News Thread [Kylaris|Canon|IC]

by **The Kingdom of Glitter** » Fri Dec 31, 2021 11:54 am

As Mac Suibhne gets ready to ring in the New Year, his government quietly weights rideshare options
Updated / Friday, 31 December 202110:10
POLITICS by Seamus Mac Ceallaigh

The Caldish government is said to be weighing its options against Werania-based Voyage,
the largest rideshare app used in Caldia.

SPÁLGLEANN – As the government prepares for the upcoming legislative session, the last before the general election slated for 12 June, sources indicate it is examining potential options to mitigate the use of rideshare apps.

The government has been quietly looking at different options to regulate the rideshare industry. Of particular interest is the largest carrier, Weranian-based rideshare giant Voyage. Officials at the Ministry of Transport and Communication have been preparing briefs on possible pathways forward, according to multiple sources familiar with the ministry's plans.

Transport Minister Mairéad Mulherin, who has held the post since the Social Democratic Party took office in February 2019, has not yet made a decision and has asked aides to outline all possible approaches. One of which is new legislation the government could pursue during the next legislative session.

"This industry is largely unregulated, both at a national and Euclean level. This government is serious about fighting climate change and protecting the rights of workers. Of course this includes those who drive for foreign-based tech giants like Voyage, who the company designates as contractors" a high-ranking official at the ministry said.

"[The government] intends to fight carbon emissions and the exploitation of workers. When these two issues align, it is of particular concern".

According to a memo written by transportation ministry staff, the government is looking to reduce carbon emissions by getting automobiles off the road and riders onto public transit. Taoiseach Stiofán Mac Suibhne has made reinvigorating public transpiration a major priority. He pushed for the re-nationalization of Caldia's largest passenger rail service, CIG, and has overseen billions in spending earmarked for public transit systems.

Caldia's public transportation systems are also in the process of going green, with electrification of busses and trains planned before 2030. The Mac Suibhne government's approach is contingent on a carbon-neutral, comprehensive public transit system. Once this is in place, ridership would be incentivized through subsidies and accessibility - reducing the need to drive.

Getting riders off of rideshare apps, like Voyage, and onto public transit is also part of this plan. While the issue will likely be omitted from Mac Suibhne's impending New Year's address, the government looking to act while it maintains its legislative majority.

"Should we need to pass legislation, we will do so while we have the numbers" the ministry source indicated.

With a comfortable majority of 218 seats, the government will likely find passing any such legislation easy. However, a spokesperson for the Taoiseach stated that the government had "many legislative priorities, all of which are publicly available". This could mean that instead of passing new legislation, the government may instead use ministry directives to regulate the rideshare industry.

QUESTIONABLE MOTIVES?

While the Mac Suibhne government claims it is looking to regulate rideshare services as part of its climate strategy, some skeptics are instead pointing to agitation from trade unions.

The Association of Commercial Employees, the union that represents taxi drivers, has long been opposed to the operation of rideshare apps. Union officials claim that rideshare services are illegal, circumventing the licensure system for taxi drivers. Taxi drivers with a government-issued license must also pay annual fees and complete trainings to maintain them while rideshare drivers are exempt from such mandates.

The unions that represent bus drivers, the Municipal Workers' Association and the Transport Workers' Association, have also spoken out against the rideshare industry.

"It is no secret that union bosses have it out for companies like Voyage. They have been very public in their criticism of rideshare apps" said Dabhóg Mac Cába, a fellow with the pro-market Institute for Social Studies.

"The government works closely with trade unions. It can claim this is part of its climate plan all it wants, but that does not change the fact that it is doing the work of trade unions. Mac Suibhne and his government have a very clear record of doing just that. This is just a part of that trend."

Mac Cába is not alone in criticizing the government over potential regulation of rideshare apps. Líadan Nic Fhiachra, a prominent commuter advocate, claimed that fights with rideshare services like Voyage are going to hurt riders.

"They are going to stifle innovation and make traveling more difficult for the Caldish commuter. We need to make transit accessible, not restrict easy-to-use and affordable services".

Government sources have declined to publicly comment on the issue. The source at the transit ministry said that "the government's motives are clear. It stands for reducing carbon emissions and protecting workers' rights. Any action [against the rideshare industry] is line with both of those values".

My Last.fm · by **West Kirkon** » Fri Dec 31, 2021 12:40 pm

Mariya Nazarivna - 31 December 2021

Home · Vinalia · Asteria · International · Politics · Finance · Sports · Entertainment · Health · Travel · Weather · Opinion

President remarks on West Coian trip

Vinalinsk -

President Valeria Kunavin landed today in Unity International Airport in Vinalinsk, at the conclusion of her tour of West Coius where she visited Senria and Ansan over 4 days. Her visit was focused on maintaining diplomatic relations with both Senria and Ansan, two important trading partners, and auto manufacturers in the country.

In a brief press conference at the airport she remarked that her trip was a wonderful experience, and that Vinalia holds strong diplomatic and economic ties with the two Coian nations. Kunavin stated that Senria remained committed and ready to start the High-Speed train line in Vinalia, which she stated was crucial for Vinalia. She remarked that Senria additionally was committed to buying Vinalian agricultural products, and producing Senrian vehicles in the country. Kunavin additionally stated that Ansan was a crucial friend of the country, where she remarked that Ansene business interests in Vinalia were essential. Vinalian Oil and Agricultural products will still enjoy vast importation in Ansan, as will Ansene auto manufacturing in the country. Kunavin extended an invitation to Ansene citizens to visit Vinalia, including First Sarim Lee Ae-Jung, to foster diplomatic and cultural relations between both countries. Kunavin stated that her visit was a large success for Vinalia, and that all 3 countries have much to gain from continued cooperation, and that she looked forward to stronger relations between both countries.

Kunavins visit represents Vinalias' closer ties with the two Coian nations which have become increasingly important trading partners for the country. This follows a 30 year trend of establishing relations and ties with the Coian continent, which has seen Vinalia greatly benefited from this relationship. Vinalia opened in April embassies with Rajyaghar, and has sought closer ties with the continent as Cross-Lumine relationships have increased, opening doors to Vinalian exports and opportunity for the country. 2021 closes as a strong year for Vinalia, and its people.

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by **Xiaodong** » Sun Jan 02, 2022 9:49 am

RAICEVICH - PRESENCE OF FOREIGN FORCES IN YEMET "SIGNIFICANTLY DESTABILISHING THE SITUATION".
Defence minister warns that Werania will consider its financial obligations if the situation in the central Bahian country doesn't improve.
Axel Bär
2 January 2022 | Kanyabahayadha, Maucha

Defence Minister Raicevich in Kanyabahayadha.
Photo courtesy of AV photos.

KANYABAHAYADHA, MAUCHA- Defence minister Anton Raicevich during a visit to Maucha today has stated that the Werania is concerned that the presence of foreign forces in Yemet is "significantly destabilising the situation" in the country.

Asked by reporters during a meeting with Mauchan military officials about the Weranian governments position on Yemet Raicevich has confirmed that Werania was committed to the "consolidation of a pluralistic, democratic government in Yemet" and that in the new year Werania would "consider its financial obligations in Yemet if the situation does not see a significant improvement to the security and stability of central Bahia."

"The recent CBS meeting has shown that in Bahia there is no consensus on the direction Yemet should take, yet we are seeing Rwizikuru, Mabifia and Behera engage in acts which have the ability to seriously damage the integrity of the Yemeti state. That's not to mention the role played by non-Bahian actors in the region. Werania is concerned that so many foreign troops intervening in Yemet in such a rash manner means that the government of President Iskinder has effectively admitted that it will abdicate responsibility for governing Yemet."

On asked about Werania's position regarding the resignation of President Iskinder being a necessary pre-condition for a negotiated settlement - something Bamvango and Maucha have spoken in support of - Raicevich was evasive. "Werania isn't in the business of appointing Bahian leaders. But if the situation doesn't improve President Iskinder should seriously consider whether his continuation in office is an obstacle to peace in the region."

The Weranian Foreign Ministry have confirmed that they seek to introduce a resolution in the Community of Nations to spearhead "constructive peace talks" in Yemet mediated by either the CBS or the CN. However this is expected to run into opposition from Yemet and Mabifia in the region which could trigger Werania to cut funding to Yemet. Currently the Weranian international aid budget allots €170 million annually to Yemet, the second largest amount for any single country after €200 million for Maucha, which is spent on a wide array of economic and social development projects.

Werania's stance has elicited mixed responses. "It's clear the Weranian government is leaning in an anti-Iskinder direction and is getting incredibly frustrated at the Euclo-bashing in the country despite a generous aid programme," says charity worker Maria Ebert. "But the cutting off of aid would likely cause a lot of people in desperate need of relief further hardship and wreck the government's finances. If Werania did it it would be an unbelievably cruel move and so seems more like bluffing".
© Der Staatsmann Group 2022

About me · by **Luziyca** » Sun Jan 02, 2022 10:41 am

Monday, 3rd January, 2022

Be informed. Be responsible.

RWIZIKURAN GOVERNMENT DEFENDS INTERVENTION IN YEMET

Mutungamiri Tsuru Mawere delivers a speech at Port Fitzhubert (file photo)

In response to yesterday's announcement from the Weranian government that they may consider cutting off aid to Yemet "if the situation does not see a significant improvement to the security and stability of central Bahia," Mutungamiri Tsuru Mawere defended the Rwizikuran government's intervention in Yemet at a press conference in Port Fitzhubert.

"Contrary to the assertions of Mr. Raicevich," Tsuru Mawere told reporters, "the presence of our military in Yemet does not damage the territorial integrity of Yemet: to the contrary, we are strengthening the territorial integrity of Yemet by combatting an organisation who, for eight decades, has jeopardised the territorial integrity of not just Yemet but also of our country as well, thanks to misguided policies by past governments that failed to strengthen central control over Akortu-held territories."

"Contrary to the assertions of Mr. Raicevich, Iskinder did not abdicate his responsibilities when he invited Behera, Mabifia, and us to restore order in the parts of Yemet adjacent to those countries," Mawere said. "To the contrary, in inviting relevant stakeholders to intervene in Yemet and restore peace, it is more likely that this civil war will end sooner rather than much later, as the Yemeti military can focus on fighting rebel groups in the interior of the country. To quote an old Rwizi proverb, 'the poor man's victories do not last:' if the Yemeti government has to handle everything by themselves, they will not stand a snowball's chance, and every one of its neighbours will suffer for it."

"As our government has categorically stated time and time again, this is not an act of Izibongo-era adventurism. This is not an act of expanding Rwizikuru's influence across the subcontinent," Mawere said. "Our main purpose is to restore law and order, and it will be entirely military in nature. In the communities that are currently behind the Rwizikuran front line, we have allowed the day-to-day civilian administration to be exercised by Yemeti officials appointed by the government in Girota, and this will most certainly be true for Kwati and other major centres that the Royal Rwizikuran Army captures from the National Salvation Army, because our main priority is to get rid of the National Salvation Army and ensure that elections can be safely held."

"Once the elections are held, the Royal Rwizikuran Armed Forces will be able to return home to their friends and family," Tsuru Mawere declared. "As we have promised you and as we have promised President Iskinder, we will not stay a single day longer than necessary to stabilise Yemet, and I am confident that if we all work together, this war will be over by this time next year."

by **Lunas Legion** » Sun Jan 02, 2022 2:55 pm

YEMET IS BROKE, BUT ISKINDER WILL CLAW ON
Following approximately four months of violence and an attempted military coup, the Yemeti government is broke. Yet aid cuts from Euclea may not be enough to bring Iskinder to the table.
Axel Bär
2 January 2022 | Kanyabahayadha, Maucha

The Yemeti Central Bank in Girota.
Photo courtesy of AV photos.

KANYABAHAYADHA, MAUCHA- Earlier today Defence Minister Anton Raicevich announced during a visit to Maucha that the Weranian government is considering 'its financial obligations in Yemet if the situation does not see a significant improvement to the security and stability of central Bahia.' Presently, Weranian foreign aid provides €170 million to Yemet, equal to approximately 3% of the Bahian country's nominal GDP or a quarter of the Yemeti government's budget. This is not a small sum by any means, and even in ideal economic circumstances the threat of its retraction would be something the Yemeti government would wish to avoid.

But these are not normal economic circumstances for the Yemeti government. The Yemeti government heavily depends on mineral exports from the MEGY, the state-owned Minen- und Eisenbahn-Gesellschaft Yemet which owns and leases all of Yemet's mines and handles transport from the mines to the port of Lehir along the colonial-era Lehir Spur Line and the Yemeti stretch of the Trans-Bahian Railway. Since the outbreak of widespread violence in late August, this flow of minerals out and currency in has halted and forced the Iskinder government has had to start carefully counting its pennies. Even then, the Iskinder government has had to cut back as it seems that sizable elements of the PNLAY, civil service and other government employees are either underpaid or have not been paid whatsoever.

The robbery of the Yemeti central bank during the Nativity Putsch by unpaid soldiers saw approximately €27 million stolen in gold and foreign currencies by the putchists, marking another blow to the Yemeti government's finances. Sources within the Caldish government have indicated that if the Weranian government goes ahead with its cuts, Caldia will follow suit by cutting its own €25 million of aid to Yemet. There is also the potential for these aid cuts to spread to other EC states such as Gaullica or Scovern.

This is a financial sledgehammer aimed at an already teetering government.

Yet it is a sledgehammer that may have no effect beyond causing even more suffering for the people of Yemet.

The threat of aid cuts to Yemet fundamentally misjudges and mischaracterises the Iskinder regime. Defence Minister Raicevich has said that Werania is committed to the "consolidation of a pluralistic, democratic government in Yemet" and that Werania's continued financial support is contingent on a "significant improvement to the security and stability of central Bahia." The implied threat of withdrawal of financial support seems aimed at getting President Iskinder to the table for "constructive peace talks", as the Weranian Foreign Ministry has recently confirmed they seek to a motion in the Community of Nations to have talks mediated by the CN or the CBS to achieve these objectives.

It is highly likely that Yemet's President Iskinder does not want to achieve these same objectives through mediated talks, as it has been made quite clear that many involved parties seek Iskinder's resignation as a necessary pre-condition for any settlement. But this condition is likely a non-starter for Iskinder, as is the formation of a pluralistic, democratic government. He has run on an Irfanic populist platform, stirring ethnic and religious hatreds for his own political benefit. He made the decision to suspend elections when he was constitutionally unable to run for a third term, knowing that it could lead to violence. It is unlikely he will step down now, especally since he has obtained ample foreign support from Zorasan, Behera, Mabifia and Rwizukuru in bolstering his regime.

It is likely that Iskinder will call Werania's bluff on the aid cuts. He is fully aware of the unfolding humanitarian crisis that he himself has caused in Yemet by starting this conflict, and seems likely to gamble that Werania and other Euclean countries wouldn't risk drastically worsening the crisis and the suffering of millions. Peace in the region is not his priority, nor are stability, security or the formation of a pluralist democracy. Indeed, the latter is something Iskinder has worked to actively dismantle and undermine in Yemet for the past decade.

Instead, retaining power is his objective. And as long the potential for victory on the ground remains, no matter what cuts are made, it is unlikely Iskinder will come to the table as long as the opposition retains his resignation as a necessary pre-condition for talks.
© Der Staatsmann Group 2022

by **Union of Akoren** » Mon Jan 03, 2022 8:13 am

1,100 front officers and civil servants removed from posts

Several Union Ministries saw expulsions · First of many according to Central Committee · Comes as First Minister Qahor aims to transform Union-Government

Rasad Hemko

03 January 2022 | 13. Dey 2344

Over 1,100 party workers and civil servants have been removed from their posts across multiple Union-Government ministries and agencies. The removals come as the new leadership announced its “evict and restore” policy. This is likely to be the first number removed, with the policy being expanded to all levels of governance across the Union.

Of those removed, 563 came from the Union Ministry of the Interior, 202 from Justice, 160 from State Intelligence and Security, 100 from Commerce, and the remaining 75 were removed from the Secretariat of the State Presidency.

First Minister Qahor seeks to swiftly re-energise the Union-Government

A spokesman for the Central Committee of State said, “the Front took the first step in implementing the Leadership’s desire to return the Front to the path of progress, professionalism, duty and patriotic service. A number of Front Officers and civil servants have been removed from their posts – these individuals have been identified through poor worth ethics, sloppiness and quality of service unbecoming of the Union.”

“These removals are not related to the ongoing investigation by the State Commission for Societal Defence. If Party Officers and civil servants wish to work with the Front to secure the next stage of victory, then they must abandon tardiness, lateness, corner-cutting, poor reporting and groupthink. The Front must and will under this campaign, return to the worth ethic, quality of analysis and strategic thinking that delivered the Union its place in this world” he said further.

First Minister Gaffur Qahor is expected to pen a series of reforms aimed at merging and modernising the Secretariats of the State Presidency and Union Executive, the offices of the State President and First Minister respectively, into a singular cohesive unit.

The First Minister has is already prepared to propose the restore the Front Office for Work Standards and Assessment, a historic body that policed the quality of work by departments, ministries, agencies, and state commissions. The FOWSA will be headed by Deputy First Minister Sardar Sadavir Hatami. This will also be followed by the establishment of the Front Office for Information Analysis, a body dedicated wholly to studying reports by Front Committees at the District and Provincial levels and provide the Central Committee will its analysis, it is hoped that the FOIA will enable the Central Committee to formulate policies swiftly in response to local issues across the Union.

The First Minister said briefly as he attended a meeting with Supreme Assembly members this morning, “the leadership is moving fast to reform and restore the Front. It is vital for the Union’s progress and achieving of victory over complacency that together, we restore the Union-Government as a flexible, manoeuvrable and adaptive entity.”

Over the course of the next few weeks, front officers will be required to take part in a series of secret surveys, interviews and questionnaires – where they were discuss the work ethic of their managers and superiors, as well as their colleagues and subordinates.

More on Isfandiar Crisis

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Union Republic governors to meet State President Haftar

Flash flooding in eastern Irvadistan kills 13

Executive board of Karvansaray sacked by Central Committee

Revolutionary Armed Forces prepare for Sacred Defence IV war exercises

by **Union of Akoren** » Mon Jan 03, 2022 6:03 pm

by **Empire of Falconia** » Tue Jan 04, 2022 11:03 pm

Ravnian National News
Abramov Announces New Year's Plans

Novigrad - With 2021 having come to a close, President Abramov has decided to outline his administration's plans for the new year. The President held a press conference at the White Palace, the presidential residence, where he discussed the core tenants of his goals for 2022.

Chief among these goals was infrastructure. The Abramov administration has already attempted to tackle the behemoth that is Ravnias decaying interior infrastructure. While last year's Infrastructure Revitalization Bill was able to get the ball rolling, it has become clear that its provisions will not be enough to bring the interiors infrastructure up to the standards of the more urbanized coast. Furthermore, the slow progress on infrastructure overhaul has resulted in a general disruption of day-to-day activities along the Interior's central highway.

To address this problem, the Abramov administration stated it would work to pass a second Infrastructure Revitalization Bill. The President also hinted at using the Army Reserve as a labor force, something he authorized last year for the first Infrastructure Revitalization Bill.

Moving on from Infrastructure, the president stated that he planned to continue to fight for a stronger Ravnian economy. So far, the economy has remained stable, though it has been unable to reach pre-recession levels. This is something the administration wishes to change. While not going into detail, Prime Minister Andiry Avramenko stated that he will be working closely with the NCF and RSF to create a series of economic packages. These packages are currently speculated to be business subsidies and or nationalization programs. The President also stated his intentions to open up trade with other Euclean countries, primarily those in the East.

The final major item on the administration's agenda was education. This has taken many by surprise, as the President has rarely shown an interest in Ravnian education. However, President Abramov made his intentions clear, stating:

"It is paramount that, as we move into the new year, this administration takes a more active role in the education of this countries youth. The state of our education system is disgraceful, teachers are paid poorly, and school equipment tends to be outdated. This will change, I pledge that this administration will work closely with Parliament and local governments to improve the state of education, and bring Ravnia up to the same standards as our fellow Euclean nations."

As Ravnia enters 2022, one thing is for certain. The Abramov administration will be taking a much more active role than they did during the previous year.

by **Union of Akoren** » Thu Jan 06, 2022 5:44 am

Camille Chamoun - 4. Shevat AM 5782 / 16. Dey 2344 / 06 January 2022

Home · Tsabara · Bahia · International · Politics · Business · Technology and Science · Arts · Education · Health · Sports · Weather

Federal Forces lift siege of Bayadha in decisive victory

Federal soldiers celebrate their victory and the lifting of the siege.

Bayadha, Tsabara - The 3rd Army under General Burak Yigal has broken the siege of Bayadha according to the Ministry of Defence, having captured the town of Samina northeast of the beleaguered city. Government forces have pushed the Irfanic Liberation and Resistance back over 50km from the port city which had suffered over six months of siege. President Al-Qutayni has heralded the victory as a “major success for all Tsabarans.”

The offence dubbed, “Operation Coastal Sword” began in late November with over 30,000 government troops backed by the air force and aircraft from Estmere and Etruria. The offensive struck ILR lines from the west, northwest and north, with 10,000 advancing from Emporia Croci. Despite heavy and sustained resistance from the ILR, they were unable to hold their lines. Government forces broke through in the west drove along the coastal road, forcing the ILR to retreat or risk being cut off on the peninsula themselves. Forces advancing from Emporia Croci then titled east toward Samina on the northeast coast of the Peninsula. This morning, the first aid convoy entered the port city to a jubilant welcome. In total, 239 villages and towns have been liberated from the separatists and Bayadha’s 800,000 people now safe from bombardment and starvation.

The offensive was aided significantly by the fire support afforded by Estmere and Etruria’s aircraft, further proving ever increasing cohesiveness between Tsabara’s forces and those of its allies.

The offensive made rapid early gains, capturing Arzoun, Darjat and Hasbiyyah by the second day, however, progress slowed as resistance from the ILR hardened. Heavy fighting took place in Majdal Zoun, which rests along the H3 highway and leads from the north to Bayadha itself. Heavy fighting was also reported in Beit Yahoun where the ILR put up stiff resistance – enabling its forces deployed within the Peninsula to withdraw. By Nativity, Federal Forces had seized Majdal Zoun and Iskandarounah, while ILR forces lying between Majdal Zoun and Bayadha began to collapse and flee eastward to escape via Beit Yahoun.

Federal Forces liberated vast areas while inflicting heavy losses on the separatists.

The Ministry of Defence estimates that close to 7,000 ILR fighters were killed in the offensive.

Victory was confirmed this morning at a press conference at the Ministry of Defence.

“Federal forces have lifted the siege of Bayadha, it is over, our people are safe. The reign of terror, death and starvation by the Zorasani-backed separatists is over. This is a great victory for the nation and the first on the road to total victory” the spokesman said.

The spokesman said, “General Burak Yigal and his deputy, General Ibrahim Ali are two giants of Tsabaran history. The whole nation extends its gratefulness to them and their fighting men and women for saving Bayadha.”
President Nazim Al-Qutayni in a brief message posted on Chirpr and other social media sites said, “where once a city languished under fire and threat of starvation, now dances in jubilation. This sight, this feeling we feel, that is the sweetness of victory. We have achieved a great victory and dealt the enemy a blow. This is a major success for all Tsabarans.

“Now as we celebrate, we must also mourn and remember the men and women who gave their lives so that our nation may live on. The enemy failed at Bayadha, but they will no doubt try to exert their terror elsewhere, but now we know for certain, we will beat them back there too. Our struggle continues, but this struggle goes our way. May God continue to protect and bless our soldiers.”

As the ILR retreated eastward, federal forces raced southward and entered Bayadha at dawn yesterday to scenes of jubilation. Soldiers were filmed dancing in the streets with civilians, who have suffered unspeakable hardship after four months of siege and bombardment.

The liberation of Bayadha could not have come at a more critical time. Supplies of food, medicine and drinking water had all but vanished with rations decreasing in size day by day. The Bayadha Municipal Hospital reported only last week that it had run out of anaesthetic and anti-biotics and was reporting a growing number of patients falling ill with infected wounds. At least 18 patients died after contracting serious infections and had warned that unless aid was sent into the city, the hospital will collapse. The Ministry of Health has announced that it is dispatching emergency supplies to the city and will launch its largest humanitarian program outside of the displaced refugee program to support the city. The Ministry of Health also estimates that at least 4,500 civilians were killed over the four-month period from artillery, snipers and the effects of malnutrition, though the number may be higher once the situation in the city becomes clearer. At least 2,200 soldiers were killed or injured defending the city and its surroundings from the ILR.

Citizens of the city wept with joy as columns of vehicles, troops and tanks entered the city. While soldiers who defended the city for four months without respite also wept with joy, embracing their comrades who had ended their nightmarish fight for survival.

Operation Coastal Sword however now stands as the costliest offensive of the civil war, with the Ministry of Defence separately confirming that 3,500 soldiers had been killed in action and a further 6,000 injured. One MoD source said, “the ILR fought viciously, though defeated they proved capable and more organised. This gives more credence that they’re being trained and advised by Zorasan.”
The victory comes within days of the civil war’s second anniversary.

There has been no official statement by the ILR or separatist leaders on their defeat in Bayadha.

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AlQutayniistheChief · 1 hour ago
Nothing stopping us now! Sidi Amar next?

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by **Liecthenbourg** » Fri Jan 07, 2022 6:02 am

Analysis: Gaullican Foreign and Security Policy has fundamentally changed under the PSD.
Gaullica has often been lauded as a 'rational and legalistic actor' in international affairs, yet even that reputation is likely to change.

Gustave Baume, Professor of Political Science and International Relations at the University of Lavelle
January 7th, 2022|Verlois, Gaullica

President Monique Degar-Abdulrashid campaigned
that 'human lives' would be at the centre of her foreign policy.

Verlois, Gaullica - Gaullican Foreign Policy is a goliath of a topic that could be discussed at length and fill half a hundred libraries. It is the odd syncretism of a nation with immense reserves of both hard and soft power and the lack of a means to exercise them as many other states in its situation would be able to. Rightly 'constrained' by domestic constitutional checks and balances, Verlois' influence is found in an all corners of the globe.

Gaullica's history of foreign policy in the aftermath of the Great War is notably absent. Occupied and transformed from a constitutional monarchy into a democratic republic, defanged and declawed and its possessions either granted independence or given up as mandates, Gaullica was not present for the later stages of nationalism that sprung up across Coius -- particularly in Bahia and Rahelia -- that would go on to play a part in toppling the Estmerish and Weranian Empires. Despite being the largest empire in history; no Bahian state for example gained its independence through a protracted insurgency or civil conflict against Gaullica.

The Gaullican Republic's first foray into an independent military conflict (though under the guise of the Community of Nations) was its involvement in the Solarian War against Etruria, and its first act of foreign involvement was in the brutal 'Siamat War' (which it did as part of the Euclean Community's involvement). And this is due to two factors: apprehension from the other signatories of the Treaty of Kesselbourg on one hand, and the presence of safeguards in the constitution require the military to conduct itself in peace-keeping and requires Gaullica to adhere to multilateralism. Further still, a requirement on a vote of action taken by the president to the First Chamber is also necessary to undergo any military action.

Because of these requirements, Gaullica has earned a reputation amongst its allies and those commentators on international affairs of something of a legalistic hurdle. Whilst Caldia might have the most genuine reputation in regards to a fair criticism of all breaches of international law, it is Gaullica who is viewed through the lens of a committee of individuals pursuing all legal action possible before 'something is done'. This has been both a blessing and a curse: often-times the First Chamer is brutally criticised for 'inefficacy' in regards to the debate given to any international effort that may involve military aid to some degree. Yet this rigorous procedure is praised for being just that: never has Gaullica been accused of 'jumping the gun'. And this rigorous 'testing' of foreign policy conundrums that wash up every week in our tumultuous world has also put Gaullica at odds with her allies before.

Almost a year ago, Gaullica broke ranks from many of the Euclean Community states (notably Estmere and Werania) and refused to condemn Chistovodia in the Community of Nations for its supposed breaching of international maritime law. This is the reputation Gaullica has an international entity in action: it broke its bonds in favour of the rule of law, at least how it perceived it, and was willing to butt-heads with not only its Euclean allies: but key international partners, ala Satucin and Cassier.

I would not go as far as to call my country untrustworthy. We are committed to the obligations we sign; and all parties are aware of our domestic requirements. I merely stress that this is not a normal occurrence, for the most part, in an international partner.

So, the question arises: what has changed? And has this change been gradual?

For the most part, President Monique Degar-Abdulrashid (henceforth called: MDA, which is a popular initialism amongst internet liberals, socialists and the editors of the Continental) has built upon her predecessor in all matters of policy. To understand this current iteration of the PSD government (and its Green allies), we have to understand that in all walks of its approach it has attempted to build upon existing policies and champion causes of the progressive left: environmental activism, fighting the demons of poverty and inequality, social justice, the renewal of domestic infrastructure and the uplifting of economically destitute areas, the generation of new avenues of wealth -- all of these and more fall under its catchy mantra of 'the transformation of society'.

I stress that I do not showcase either approval or disapproval for these policies and am merely listing them as a context in understanding some of the radical domestic changes that encapsulate the thought of the PSD that has been gradually built since the turn of the millennium. The Negative Income Tax has been spoken about to death: but other policies that range from the 'Buy Euclean Initiative' and Gaullica's campaigns to expand its scope into the Common Agricultural Policy, the transition of inner city areas across the country into 'congestion free zones' by reclaiming them for the pedestrian, the subsidies given to agricultural laboratories in the quest for sustainable 'lab-grown meat', the transformation of the entire federal vehicle fleet into electric cars and the promotion of domestic car manufacturers to produce economically viable electric vehicles for the Gaullican and Euclean consumer. These are but broad generalisations of a domestic agenda.

How does this tie into foreign policy? Because in foreign policy matters, this government is no less radical. We will look at the cases of Garambura, the Magadi and Tsabara in analysing the fundamental changes in foreign policy that this government has built on or has developed on its own.

Following the assassination of former Garamburan President Louis Jalizé in 2010 by a Kulo extremist, Garambura invited Gaullica to participate in peace-keeping efforts in the north of the country. Since this invitation, Gaullica has maintained a 3,000 strong brigade of troops in Garambura. These troops provide assistance in peacekeeping, military training and regional stability. They operate Gaullican military bases in Sikuyu, Culloland and Djecca, which were set up with the necessary infrastructure for the size of the deployed force. Gaullica was even given permission to build its own military base, whilst another two were leased, and MDA authorised in January of 2021 the creation of a 'rapid response force' based in Nouvel Anglet to respond to the requests of "Bahian allies". As of writing this, Garambura has undergone a self-described stabilisation effort in the disputed areas of the Kulo State, and it has been confirmed by the government that the Gaullican Culloland Brigade has offered its assistance in peace-keeping and reconnaissance in the area.

In late November of last year, the Gaullican government voted in favour of providing material assistance to the Magadi at the invitation of President Ogot. Such a move was criticised by some international actors, such as Zorasan, and the speed in which it was approved by the First Chamber brought concern to several political onlookers. However, it comes at the time of increasing uncertainty in the region due to the fostering of the resumption of the 'Second Yemeti Civil War'. Gaullica's presence in the region is newly developed, but the ties between both governments are historically strong.

In both these instances, the claims to the adherence of the constitution have rested on the fact that they are peace-keeping and that they are technically multilateral by invitation and consent of the hosting countries. However, the government's own interpretation of the requirements of the constitution have come across as 'hard and fast' and often intentionally vague. The Gaullican Culloland Brigade was meant to operate in that region; not exercise its might in the disputed Kulo State. And how is the nation committing to peace-keeping by supplying the Magadi with the necessary technicians and parts it needs to operate its own airforce? I think a good question to ask is how long is it until Buholaux's airspace is seen filled with Gaullican planes there to help 'maintain neutrality and peace'.

Most controversially was the government's pre-emptive vote on the authorisation of military action in Tsabara. At the time it was vague, there was no ECDTO policy beyond what individual members were loosely cooperating on. Yet, however, Gaullica bore the brunt of its own wishes to maintain a naval presence in the Aurean Straits to 'secure shipping' and 'assist migrants from traversing dangerous waters', and stressed other than this its aid would be strictly aid oriented. Yet, it recently emerged that the government had been helping train the Transtsabaran Federation's special forces in the wake of its prolonged conflict with Irfanic separatists in the east of the country. Further still, the government also confirmed that it was moving onto a 'succeeding step' in its presence in Tsabara. As of the new year, Gaullican aerial support has been given to the government in a unilateral action disguised as a multilateral one by working alongside, briefly, with the Estmerish and the Etrurians. Such support was even present during the recent successful federal campaign that retook Bayadha, and is likely being viewed as a positive given the emerging news of Zorasani presence in the south-east of the country.

So: it is clear that Gaullica's foreign policy has become particularly emboldened in the past decade. Actions have been taken that would have raised alarm-bells across the continent earlier, yet the careful legalese and 'due process' that the government affords seems to have placated most international critics beyond those who stand to lose: Zorasan, for instance, has been greatly critical of any Gaullican foreign policy move in recent months.

Domestically, the population also does not care either. The news that the government had hidden information from the public by training Tsabaran military units was only criticised by those with keen interest in the constitution and its key terminology: the average citizen was polled to be in favour, as long as it prevented our own soldiers from entering the country to fight for the Tsabarans.

Foreign policy has fundamentally changed under the PSD because they have shown, with enough tact, and adherence to the traditions of the constitution, we are free actors once again. Our Euclean allies no longer fear us as an enemy, but as a way for them to share the burden of the requirements of international action. No Etrurian, Estmerish or Weranian politician worth their salt will criticise the Gaullican government for assisting the Tsabaran government. And any criticism levied at Gaullica's presence in the Bahian countries it operates in will cleanly be deflected by those very countries requiring our presence through an invitation.

In my own analysis: I do not think we have broken our own constitutional requirements but we have pushed the boundaries of what they require. We have, in essence, ignored the spirit of the law in favour of the letter of the law. And I should know a little bit about this, as I'm something of a political scientist myself.

This article was written by Professor Gustave Baume of the University of Lavelle, where he lectures in Political Science and International Relations. Born on Nouvel Anglet in 1961, after obtaining his doctorate at the University of Verlois in a joint-honours of History and Politics he became a mainstay of late-night news as a political correspondent for numerous broadcasters before receiving tenure at the University of Lavelle, where he has lectured since. A regular contributor to Le Monde, Baume is an accomplished academic who has written extensively on the metamorphosis of Gaullican foreign policy following its defeat in the Great War, and how it has adapted from being the pre-eminent world power in its established international system to a cooperative actor in a supposed partnership of equals. Several of his key works include 'l'hégémon' which assessed Gaullica's foreign policy decisions between 1800 and 1920.

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by **Union of Akoren** » Fri Jan 07, 2022 11:47 am

Zorasan seizes disputed territory in southern Tsabara in shock move
Zorasan deploys 3,000 troops to Dandan Azdar region

07 January 2022 · Written by: Jules-Pierre Mao

Zorasan has deployed forces to the disputed territory along its border with Tsabara in a major escalation in the two-year-long civil war. An estimated 3,000 soldiers backed by tanks, armoured vehicles and other equipment have crossed the border into the Dragons’ Teeth region, which has been claimed by Zorasan since 1977.

At 9.50am, Zorasani military convoys were filmed and photographed crossing the border at Mirbat and Abu Jamal, for the first time, marking the deployment of military forces inside Tsabara since the civil war began almost two years. The convoys then travelled deep into the disputed area before deploying their troops in open fields or hilltops. The entire deployment has come with no official comment or word from the Zorasani government.

The force entered southern Tsabara in two separate groups one in the west and the other further eastward. The arrival of Zorasani military forces has apparently caught not only Adunis off-guard but also the separatists, who stressed via trusted sources to us and other outlets, that they had no pre-warning or notice.

Zorasani vehicles traversing the border earlier this morning.

The Tsabaran government was quick to confirm that it too had spotted convoys crossing the border and immediately demanded Zorasani withdraw those units. A meeting of the Federal Security Council chaired by President Nazim al-Qutayni did not result in any publicly announced measure. The Etrurian National Security Council also met and was chaired by President Francesco Carcaterra, who also spoke to President Qutayni by telephone Il Popolo reported.

The Telegrafo Solariano quoted the government spokesman in Povelia as saying, “President Carcaterra expressed his serious concern at Zorasan’s violation of Tsabara’s territorial sovereignty and also expressed his full support for the Tsabaran government. Etruria demands and expects Zorasan to withdraw immediately.”

According to the various images and videos taken of the convoy, the ICM was able to determine that the 3,000 or so troops belong to the identified units deployed along the border late last year. Seemingly out of the blue, and during the corruption scandal that brought down the Isfandiar-Akbari administration, the Zorasani military deployed over 80,000 troops. Though the deployment of just 3,000 may offer some token relief.

What is this deployment about?

One of the first points to be taken from this is that the deployment is a not an intervention in the civil war. If it were, the number of troops deployed would have been greater and they would have headed to the frontlines over 300 miles away from where they are currently parked. What this appears to be is nothing more than landgrab, specifically the seizure of a long-disputed area of land straddling the border. Also notably, to dissuade the intervention claims, there was no reported movement of aircraft, no drones and no helicopters, the necessary items for a full-scale invasion.

There is two prevailing theories as to the purpose of this intervention, thought not mutually exclusive of one another. The first, is that the rebels’ defeat at Bayadha caught the Zorasanis by surprise and now, a feeling of concern prevails in Zahedan that the ILR lacks the means to either advance or even hold its ground. As such, the Zorasanis have hedged their bets and decided now is the time to seize the Dandan Azdar disputed territory. The reclamation of what it sees as Zorasani territory wrongfully taken by Tsabara in 1977 as Second Rahelian War ended also serves as defensible position against a pro-Euclean democratic Tsabara. This is also the general consensus when the debate flies over why Zorasan would be the separatists – they do not want an EC ally on its door step.

The other prevailing theory is that this is an power play by the new government in Zahedan. State President Rahim Ali Haftar, First Minister Gaffur Qahor and Deputy First Minister Sadavir Hatami have been in power just over two months and have upped the ante in Yemet and now seized back the Dandan Azdar. The trio it must be stressed constitute the most pro-military administration since Javad Jahandar founding the UZIR in 1980. This new government in Zahedan is markedly more ideological, more hardline and more strident in its anti-Northern sentiments. By seizing back the Dandan Azdar they send a message to Euclea, Adunis and the Zorasani people alike that they mean business and will pursue the Union’s interests – Afterall the most consistent criticism of the Isfandiar-Akbari administration was that they were too timid and acquiescent. Many on the right of the ruling National Renovation Front even blame the duo for the Tsabaran Civil War, claiming the Union should have moved in after the coup which overthrew Atwan al-Tughluq’s authoritarian successor.

What does this mean for Tsabara? In terms of the civil war, very little, the fact that the rebels weren’t even informed the Zorasanis would be occupying two strips of land along the border indicates that the Zorasanis may be losing faith and trust in the separatists to keep Adunis at bay. The circulating reports that Zorasani soldiers evicted ILR fighters from the border crossings also gives credance to reports in Zorasani media that Irvadistan is becoming awash with drugs being smuggled from the north but may also be a step toward removing the border along the Dandan Azdar for the sake of annexation, only time will tell.

What is the Dandan Azdar?

The Dandan-ha-ye Azdar.

The Dandan-ha-ye Azdar in Pasdani, or At’Asnān al-Tinnin in Rahelian, which translates as roughly “Dragon’s Teeth” is a region of rockey valleys, hills, canyons and crevices that straddle the border between Zorasan and Tsabara. Its geography, though mostly inhospitable to human habitation does provide one of the most defensible positions in military geographical terms. The history of the region is complicated, the first recorded reference of the region was in a poem written in 148 AD during the Second Heavenly Dominion. Over time it would generally remain within the frontiers of the Pardarian-dominated Irfanic theocracies and its Pardarian dynastic successor empires. However, the region and most of Irvadistan (a Union Republic of Zorasan) would fall under Gaullican colonial control with the colonisation of Tsabara, while the rest of Irvadistan fell to the Etrurians.

All of Gaullican Irvadistan was ceded to Etruria in wake of the Great War and it was duly absorbed into Rahelia Etruriana. From this and out of the absolute catastrophe that was the Solarian War emerged the Emirate of Irvadistan as the tribe most relied upon by the Etrurians to govern the others assumed power in the vacuum of 1945/1946. The Treaty of Morwall which officially ended the conflict recognised all of the post-colonial states to emerge of Colonial Etruria’s violent collapse including Irvadistan. Though Irvadistan transitioned into the Zubaydi Rahelian Federation in 1954 following the establishment of the Union of Khazestan and Pardaran (proto-Zorasan) it retained the Dandan Azdar. This would remain the case even in 1966 when the Federation was overthrown by the Red Officers, who replaced it with the United Rahelian People’s Republic. In 1975, the Second Rahelian War began and rapidly turned from a potential socialist victory into the total victory of Pan-Zorasanism and unification with the annexation of the URPR by the UKP. However, as the URPR imploded as Zorasani forces approached Sadah, Communalist Tsabara which was fighting alongside the URPR and fearful of a UKP invasion, annexed the Dandan Azdar from its erstwhile ally. The UKP war weary and wanting to unify after three decades of war refused to counter, instead claiming the territory as its own, a claim that would be inherited by the Union of Zorasani Irfanic Republics in 1980.

As a result, for the past forty-two years, Zorasan has claimed the Dandan Azdar as its own territory, repeatedly describing the land as illegally occupied by Tsabara. Though, successive Zorasani administrations have long often focused on bi-lateral trade with Tsabara than a strip of land home to just 30,000 people. But with a new administration firmly entrenched within the military’s way of thinking and a ruling Front lurching toward ideological purity, the symbolism of returning the Dandan Azdar may too great to ignore any longer.

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The International Conflict Monitor is a think tank based in Morwall, that is dedicated to breaking conflict stories, events and providing unique analysis. The ICM hopes to utilise its wide network of sources to establish a greater understanding of human conflict, to then use that knowledge to assist policymakers in conflict resolution.

by **Nuvania** » Sat Jan 08, 2022 5:59 pm

Beheran forces cross Yemeti border in long-awaited military intervention
Fighting erupts in dozens of towns in the northwest of Yemet

08 January 2022 · Written by: Jim Wickham

Alleged Beheran Army vehicles inside the town of Diba.

Early this morning, armoured and motorised units of the Beheran Army crossed the border into northwestern Yemet top begin the long awaited military intervention after months of military exercises as well as clashes between Beheran soldiers and rebels from the Emergency Committee for the Restoration of National Unity (ECRNU), a faction recently fromed from ethnically Gero units of the People's National Liberation Army of Yemet (PNLAY). Since the emergence of the ECRNU in late October last year, the Beheran government underwent a rapid military buildup of personnel and materiel along the border areas where ECRNU rebels operated, with Amassine repeatedly signalling that it intended to act in order to safeguard its national security, especially given the conflicts in its other neighbours.

Why act now?

The decision to take action now was done for two reasons. With Zorasan sending in soldiers and armoured vehicles into disputed territory in Tsabara, the hope in Amassine is that international eyes will be distracted by the crisis in Tsabara and not the military intervention into Yemet. Behera has few friends on the international stage and would rather not want to find itself diplomatically and economically isolated from the outside world.

Behera also opted to act now owing to increasing instability within the Yemeti government. With the recent attempted coup having been successfully put down, the Beherans may have been prompted to act now rather than later on the basis that there may not be any government left to assist them in engaging ECRNU forces.

Politically, Amassine has kept its cards close to itself as to whether or not it actually sees a future in the Iskinder administration, although sources close to the government have said it's principal focus is a stable central government authority in Yemet and whether or not Iskinder is at the head of that authority is not of their concern.

Where are the main axes of the advance?

From footage obtained from residents in the affected areas or posted to ECRNU social media, as well as the latter's updates on where Beheran Army units have engaged in combat with the ECRNU, a greater picture of where the main advances of the Beheran Army is beginning to be put together.

The northernmost advances seem to be concerning the northern towns of Giara and Kolu, where Beheran Army motorised and armoured formations have struck out to the south of Giara in order to cut the main highway between Terasa and the border with Bamvango. Although off the main highway, these two towns remain significant objectives as they not only contain population centres and thus bases from which to operate, they also contain a substantial number of ECRNU units stationed in the far northwest of Yemet, presumably owing to their proximity with the Yemeti frontier. It appears that the Beherans at least are well aware of this and have directly avoided entering the towns themselves, instead advancing in a northeasterly direction to the southeast of the towns themselves. Cutting these two towns off from reinforcements would pose a significant problem for the ECRNU, who would need to fight along National Highway 12 in order to reach any isolated forces to the north.

Further to the south, Beheran Army units are reported to have reached National Highway 12 to the north of Terasa, but have encountered stiff resistance from rebel armoured units based in the towns and other settlements north of the city. Both Beheran state media and ECRNU social media have confirmed engagements between Beheran Army and ECRNU units at several points along the highway, the closest being approximately 40 kilometres north of Terasa. ECRNU has reported tank engagements along a stretch of highway north of the village of Belo, some 55 kilometres north of Terasa, with video footage showing what is claimed to be several Beheran tanks on fire or knocked out some distance to the west. Additional footage shows ECRNU soldiers manning anti-tank guided missiles (ATGM's) and engaging Beheran armoured vehicles, although the location has yet to be verified, as is whether or not the vehicles in question are indeed Beheran.

By contrast, very little fighting is believed to have been reported in areas immediately west of Terasa but Beheran state media reports that army units have crossed the border in what they referred to as the "central sector". With additional reports of heavy aerial bombardment and drone strikes in Terasa itself, it's believed that the Beherans are at least waiting for ECRNU defences to be softened up before advancing any further.

Significant gains have been made to the south, with a handful of towns close to the border captured with little to no resistance, the largest of these being the towns of Diba and Gonj, located a few kilometres inside Yemet. Video footage and still photos have been posted to social media showing Beheran armoured fighting vehicles inside the town of Diba, and additional armoured units have also been reported inside the town of Gonj. Fighting has also broken out to the east of Gonj around the town of Dagoma as well as to the south in Barusha. Although resistance appears to have stiffened, it's likely that several areas in the south of the territory that the ECRNU will likely be transferred back into central government control. PNLAY units, backed by Zorasani air support, have also retaken towns close to the newly-established front line between government and rebel forces. Dawa, the closest to PNAY controlled areas, was reportedly taken without a single shot being fired. Further to the east, PNAY artillery and Zorasani aircraft engaged targets around Geno and Hadama in preparation for an advance there.

To the north of Diba and Gonj, in what is believed to be the central axis of the Beheran advance, the ECNRU reported fighting in and around the town of Gari, roughly halfway between Gonj and Terasa. Gari, located at a crossroads of local roads and tracks in the region, is likely to become a strategic objective for both sides in the coming days. Footage from the ECRNU dated January 4 showed additional military personnel and combat vehicles had been put into Gari in order to reinforce the garrison already there, showing at least that the ECRNU recognises the importance of the town to the ECRNU's defensive line.

What forces are involved?

Determining what forces have been involved in the intervention has been difficult on the basis that little is known about Beheran Army formations, as well as the potential for ad hoc divisions and regiments to be created for the invasion. What is known about the intervention force is that it contains some of Behera's best equipped military units, armed with substantially more capable armoured vehicles than those employed by the ECRNU, as well as likely better trained crews. However, Behera hasn't fought a war since the end of the Beheran Civil War in 2001 and it's not sure how these soldiers would hold up against units that have had some recent combat experience.

For the most part, the ECRNU has a number of loosely defined formations based around military units that defected from the PNLAY late last year and took over all of the former PNAY military bases and depots located in the northwest. Much of the equipment is believed to have been in poor condition prior to the mutiny and what was working has been subject to perodical but intense aerial bombardment since November. The biggest asset that the ECRNU has are highly mobile ATGM teams that will pose a serious threat to most Beheran armoured vehicles.

What is the end goal?

Ultimately Behera wants to see the ECRNU crushed to the point where it cannot continue to pose any threat to the security or territorial integrity of Behera itself, as well as return areas back to central Yemeti government control. Amassine is hoping for a quick victory in order to be able to avoid having to involve itself in a drawn out war and the spillover which would cause significant problems for internal security within Behera itself.

More from the International Conflict Monitor

Bamvango conflict: the forgotten war in Bahia
Peace in Yemet: will Iskinder have a role?
War and Peace in Makania
Opinion: Has the Coalition of Bahian States finally outlived its usefulness?

The International Conflict Monitor is a think tank based in Morwall, that is dedicated to breaking conflict stories, events and providing unique analysis. The ICM hopes to utilise its wide network of sources to establish a greater understanding of human conflict, to then use that knowledge to assist policymakers in conflict resolution.

by **Union of Akoren** » Sun Jan 09, 2022 6:35 am

Camille Chamoun - 5. Shevat AM 5782 / 17. Dey 2344 / 07 January 2022

Home · Tsabara · Bahia · International · Politics · Business · Technology and Science · Arts · Education · Health · Sports · Weather

President Nazim al-Qutayni slams Zorasan for southern incursion

President al-Qutayni addressed an emergency session of the National Assembly.

Adunis, Tsabara - President Nazim Al-Qutayni slams Zorasan in speech to National Assembly

President Al-Qutayni has condemned Zorasan for its deployment of soldiers to the region known as At’Asnān al-Tinnin. He told the National Assembly, “our country has now been violated by a hostile state in a manner most opportunistic and ruthless. Zorasan has invaded southern Tsabara there is no other way to put it.” He dismissed claims by Zorasan that its move is to facilitate a “safe haven” for displaced people as a “blatant lie and cover for expansionism.”

Yesterday morning, 3,000 Zorasani soldiers crossed the border into the At’Asnān al-Tinnin and assumed positions throughout the region. The separatists pleaded their own ignorance at the incursion and as of today, have begun evacuating their own fighters and units from the region, reportedly at the request of the Zorasani government. Zahedan officially, has said that it has done so to transform the region into a “humanitarian sanctuary”, a place for displaced Tsabarans to seek refuge, rather than northern Zorasan, where an estimated 1.9 million people have already fled.

The incursion was spotted by the federal government and corroborated by the Etrurian military who regularly observer the border with UAVs and aircraft. The federal government swiftly held a security council meeting to discuss the situation. President Qutayni met with the ambassadors of Estmere, Etruria, Gaullica, Werania and Senria over the incursion. All nations reassured the President of their commitment to a united and cohesive Tsabara.

Shortly after these meetings, the President requested to address an emergency session of the National Assembly.

The President was unequivocal in his condemnation of Zorasan in his address, which was televised live to the nation.

“For two years our country has been torn in two. Neighbours now fight neighbours, families fight families, brothers fight brothers. 30,000 Tsabarans, our people, our friends and family are dead. Our nation weeps and bleeds for its own and now our neighbour to the south, which did so much to see this tragedy come about, has viciously and opportunistically used it for its own ends”

“A once good neighbour now seeks our destruction. Our country has now been violated by a hostile state in a manner most opportunistic and ruthless. Zorasan has invaded Tsabara there is no other way to put it” he said.

He said further, “throughout the past two years, our southern neighbour has used lies, deceit and propagandistic distortions of reality to mask and hide its intentions. With one side of its face it calls for peace and with the other arms and supplies the enemies we face from within, Zorasan is a country built on lies, a regime built on lies.”

“This is a country dedicated to the destruction of freedom and liberty within itself and outside. It seeks our destruction, it seeks to restore Adunis under Irfanic control and it seeks to use our homeland as a platform for its war upon the free world. I told our allies that Tsabara will not permit this, we will resist Zorasan until the end of time” he told members, receiving a standing ovation.

He promised the Assembly, “we will restore our borders, all of our borders, even if we must offer blood. We have demanded the immediate withdrawal of Zorasani occupation forces, but I will make clear if they do not and upon the day that Sidi Amar is returned to Tsabara and the separatists crushed, we will retake the southern border by force if we must.”

The Zorasani government for its part has only released one official statement on the seizure of what they call a disputed territory, claiming it that is in fact sovereign Zorasani territory due to its seizure by Tsabara’s communalist regime in the closing stages of the Second Rahelian War. However, scenes from various Zorasani cities show thousands of people celebrating the capture of Tsabaran territory.

Though Zorasan only deployed 3,000 troops to capture land, a further 83,000 remain encamped on the border a serious threat and provocation to the Tsabaran government.

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AlQutayniistheChief · 1 hour ago
Nothing stopping us now! Sidi Amar next?

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illinoisjames · 1 hour ago

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postcounter · 1 hour ago
Liec needs to post

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[/quote]

by **The Kingdom of Glitter** » Sun Jan 09, 2022 3:31 pm

Eric Merreau - 9 January 2022

Home · Kesselbourg · The Continent · The World · Policy · Opinion · Features · Newsletters · Continental Pro

AMID INCREASING ASSERTIVENESS, ZORASAN FINDS FEW FRIENDS AMONG EUCLEAN CAPITALS

Samistopol, Soravia - In the aftermath of its invasion and seizure of territory it disputes with Tsabara, Zorasan has come to find itself increasingly isolated from Euclean governments.

While growing discord between Zahedan and Euclean capitals has been years in the making, recent foreign policy moves have shifted the dynamic.

The aggressive and unexpected invasion and subsequent seizure of Dandan Azdar, a territory that the Zorasani regime has long disputed with Tsbara, has further soured ties between one of Coius’ leading powers and key international players.

Dandan Azdar, which is internationally-recognized as part of Tsabara borders, is not a large region. It corresponds with much of Zorasan’s immediate broders with Tsabara, whose civil war has seen repeated Zorasani interference. By moving to seize the territory, Zahedan is signaling to world capitals that it is willing to do whatever it takes to accomplish its foreign policy goals.

While it is entirely possible that Zorasan’s new regime, which was only recently installed, may be bluffing, international governments are not keen to call that bluff yet. The threat of conventional warfare in Coius is not something Euclean capitals wish to downplay.

As refugees continue to cross the Aurean for Euclea, national leaders know that war between Zorasan and Tsaabra will only increase those numbers. Crisis and civil war in Yemet is only further contributing to Euclean concerns, and it is yet another place where Zorasan is actively involved in escalating the situation.

Further complicating things for Euclean policymakers is the infancy of the new regime. Rahim Ali Haftar, Zorasan’s new State President, has only held his office for a brief period. No longer can they rely on their long standing relationship with key Zorasani players, as they have been removed from power.

While Vahid Isfandiar, the former State President who was removed on charges of corruption, was no friend to Euclean governments, he was easier to predict. Haftar has much to prove, and in order to maintain the favors of Zorasan’s all-powerful military he must do so swiftly.

The situation has now reached a point where Zahedan has few remaining partners in Euclea. All major players, ranging from Gaullica to Kirenia to Etruria to Soravia, have heavily strained relationships with the Zorasani government.

These strains were on display at the annual summit between top Euclean Community leaders and Soravian officials. The EC and Soravia certainly have their own differences, with Weranian premier von Hößlin reiterating frustrations with Samistopol over rising tensions in Central Euclea. However, both sides seemingly agree that recent Zorasani foreign policy moves are cause for concern.

“This is something we are monitoring and will continue to hold a dialogue about” EC President Alastrí Nic Ualtair ⁊ Ní Deoradh said.

“Aggression and continued attempts to destabilize the region are not something the international community can tolerate. If international organizations decline to act, [the EC] is preparing to ensure international norms are respected”.

Soravian concerns over Zorasani actions will be cause for concern in Zahedan. Soravia is the most natural partner for Zorasan in Euclea. However, Samistopol is concerned that Zorasani intervention in neighboring Tsabara is motivated by Tsabara’s large oil supply.

Diplomatic sources from the Soravian government have signaled that this is unacceptable to them.

Coming away from the summit, the EC is now set to examine its options for dealing with Zorasan and its partners. Some senior officials who are familiar with talks between Euclean leaders indicate that the EC is looking at its leverage over Zorasan’s partner government’s in Bahia. Pressure on those who partner with or are seen as enabling Zahedan could be faced with backlash from Euclea.

Werania has floated the idea of cutting off aid to Yemet’s government, which is backed by Zorasan. This approach could easily be expanded to other countries in the region. However, not all Euclean governments are on board with this approach and it is one that has generated controversy.

The Caldish government has reiterated calls for talks between the Tsabaran government and rebels. Zorasan has seemingly thrown its weight behind these talks. There is growing speculation that the Zorasani government may want to cut its losses in Tsabara. A ceasefire and subsequent long term peace process would allow Zahedan to reallocate resources elsewhere, like Yemet.

Tsabara’s internationally recognized government has yet to accept these calls. It enjoys extensive support from Euclean capitals, who have been supporting the government’s military campaign.

However, Caldia has signaled it will block any further EC interventions in Tsabara until talks are exhausted. This does not mean that Euclean intervention will not continue to even escalate in Tsabara. It does make taking a collaborative approach, something Euclean capitals are keen on, more challenging.

EC leaders have other outlets, including military intervention through the ECDTO or unilateral intervention. These are likely to result in a fierce rebuke from the Zorasani regime, especially since it has backed peace talks.

It is to be seen how seriously Euclean capitals are going to take rhetoric coming out of Zahedan going forward. Recent aggression is cause for concern for doves and hawks alike. Zorasan finds itself isolated from the few friends it once had in Euclea, and that isolation could result in increased sanctions or international action.

Zorasan’s diplomatic position is tenuous in Euclea. Its diplomats face an uphill battle as doors appear to be shut in their face.

by **Xiaodong** » Sun Jan 09, 2022 3:46 pm

Negotiated solution to Tsabara requires Tsabaran government to act in good faith State Chairman declares
9 January 2022| By Fu Bingbing

State Chairman Yuan Xiannian making an official announcement

RONGZHUO - In an official statement today the State Chairman Yuan Xiannian has declared that the Shangean government will be pushing in the Community of Nations for an "inclusive, negotiated solution" for the Tsabaran conflict but that this will be difficult if either side behaves as a "bad faith actor".

Not naming Tsabaran president Nazim al-Qutayni by name Yuan criticised the actions of the Tsabaran government as "needlessly exacerbating communal and political tensions" and that a "serious reorientation in its approach" is needed before a peace settlement can be realistically achieved.

"This conflict cannot be won through brute force, not unless the world is content with a Tsabara that will forever remain on the precipice of conflict. The Tsabaran government must approach oppositional forces as legitimate partners for peace if we are to see a stable, ordered Tsabara and by extension Rahelia".

On Zorasans recent humanitarian intervention into Dandan-ha-ye Azdar Yuan has declined to either endorse or condemn the Zorasani action but has stated that the situation has only deteriorated to this extent due to the inability of the Tsabaran government to maintain internal peace.

"The reliance on foreign troops to maintain stability robs the Tsabaran government of legitimacy whilst they are fighting their own people. Certainly, for peace to be achieved, the Tsabaran government needs to prove they can represent the entire population, not just a particular sect or group".

Yuan has additionally confirmed that the Shangean government will be bringing to the International Trade Organisation in relation for the seizure of Shangean assets two years ago.

"We have already imposed sanctions on the Tsabaran government in this matter, but we believe that we have a convincing case for the ITO to take action against Tsabara. This affair was a prime example of the Tsabaran government acting in bad faith and we believe that if Shangea and Tsabara can seriously approach and solve this dispute that it can show the world the Tsabaran government is capable of acting in good faith",

by **Union of Akoren** » Sun Jan 09, 2022 6:12 pm

State President Ali Haftar: "Threats will not deter us from our obligations to our fellow man and to God"
State President pushes back against Euclean threats in a televised address to a jubilant nation following the return of the Dandan Azdar
POLITICS by Abdullah al-Mosawi

10 January 2022 | 18 Dey 2344

State President Haftar struck a defiant tone in his address to the Union

State President Rahim Ali Haftar has defended the deployment of forces to the Dandan Azdar in face of criticism from Euclean capitals and threats from the illegitimate government in Adunis. Speaking to the nation he said, “our actions have provoked the predictable from the expected places, but they should know that we will not be deterred from our obligations to the innocent, displaced and oppressed. We have done and will continue to do the most for the Tsabaran people, when our critics have done nothing but worsen their plight.”

Since units of the Revolutionary Land Forces crossed the illegal border between the Union and the Dandan Azdar, to secure the region as a humanitarian sanctuary, both Adunis and its patrons in Euclea have attacked Zorasan. Nazim Al-Qutayni, the principal guilty party in Tsabara’s vicious two-year civil war claimed erroneously that Zorasan had “invaded” Southern Tsabara, despite the Dandan Azdar being illegally seized by the socialist regime from Irvadistan, now a sovereign entity within the Union. He issued ranting diatribes against the Union and even threatened to use force to reclaim the Union’s sacred soil. The issue of the Dandan Azdar was even raised in the “Euclean summit” between Soravia, the EC, Estmere, Gaullica and Werania where the post-imperials also raised “concerns.”

The EC’s mouthpiece, The Continental reported that the Euclean powers are concerned by the Union’s actions, which they deceitfully and self-servingly portray as destabilising northern Coius and Bahia. The Continental has described Zorasan as increasingly isolated in Euclea, a description picked up by other Union media outlets. Speaking on UCTV, Rashad Hemko, a senior member of the Supreme Assembly retorted on Good Evening Zorasan, “Are we to be intimidated? I do not think any party member or officer will be concerned much when judging the importance of aiding the dispossessed of Tsabara or Yemet or being welcomed to tea in Westbrucken.”

Seemingly eager to address the Union after the return of the Dandan Azdar for humanitarian reasons, State President Ali Haftar broadcasted a short statement from Zahedan live to the nation.

“Peace be upon you citizens of the Union.

“I wish to speak to you all briefly to discuss recent events in the Dandan Azdar. Our forces crossed the border long illegitimate since the final war of unification. Our forces have assumed defensive positions and are now beginning the construction of refugee centres and camps. It is our intention and official policy to utilise the Dandan Azdar as a sanctuary for displaced Tsabarans, dispatched from their burning homes by bombs sent by Adunis, Estmere, Etruria and Gaullica. It is important to remember that as they bomb innocents in support of an illegitimate government, they do so unwilling to take on the burden of those they have deprived of their homes, incomes and dignity of work.

“As they bomb Tsabaran families without discrimination, it is we Zorasanis who open the door to them, for it is our moral duty as human beings and our religious duty as Irfani. The Union has not and will never shirk from those duties, to do so would be a violation of who we are as a people and a nation. Sadly, the Eucleans are weaponizing our kindness and humanity, they are claiming that we are force for destabilisation in Coius. Their response to our deployment to the Dandan Azdar has been unfortunately nefarious. Their response is the equivalent, to use a biblical parable, flogging the Good Samartian after he aided the beaten man on the roadside.

“As it stands, we have done more for the Tsabaran people than all of Euclea combined. We have sheltered more, fed more and cared for more. Even now, as they bomb Tsabaran families, the neo-functionalist governments of Etruria and Paretia seek to deny entry to any and all Tsabarans, Werania too under its government has shunned the desperate and innocent, despite supplying the bombs used to destroy their homes.

“So too does this grandstanding and nefarious lying extend to the Union’s mission in Yemet. There too they claim the Union’s support for the democratically elected and legitimate government of Retta Iskinder is destabilising in nature, though their own support for Tsabara’s government – created through a violent coup d’etat against a democratically elected government, is right morally and legitimate. We all know that the Union fights beside Yemet for order, security, stability and prosperity, just as we all know that the Gaullican venture into The Magadi is suspect and Werania’s to Maucha too.

“Euclea has no moral footing from which to berate the Union. Euclea has no soul from which it can lecture. This has always been the case, it was the case during unification and it remains so today forty years later. We face a confrontation with such forces, as is a natural consequence of the clash between light and darkness, but know this citizens, we are firmly on the side of humanity and the side of righteousness, we commit ourselves to the struggle under the banner of mercy, humanity, kindness and that of Khoda. They do so for wealth, greed and the material

“Take comfort in that the Dandan Azdar has returned to us, it has returned to us to serve the noblest of causes. Take comfort that now, our Union’s sons construct the sanctuary for the millions yet to be exiled from their homes by the Euclean war machine. And know that threats will not deter us from our obligations to our fellow man and to God above.

“Thank you, good night and Zorasan zendebad.”

Since the ZIRLF dispatched forces to reunite the Dandan Azdar with the Union, the State Commission for Humanitarian and Refugee Affairs has dispatched an estimated 800 volunteers together with construction companies to begin erecting eight large camps, capable of housing 1 million people in total. The SCHRA has also announced plans to distribute 400,000 refugees inside Zorasan to the Dadan Azdar to alleviate pressure on the Irvadi Union Republic.

The seizure of the Dandan Azdar was met with mass celebrations across the Union, as tens of thousands of citizens took to waving flags and placards praising the Union-Government for its decisiveness – a trait that has been lacking since the mid-2010s.

In a related development, the Union Ministry of National Defence has requested the Foreign Ministry issue a demarche against Etruria and Gaullica for their deployment of heavily armed warships to the Gulf of Parishar to bombard Tsabaran cities from the sea. The UMND has expressed concerns for the safety of civil aviation flying over the area.

A UMND source said, “the amount of weaponry the Etrurians especially have been discharging from their vessels is unnecessary. We are essentially sitting and waiting for a civilian airliner to be shot down by accident.”

The UMND has also stated that it is prepared to deploy air defences to the Dandan Azdar should Euclean or Adunis-controlled warplanes stray into the region’s airspace. The Supreme Assembly has however, begun formulating legislation declaring the region a No-Fly Zone to protect the humanitarian sanctuary.

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Union Ministry for Transportation orders expedited construction of Behera-Irvadi links
Zorasan's actions in Bahia and Tsabara prove a moralistic foreign policy pays dividends

by **Nuvania** » Mon Jan 10, 2022 1:58 am

Opinion
Silence on Zorasan could threaten Behera's stake in future Tsabaran peace
09 Janvier 2022 à 19h30 | By Amrane Mourad Choukri

Beheran President Sadid Bassou Sharifi and Tsabaran President Nazim al-Qutyani in better times.

One could be forgiven for thinking that the Tsabaran Civil War is a conflict in which there are two principal players; Zorasan on one side, and the Tsabaran government, backed by the big military powers of Euclea, on the other. But this belies the fact that the conflict in Tsabara has a lot of stakeholders that are rarely, or never, mentioned in the news. They're her neighbours, sharing both maritime and land borders. And what happens in Tsabara, whether it be a continuation of conflict or a return to peace, will directly impact those neighbours.

Behera stands out among those neighbours as perhaps the only country where what happens in Tsabara has a direct political, economic, and social impact on it. The relationship between the two countries dates back to well beyond the colonial era, to the various kingdoms and sultanates that ruled the deserts through which caravans of camels carrying exotic goods plied their trade, and through which Gaullican colonialists later drew a line delineating the border between the two countries. Behera is tied to no other country in quite the same way as it has been tied to Tsabara. Prior to the war, her middle classes bought Tsabaran made vehicles and other finished goods, travelled to Tsabaran coastal resorts for holidays and bought Tsabaran consumer goods at supermarkets. Beheran Rahelians considered Tsabaran Rahelians to be the closest of any Rahelians in the Near East, sharing broader cultural traits and a common colonial history. If Rahelian was not spoken, citizens from both countries could converse in another universal lingua franca: Gaullican. Politically, the countries have also been close. Behera was the home of a number of Tsabaran nationalists during the years between the end of the Great War and the Solarian War; Tsabara was home to Beheran communists fighting to overthrow the sultanate during the 1950's. Between 1960 and 1979, the two countries, along with Mabifia, formed the Red Wall, an alliance of socialist and communist states that spanned across the entirety of the Coian continent. Since the fall of both socialist regimes, both countries have continued to have close economic and political relationships; Behera was one of Tsabara's largest export destinations prior to the civil war; Behera relied on Tsabaran ports in order to export goods to Euclea. To refer to the relationship as symbiotic would be an understatement.

But all of that history of closeness and cooperation might be about to change. Barely 72 hours have passed since soldiers and armoured fighting vehicles crossed into disputed territory in southwestern Tsabara, along the border with Zorasan. While this may be innocuous at first, as much of the land is rough, rugged, and largely uninhabited, the symbolic nature of the occupation of this tiny strip of land is very much worth its weight in gold. Zahedan's latest show of strength has caused some consternation among the free countries of the world, and for Behera, ordinarily it would have soured relations between Amassine and Zahedan. However, no such protests have come forth from Amassine's diplomats owing to a series of extraordinary events that could come to have negative impacts on the future of Beheran interests in Tsabara.

At the end of October last year, largely ethnically Gero units of the People's National Liberation Army of Yemet rebelled against the government of Retta Iskinder, forming the Emergency Committee for the Restoration of National Unity. In a country where such mutinies became not that unusual, this one was different as the new rebel group assumed control of border regions along Behera's southwestern frontier. Butting up against northwestern Yemet is Behera's Bas Gondare region; an area dominated by ethnic Beja peoples closely related to the Gero across the border. This may seem like a non-issue to outsiders, but to Amassine, this represented a massive threat to Behera's national security and territorial integrity. Like the Gero, the Beja have been agitating for an independent state, or at least greater autonomy, for well over a century, feeling that aribtrary lines drawn up by colonists did not accurately reflect the wishes of the people whose lives were being determined for them. The Beja, who number some 7.8 million people, are Behera's third largest minority, and as such, constitute a major demographic capable of influencing Behera's domestic politics. Most importantly, the Beja absolutely detest being part of a country that is, for the most part, dominated by Rahelians, and Rahelianised peoples if one wishes to count the 12 million Amazigh also living in Behera. To them, historical animosity and ethnic tensions, as well as subjugation under precolonial kingdoms and sultanates, boiled over in the late 1980's as attempts to reform the largely Rahelian dominated political structure of Behera devolved into civil war, agitated by Yemeti government sponsoring Beja rebel groups operating from across the border into Bas Gondare. The brutality and the bloodshed came to an end in 2001, but the trauma of that time has left scars in Behera's social and political corpity that have yet to heal.

With the emergence of the ECRNU in late October came about a sense of emergency that Amassine has not witnessed for decades, as the regime scrambled to form some sort of response to the emergence of this new rebel group. Under the presumed direction and authorisation of the Beheran president, Sadid Bassou Sharifi, the government quickly passed a constitutional amendment abolishing the clause that limited the standing personnel numbers of the Beheran Army in a controversial process that took days instead of months. It also sent tens of thousands of troops to the Yemeti border. The casus belli for military intervention came on November 14, when alleged rebels from the ECRNU crossed the border and attacked the town of Addikéyé, killing dozens of people. Despite the dubious nature of these attacks, Sharifi pressed ahead with military preparations for an invasion, launching retaliatory strikes and holding large scale military exercises. Then on January 8 this year, Sharifi launched his intervention - the day after Zorasani soldiers crossed the border into Tsabara.

While this is perhaps a shrewd decision to avoid the condemnation of the international community, and indeed, the focus seems to be on a few square kilometres of inhospitable desert occupied by a few Zorasani conscripts, so it may indeed be paying off, the fact remains that Sharifi still has to consider his country's relationship with the country whose territory has, more or less, been annexed. Sharifi maintained the close relationship between Adunis and Amassine before the outbreak of the civil war and reiterated his support for the administrations of Atwan al-Tughluq, and his successor, Nazim al-Qutayni. Sharifi went so far as to host al-Qutayni on an official state visit shortly after the coup that brought him to power, to discuss the instability in eastern Tsabara and the growing refugee crisis in northwestern Behera. The two leaders made commitments to strengthen the relationship between the two countries as well as return to beneficial trading conditions when the conflict was resolved. Sharifi pledged his support for the al-Qutayni administration, and said that he would offer whatever support was necessary as Tsabara had done during Behera's civil war. Suffering, it seemed, had brought the two closer together.

The emergence of the ECRNU changed all of this. While Behera was happy to sit on the sidelines of both the conflicts in Tsabara and Yemet, the ECRNU has taken Behera from spectator to participant and such a rapid change in policy has meant forming closer relationships and cooperation with larger powers who are also involved in the Yemeti conflict, and who also share similar geopolitical interests. Perhaps then it should have come as no surprise to anyone familiar with Beheran history that Sharifi penned an agreement with former First Minister Farzad Akbari regarding economic and military cooperation on November 6 last year, which officially saw Behera the Zorasani sphere of influence - for the time being. Make no mistake, this is a marriage of convenience between Amassine and Zahedan as much as it is necessary. But there's definitely some consternation in Adunis as to the level of closeness and cooperation that was agreed to, and whether or not Behera's internal politics will dictate it's orbit inside Zahedan's sphere of influence will continue or whether or not the gravitational pull of Zahedan will weaken. Certainly, Behera's future relationship with Tsabara will be determined by how and when the conflict in Tsabara is resolved.

But perhaps the first indications that something has fundamentally changed with regards to Beheran foreign policy has been the lack of condemnation of Zahedan's decision to move troops and armoured vehicles into disputed territory on the Tsabaran side of the border. While most countries have condemned this manoeuvre, Behera has not. This could be easily explained by Behera's own intervention in northwestern Yemet, the timing of which is very much explicit in terms of international attention being drawn elsewhere. But, crucially, it also comes down to the ability for Amassine to directly criticise any move made by Zahedan under the new agreement. After all, why sign a military agreement and then condemn them for doing the same thing one has also done? Practicality, and the geopolitical realities in north central Coius, have always called for a pragmatic approach to diplomacy.

However, as pragmatic as Sharifi's foreign policy decisions have been since the changing of the situation in Yemet late last year, these decisions are not without consequences, and Behera might have to face the consequences of a less than favourable attitude from Adunis when the conflict is resolved. Adunis may regard this decision to side with Zorasan over the ECRNU issue in Yemet as an affront to the longstanding relationship between Behera and Tsabara, and may impose restrictions on access to Tsabaran ports as well as restrict market access and the ability for Beherans to travel into Tsabara, a decision which would have disasterous consequences for the Beheran economy. The ability for Beheran companies to conduct business in Tsabara could also be threatened, and the diplomatic relationship could also degrade significantly. This is, of course, something which Behera wants to avoid, particularly Sharifi who would wear the brunt of short term political and economic instability caused by a lack of access to a Tsabaran economy that would undergo significant growth during its long term rebuild from the conflict. A potential crippling of the economy would be offset somewhat by Zorasani involvement and economic dominance, but Sharifi is well aware of the political consequences of this outcome.

Sharifi now faces another unenviable choice when it comes to foreign policy; condemn Zorasan and risk the crucial military cooperation and material support in it's new war in Yemet, or stay silent and risk future punishment from Adunis. The consequences of both are significant, and there is no situation in which Sharifi will emerge unscathed.

by **Etruria2** » Mon Jan 10, 2022 4:39 am

Morning Update - today's headlines
Tribunes reveal "worrying" Religious Liberty Bill - Reginal Wilton-Smyth to head Veritas Institute - ENS Scirroco buzzed by Zorasani warplane
POLITICS by Emilio Farinacci

10 January, 2022

Reginald Wilton-Smyth takes up head role at Veritas.

A round of up this morning's headlines: The government has announced plans to table a Religious Liberty Law which has been condemned by rights groups and NGOs as a "cornucopia of discrimination." Fears for LGBT+ citizens, NGOs and freedom of speech have arisen from the immensely broad bill that is likely to be tabled next week. Also, Reginald Wilton-Smyth, Estmere's former and controversial Prime Minister is take up residence in Solaria for six months as he takes the role of Director of the Veritas Institute, a right-wing think tank. And finally, the Ministry of Defence has released a photograph showing the latest buzzing of a navy ship by the Zorasani Air Force. The ENS Scirocco was buzzed off the coast of Tsabara on its return journey to Povelia, it comes as tensions rise over Tsabara.

Government to table “Religious Liberty Law”

The Tribune government has announced its intention to table a “Religious Liberty Law” that would also involve a constitutional amendment superseding “individual rights” with “religious rights of the nation.” Accordingly, the amendment will “protect freedom of speech, individual choice and collective choice as an assertion of our mutual Sotirian faith.” Rights groups have attacked the bill as an attack on minorities, specifically the LGBT+ community.

The Tribunes promised to promote “religious liberty” in the October election. President Francesco Carcaterra said on multiple occasions, “enshrining religious liberty would be the necessary step of reaffirming our Republic as a Sotirian one.” Other senior Tribunes also claim that enshrining religious liberty would protect Etruria from the anti-faith “radical liberal-left.”

The contents of the bill have already begun concerning rights groups. According to snippets released by the Justice Ministry, the bill will essentially subordinate individual rights and protections to “religious rights”, this includes protections from discrimination, free speech and due process.

One snippet provided by the Justice Ministry’s chirpr account said, “through this new bill, proud Sotirian businesses will finally be protected from the radical left, in which their choice of customer and custom may now be truly determined by their Sotirian faith. While employers who infringe upon employee’s Sotirian identity or faith may find themselves punished with greater ease. With this law, the federal government may be empowered to restrict groups and entities whose rhetoric, discourse and actions engender discrimination against Sotirians.”

Etruria’s largest civil rights group Dignitas shared its view, “this bill is a cornucopia of discrimination. Notably off the starting block, the bill refers only to Sotirians, which leaves our religious minorities at risk of discrimination. Then of course, we venture in the apparent space in which the LGBT+ community faces a cacophony of discrimination.

“Let us take the point about employers being subject to greater scrutiny. Does this bill allow a more religious employee take his or employer to court for hiring a gay person, which may infringe upon their religiosity or religious sensibilities? The point about businesses being protected in choosing their custom, does that mean LGBT people can now be denied custom at florist or funeral director simply because they are gay, lesbian or transgender?

A Zorasani warplane buzzing the ENS Scirocco, courtsey of the Ministry of Defence.

“And lastly, that point that the government may be ‘empowered’ to restrict groups that discriminate against Sotirians, is that women’s rights? Pro-choice groups? The SD, Citizens? It is so broad, abuse is almost inevitable, especially under the governing party” Dignitas told us.

The Justice Ministry reportedly aims to present the bill next week, where it is likely to receive unconditional support from Tribunes, the Farmers and Workers and the Social Party. Owing to their strong position in the State Council, the bill is likely to pass. Though Dignitas and several other rights groups have declared their intentions to take the bill to the courts.

Reginald Wilton-Smyth to serve as Director of the Veritas Institute

Estmere’s controversial former Prime Minister, Reginald Wilton-Smyth is to assume the directorship of the Veritas Institute. Wilton-Smyth is expected to take up residence in Solaria for six months before returning to Estmere, where the Institute is expected to move its main office. The Institute is described as a “group dedicated to the celebration, preservation and strengthening of Euclean civilisation.”

The Institute when initially founded ten months ago bore the hallmarks of a far-right think tank, parroting several Tribune conspiracies such as the Great Replacement and the dangers of economic dependence on Shangea, but has since mellowed to focus on the advocating of centre-right economic policies, economic and industrial independence, Euclean cooperation, though the advocacy of Sotirian-Euclean values continues.
The Institute released a short press statement saying, “Veritas is pleased and humbled to announce that Reginal Wilton-Smyth, former Prime Minister of Estmere has agreed to serve as our director. His experience, political acumen and wisdom will be placed with Veritas. We look forward to welcoming him and beginning our work of promoting Euclean civilisation under his leadership.”

The Institute confirmed that Mr. Wilton-Smyth will take up residence in Etruria for six months before returning to Morwall, where he will facilitate the moving of the Institute’s head office from Solaria to Estmere’s capital, however, the executive board will remain housed in Solaria.

Even President Francesco Carcaterra welcomed the return of a friendly face, who chirpred, “Cheered by the news of my friend’s decision to take up residence in Etruria for six months. Etruria welcomes you @RWS!”
The President previously described the Institute as the “patriotic right’s answer to the liberal-left monopoly on supposed high minded analysis. The Institute will surely serve those who love the Euclea of nations well.”[/size]

Etrurian Navy warship buzzed by Zorasani warplane

The Etrurian Navy has released an impressive photograph showing a Zorasani warplane buzzing the ENS Scirocco in the Gulf of Parishar. The Ministry of Defence has again issued a complaint describing these buzzing events as “inherently dangerous.”

The ENS Scirocco was deployed to the Gulf several days ago to provide fire support for the Tsabaran government’s victorious offensive to lift the siege of Bayadha. Following the completion of the operation, the Scirocco has been escorting Tsabaran auxiliary ships in supplying Bayadha with food and medicine. According to the MoD, the Scirocco was beginning the return journey to Povelia when it was buzzed by a Zorasani warplane.
The MoD reported, “the ENS Scirocco maintained its professionalism and the incident concluded without any issue. However, these events are a recurring theme in the Gulf of Parishar and remain inherently dangerous. We urge our Zorasani counterparts to cease these provocative acts.”

Another MoD source told Il Popolo, “We are seeing an ever-increasing Zorasani naval presence in the Gulf. Last month the ENS Madre Virgine was shadowed by a Zorasani frigate for over 300km. We’ve even detected Zorasani vessels off the coast of Tsabara, where the rebels hold territory.”

The Foreign Ministry as part of its response to the seizure of disputed territory by Zorasan over the weekend said, “repeated efforts by the Zorasani regime to deter Etrurian naval deployments to the Gulf of Parishar will fail. Etruria remains steadfast in its support of the Tsabaran government. Zorasani aggression and provocations will not deter us from our mission of support and aid.”

20848 comments

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by **West Miersa** » Mon Jan 10, 2022 8:20 am

TVM selects entry for the 2022 Euclovision Song Contest

Photo of Vox Populi (website)

CITY OF ŻOBRODŻ - Following an internal selection by Telewizja Mierska, in which artists from around the Miersan Sotirian Republic were discussed, as per tradition for all Euclovision entries from the Miersan Sotirian Republic, Telewizja Mierska announced today that for the 2022 Euclovision Song Contest, it has selected I still love you by quintet Vox Populi.

The song is about a man who still loves his wife, with his wife no longer loving him. The man tries to offer the wife things to help her fall back in love with him, by offering her to teach her how to "dance to the tune," to "love him properly," and tightrope walking. Furthermore, the man offers his wife "special music just for" her, "the world on a platter," and her "blues into frolic" so that she would have the "best time together" with him.

TVM said that the quintet, comprised of vocalist bass guitarist Dionizy Bednorz, drummer Kacper Czarnowski, guitarist Narcyz Mińkowski, vocalist Sylwester Bogusławski, and vocalist Liliana Filipowicz, "demonstrated the artistic qualities befitting of a Miersan entry to the 2022 Euclovision Song Contest," while "the lyrical content of I still love you exceeded expectations set out by the internal selection committee."

When reached out for comment by Obserwator, Dionizy Bednorz said that "we are delighted to have been chosen by Telewizja Mierska to represent the Miersan Sotirian Republic in this year's Euclovision Song Contest, and we are looking forward to performing I still love you in Piraea this spring."

When asked to describe the inspiration behind I still love you, Bednorz said that "there are numerous sources that inspired us to write this song: Sylwester [Bogusławski]'s father tried to persuade his wife to stay with him, but she refused his pressures and left with Sylwester and his brothers, and I recall watching on TV ages ago of a guy teaching his wife to do tightrope walking after nearly divorcing. From the get-go of Vox Populi, we wanted to do that song, but it was only last summer with the crisis in Małomiersa did we finally get that spark, if you know what I mean, that inspired us to finally write down the song that we always wanted to write, and to record this song."

"After we recorded it, we heard that TVM was going to compete on its own this year, and not collaborate with the east, so of course, they needed entries for Euclovision 2022," Bednorz said. "We sent them an email expressing our interest, they told us to send them a copy of our song, and then they will decide on a song. The rest, as they say, is history."

In other news
Etruria - Etrurian government tables law to protect religious liberty
Euclean Community - Annual summit between Soravia, Estmere, Werania, and Gaullica held: what did they discuss?
Krada - New owner for Codzienny found, plans to relaunch it as a "patriotic Miersan newspaper."
Bahia - Behera intervenes in Yemet as Yemet collapses into oblivion

by **Union of Akoren** » Mon Jan 10, 2022 2:08 pm

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Sabillah Ali - 10 January 2022

Home · Kesselbourg · The Continent · The World · Policy · Opinion · Features · Newsletters · Continental Pro

OPINION: MAKE NO MISTAKE ISFANDIAR AND AKBARI WERE OUSTED BECAUSE OF MONEY NOT TSABARA

Rayenne, Gaullica - It has been roughly two months since Vahid Isfandiar and Farzad Akbari were ousted as State President and First Minister respectively and replaced with a much more hardline, assertive, and totalitarian-minded administration. Much has occurred since then, and the growing view is that the duo was ousted for acquiescence or weakness – indeed, that is what the Zorasani propaganda machine would like you and its 206 million consumers to believe, but in truth it was solely about money, not the lack of assertiveness in Bahia or Tsabara. The military saw its €350 billion business empire threatened and responded with a constitutional coup d’etat.

The Zorasani military's economic interests will likely always trump its policy preferences.

The Zorasani Irfanic Revolutionary Armed Forces are the largest in the world with 3.2 million personnel and is arguably one of the most powerful fighting forces globally. It dwarfs its neighbours, except for Shangea, though the latter is smaller still, but perhaps less understood and known is that it is also one of the wealthiest conglomerates in the world. Through the Great Soldier Foundation, which is a holding company, the Zorasani military owns a vast, dynamic, and diverse portfolio, estimated to be worth €350 billion. To put that into context, that equates to roughly 16% of Zorasan’s GDP. This portfolio includes Tishreen Textiles, one of the largest producers of casual wear in Coius, Farshad-Sadat Textiles, which produces bed linen, towels, and curtains, Aquas-Chaboksar, a shipyard specialising in luxury yachts, all the way to holding a 15% stake in Zorgen, the state-owned petrochemical company and the world’s most valuable corporate entity. Perhaps most surprising is the ownership of Âliyye-Sunrise, the country’s leading chain of luxury hotels and resorts. The entire portfolio is designed to provide the military a significant source of income without it being accountable to the party-state. There are no public records on how much the military extracts from its portfolio annually, but estimates run between €25-35 billion, that is on top of the €86.95 billion defence budget afforded by the state. Together, the Zorasani military has access to between €111-121 billion a year.

The case some activists have made in Zorasan is that defence spending is a colossal money-making scam is aided by the fact that the military owns all Zorasan’s defence contractors. Though through this set-up they’re officially classified as state-owned, it is the state that funds the purchase of warships, planes, helicopters, and everything else, yet it is the military that receives the profits from these contracts. In essence, the Zorasani military earns a profit out of arming itself.

Though there is no accessible record on how the military spends its money – there’s few on how the government spends its money either, the Zorasani military does operate services well outside the remit of national defence and war making. The military is known to run schools, scholarships to STEM universities and various vocational schemes, such as its mechanical and engineering schemes which it uses to supply its forces with trained personnel to maintain high-end vehicles and systems. It runs specialist hospitals and treatment centres for cancer patients, it operates drug rehabilitation programs – ostensibly to free drug addicts of their addiction and to replace it with the opium of Sattarism. However, in balance the popular saying in Zorasan, “higher up the ranks the leafier it gets”, which refers to higher ranking officers seemingly residing in the leafier districts of Zahedan up the slopes of the Tinnin mountains, which itself severs as a reference to socio-economic class. Many high-ranking generals and admirals are known to own multiple homes, First Marshal of the Union Ashavazdar Golzadari, the highest-ranking officer in the land, was named in an article as the man who purchased a ten-bedroom palatial villa overlooking the Gulf of Parishar. The author of the article was duly disappeared and hasn’t written since. The offspring of Zorasani officers, especially those of ranks of colonel and above also tend to be more willing to flash the cash. Despite Zorasan’s ideological and cultural aversion to exuberance and displays of wealth, the so-called “Army Kids” a social media group that shares images of fast cars, fancy holidays to Euclea and designer wear indicates that the military is a veritable treasure trove. “Army Kids” however has proven to be a source for disquiet and infighting on occasion among the officer corps, with the more ideologically committed generals preferring their laud their kids for promoting the austere living that Sattarism promotes. What matters not is how exactly the military spends its fortune, what is important is that it possesses one in the first place.

Whether it was to protect the multi-billion euclo slush-fund generals and admirals could dip into to fund lavish lifestyles, or whether that slush fund is used to maintain Zorasan’s militaristic superiority over its northern Coian neighbours, the military was swift to make moves the moment the party-state looked to roll it down. The Isfandiar-Akbari administration, which was elected at the 2015 Revolutionary Command Congress, has been widely described as “technocratic and utterly mundane.” It’s principal focus for its first five-year term was reforming education, healthcare and the labour market, to modernise and inject some dynamism that had faded under the previous Roshani-Aref administration (2005-2015). All the while, they treated the economy with little to no care, limiting their agenda to improving maternity and paternity leave for industrial workers. However, this changed in 2020 when they were re-elected for a second and final five-year term. The duo sought to reform the economy from top to bottom, both to boost competitiveness against Shangea and Senria and to improve the environment for Euclean investment, to do the latter, they had to push the military out of the economy. It is telling that none of these planned reforms ever reached the statute book, the duo was out before they could even print them onto paper. According to what limited documents were produced by “Jahande-ye Haqiqat”, the National Renovation Front’s monthly theoretical journal indicated that the administration sought to privatise state enterprises at a very slow, but strategic pace, that would incorporate “all sectors of the economy”. This easily reached the ears of the Supreme Council of the Revolutionary Armed Forces, and they duly began to orchestrate their plot against the administration. It is telling that the Jahande-ye Haqiqat publications on planned economic reforms are no longer accessible on Zorasani e-commerce stores or bookshops.

What followed the early publications of planned reforms in mid-2021 was a surprisingly and out-of-the-blue investigation by the State Commission for Societal Defence, which detained several officials in Isfandiar’s office. A single televised confession by one of them condemned Vahid Isfandiar himself, who was duly accused of nepotism and corruption. Akbari for his part, always a jovial figure, had insulated himself through his networking with specific generals and was cleared of wrongdoing – though he would still be demoted from the premiership. Many senior party officials were not sad to see Isfandiar fall into a quagmire, many legitimately saw him as weak and cowardly, especially in relation to external geopolitical crises. Notably, the entire Central Committee of State and the Council of Union Ministers sat silent throughout the affair – Isfandiar had come to ruffle feathers through various misdeeds, such as slow to near absent reactions to either water shortages in southern Pardaran or the growing crisis around collapsing working conditions in mining and industry, as a result the three principal centres of power within Zorasan’s state apparatus had reasons to see Isfandiar and by association Akbari, removed from their offices.

Interestingly, the elevation of former General Rahim Ali Haftar as State President and Gafur Qahhor as First Minister seem to serve two agendas. Ali Haftar is someone who certainly had enjoyed the benefits of high military service, in 2019, he and his wife were named in purchasing a sizeable seaside home in Piraea. As the Secretary-General of the NRF, he is unlikely to give approval to any reform that endangers the military’s business empire. First Minister Qahhor for his part, is what is known among academic circles as a “modernity advocate” – a supporter and student of Mahrdad Ali Sattari’s belief that heavy industry, technological advancement and science will be keys to Zorasani power and independence. Qahhor therefore, will likely if at all, seek to roll back the military from the economy, when it has little to no bearing on the labour-intensive industries that fuel Zorasan’s diversification away from petrochemicals.

The surprise seizure of the Dandan Azdar in southern Tsabara, together with the ever-increasing involvement in Yemet may well be a shared agenda between the new Haftar-Qahhor administration and the military, but the military would likely grumble but tolerate the lack of such action. In the immediate aftermath of the coup in Adunis in November 2019, the Zorasani military was not howling for regime change, contrary to what the propaganda machine is saying these days. While acquiescent figures now hold office, the Isfandiar-Akbari affair will have sent a strong message across the length and breadth of the National Renovation Front – reform the economy as you like, but dare not touch the military’s business interests.

by **Gapolania** » Mon Jan 10, 2022 2:40 pm

by **Union of Akoren** » Mon Jan 10, 2022 6:02 pm

by **The Kingdom of Glitter** » Tue Jan 11, 2022 3:06 pm

Appointments to labour-oriented agencies draw attention to the Ministry of Labour
Updated / Tuesday, 11 January 17:02
POLITICS by Faife Ní Maoláin

Taoiseach Stiofán Mac Suibhne pictured with close ally, Minister of Labour Gearóid Mac Mhaighstir.

SPÁLGLEANN – Significant turnover within labour-oriented government agencies has put a new focus on the Caldish Ministry of Labour. Many positions at these offices have seen a high resignation rate since the Social Democratic government of Taoiseach Stiofán Mac Suibhne took office in February 2019.

Led by Minister Gearóid Mac Mhaighstir, a close ally of Mac Suibhne and powerful union leader in his own right, the Ministry of Labour has overseen a period of transition from the pro-business approach of predecessor governments.

Two state agencies in particular have recently attracted attention from An Tírghráthóir.

Per reporting from An Tírghráthóir, the National Labour Dispute Commission and the Labour Relations Commissions have seen an exodus of senior and even junior staff. Their resignations have resulted in the ability of Mac Mhaighstir to make his own appointment, often tapping candidates with a union background for the positions.

These agencies are responsible for mediating impasses between employers and employee unions or facilitating their relations. In the case of the Labour Relations Commissions, the national commission is led by someone appointed by the taoiseach. However, the six regional commissions are headed by appointments made directly by the Minister of Labour.

Attention is on the government as some anonymous sources claimed to An Tírghráthóir that they were forced or otherwise pressured out of their offices. These sources have not been disclosed by the paper and GBF has been unable to verify such claims through its own reporting.

However, an investigation by GBF did find that many officials previously employed by labour-oriented state agencies are now employed by the Caldish state oil company, PRG. Of 19 officials identified by GBF as having recently left their positions with labour agencies, 13 are presently employed directly or as consultants by PRG.

One source at PRG, who spoke on the condition of anonymity, stated that some of these positions were created right before being filled.

“Most of these roles did not exist prior to the onboarding of these ex-labour people. This is especially true for the consultants. Never before has PRG been advised by six separate individuals on workforce-related matters”.

A public information request made by GBF found that consultants for the state oil company have a starting salary of €55,450.

A spokesperson for PRG declined to comment.

The Mac Suibhne government has made labour rights a key issue of its administration. They have passed and otherwise altered existing laws that have benefited Caldia’s trade unions, which had experienced a period of decline both in membership and influence starting in the 1980s.

The government has claimed that its approach is leveling the playing field, which per Mac Mhaighstir’s previous remarks has heavily favored business.

This is disputed by business groups. Síomón Bénichou, the president of the Caldish Business Council, says that the government has gone above its stated goal.

“What we have seen is the complete reorientation of the bureaucratic apparatus. These appointments have a lot to do with that, in addition to those new laws. Many of these people are from union backgrounds, and some are pretty extreme. Employers are feeling this in negotiations, and that is bad for consumers” Bénichou said.

However, this is a narrative that is refuted by trade unions.

“Right-wing labour legislation was passed for nearly three decades. It is impossible for businesses to claim that this is anything other than a return to the way it is supposed to be” Eeada Nic Cuinneacháin, President of the Caldish Trade Union Confederation, stated.

Nic Cuinneacháin also defended the Mac Suibhne government and Labour Minister Mac Mhaighstir, casting doubt on criticism of them.

“We are gearing up for a general election. Mac Suibhne is heavily favored to be returned to a full, five-year term. To me, it is clear that the business lobby is preparing for the campaign early. A second Mac Suibhne term, especially with a majority, is obviously against their interests”.

When reached for comment, a spokesperson for the Ministry of Labour declined to speak to GBF about the issue specifically.

However, Mac Mhaighstir did share a written statement that insists he “follows the letter of the law” and rejected the notion that there is pressure on agency officials to leave their posts.

by **Union of Akoren** » Wed Jan 12, 2022 3:14 am

File photo: The Supreme Assembly backed the law unanimously.

SUPREME ASSEMBLY VOTES TO DECLARE DANDAN AZDAR A HUMANITARIAN SANCTUARY
Region to become focal point of humanitarian aid for Union - No-Fly Zone declared - Assembly authorises 400,000 refugees to be re-located from Irvadi UR

Union News | 12 January 2022 | 18 Dey 2344

The Supreme Assembly of the Union has backed the Central Committee over the Dandan Azdar, passing a motion declaring the region a “Humanitarian Sanctuary.” The region will become the primary focus point for the Union’s processing and housing of Tsabaran refugees, while the military will be tasked with enforcing a No-Fly Zone over the area. The Assembly also authorised the relocation of 400,000 refugees from the Irvadi Union Republic to the Dandan Azdar to alleviate pressure on resources.

The Supreme Assembly of the Union has backed the Central Committee over the Dandan Azdar, passing a motion declaring the region a “Humanitarian Sanctuary.” The region will become the primary focus point for the Union’s processing and housing of Tsabaran refugees, while the military will be tasked with enforcing a No-Fly Zone over the area. The Assembly also authorised the relocation of 400,000 refugees from the Irvadi Union Republic to the Dandan Azdar to alleviate pressure on resources.

First Minister Gafur Qahhor presented the “Law on Humanitarian Management in the Dandan Azdan” this morning, saying, “with conflict in Tsabara continuing with escalating severity, the Union must be in a position to facilitate sanctuary for the countless dispossessed and displaced. However, it is not viable that the Union does so within its own borders, resources are finite. As such, I am requesting on behalf of the Central Committee, the Supreme Assembly proclaim in law the necessary provisions and actions.”

The original law did not include clauses for a No-Fly Zone, that was proposed by several military members of the Assembly. Its chief proposer, Colonel Vahid Namdar said, “the bill is welcome and no doubt will provide much certainty to those it seeks to help, but if we are to guarantee their safety and protection, it is imperative that we protect them from the air. Enforcing a no-fly zone over the Dandan Azdar will be pivotal in protecting refugees from attack by Adunis and its goons.”

Also included within the bill was an amendment proposed by a group of members on the left of the Front. This amendment will make it easier for Tsabaran refugees who have been present in Zorasan since 2020 to secure citizenship within the Union. Led by Rashad Hemko, the group described their amendment as a “guarantee of security, protection and dignity for those who have suffered the longest. If they wish to return home one day they may, but we think it is appropriate that they be provided with a clear path toward becoming citizens of the Union.” The amendment enables the fast tracking of individuals who have living in Zorasan with refugee status continuously from 2020 to 2023.

Both amendments received unanimous support from the Supreme Assembly’s 580 members. And the bill passed unanimously an hour later.

The Supreme Council of the Revolutionary Armed Forces has confirmed it has received the order form the Supreme Assembly. A spokesman said, “the Supreme Council has received the order and will now begin preparing for the enforcement of the no-fly zone over the Dandan Azdar. Any aircraft, unmanned or not that violates the airspace will be confronted and removed from the skies above the Dandan Azdar.”

The Union is sheltering 1.9 million Tsabarans, though the number of new arrivals has declined dramatically since mid-2020, though with the Adunis regime advancing in the south, there is concern numbers of fleeing people will increase.

This all comes as pressure mounts on Adunis to agree to renewed negotiated talks with the rebels. Following the return of the Dandan Azdar to the Union, the Caldian government announced it was willing to return as a mediator. The Union-Government for its part praised Caldia and offered to support this effort, though there has been no official statement from either the Adunis regime or the separatist leadership in Sidi Amar. Early indications show limited support for talks among the civilians residing in the separatist United Irfanic Republic of Hamada.

The original peace talks collapsed after Atudite terrorists slaughtered 380 innocent Irfani across Tsabara as they launched gun attacks on Mazars during prayers. The talks were followed by the outbreak of violence, culminating in the civil war which has claimed 30,000 lives.

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