War Plan Red (IC thread)

by **Western Pacific Territories** » Wed Jul 06, 2016 1:19 pm

Tokyo, Japanese Empire.
1321AM, April 1st, 1938.

Lately, despite the stress that was oozing still from the reports from Germany, things had gone better than expected. Not only was there no declaration of war by the Soviets, or to the Soviets from Japan, he instead woke up to Princess Shigeko, aged 13, and Princess Kazuko, aged 9, trying to haul a cake into his bedroom on a tray.

He was rather confused by the gesture until he was told it was the 1st of April, and rather than pulling a prank they had decided to give a nice gesture to their father. Hirohito, in return, was so happy with them the story ended up being printed in the Tokyo morning papers.

He had been convinced to calm down by his generals, but it was only after being reminded that if they waited for the Soviets to attack Germany would distract them in the west. Though a new war plan had to be drafted, Horphito knew at least Japan would be prepared.

As well, he had also been convinced to not demand the Soviets remove their troops from the border, he realized they simply wouldn't and that could cause a war. He was tossing around the idea of a neutrality agreement, but it still remained a idea.

by **Soviet Chernarus** » Wed Jul 06, 2016 1:49 pm

Republic of China

March 17, 1938

Chungking
Republic of China

The generalissimo supposed that the lackluster German response and their decision in ending military aid to China had not been a shock, given their recent orientation towards Japan (a fellow signatory of the Anti-Comintern Pact). Even so, he could not help but feel disappointed at its results - this meant that China would become increasingly reliant on Soviet assistance in order to effectively defend against Japan. They had responded to his message, accepting Chiang's proposal for a meeting. the generalissimo was hoping to get a more advantageous position for China in Xinjiang and Mongolia, rather than bending over to the Soviet's demands. However, his advisors on the Soviet Union had cautioned him on the matter. Given the obvious importance of Soviet military aid, they urged him not to press the issue of China's territorial claims.

Before drafting a reply to the Soviet acceptance, Chiang Kai-shek had ordered his personal secretary to keep him updated of any developments in Manchuria, where he had expressed keen interest in the military build-ups there. With the possibility of a border incident between the two countries, the generalissimo privately hoped that it would escalate, eventually leading to a war between the Soviet Union and Japan. After informing the Chinese ambassador in Moscow to inquire regarding the Soviet attitude towards the build-up, Chiang Kai-shek began his response.

As this happened, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs forwarded a message to the ambassador in Berlin regarding the recent withdrawal of German military aid from China. The ambassador would quickly inform the German government of this concise message.

Nanking
Republic of China

On March 17th, Chiang Kai-shek, having received numerous reports on the state of the Nanking Defense Garrison, amended his previous "Stand or die" order, permitting retreat "only if it is absolutely necessary." Later that day, General Shengzhi's meeting began.

Time was of the essence. Having gathered his commanders and several of his senior officers, the meeting commenced under the direction of Tang Shengzi. After only half an hour of heated discussion, a decision was reached - to achieve a victory without a miracle was impossible. Thus, it was decided that they would abandon the city, rather than sacrificing their lives - and the lives of their men - for some pointless cause. After this, they began to debate whether they should announce their evacuation to the Garrison, or even to evacuate the army altogether. The commanders were deeply divided on the issue, with some believing that an orderly evacuation across the Yangtze before the Japanese could encircle the city would save many lives, while preserving a significant force, which, despite being exhausted and depleted, could be rebuilt into a formidable fighting force.

However, opponents claimed that such an announcement would cause needless panic, hindering the silent escape they wanted. In addition, should the Japanese catch wind of this, they would surely hope to rapidly encircle the city, cutting off the Defense Garrison and its commanders. While the battle had not yet begun, it was clear to Tang Shengzhi and his officers that they were massing for a frontal assault on the key gates leading into the city. It was predicted that the soldiers could hold out, at the most, for several hours. Eventually they would be overwhelmed by Japanese firepower, and the defensive line would collapse.

After fierce debate, however, it was decided that the escape would occur without the notification of the Nanking Defense Garrison. Trusted soldiers from the Chinese 36th Division, guarding the western defensive line and some of the only exits to the city, would be personally selected to protect them during the escape. Several docks would be prepared for the crossing of the Yangtze. The escape would be scheduled for tomorrow, while the final preparations were completed and necessary security measures taken.

by **Pimps Inc** » Wed Jul 06, 2016 7:27 pm

Chronicle II: El Communista y el Presidente
^{Mexico City, United Mexican States
29th day of March, 1938}

The bill is passes the Senate, 102-98

The Speaker announced the passing of the Clean Air Act, passing it on to the attending President Cardenas who unhesitatingly signed it. After all, he was the one that proposed it.

The measure banned all further sales and imports of oil fueled motor vehicles in the Federal District and other municipalities in the Valley of Mexico. Effective on the 1st of June that year, only electric vehicles would be allowed for civilian sale in the area, with even a slight subsidy granted to electric motor research in Mexico. The act would hopefully prevent future sale of polluting motor vehicles in the restricted Valley, which would trap the smog of almost a million cars in the metropolis of almost 2 million Mexicans, once the Middle Class grew with the President's numerous reforms.

While that first glance, it seemed like a very liberal reform that should be lauded for being quite ahead of its time, the reality was much more simple. If enough Mexicans bought cars, the domestic market would take away from the oil exports during the war and even after or before it, depriving the newly born Pemex out of profit.

Pemex had rapidly grown as it took over Mexican exports. It's profit, though still nowhere near to pre-nationalization levels, had quickly pumped capital into the state's hands. Cardenas quickly and personally made sure most of money was allocated to social development and the rest of it to the expansion of Mexico's Mondragon munitions and arms factories and a grant to Dina SA truck company for the expansion and retooling of its factories for the production of trucks and halftrack parts for the Wehrmacht and other Axis customers, though primarily Germany and the Mexican Army.

In the capital, a large influx of immigrants fleeing the Spanish Civil War had been felt and seen for the past couple years and they now numbered at almost 30,000. The range of refugees may be seen from an analysis of the 4,559 passengers arriving in Veracruz in February on board the ships Sinaia, Ipanema and Mexique. The largest groups were technicians and qualified workers (32%), farmers and ranchers (20%), along with professionals, technicians, workers, business people students and merchants, who represented 43% of the total. The Casa de España, founded with Mexican government support in the early 1930s, was an organization to provide a safe haven for Spanish loyalist intellectuals and artists(though not always Spanish, some other Europeans, such as León Trotsky arrived there too). It was turned into the Colegio de Mexico, an elite institution of higher education in Mexico, with the support of Cárdenas's government. The technicians and engineers were immediately offered work in Pemex, which almost all of them accepted, looking for an honest Peso.

With its expanded budget, the Secretariat of Social Development set an agenda for the construction of 1000 primary schools, 600 High Schools, 100 Higher Education institutions in 1938 alone, all secular and modern buildings. They would offer free meals and vaccines. Most of them would be built in the southern states, with some being built in Baja California and Sonora. The peasantry would, as promised in his election campaign, be given free and secular education.

The peasantry had been a major contribution for the election of Cardenas to office, and he had no choice but to fulfill his promises. He had already given 35 million acres of arable land to peasants' ejidos and millions of pesos for support, training, roads, electricity, water acess, etc. A very socialist thing to do, surely if Villa and Zapata lived today, they would be satisfied.

"As would those fighters in the Russian Revolution, wouldn't you say?"

The President finished his tales of his presidency to León Trotsky with a rhetoric question. They say in the living room of the exiled Russian's residencein the Federal District(which was also the house of famous painter Diego Rivera), sipping tequila and smoking cigars. It was a cool day in the capital and it was a Sunday of rest. So Cardenas had taken the day to speak with his friend about his actions as president, which Trotsky was more than interested in, especially in Cardenas land reform and workers rights reforms. He called the Cardenas administration the "only honest one in the world."

They were interrupted by the arrival of a messenger who, after being allowed to enter by the stationed Mexican soldiers, brought two letters to Cardenas. One had the seal of the German Reich, expectedly, but the other was an urgent report from the Secretary of Defence.
"Excuse me, Señor Trotsky, it seems someone has taken up arms against this honest government.....

Flag of the United Mexican States

From:United Mexican States
Blvd. Manuel Ávila Camacho S/N, Miguel Hidalgo, Lomas de Sotelo, 11640 Mexico City, Federal District, Mexico

To:German Reich

Encryption:Lvl. 1(Top Secret)

_{Leaders of Germany,}

we're glad to hear you share our views on Mexican-German relations and hope you continue to do so. We are disappointed that we will not be able to immediately buy a Uboat, but it seems for the best, for surely the Defence spending increase would cut into our social development budget. We will, of course, accept the chance to inspect U16, U21, and U24 by our military technicians. If you would like to deliver them to the Port of Veracruz as soon as possible, we would be very much appreciated. We will attempt to domestically produce our own type VCII submersible and once again thank you. The uniforms and your military advisers and technicians will also be welcomed at Veracruz, but we would like to receive the shipment of Panzers in Cozumel so as to avoid the attention of prying eyes. Finally, and in related events, our ambassador to Germany will be taking over talks for the Mexican government. He has been briefed by us on our interests and shall be able to respond to any further queries and issues. This is again to avoid the possibility of the UK, US, or other European powers from learning of the extent of Mexican-German relations by decryption of messages like these.

Sincerely and lastly,

Francisco León de la Barra, incumbent Secretariat of Foreign Affairs

by **Great Eldaria** » Thu Jul 07, 2016 6:36 am

Kongeriget Danmark
The Kingdom of Denmark

Christiansborg Palace, Copenhagen, Denmark

Thorvald Stauning glanced out of the Prime Minister's office, at the wet and cold streets of the capital city, with huge gray clouds covering them. He shivered just by looking out, as he takes a sip of his warm coffe. His silence is interrupted, by the Minister of Foreign Affairs that enters the room. Thorvald turns around, noticing the minister is carrying what looks like a file, possibly a communique.

"Sir, the Czechoslovakians are requesting an 'Anti-Facist Pact'", the minister explained as he opened the file, before placing the inside communique at his desk. "Puh, interesting", Thorvald replied, adjusting his glasses to get a better view of the communique. "I am concerned it will bring more negative consequences than positive. I believe few countries are interested in signing such an agreement at this stage, and there is the possibility that these countries, together, might not be able to take on The Third Reich. However you will have to talk with your generals on that point, but at a diplomatic view it would only anger the Germans. And if they where to wage a war, we would be brought in very quickly", the minister finished, expressing his concerns. "You are right, a pact like this could be beneficial, but we have to make sure the necessary powers are already there. And why us exactly, we are not really a big power?". "Either they are including everybody, or they could be desperate. However it should not concern us much, sir". "All right, I could ask for an observational status for now. In the meantime we should expand our Army, and join the pact completely if necessary and possible later. Would you mind sending the reply?". The minister nodded, agreeing to the solution, before leaving the room to fulfill his task.

Thorvald sat down in his chair, realizing he had stood up the hole time. More soldiers are to be recruited, if Denmark was to even have a chance in defending itself. Today stricter enlistment laws should be eneforced. 1400 new soldiers is to undergo training, using stockpiled equipment. And the output of weapons and trucks shall be increased by at least 25%. These demands is to be met within the start of 1939, and the troops shall be slowly motorised. Thorvald is also planning a reform of the reserve forces, allowing quicker mobilization with better coordination. Although we have yet to see if his plans are finished on time, if not disturbed, if ever.

by **The Greater Aryan Race** » Thu Jul 07, 2016 8:19 pm

Moscow, Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
20th March 1938

The latest message from the German Government was met with clear disapproval from Stalin, whose suspicions only served to be confirmed as he read the contents of the communique and debated the next response of the Soviet Union with Foreign Commissar Litvinov.

"The Hitlerites, true to their deceitful, backstabbing nature, are obviously stalling for time. They claim there exists a Japanese plot to attack us and then when confronted with demands for proof, suddenly dig their hands into their pockets and drag their heels by claiming that they don't possess the prerequisite information. 'Brought up only in passing discussion', absolute rubbish." Stalin continued his blistering denunciation as he puffed away furiously on his pipe.

"Comrade General Secretary, as I had mentioned previously, it is quite clear this is nothing more than a disinformation plot concocted by Germany to plunge us into a war with Japan, thereby freeing up Central and Eastern Europe for a German takeover while we are busily tied down in the Far East." Maxim Litvinov replied, convinced of the soundness of his reasoning.

Stalin said nothing at first, instead standing up and proceeding towards the large mural displaying the entire map of the world that had been painted one of his office walls in the Kremlin. The Soviet Union was conspicuously marked in Red while the rest of the nations of the world were marked in all other shades of colours. His gaze fell first upon the Soviet Union's western borders with Poland, Romania and Finland, before turning east, where the Soviet Union bordered the Japanese holdings of Manchukuo and Mengjiang, and the dwindling independent Republic of China. The Mongolian People's Republic, also referred to as Outer Mongolia, was nestled in-between these two great behemoths.

"Even if Hitler intends to drag us into a war with Japan, there can be no denying that the Japanese Empire continues to pose a clear and present threat to our Far Eastern holdings." the Vozhd finally spoke.

"Comrade General Secretary, Japan is too busily engaged in their conquest of China to contemplate even attacking us in Manchuria. At a time when Japan has chosen to repudiate the Anglo-Japanese Allisnce and isolate herself diplomatically, it would be suicide for her to be engaged in a two-front war with both us and China. Not even the hotheaded militarists in the Japanese military are that stupid."

"Japan certainly wouldn't want to risk war with us, unless she was convinced of political and military support from Germany." Stalin replied slowly, the fecund, twisted corners of his mind slowly and gradually turning into gear once more.

"What if the Germans are ultimately right? Suppose Japan really is preparing to attack us, should we not be undertaking the necessary counter-measures?" Stalin asked once more, though the question was perhaps more rhetorical than specifically addressed to anyone else in the room.

"If, Comrade General Secretary, the German warning is accurate, I believe we have more than sufficient military forces in the Far East to put paid to any Japanese invasion plans. Diplomatically-wise, Japan is isolated. Having abrogated the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, she is bereft of any real foreign support save for her puppet states which are nothing more than pieces of deadwood. Now it would be different if Japan were to ally herself with Germany to invade us in a two-front campaign." Litvinov replied.

Stalin nodded in agreement before heading to the meeting table in his office where several military maps of the Far Eastern area were sprawled out on the conference table. He grabbed one which showed the Soviet border positions along the Primorsky Krai district and Vladivostok and studied the Soviet military presence. After several minutes, he headed back to his desk and picked up the telephone receiver.

"Summon the Defence Commissar." the Vozhd stated before he hung up. Turning back to Foreign Commissar Litvinov, Stalin continued their conversation on the Far Eastern situation.

"Has there been any change in the volume of diplomatic correspondence between Tokyo and Berlin?"

"None so far, Comrade General Secretary, though the German ambassador has been sighted paying frequent visits to the Japanese Foreign Ministry recently."

"What about the Chinese?"

"Generalissimo Chiang has proposed that the diplomatic talks be held on 24th of March, though in his last communique, he sought to clarify that the Republic of China merely wishes to use the upcoming to address Chinese concerns over the future fate of Xinjiang and the Mongolian People's Republic should the war be concluded successfully. He further stated that China has no intention of challenging our interests in the territories in question."

"The 24th is fine. Very well, Comrade Litvinov, see to it that our delegation is ready for the upcoming summit." Stalin replied, pleased to see that some progress was being made with regards to the Chinese.

A nervous Marshal Voroshilov appeared in the General Secretary's office a few minutes later, upon which Stalin proceeded to query him at length on Soviet military preparations in the Far East.

"What is the current status report on OKDVA? And the Pacific Fleet?"

"So far, Marshal Blyukher reports that the border with Japan remains quiet. With the recent addition of the 39th and Special Rifle Corps to OKDVA, we can expect to muster close to 400,000 effectives with nearly three hundred to four hundred tanks. And that of course does not include our military forces in the Central Asian Military District. The Pacific Fleet is likewise remaining at Readiness State 2, in accordance to our most recent instructions to the naval commander of the Fleet."

"Good. I noticed however," Stalin spoke, this time bringing up the map of Primorsky Krai adjacent to Manchukuo for Marshal Voroshilov to see, "that our forces along the easternmost areas of the Far East are clustered to the east of Lake Khasan even though the official state border from the Treaty of Peking grants us the right to claim all territory east along the Amur. I am concerned that their current position would leave them vulnerable to any potential Japanese incursions."

"You are correct Comrade Stalin in that we have refrained from occupying the areas to the west of Lake Khasan because Japanese army patrols have been spotted in the area recently. Japan also claims the area around Lake Khasan for themselves, or rather 'on behalf' of Manchukuo." Marshal Voroshilov replied, though he was slightly confused that the Vozhd had brought up the question of Lake Khasan, which was a minor territorial issue of marginal importance in the Far East.

"It's high ground and advantageous to us. I believe it essential that the Red Army quickly occupy the Bezymyannaya (сопка Безымянная, Chinese name: Shachaofeng) and Zaozyornaya (сопка Заозёрная, Chinese name: Changkufeng) Hills to the west of Lake Khasan in the south of Primorye. The tactical and strategic benefits will be of immense value to the Soviet Union."

"We run the risk of further antagonising the Japanese by such a move." Maxim Litvinov interjected.

"If the Japanese truly are plotting to invade us, then it seems only proper and fair that we undertake all necessary defensive preparations, Comrade Litvinov. Otherwise if they aren't, and should they protest our reclamation of territory which is rightfully ours in the first place, then the yaposhki can go to hell." Stalin angrily retorted. It was always so typical of Litvinov, forever tiptoeing his way around the other foreign states and hemming and hawing when he ought to have been more firm and resolute with regards to Soviet dealings with foreign powers.

"I think it also prudent that the anti-aircraft and naval defences of Vladivostok be brought up to Readiness State 1. We wouldn't want to be caught off-guard like the Czar was at Port Arthur in 1905." Stalin added.

"Understood Comrade Stalin, I shall consult with Marshal Blyukher to see what his recommendations are and will report to you in due course on this matter." Marshal Voroshilov replied, before taking his leave. Foreign Commissar Litvinov, recognising that Stalin had already made up his mind on the matter, also left the General Secretary's Kremlin office and headed back to the Foreign Affairs Commissariat to draft up the Soviet Union's responses to Germany and China.

by **Western Pacific Territories** » Thu Jul 07, 2016 9:11 pm

Tokyo, Japanese Empire.
1032AM, April 2, 1938.

The idea had came up during a morning meeting with the Foreign Minister. "My Emperor," he said, whilst picking up some rice off his tray with a pair of chopsticks, "I've heard several of the generals talk in private about fuel shortages. Apparently they're saying that in the poorer areas of China they simply don't have the fuel to use their tanks in combat. I was thinking about how I could possibly help-" Hirohito responded "They didn't go straight to me?" The minister responded "My Emperor, I don't mean to be disrespectful, but you should know about the Army's long-standing reputation for having a independent streak." Hirohito said "That'll change very soon. I won't say anything else." The minister continued. "Anyways, I was wondering how I could help, when I realized the answer. It's Mexico." Hirohito questioned "They are socialist, are they not?"

The minister said "They're not anything like those arrogant Stalinists, quite the opposite. Stalin would call them Trotskyist cockroaches, I say they're more mild and friendly communists." Hirohito said "Continue, please?" The minister continued "Recenly they nationalized all the oil companies in Mexico and merged them into PEMEX. I've only heard great things about their leader, his name I can't remember." Hirohito responded "And how does this matter?"

The minister said to Hirohito "According to a message we managed to intercept, Germany and Mexico are already enjoying improving relations. Germany and Japan are both countries on the very opposite end of the political scale from Mexico. According to logic, they should be open to making deals with us." Hirohito responded "It seems good, send them a trade request.

Official Communique of the Japanese Empire

TO: President Cardenas
FROM: Office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

CLASSIFICATION: Top Secret - Encoded.

SUBJECT: Foreign Affairs regarding possible trade treaties + possible state visit.

Sir,

Lately, as the Japanese Empire's war in China continues, we have only continued to further feel the need to power our massive war with oil. As Mexico possesses late amounts of oil, we would like to request a possible treaty that would commence the trade of oil between Mexico and us.

As well, due to our lack of non bolt-action rifles in our military, we have searching for suitable weaponry from abroad to equip our military and found that your nations Mondragon rifle would be suitable. While this is a bit odd considering our political differences, we hope that despite this, you may be willing to consider our offers.

As well, if these proposals are found to be acceptable by the Mexican government, we would be interested in the prospect of having our Emperor visit Mexico on a state visit as a sign of goodwill.

Regards,
Office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

[/quote]

by **Nazeroth** » Fri Jul 08, 2016 12:01 am

The Immortal Persian Empire
جاویدان امپراتوری فارسی

The sun rose across the ancient lands of Persia, rich with a history of victory and triumph of it's people. There was also failure, the great empires of old were bust dust in the terran winds that had swept history under the rug. Now there was an awakening among the mountains and sands of Iran. The echo of strength and of a nation reborn into glory. His Imperial Majesty, Supreme Shah Reza Shah had been brought to the iron fist of fascism. Seeing the strength that Germany and Italy had now gained they to yearned for a prosperous nation. To be powerful, feared and respected as they once were when their armies swept the ancient world. The Supreme Shah was now overseeing vast improvement to the nation, they were preparing for a new dawn after all. While he had already began more modernization efforts the fear of the crimson bear to the North was a worrying foe. With tensions rising he deemed a " Roaring Rise". The roaring rise was a multi-pronged project that would help to employ as many people as possible and strengthen the infrastructure, military and boom the economy. Highways, railroads, hospitals, whatever the western world was fielding they to would field. To the North, the Immortal Persian Army was to begin it's own project, a defensive line to protect against possible Soviet aggression. The military had a decent numbers but was suffering in practically all other areas, so they would do what they could until more effective means could be employed. Rezah Shah needed to reach out to possible allies and foster a partnership of strength for the nation...the sun was rising...the lion is hungry.

To: Chancellor Adolf Hitler, German Third Reich
From: His Imperial Majesty, Supreme Shah Reza Shah, The Immortal Persian Empire
Encryption Level: Top-Secret

We have seen the rise of the Third Reich, my eyes bear witness to the strength of the German people and there will to cast off foreign chains of influence. It with high hopes that our nations can form a bond of steel, it is with this message that I request that Persia join the Axis. It is in our best interest to work together, to realize both of our true potentials. We would also like to discuss military technology procurement.

To: Benito Mussolini, Fascist Empire of Italy
From: His Imperial Majesty, Supreme Shah Reza Shah, The Immortal Persian Empire
Encyption Level: Top Secret
It is with happiness we have seen Italia rise from the ashes of mediocrity and forge itself anew. I have learned much from your rise as with the rise of your northern German neighbors and it is our wish as well to rise again into the dawn of greatness. I was mistaken to think that remaining neutral in this changing world, thus I have forged myself anew in the iron oven of the fasces. I come to you with a open hand, that we may forge a new path together. We request to join the Axis powers. Persia has a bright future. Be warned...we fear that the crimson beast to our north may seek to disrupt the march of the great nations.

by **The Greater Aryan Race** » Fri Jul 08, 2016 8:45 am

Khabarovsk
Special Red Banner Far Eastern Army
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
22nd March 1938

In OKDVA headquarters in Khabarovsk, Marshal Blyukher was notified by Moscow of the NKO's intention to reconnoitre the area around Lake Khasan and where necessary, to have the Red Army and NKVD border troops occupy the Bezymyannaya and Zaozyornaya Hills (Also referred to as the Changkufeng Heights) to the west of Lake Khasan in a southwesterly shift of the Soviet Union's borders within the district of Primorsky Krai. Marshal Blyukher, recognising the tactical value of the strategic heights, immediately liaised with the Soviet regional commander in the area and requested his recommendations as well as a proper topographical analysis of the terrain around Lake Khasan. After a day of intensive reconnaissance and surveying conducted by NKVD border guards and Red Army engineers in Primorsky Krai, the Soviet commander in the Posyet region radioed back to Soviet headquarters in Khabarovsk, recommending that Russian soldiers be allowed to secure the previously unoccupied high ground west of Lake Khasan, most notably the disputed Changkufeng Heights, because it would be advantageous for the Soviets to occupy terrain which overlooked the Korean port-city of Rajin (Modern-day Rason), as well as strategic railways linking Korea to Manchuria.

On the basis of this intelligence, Marshal Blyukher, in conjunction with OKDVA Chief of Staff Grigori Shtern and Far Eastern NKVD Commander Genrikh Lyushkov, decided to give the go-ahead for Soviet military troops and border forces to begin moving into the Bezymyannaya and Zaozyornaya Hills. Starting from 27th March, the first detachments of NKVD border troops would first move into the contested areas and begin fortifying the mountain, constructing emplacements, observation trenches, entanglements, and communications facilities. They would be reinforced by regular troops from the newly-arrived 39th Rifle Corps and the 105th Rifle Division plus two tank battalions. The entire process was estimated to take up to two weeks to complete, after which the Soviets would be comfortably entrenched in the area.

Embassy of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
Chungking, Republic of China
22nd March 1938

Soviet Ambassador Semyon Ivanovich Aralov watched from the foyer of the Soviet embassy building as the fleet of Soviet state cars appeared into view and steadily grew larger as the convoy began to approach the embassy. Ever since Chiang Kai-shek had ordered the evacuation of the KMT government from Nanking to Chungking owing to the deteriorating military situation in the Nanking sector, the Soviet embassy had followed suit and joined most of its international counterparts in relocating to Chungking. The Soviet Ambassador recalled how, even as the sounds of artillery fire grew steadily closer, the embassy staff and the NKVD contingent had first sought to burn all secret documents in quick-burning ovens that had been specially installed for such contingencies. It was crucial, as the Japanese advanced closer to the former Chinese capital, that the documents not fall into the hands of the Japanese or any other foreign power for they contained important information on Soviet intelligence networks and spy rings in China and the Far East as well as top secret correspondence between the embassy and Moscow Centre. Nevertheless, in spite of the mammoth nature of the task, the deed was successfully done and the Soviet diplomatic delegation managed to evacuate from Nanking, bringing whatever documents they could not dispose of with them. The new quarters of the Soviet diplomatic mission in Chungking were more spartan and primitive but, as Ambassador Aralov wryly noted, such was the deleterious effects of war.

The Ambassador had already been notified by Moscow that a few representatives from the NKO and the People's Commissariat for Defence Industry would be travelling to Chungking as part of the wider Soviet delegation that would be meeting their Chinese counterparts for the upcoming Sino-Soviet meeting. Aralov, as Soviet Ambassador, was designated as the chief representative of the Soviet delegation, a position he did not entirely relish but nonetheless, was one he was familiar with. Unlike most career diplomats in Narkomindel, Semyon Aralov had started his professional career as a founding member of the dreaded Cheka, together with notables such as Felix Dzerzhinsk and Yakov Peters, assisting the Bolshevik government in the purging of all counterrevolutionary and hostile-negative elements during the Civil War, after which he became the first chairman of the GRU in November 1918. By 1920, he had stepped down from the post of GRU Chairman and served as intelligence chief in the 12th Army, subsequently serving the rest of his career on foreign postings by posing as a diplomatic agent. It was on this occasion that Aralov was appointed Soviet ambassador to China, for the purpose of assisting the Soviet Government in its efforts to acquire considerable intelligence on the Nationalist Government. Alhough Aralov was dismissed from all intelligence posts in 1937 when the Great Purge began, he was able to retain the ambassadorship, though Yezhov and his NKVD goons monitored him closely for the slightest misstep on which he could be executed.

As the Soviet ZIS and Gaz cars approached the front porch of the embassy compound, Aralov was waiting together with a small group of embassy staff to welcome Moscow's representatives. First out of the second car from the front was Komdiv Alexander Cherepanov, who had previously served as a military advisor to the late Dr. Sun Yat-sen during the Chinese Warlord Era in the 1920s and participated in the 1929 Soviet intervention in Inner Manchuria as commander of the Red Army's 39th Rifle Division in the Soviet Far East. Next after him was Kombrig Ivan Boldin, veteran of the Russian Civil War and another fast-rising career officer in the Red Army. From the third car of the convoy, Alexander Formichenko, from the People's Commissariat for Defence Industry, stepped out. While the two Red Army officers were dressed in the standard brown-green uniforms of the Red Army with simple collar tabs and epaulettes denoting their ranks, Formichenko wore a civilian suit, keeping in line with his role as a typical Soviet bureaucrat. Ambassador Aralov quickly extended his hand for the trio to shake before beckoning them to enter the Soviet embassy, where a small reception had been set up for the delegates.

"How is Moscow, Comrade Cherepanov?" Ambassador Aralov queried as he led the delegates and their aides down the main corridor of the embassy building.

"Moscow is pleasant, as usual. Nevertheless, it is good to travel outside from time to time." Commander Cherepanov replied obliquely, his carefully phrased sentences conveying the tense political situation at the Centre. Ambassador Aralov nodded understandably; the purges were still in full swing and for those residing in Moscow, the constant news of arrests, trials, and subsequent executions of all "enemies of the people" had generated an almost-permanent atmosphere of fear and mutual distrust and paranoia. Even outside the Soviet Union, one was never truly free to give voice to one's innermost thoughts, for the NKVD continuously monitored all Soviet residents overseas as well as diplomatic officials and workers.

"If I may enquire, what exactly does Moscow intend to propose as part of its assistance package to the Nationalist Government?" Ambassador Aralov asked once more.

"From what we were briefed initially, the Soviet Government is prepared to expand our current programme of military and financial assistance to Chiang's regime to help the NRA stave off impending military defeat at the hands of the Japanese. Tanks, trucks, aircraft, artillery, machine-guns, grenades, rifles, the whole lot. The Defence Commissariat has also agreed to provide more Soviet military advisors to help train the Chinese military while we have volunteer pilots ready to be deployed directly on the frontline against the Japanese." Commander Cherepanov replied.

"What's the situation in Chungking, Comrade Aralov?" Commander Boldin's turn to speak now came.

"The situation has temporarily stabilised now that the Kuomintang Government has relocated here from Nanking. However, the Chinese military is still desperately short of men, equipment and supplies and remains militarily spent after the attrition battles of Shanghai. Nanking is on the brink of falling to the Japanese while there are reports of Japanese troops moving into Shanxi province but little to no concrete information can be obtained from the chaos of the warfront. Even domestically, shortages of food and basic necessities are starting to make their appearance, so there is the risk of famine breaking out. Frankly, without further international support of any sort, I don't expect the Kuomintang to last for long. Thankfully, the United Front between the KMT and the Chinese Communist Party is holding up but cooperation between the two has been fractious at best."

"Do you suppose," Alexander Formichenko interjected, "that with the current military-political situation as grim as it is, the KMT government will consent to our continued presence and influence over Xinjiang and Outer Mongolia in exchange for continued assistance and support from the Soviet Union?"

"Frankly, if I were Generalissimo Chiang, I would readily consent to any arrangements as long as I can get all the help I need to beat back the Japanese military. The Chinese are in no position to haggle with us over Xinjiang and Outer Mongolia so I would hope that we can expect little trouble from them over this matter. The question is whether they themselves recognise and accept this." Ambassador Aralov replied. After negotiating a final corner, the Soviet delegates were led to a small reception room where generous portions of Russian delicacies and iced vodka were laid out for the newly-arrived guests. All further talk of politics was put on hold as the delegates and Ambassador Aralov helped themselves to the food and drinks, with plenty of obligatory toasts to the future prosperity of the motherland and of course to Comrade Stalin, Brilliant Genius of Humanity and Great Architect of Communism. On the 24th, they would meet with the Chinese representatives to hammer out the details of further Sino-Soviet cooperation in the former's war against Japan.

by **Western Pacific Territories** » Thu Jul 14, 2016 8:44 pm

Tokyo, Japanese Empire.
Tokyo, Nihon no Teikoku.
0328AM, April 5th, 1938.

Even as the Soviets still recovered from their own Great Purge, Hirohito's own purge was about to begin. He knew ever since the Second Sino-Japanese War had begun that he was not truly in control of his military. He knew that his military needed it's own air branch. He knew the Army and the Navy needed to be able to work together and plan together if they could achieve success. Until Hirohito could purge his military's High Command of old guard generals, and generally anyone who could oppose his plans, his war machine would never be truly awe-inspiring.

The first target was Prince Fushimi Hiroyasu, Chief of Naval General Staff. He was sleeping in bed when Tokyo police, operating directly under Hirohito's orders entered his home and pulled him out of bed by force, saying that he was being arrested on charges of conspiracy and high treason. He wasn't enraged so much as speechless and confused. His arrest went by rather easily.

Second was General Tada Hayao, Vice Chief of the General Staff. After the Marco Polo Bridge Incident he actually managed to get in contact with Chiang Kai-shek himself and attempted to defuse tensions, as such, he was arrested on charges of conspiracy against the government and high treason. He put up a fight, and a crowd gathered on the street as he was loudly handled by police into a car.

Hirohito had already organized a mock trial that would convict these two men. He knew the Soviets could attack at any moment, but Hirohito gambled that the Soviets were also too weak from their own purge to attack. The difference was that Stalin had targeted men at all levels of the military and politicians indiscriminately, Hirohito was only targeting high-ranking military officials who opposed Hirohito's plans.

By morning the arrests had made headlines, and all embassies in Tokyo were informed of the arrests.

Nanjing, China.
Nanking, China.
0932AM, April 5th, 1938.

In Nanjing, things remained rather quiet. The gunboats from Shanghai had just arrived, and had dropped off supplies to the Nanjing army. Each boat had one gun found on a Akizuki destroyer, located in the front and 6 heavy machine guns fitted into turrets, 4 on both sides and two in the rear. The boats had taken fire, but it was mostly rifle and machine gun fire and the destroyer guns would reek havoc.

Japanese artillery had been set up, trying to remain out of artillery range but at the same time able to fire on the city's walls.

Sonbong, Manchukuo.
Senpo, Manshu-kuni.
0639AM, April 5th, 1938.

Recently, patrols in the Lake Khasan region from the Japanese 15th Border Patrol Brigade had reported to command units in the region that large amounts of activity from NKVD Border Patrol units and engineers, the various commanders of the Kwantung army had been alarmed and concerned, even more so when the hills were occupied and fortified by the Russians.

It had been ten days since the Russian menace had occupied the Heights, and the Kwantung Army had responded to the Soviet fortifications by doing the same, drawing the 107th Infantry Division, 39th Infantry Division, a engineer division and two artillery companies. They would set up on two mountain ranges located between Sonbong and Tumangang, and establish themselves. They would build bunkers dug into the side of the mountain, bunkers that would house large artillery guns capable of firing across the Tumen river. As well, they would build communications bunkers, establish radio and telephone lines, build trenches and observation posts as well as AA emplacements.

The Kwantung commanders had a feeling that this military buildup would cause a crisis, but not much care was given, this was especially shown when the regional commander of the forces near Sonbong transmitted the movement orders to the 107th Infantry without bothering to encode his message and then also radioed the engineer division what materials to bring, likely with the Soviets listening.

10

by **Arkandros** » Fri Jul 15, 2016 2:45 pm

The Rome Conference
Rome, Italy
April 10, 1938
Hitler sat silently at the position of honor, Mussolini's chair immediately to his left. On the oaken table in front of him stood a glass of Merlot, a fine vintage that he had been drinking with Mussolini over the past few weeks. His presence here at the actual conference was mere formality, simply a show of support to the Yugoslavian invasion plans. He had already had his say nearly a week ago, while discussing the state of the Italian army. Hitler had floated the initial proposals for shared port access, and by extension, united containment of the Soviet fleet. This would also provide an excellent staging post and support group for potential Italian actions in the Mediterranean, an area Hitler wanted under Axis control. As a main waterway to the Asian continent, it was the fastest route for colonial soldiers and materials to travel to Britain and France. If they were forced to ship goods around the African continent, it would be a great drain on their ability to wage war. The leaders around him, however, didn't seem to be as eager as he had hoped. Certainly, most were excited at the prospect of carving up a common enemy, but a few had balked at the proposition. No matter to him. The division of land was of no consequence, as long as the other measures went through.
The Italian army had been, of course, a rather more interesting discussion. While the Italian men had gusto, they lacked decent guns. Hitler had proposed a technical demonstration next month alongside the German Wehrmacht, intending to demonstrate a number of products. Stockpiles of Gewehr 98s, as well as MG30s, would be shipped down for trials and review, while advisers (recently returned from China) would oversee artillery and maneuver exercises. It was Hitler's hope that this demonstration and review would help the Italian army towards becoming a modern fighting force, one which would be a useful partner in the upcoming war.
Altenberg, Germany
April 10th, 1938
2. Gebirgs-division Field HQ
The scheduled date of the Polish general's visit come and gone with no Polish general to be found, General Der Gebirgstruppe Konrad had ordered Generalleutnant Feurstein to prepare to commence operations. The planned diplomatic visit had delayed his plans, but he still had a schedule to keep- the Generalleutnant was supposed to be marching through Prague in under 15 days. A tall order, but Konrad and Feurstein aimed to meet it. The panzer division had been brought up to the front lines, in preparation for the assault. Made up of panzer IIs and IIIs, it was primarily there to support troop operations, particularly the assault on the Czech fortifications. Additionally, the General had an ace up his sleeve- the Sudetenland volunteer infantry. Konrad had radioed a message a few days ago, planning the seizure of two forts along the Czech northern line on the 15th. By severing the Czech defensive line before his assault, Feurstein would be able to march into Czechoslovakia much more easily, and would hopefully bring his panzers through the impressive Czech defense without a single combat loss.
Tsingtau Harbor, Japan
April 11, 1938
The U-32 was nearly silent as it pulled in alongside the pier. Her diesels had been running hard the entire surface transit from Germany, and with them down for repairs and maintenance, the harbor transit had been made entirely on battery power. The sun beat down on the exterior of her hull, rapidly drying the sea spray from her decks, and gleaming off the barrel of her 88. Beside her was a transport, carrying a small garrison along with Ambassador Trautmann. Although he had only been aboard for a few days from Nanking, he had a good idea as to why the sub had been the ship to deliver him, and he greatly feared their true goal. Starting a war was no trivial matter, after all.
Disembarking, the ambassador stared at the ship, unwilling to watch it leave. He knew he was being unreasonable-the U-32 wouldn't depart for its possible mission for a few days, if not weeks- but he still felt that it was wrong. Seeing the sub sitting there, a black menace, left him with a pit in his gut, but he had his own duties to turn to. Pulling his gaze from the sail (where fresh paint was still drying over the U-32 designation), the ambassador turned away, trying to focus on the task at hand. He would be staying in the old German Government Building, which was, once again, to serve as the city's administrative center, with him at its helm.
Mexican Embassy
Berlin, Germany
April 4th, 1938
The recent political alliance had resulted in a flurry of activity in the Mexican embassy, as documents detailing the extent of German-Mexican relations were discussed, edited, and signed. Clerks ran down halls carrying stacks of paper nearly three feet tall, and every office was occupied. The official device of alliance had been signed two days ago, but given the upcoming combat in Czechoslovakia, the German politicians wanted the ink dry on all the paperwork before officially declaring war. No further German telegrams had been sent to Mexico as requested, but the amount of activity was hardly inconspicuous. In one office in particular, Ribbentrop signed once more on a thirty page document, completing the purchase order for 250,000 Mondragon rifles over the next three years, along with the production designs, for 35 million reichsmark, the first payment of which had been dispatched onboard the U-24 and was already en route to Mexico. As soon as the documents were received, production would begin.

War Plan Red (IC thread)

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