade; plan out Route 2 of the Cuanstad Metro; begin construction on San Pietro's BRT system, and to upgrade the Avitabile Coastal Road up to international motorway standards
The Green Party has pledged to invest expand the Cuanstad Metro and begin planning to upgrade Line 1a from Cuanstad to Altaithe from a bus-rapid transit system to a light-rail transit system; begin construction on San Pietro's BRT system; to expand the Imaguan Maritime Service, and to invest in rural public transportation to reduce car dependency
The Movement for a New Imagua has pledged to expand Line 1 of the Cuanstad Metro up to New Burdale in the next five years and construct Line 2 of the Cuanstad Metro in a decade; begin construction on San Pietro's BRT system; widen the Imaguan Motorway and upgrade the Avitabile Coastal Road up to international motorway standards
The Sotirian Labour Party has pledged to begin construction on San Pietro's BRT system; widen the Imaguan motorway and upgrade the Avitabile Coastal Road up to international motorway standards

Foreign policy

With the rise of the Movement for a New Imagua, many voters have expressed concern that the Movement for a New Imagua would isolate the country from the international stage, ranging from Movement for a New Imagua's leader Garon Ripley declaring that a MNI government would withdraw Imagua from Euclovision due to "pornographic content" to the Emeraudian government condemning the MNI "encouraging further xenophobia — or, at worst, violence — against Emeraudians and other non-Imaguans."

These anxieties have led to the other three parties promising to "maintain" and "deepen ties" with its Arucian neighbours and to remain part of the Arucian Cooperative Organization. Although the Movement for a New Imagua has attempted to shed its xenophobic image and has tried appealing to Imaguans who are descended from other Arucian countries by saying the MNI's "issue is not with our fellow Arucian brothers and sisters in Sotiras, or the typical vacationer who stays at a hotel or a resort and contributes to our economy," but Euclean and Asterian retirees and people buying up a second home in Imagua, many voters seem to doubt the MNI's claims.

The Democratic Labour Party has pledged to maintain ties with Estmere and the Arucian Cooperative Organization, and to cooperate with anti-Tribune organisations in Etruria
The Green Party has pledged to maintain ties with Estmere and the Arucian Cooperative Organization, and to cooperate with environmentalist and anti-Tribune organisations in Etruria
The Movement for a New Imagua has pledged to improve relations with Etruria; maintain ties with the Arucian Cooperative Organization, and to reduce ties with countries that support the Poteri Oscuri, such as Estmere and Gaullica
The Sotirian Labour Party has pledged to maintain ties with Estmere and the Arucian Cooperative Organisation, and to improve relations with Etruria

Economy

Finally, the major political parties of Imagua and the Assimas are campaigning on improving the national economy, whether it be through job-creation programmes; decreasing regulations to stimulate development, or cracking down on the banks and making Imagua less of a tax haven.

The Democratic Labour Party seeks to maintain the "social economy" by maintaining existing environmental, economic, and health and safety regulations on the Imaguan economy and the welfare state and to maintain existing regulations on the banks
The Green Party seeks to introduce a Green New Deal that would strengthen environmental regulations, reducing economic inequality, and create "sustainable jobs" that would grow the Imaguan economy, and to increase regulations on the banks to end Imagua's status as a tax haven
The Movement for a New Imagua seeks to reduce environmental regulations; maintain economic regulations; increase health and safety regulations, and increase regulations on the banks to end Imagua's status as a tax haven
The Sotirian Labour Party seeks to reduce "burdensome red tape" by rolling back environmental, economic, and health and safety regulations on the Imaguan economy and to reduce regulations on the banks

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by **Eskaeba** » Fri Mar 22, 2024 3:13 pm

by **Imagua and the Assimas** » Fri Mar 22, 2024 8:29 pm

MNI LARGEST PARTY IN HOUSE OF COMMONS, FAILS TO SECURE A MAJORITY
MNI secures 29 seats, DLP secures 24 seats, SLP secures 17 seats, Greens secure 1 seat

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BETTY MOWAT (@BettyMowat)
23 MARCH, 2024 01:35 IST | CUANSTAD, CITY OF

Map of Imaguan constituencies

After an exuberant three-monthlong campaign, the Movement for a New Imagua made history when it became the largest party in the House of Commons today, taking 29 of the 71 seats in the House of Commons, marking the first time that the party became the largest in the House of Commons, and only the second time in Imaguan history that the largest party in the House of Commons failed to secure more than half of the seats after the 2020 election.

The Democratic Labour Party, which had limped on as a minority government since 2020 is now the second-largest party in the House of Commons, with 24 seats. This means that it is up to the Sotirian Labour Party, who previously was the Official Opposition, but now only has 17 seats, to determine whether the Democratic Labour Party will remain in power, or if the Movement for a New Imagua will form government.

Reactions from the political leaders
At a victory rally in San Pietro, MNI leader Garon Ripley declared at a short victory speech that "today, you have voted to take back the very heart of the Arucian from the bankers and the Poteri Oscuri who have sought to destroy our heritage and our cultural traditions, and you have voted for truly meaningful change: to build a new Imagua with us," and thanked his supporters "from the bottom of my heart" for helping the party succeed not just in this election, but "over the course of twenty-one years" despite what he described as an insurmountable challenge by the "oligarchic establishment."

"Today, we have upturned the old system and declared that the people want a new Imagua: one where our culture, our traditions, and our way of life are protected; one where the banks are curtailed; one where our countrymen can afford to live in their own country instead of having to leave for Carucere, Saint-Chloe, or Bonaventura just because they have been outbid again and again by Asterian and Euclean retirees."

"So, let us celebrate, and then we can begin our work tomorrow to build a new Imagua," Ripley said.

At another rally in San Pietro, DLP leader Elisabetta Cefalu told the crowd that "we fought to defend our beautiful island nation from an anti-democratic tidal wave whose waves originate far from our shores, and to build a better Imagua for all of its people," but that "we unfortunately have lost the battle" against the Movement for a New Imagua.

She took full responsibility for the party's defeat, saying that "perhaps our best was not good enough," and has pledged to hold a leadership review in the summer to determine if the DLP membership still want her to lead the Democratic Labour Party. However, she expressed a willingness to cooperate with SLP leader Icaro Grillo to "defend our nation's democracy."

However, Cefalu's hopes seemed to be dashed, as SLP leader Icaro Grillo expressed his intention at an election night rally in Cuanstad to begin negotiations with MNI leader Garon Ripley on forming a coalition government, which if successful would be the first since the Suthmeerite-ESWI/Liberal-Socialist coalition that was formed over a century ago.

"I have spoken to Mr. Ripley to congratulate him on his well-earned victory and to request that we hammer out a deal," Grillo said. "He was very receptive to my suggestion, and I am very confident that when we meet up tomorrow, we will reach a deal that will not only build what he calls a new Imagua, but will show to the world that Imagua remains open for business."

Finally, Green Party leader Mystelle Stone said that "today has been a devastating blow to the environmentalist cause" on Imagua, citing both her caucus being cut in half, and the "real possibility" of a MNI-SLP coalition that would "undo decades of environmental protections in an era where climate change is becoming more and more of an urgent threat."

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My Last.fm · by **West Kirkon** » Tue Apr 02, 2024 10:52 am

Mariya Nazarivna - 2 April 2024

Home · Vinalia · Asteria · International · Politics · Finance · Sports · Entertainment · Health · Travel · Weather · Opinion

Father of the nation Oleksandr Artemovych, dies at 94.

Orlavo -

Former President, Minister-President, and Chairman of the North Vinalian council Oleksandr Artemovych, passed away peacefully at his home in Orlavo at age 94 on April 2nd, 2024. Artemovych a crucial figure in the reunification of Vinalia, from his position as the head of government in the People's Republic.

Several figures voiced their condolences to Artemovych's family, and have requested that flags be flown at half mast for 30 days in honor of Artemovych, and declared April 7th to be a day of mourning. President Omelyan Pavlov called for a press conference. "We remember Artemovych for being one of the main forces that believed and pushed through reunification, a seemingly impossible idea." Pavlov made mention of Artemovych's crucial involvement in the establishment of the constitutional and political order. "We stand here underneath the same flag, because of a dream deemed impossible made possible."

Artemovych's long time friend, and fellow key figure in Vinalian Reunification former President Vladyslava Danylivna, was not in the country when she received the news. She called the death of Artemovych the end of an era, calling on Vinalians to embrace the freedom, and peace brought on by Artemovych, as the best form of remembrance. "We should celebrate the man, and his lifelong ambition to see that land which we call Vinalia, whole again."

Likewise several other figures voiced their respects and condolences to the Artemovych family. The Orlavo city council accelerated plans to rename a park in honor of Artemovych, from a colonial era governor. Artemovych as well was the last living Chairman of the People's Republic

Artemovych's state funeral will be carried out from April 7th to April 9th, in Vinalinsk. Before he is laid to rest in the Orlavo Municipal Cemetery besides his mother. He will be buried with full military honors.

Oleksandr Artemovych is survived by his wife Olga Yekhanu, their daughter and presidential candidate Daria, and their three sons former Minister-President, Mykhailo, Oleksandr, and current Senator Vasyl. Along with 6 grandchildren and 1 great grandchild.

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by **Norcandy** » Thu Apr 04, 2024 5:19 am

My Last.fm · by **West Kirkon** » Mon Apr 08, 2024 9:53 am

Mariya Nazarivna - 8 April 2024

Home · Vinalia · Asteria · International · Politics · Finance · Sports · Entertainment · Health · Travel · Weather · Opinion

Unionist presidential candidate election prepare for final provincial election.

Vinalinsk -

Vinalia enters an interesting period, as its three main parties struggle to rally around single candidates, in the lead-up to July's election. The three main parties/alliances in the nation: The Center-Right Unionist Party, Left Workers Party, and right Republican Alliance, enter a week of provincial, and party primaries to decide their nominees.

The ruling alliance between Unionist and Workers Party which allowed President Omelyan Pavlov to establish a government in 2022, ended its alliance, and will nominate its own candidate for president. An expected resulted, for Vinalian parties rarely maintain government coalitions during elections, preferring to recreate them following the elections. In Vinalia's separated political spectrum.

The ruling Unionist Party is known for its highly contested nomination races, as the party seeks to balance interests from left and right, North and South. Pavlov who has proven to be the most reliable presidential candidate in modern Vinalian history, winning both his elections in 2016 and 2020 without the need for a runoff second round. He is term limited from re election, but his specter casts a shadow over each of the four remaining contestants. His support sufficient to make or break campaigns. Currently 4 candidates remain: Daughter of former President and former Minister-President Oleksandr Artemovych and former speaker of North Vinalia '''Daria Artemovych'''. Former Vice-President '''Konstantin Taruta''', former Minister of foreign affairs '''Victor Kulish'''. And current First Lady '''Nelya Arturi'''.

Artemovych a well versed politician, and long time Unionist member currently leads the other candidates, and with the sudden death of her father, her numbers are expected to only increase in the last provincial election, Rigalia on April 9th. Artemovych benefits from her outsider perspective, and a center-left Northern outlook in the easily swayed Unionist Party. Pavlov's agenda was seemingly brought to a halt in a disappointing 2022 Parliamentary election, and with current pooling, it is highly unlikely a party will obtain a majority, thus meaning a coalition with one of the other two parties to be necessary. As it has been the case since reunification, the Unionist party will play the deciding factor regardless of who wins the presidency. Unionists see in Artemovych a swing towards the Center-left Northern branch of the party which has not ruled since Andrej Nepyip, Pavlov representing a Center-right Southern branch. However Artemovych is by far from the clear cut winner.

Former Vice-president and longtime politician Konstantin Taruta, represents the center-left Southern branch of the party, as well as having clear connections with Omelyan Pavlov. Taruta which had sought the nomination in 2016, sees it as an opportunity to take his spot, seeking to to unite both Center-left and Southern branches of the party, along with those supportive of Pavlov. Taruta however struggles from a lack of support from his former boss, and from a lack of criticism of his former boss. Pavlov and Taruta hold a deep professional relationship, with Pavlov describing Taruta as a strong opponent, and the best possible advisor for his government. Taruta who has the pedigree to obtain the nomination and the presidency, sits on quicksands, as he is unable to capitalize on the support of Pavlov, for he has not given it to him, nor capitalize on criticizing him.

Former Minister of Foreign Affairs, and equally longtime politician Victor Kulish benefits from where Taruta lacks, for Kulish has made clear his criticisms of his former boss. Kulish has criticized Taruta and the other front runner, Nelya Arturi, along with Pavlov with little regard. Kulish is a staunch center-right, and some might say right wing member of the Southern branch of the party. His political career is less impressive having spent 8 years serving in a Conservative government as Ambassador to Ardesia and Soravia. In Vinalia's complicated foreign policy, he is a tremendous diplomat. Kulish however has struggled in debates, and after a rapid campaign in January and February winning two of the first four provincial elections, he has steadily fallen from first to third place. Although it is a mere 42,000 votes that separate him from first place, and 8,000 from second.

In the list of Unionist Party nominees one character stands out for inexperience. In a party where long legislative careers in the federal and constituent level are rewarded, Nelya Arturi lacks. But where she lacks in experience, having just entered the House of the People in 2022, she makes up in charisma and the support of her husband President Omelyan Pavlov. Arturi has silently been obtaining support among the party, and she has a long history of showing clear intelligence and ambition on the campaign trail. As early as 2010, Arturi became involved in giving speeches and campaigning alongside her husband. In 2016, she was deemed a crucial member of the campaign, repeatedly being given a larger role. When she became First Lady, that did not change, and Arturi is recognized as being among the most productive first ladies in the nation, her presence constant in the public eye. Her achievements are widespread, and following her election in 2022, she is known for delivering elaborate speeches at the federal level. She lacks a clear branch of the party, or a Northern or Southern identity, being from Catherinsk as her husband, her sole intention is to maintain the legacy and policies of Omelyan Pavlov. The popular president has made himself a staunch supporter of his wife, and allowed her to remain in contention far into the nomination period than many other impressive candidates, delivering charismatic debates, and leaving her more politically versed opponents stumbling for words. Perhaps it is this fact that has allowed neither of the 3 other front runners to truly dominate. Few believe Arturi capable of removing the possible mark of the "nepotism" label that has been put on her, and trailing by over 100,000 votes many believe her and Pavlov to be weighing in, who will they support, most likely the parties 2024 candidate. What is clear, is that regardless of what happens Arturi, is set to obtain sizeable reward for her support. It probably is not the end of her political ambitions, but perhaps a beginning.

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[/quote]

by **Kisinger** » Tue Apr 09, 2024 3:59 am

AL-NAZAR ANNOUNCES SNAP ELECTIONS
PREMIER MUFEED AL-NAZAR FORCED TO ANNOUNCE SNAP ELECTIONS FOLLOWING VOTE OF NO CONFIDENCE

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Husain el-Allam (@HUSAINALLAM )
^{9th APRIL 2024 05:39| MADINAT, NISE}

Mufeed al-Nazar shown attending a conference in Rizealand
Photo courtesy of Ameera el-Hussain

MADINAT - Today, Mufeed al-Nazar the current Premier of Nise, following a Vote of No-Confidence initiated by a joint party effort of the Farmer’s Union, National Solidarity Front, and dissenting members of the Party of Nise passed both the House of Commons and the House of States. This comes after his seven year long term as Premier. Several demonstrations were held throughout Madinat following the announcement both for and against the vote.

The vote comes as no surprise especially following al-Nazar and his government’s response to the continued to the Tsabaran Civil War and associated Migrant Crisis has been lackluster at best, especially with continued worries of the humanitarian issues at border camps and the continued arrival of more migrants into the country.

Several members of both the Party of Nise and the National Solidarity Front have called for an end of the current acceptance policy of migrants and integration protocols which have sparked major housing crises in both Ghatakia and Madinat, as well as for Nise to actively Support Tsabara to hopefully bring an end to the conflict either diplomatically or militarily. Calls have also come from the Farmer’s Union and the Party of Anniser to completely shut down the border.

Following the vote, al-Nazar wasn’t able to be reached to give a statement, however a Press Release from the Office of the Premier has stated that the new elections will take place on May 13th which will also coincide with the upcoming Presidential Election. X of the National Solidarity Front released a statement saying that, “al-Nazar did his best but his best has led the country in the worst direction possible.”

Attempts were made to also contact President Omar Hussan though he could not be reached nor did his office offer any statement regarding the recent vote.

The Vote of No-Confidence being passed in effect will mean that all seats currently held by all parties in both the House of Commons and House of States will go to vote. Current polling by Nise Today has placed the Party of Nise set to lose over 60 seats in the House of Commons which may become their largest ever defeat in the Commons with al-Nazar expected to lose his seat in Madinat itself which historically has been a PN stronghold. In the House of States the Party of Nise is expected to lose seats as well but still maintain a slight majority with just 61 seats.

With this Vote of No Confidence we would like to review the current parties, their leaders and the current polling status of each party not only for our domestic readers but international ones as well.

Party of Nise: The Party of Nise is one of the two oldest parties in Nise and has traditionally been the most dominant typically holding a dominant position in the House of Commons and States having been in power 7 of the 11 government’s formed throughout the History of Nise and having been the party to lead Nise through the majority of its military conflicts. Throughout their time in power the Party of Nise has advocated for continual increases in military spending, maintaining the current status of the Uri Margidda River and continual efforts to remain staunch allies of Estmere and the EC as a whole. Fiscally they have carried out a very hands off approach with the exception concerning the domestic arms and petroleum industries where they have maintained government majority holdings in.

The current party leader is Mufeed al-Nazar who has been the Premier for the last seven years and has held his seat in Madinat for the last ten years. He is a former military officer having been educated at the Godferdson Military Academy in Estmere and at the National Army College in Ghatakia.
National Solidarity Front: The National Solidarity Front emerged in the aftermath of the splintering of the Farmers Union and has become the new contender with the Party of Nise over the last two decades having been involved in three of the last eleven governments though only twice having been able to lead a government. They currently form the opposition in the House of Commons with the Farmers Union and Party of Anniser. They have normally come into power following large scandals with the Party of Nise or in the aftermath of the major economic drought. They are considered more liberal by Niseran politicians. Fiscally they are a much more conservative party and have called for more state control over the economy and recently for more government intervention in the ongoing housing crisis affecting Ghatakia and Madinat, however they hold similar foreign policy goals to that of the Party of Nise.

The current party leader is Sabaah el-Sultan who previously served as Premier from 2005 to 2017 till his party lost the majority in the House of Commons in the 2017 House of Commons Elections. He has been involved in politics throughout his life having previously been the Mayor of Ghatakia and being educated at the Polytechnic Institute of Ghatakia .
Farmers Union The Farmers Union is regarded as the oldest party in Nise having formed immediately after independence with the Party of Nise forming after them. While historically they were the Party of Nise’s main rival up until the party split into three after the 1981 Constitutional Crisis. Despite this they have been involved in two of eleven governments leading the government in both instances. The Farmer’s Union has evolved from its initial inception to become a rural advocate party holding many traditional Ifran views and being staunch advocates for the farmers of the Uri Magridda Valley. They maintain a much more aggressive foreign policy in comparison to other parties advocating for the complete capture of the Valley. Fiscally they follow in similar steps of that of the National Solidarity Front however, they advocate for the most part for rural policies and have not officially taken a stance on the current housing crisis.

The current party leader is Amru el-Mirza, a former farmer from the Uri Magridda Valley. He has held his seat in the valley for the last five years having risen up through the party through a combination of effective campaigning and his brash style of addressing fellow members of the House of Commons. He has not yet received a former education from a university or college.
Party of Anniser The Party of Anniser also stems from the 1981 Split however, they have been regarded as an ethnic party with many of its members being Anniserians and solely advocate for their rights, they have never been involved in several governments cooperating with all parties when it has been at the benefits of Anniserians. In the past there have been claims of the party having links to Zorasan though these have never been proven either false or true. They are regarded as a big tent party as the various members of the party hold various political, fiscal and foreign policy beliefs simply united to maintain the current rights of Anniserians.

The current party leader is Nabeel Matin an ethnic Anniserian from southern Nise, he was educated in Gaullica before returning home, he is currently the oldest member of the House of Commons at 78. He also previously served in the DFN during the Anniserian War notably.

by **Poshyte** » Tue Apr 09, 2024 12:13 pm

Left–Right call for unity against the far-right as Wassenaar marches towards an election battle
The leadership of ASAY, SDAP, Bloc and Radicals call for a unity government as the far-right surges ahead of snap elections

Holbe Haanstra
9 April 2024| Yndyk, Alsland

Orange leader Elsert Wassenaar, once discounted after a party split last year, now stands in pole position to challenge Bonne Zijlstra for the Premiership

YNDYK - A rare sight today as politicians from across the aisles have united in an effort to form a consensus ahead of what is likely to be the most divisive election in Alslandic history. What was once predicted to be a one horse race with Bonne Zijlstra expected to easily clinch the Premiership has quickly turned on its head with the rapid recovery of the Orange Party who have not only survived a major party split last year but are now closing in on the frontrunners ASAY.

Leaders from across the spectrum; Olari Lippmaa of ASAY, Bonne Zijlstra of SDAP, Felkert Smits of the National Bloc, Reni de Wit of Liveable Alsland, Kairi Sokk of the Radicals and President-elect Alof Hylkema have all issued a joint statement promoting the rule of law and criticising "politics of division, hatred, racism and sexism" which are accusations that have been hurled at the Orange Party's campaign. The statement which all leaders have signed calls on all parties to ensure that their campaigns do not devolve into violent or aggressive rhetoric and that the incoming government should uphold the rule of law for all Alslanders.

The statement ends with a call for a unity government featuring both left wing and right wing components to ensure that the "politics of extremism cannot infect the governance of the nation." Whilst stopping short of a total government agreement, the statement is intended to send a clear message to Orange that the traditional parties will be much more sceptical of their intentions than they had before when the party was invited to form part of Liekele Ykema's ill-fated government.

The move comes as pollsters have been reporting on a surge in support for the far-right Orange Party, driven by populist anti-establishment sentiment at the establishment parties. Currently, polling puts the party in second place behind ASAY with a predicted 20-25% of the vote, enough to become a significant headache within the Folkssenaat for any coalition and well within striking distance of ASAY which is polling at a predicted 23-27% of the vote. Orange's leader, Elsert Wassenaar's personal approval ratings however leave much more to be desired with an approval rating of just 28%, the lowest of any politician in Alsland, he also has by far the highest disapproval rating of any politician which stands at 69%.

Wassenaar condemned the move and said on Chirper that the statement equated to the "traditional parties dictating to voters what government they will have." Prior accusations of extremist have been worn with pride by the 37 year old and he responded positively to a comparison to far-right leaders Francesco Carcaterra and Isilda Cerqueira made against him by members of the opposition ASAY. Wassenaar's rhetoric has been matched by his newfound experience in government having served as a Cabinet minister under Liekele Ykema and has named Euclean Commissioner for migration Theresia Hochberg as his deputy pointing to ambitions to run Alsland if his party wins the election.

Speaking at his party's campaign launch, Wassenaar decried the establishment parties as having turned their backs on Alsland and having driven the country into chaos, pointing to examples such as last year's fare riots and youth-led protests against austerity measures. Wassenaar called for an increase in policing as well as a crackdown on what he termed "radical extremist rioting and disorder". He has blamed the increase on rioting on austerity as well as mass migration and has claimed without evidence that most of the rioters in Yndyk were of Coian or South Euclean background, specifically Piraeans and Amathians.

Wassenaar's campaign has been spurred by an increasing generational divide in Alslandic politics as older voters are increasingly turning to the right just as the youth is turning towards the left, Wassenaar claims this is due to left-wing influence in schools and has demanded the mass dismissal of lecturers, teachers, administrators and educators who promote their own political views. His campaign has been drumming up support from older voters by promising to not increase the retirement age, protect pensions and reducing interest rates on mortgages. He has also condemned an ASAY proposal to force landlords and investors to sell off empty houses calling it "an attack on the retirees."

Additionally his campaign has also been active on social media promoting baseless conspiracy theories. Despite having in the past raised warnings over inaction over climate change, his party's Chirper account has began pushing climate change denialist messaging aimed to attract older and middle-aged voters by claiming that attempts to pursue net-zero will harm the economy even more. He has also attacked young people for calling for climate action by calling them ungrateful and undisciplined. Despite this, his campaign has made inroads particularly with younger males as Wassenaar has affiliated himself online with several controversial internet personalities. He appeared on a popular podcast during the campaign and claimed without evidence that issues such as youth unemployment, youth homelessness and mental health issues were a result of diversity programmes introduced by the left. There is no evidence for these diversity programmes existing despite Wassenaar's claim.

Wassenaar's surge was not expected by most analysts as just months ago his position was in question as more radical elements of his party refused to back a renewed coalition deal after a failed attempt at replacing Liekele Ykema as Premier. Additionally, the official candidate of his party faced an embarrassing electoral defeat in March's Presidential elections after he won barely 13% of the vote. However, Alof Hylkema's decision to push for a snap legislative election with the aim of granting the left-wing control of the legislative and executive branches seems to have reunified the right which has sensed its opportunity to attack an overconfident and unprepared left.

Alsland will go to the polls on the same date as the Euclean Parliament elections. For more information on how to vote and the election, visit:
dtrt.as/election2024

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by **Kisinger** » Thu Apr 11, 2024 3:21 am

FIRST MAJOR DEBATE
SABAAH EL-SULTAN SHOUTS DOWN EL-NAZAR DURING DEBATE

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Husain el-Allam (@HUSAINALLAM )
^{11th APRIL 2024 05:39| MADINAT, NISE}

Sabaah el-Sultan shown attending a conference
Photo courtesy of Ameera el-Hussain

MADINAT - With today being the official beginning of the Niseran Electoral cycle the first round of debates begins with a bang. The first round of major party leaders debating follows a cycle with each major news network rotating who hosts the first round of debates each year. This year being hosted by Madinat News Network at the Fattaah al-Salameh National College.

To start each debate each candidate is given three minutes to introduce themselves and give a short speech which can not be interrupted by other candidates who are present at the debate. Following this the moderator will ask candidates a question and allow each to respond, however during a candidates answer, any other candidate cannot prevent candidates from speaking but can interject during their answer to give a response.

The debate carried on for approximately a half hour with the moderator having moved on to the second question of, “What is your response to the Housing Crisis?” to the current governing Premier Mufeed al-Nazar, who was able to say, “My current response will be the” before Sabaah el-Sultan reportedly shouted him down using a variety of expletives and calling him a, “Know nothing do nothing ****.” While certainly not unprecedented in the realm of Niseran politics, the rant carried on for several minutes and he would continue to interject all of al-Nazar’s response through the night.

When reached for a comment on the debate each candidate had several responses al-Nazar himself called el-Sultan, “I expected nothing else from a fatherless delinquent riding on the coattails of his family’s past. Matin responded with, “This is nothing new from [al-Nazar and el-Sultan] to see especially from those who bury themselves in the ‘bosom of Estmere.’” el-Mizra was unable to be reached immediately after the debate and we are still awaiting a response.

This is also the launch of the new campaigning season for the 2024 parliamentary election. It is also a divisive time with the ongoing campaigning for the 2024 presidential election. Granted, while President’s of Nise hold very little actual political sway and instead are considered the face of the government, it is not unexpected.

by **Norcandy** » Sat Apr 13, 2024 6:46 am

My Last.fm · by **West Kirkon** » Sat Apr 20, 2024 2:30 pm

High levels of corrosion reported in Lavanan Nuclear reactor

Marie Galarga| 20 April 2024

Min La nuclear power plant outside Ban Vuga.

Earlier today Lavanan authorities from the Ministry of Energy announced the discovery of corrosion in the second reactor of the Min La Nuclear Power Plant outside Ban Vuga. The Ministry of Energy released a statement and report detailing their findings following inspections conducted during January to February 2024 in the Min La power plant. Minister of Energy Sonxai Saenbou held a press conference in Pers, and provided the public with information regarding the corrosion. Saenbou stated that reports regarding their findings had been sent to Dezevau and Valduvia, for further analysis and to conduct inspections in their own reactors.

The Min La Nuclear Power Plant is a two reactor nuclear energy plant outside the Lavanan city of Ban Vuga on the coast, Lavana's second largest city. The plant opened in 1985 and is the first nuclear power plant ever built in the country, with architectural and technical help from Valduvia. The plant had several issues in the 2010's regarding stress related corrosion on the internal systems of the reactor, however they were fixed during a two year maintenance period in 2017 which sought to keep the plant working until the 2040's. However with the news coming from Pers about new corrosion found in the system brings a question of the future to the Lavanan Ministry of Energy.

Lavana operates currently 7 nuclear reactors in 4 different power plants, including Min La. As well there exists the construction of 3 new reactors in a facility outside Ban Moc which is said to open in 2029. The Lavanan Ministry of Energy has received criticism in the past regarding its maintenance and construction abilities, after the two reactors in the New Horizons facility outside Pers were found to be lacking in 2004, and required 3 years of additional work before commencing operations in 2007. Rapid construction of nuclear reactors in the 2000's resulted in the rapid decline of energy prices in several developing Lavanan cities, which secured the necessary energy requirements needed for rapid industrialization that Lavana had experienced since the 1990's. Growing concerns in Lavana regarding the high cost and time of constructing nuclear power, resulted in the slowdown of reactor construction. In 2016, Lavana opened its most recent reactor in the Kye Powerplant outside Dezebenhua, near the border with Dezevau.

Although successive Lavanan administrations have stated their commitment to reducing CO2 emissions, and the doubling of Lavanan Nuclear Power energy by 2050, little was done between 2014 and 2022. Under the new regime of Laina Keomany, she oversaw the start on construction on the 3 reactors in a Ban Moc site. Keomany had stated the desire to have the project managed and constructed entirely by Lavana, however by 2023 following the downturn of the Lavanan economy as a result of the ill-fated Invasion of Hacyinia, Dezevauni technical expertise was brought in. There existed reports that Lavana was seeking foreign investment, including from Senria to aid it in financing the construction of the 3 reactors, in exchange for a minority stake in the power plant.

With the sudden news of corrosion found in the two reactors, there are growing questions regarding the construction of the reactors in Ban Moc, as well as the rest of the Lavanan energy grid. Concerns rapidly grew following the 2022 Invasion of possible sabotage by state or terrorist actors. After Zorasani ballistic missiles struck Lavanan cities in the west of the nation, their grew fears of a Zorasani targeting of Lavanan nuclear facilities. Nuclear Power which had enjoyed a lack of opposition both within and outside the government, primarily due to the inability to go against government policy in previous years, has now resulted in a noticeable anti-nuclear lobby group both inside and outside the Lavanan government. Which has begun questioning the nations nuclear power policy.

Theorists both at home and abroad, fear the weaponizing of Lavanan nuclear technology to allow the government the procuring of nuclear weapons. The governments ill-fated 2022 invasion, has changed the outlook of Lavanan politics and society, and many have questioned whether Lavana can truly justify remaining nuclear-weapon free, in the face of the sudden explosion of tensions with Zorasan and Hacyinia. Many analysts consider these theories as unfounded, and seriously overvaluing Lavanan nuclear capabilities, and citing the lack of Dezevauni nuclear weapons as proof that there exists no desire to build nuclear weapons in the largest members of the Socialist bloc.

Saenbou announced that a general inspection of all reactors in the country would be carried out, and invited foreign experts to the inspections. When asked Saenbou stated that there existed no intention in dismantling or reducing the service life of the Min La power plant, stating that maintenance operations would begin at once, to return the reactors to reasonable operating capabilities as soon as possible, but stated that the need for a lengthy maintenance had not yet been necessary. Overall Saenbou downplayed the corrosion issues, stating that the construction, operation, and maintenance of all reactors in Lavana was of the upmost quality in the continent. "There exists absolutely no danger in the power plant" stated Saenbou.

About me · by **Luziyca** » Sat Apr 20, 2024 6:54 pm

Friday 19th April, 2024

Be informed. Be responsible.

DEMOCRATIC INITIATIVE-RESPECT YOUR ELDERS TO CONTINUE COALITION

Premier Tsuru Mawere (file photo)

After the Progressive Front secured 45 seats and the Democratic Initative secured 39 seats on the fifth of April, both parties have attempted to woo Respect Your Elders, which secured 15 seats, to their side so that they may have a chance to form government.

Today, Nkwenyane Remakece of Respect Your Elders announced at a press conference in Guta raMambo that they have reached a deal with the Democratic Initative to continue their coalition.

"Over the past few weeks, we have been negotiating with both Mawere and Mushohwe to form the best possible government," Remakece said. "Today, we have decided to continue our coalition with Mawere because we believe that the Democratic Initiative will be better able to preserve our Rwizikuran culture and our traditional values."

As part of the agreement, Mawere is to continue on as Premier of Rwizikuru, while Remakece is to continue on as Deputy Premier. However, Respect Your Elders will only receive two cabinet positions: the Ministry of Sports and Culture and the Ministry of Cultural Heritage, compared to the five ministries that it held prior to the election, with the three other ministries, the Ministry of Health, the Ministry of Social Welfare, and the Ministry of Tourism being reallocated to the Democratic Initiative.

Following Remakece's announcement, Tsuru Mawere issued a statement on Eamis, which praised Rwizikurans for "putting their trust and faith in our fledgling democratic institutions," and declared that the renewal of the coalition agreement between the Democratic Initative and Respect Your Elders would "signal to the world that we remain committed to upholding the will of the Rwizikuran people, to maintaining ties with our valued partners, to combatting corruption, to combatting terrorism, and to defending Rwizikuran values."

Meanwhile, Progressive Front leader Jesse Mushohwe condemned the agreement as a sham, declaring at a press conference in Port Fitzhubert that the agreement "fails to reflect the will of the Rwizikuran people, in part due to our election system," which saw the coalition parties take the most seats despite them securing 43% of the popular vote between them, compared to the Progressive Front's 48% of the vote.

Mushohwe vowed to continue on as leader for the party, stating that "in this election, we have improved our seat count from 38 seats in the inaugural election to 45 seats," and that the Progressive Front was "in a much stronger position" than it was back in 2020.

by **Eskaeba** » Mon Apr 22, 2024 2:53 pm

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