O Marechalisimo [Istoloa | IC]

[The Macabees]

OOC thread: https://forum.nationstates.net/viewtopic.php?f=5&t=507258



8KM SOUTHWEST OF CRIFOSO, TUPENGA

A wall of dust and fumes traveled the length of the one-lane highway cutting through the low country, surrounded by rice fields covered by millions of low-rising panicles. Thousands of Creoloso workers were busy in what were more swamps than fields, as the harvest had just begun. The sun's first rays had not the chance to peek over the horizon yet. It was 04:30 hours in Tupenga and at the head of the wall of dust raced a company of tanks and armored fighting vehicles. An additional tank was adjoined to them and in it sat Marechal Louis-August Bragança.

Louis-August Bragança was born to lead. Born in 1973, he was too young to have seen combat in the war of independence. His father, Giribaldo Bragança, had died in it. In 1981, three days before the ceasefire that led to peace, his father stepped on a land mine and was blown to pieces. Louis-August hated the Criolosos and had dedicated his life to their suppression. Graduating from Crifoso Politécnica in 1994, he joined the Tupengan army as a junior officer upon completion. At the time, Fustera was fighting an insurgency that had begun two years prior and Louis-August almost immediately volunteered for combat service. He was assigned to a light infantry battalion and completed a seven-month tour of duty. He returned to Fustera for another seven-month tour half a year later, being promoted to lieutenant and given command of a light infantry platoon. By the new millennium, he had completed three tours in that country and was given command of an infantry company. When the Creolosos revolted in 2001, his bravery and ambition paid off as he was one of the few experienced counterinsurgency commanders in Tupenga. It was between 2001 and 2013 that Louis-August earned his nickname, 'O Terror da Noite' or the Night Killer, and was famed for his night raids. He had abducted and butchered rebels and the innocent alike on the very marshland he was blazing through now. With peace and the subsequent power-sharing arrangement, Louis-August became something of a political pariah, but he would always have a place in the army. And now the army was putting things back in their proper order in Tupenga, with their great marechal at their helm.

In the capital city of Crifoso, all the other pieces were already in place. At 02:00 hours, sufficient infantry and military police companies were deployed to occupy the public broadcasting radio station, the city's central water treatment facility, major power plants, and most of the key administrative buildings. The parliament building, which had been almost empty at the time, was seized and closed. Everything was already in place for the marechal to enter the capital as its conqueror. It wasn't just the capital that found itself under military rule as early risers set out for work, all of the major cities and towns except those to the far north saw similar developments unfold as military and loyal police took over key points of control. The coup had been brutally efficient.

Bragança entered the capital at 05:15 and headed directly for the presidential palace, the old governor's palace built in the mid-19th century. It had already been occupied and President Marco Llorasa arrested, taken with his whole family to a classified location somewhere in the city. The presidential palace had been prepared for the marechal's arrival, including the study in which the President of Tupenga usually gave his addresses to the people.

A broad dark wood desk sat in the middle of the room, two Tupengan flags behind it on either side. Lights and cameras were already set up in an arc in front of it. Louis-August Bragança's escort left him at the door, as soldiers immediately posted themselves outside of it and along the hallway. There was a crew in the study with the commander and one of them started counting down toward zero.

The marechal cleared his voice and, as the video man said zero, began to speak,


Brothers and sisters of Tupenga,

We live in exceptional times and under exceptional circumstances, and the patriots of Tupenga have had to take exceptional action. Today, the weak, corrupt regime of President Marco Llorasa has ended. For seven years, the Llorasa administration has taken us down the path of ruin. Our great nation is being ransacked as insurgents and rebels are allowed to run rampant in the countryside. Our great country is less secure than it has ever been since 2013. The unraveling of our security has been more than matched by the sharp decay in our happiness, health, and prosperity. We, the patriots of Tupenga, could not idly sit by and watch as our beloved country fell into ruin. As good Tupengans, we have been forced into action. This morning, our security forces secured strategic points across the country, have arrested the corrupt leadership of Llorasa's fail administration, and have placed the destiny of Tupenga back in the people's hands.

Our nation's decline precedes Marco Llorosa and reflects how weak our government is after its capitulation to the rebels. As I speak, insurgents have captured the regional capitals of Tusana and Relanga. What did they do about it? Nothing. They did nothing, preferring to relax in their life of luxury as their people suffer the deprivations of what is no more than a criminal gang.

The sad state of affairs that has come over our country is over. As of today, Tupenga enters a new era. It is an era that promises a return to the glory that we once basked in. We will bring back economic growth, tourism, and industry. Our soldiers stand ready to fight and defeat the guerrilla criminals who plague us like locus. Remember my words: we will make Tupenga great again.

The journey back to greatness will not be easy and it will come with sacrifice. I have accepted the responsibility and duty of the presidency from the military and the people and will govern as Marechalisimo until our republic has been restored back to health. We have not abandoned democracy. We are simply ensuring that the foundations for a strong, just rule of the people are not just maintained, but strengthened in the face of adversity. I take no offense at the thought that my emergency presidency is merely a transition to something much better. I accept that as my responsibility. I do not want to be the best leader Tupenga has ever had, because then what would we have to look forward to? No, I simply wish to guide our country back to a course that ensures us a destiny that we can all look forward to in excitement.

I warn our enemies and those who seek to hold us back that I will have no mercy. We will wage an unrepentant war against the criminal guerrillas who kill our people and destroy our property. Our army will win back the countryside and we will restore peace to this magnificent state. That is my pledge to you. Final victory will require hard work and sacrifice, but I have no doubt that the people of Tupenga are ready to do as they must for a better future.

Deus bless Tupenga!


As the camera's red light faded to black, Louis-August rose. The door opened for him as he walked to it and out in the hall he heard the cries of his soldiers, "Long live the Marechalisimo! Long live the Marechalisimo!"

General Riquelme Pauleta was waiting for him, saluting alongside the soldiers as their fearless leader stepped out. "Marechalismo, congratulations on your victory. The whole country looks forward to the years of paradise that will come under your tutelage." There were cameras and reporters filing in, and some of them were snapping photos or taking footage of the top military brass congratulating themselves. The public press would all tell of this historic day.

As the two men retired to more private halls, General Pauleta changed to other subjects. "Gaspar Bernardo has landed in Elani to meet both with the Fusteran government and representatives of the Fourth Reich. It's good that the coup was such sudden success, it will make us look good in front of them. I expect negotiations to be quick and that foreign aid in the shape of money and arms will come soon."

"It can't be soon enough," said Louis-August. "The rebellion is sure to swell as a result of today. I have already put the mechanisms and levers of our conscription drive in motion. I will give you the soldiers you need, you make sure they get the equipment and training they need to end the insurgency. We don't have time to waste, Riquelme. And if we don't succeed, you and I both know that they will have our heads on pikes for display." He paused for a moment and took a deep breath. They were stopped in one of the palace's inner hallways, in front of a large door that gave access to the president's private quarters. Louis-August said, "What about Plan Restore? How quickly can we implement those changes? The success of Plan Restore is of the same, or more, importance than foreign aid."

"Of course," answered Riquelme. "Plan Restore is in motion. I have authorized the press department to announce the new curfews and restrictions next week, after the commencement of our northern offensive. Once our troops are in place in all of the major cities and towns, and we've secured the highways, Plan Restore will go into full effect. There will be a lot of fighting, I am sure of it. But, we are prepared."

"I hope so," said Louis-August. "You have always been a friend to me, Riquelme. Always. I think of you as I would a brother. But, now I am Marechalisimo and know that should you fail your head will roll before mine."



Rebellions and coups in Tupenga are much like money and guns in the Golden Throne, they're common. Still, the nation awoke shocked and confused because there was a moment when at least more Tupengans than ever believed that their country could take the next step forward in its progress. It was believed that the days of military juntas and dictatorships were over. These were the days of liberalism and globalism, not protectionism and authoritarianism. Power is rarely distributed at random, one man does not have an equal chance of it compared to others. Those in power have bent the system to favor the continuation of their rule. In Tupenga, most of those in power did not share the same hopes and beliefs as the majority of commoners they ruled. Men like Louis-August Bragança looked to the past for answers, not to the future. But, the future always arrives.

As day gave way to night, the only noise anyone in the country could hear — from one coast to the other — was the sound of gunfire as a swift coup started giving way to violent civil war...

[Eitoan]

Vladarsik, Eitoan
Executive Residence, Cabinet Conference Room


The weekly cabinet meeting finally reached the foreign policy review, after the reports on legislative progress, the briefing from the National Reserve Bank of Eitoan, and budget status. Attendees were still alert. All secretaries were present except for Industry and Trade’s Loren Masters, on a mission to neighboring Tupioca. His Undersecretary, David Zilboa stood in for him. President Shrdlu turned the meeting over to Foreign Affairs Secretary Andrew Falkowski. Sitting behind him was his newly appointed Undersecretary, Marilyn Stegman.

Falkowski began. “Mr. President, Mrs. Vice President, cabinet members, I want to make the best use of my limited time here and let you get back to your offices so I’ll refer you to the appendices for our regular reports on continental, alliance and remote affairs for now. Instead, I want to give you our first cut of policy alternatives for the emerging developments in the Shartourn. Mrs. Stegman is taking the lead on supervising the analysis and strategy teams addressing these developments and she can provide you with the leading scenarios to this point. Mrs. Stegman - please - tell the cabinet the Department’s latest information.

Marilyn Stegman, dressed in a smart gray business suit and white blouse straightened her hair and stood up at the table, next to Secretary Falkowski.

“Thank you Secretary Falkowski. We categorize our responses according to the operative geographic areas in the Shartourn, and their respective challenges to Eitoan security and commerce. The conflict in Ladreo differs from that in the insular Shartourn. The role of the big powers is greater off continent, and the balance of military capability in Ladero is more evenly matched between the parties there than the outer Shartourn. In the Ladero-Isolota fight we see fewer alternatives for our policy. To be explicit, we see one course of action that is much more practical and effective than any others, so I will only present that at this time. With growing big power involvement in Tupenga and it’s neighbors and a much more complex social, political and economic landscape, we have a wider range of policy alternatives for consideration.

The conflict in Ladero has upset the course of Eitoan diplomacy in the Tarao subregion. Foreign Affairs was encouraged by the recent formation of WEDTAG. Although the Tarao countries have not been a major trading partner we view the formation of WEDTAG as encouraging to future commercial relations as a means of stabilizing and streamling financial and regulatory issues between us and the WEDTAG members. In time it could become a partner in the greater economic integration of the continent. So we, as well as many Eitoans are dismayed by the Isolotan invasion of Ladero. Now our options in the are are limited. Direct military pressure is out of the question, at this time. Involvement in a distant conflict would be a distraction from our responsibilities in Federal Ralkovia and the Great Inland Sea area. Still, Ladero has a functioning government and, as far as we can determine, a viable land army. With regards to aviation losses, planes can be replaced. We can expedite sales and shipment of supplies to Ladero, and conversely, delay deliveries to Isolota. This should be coordinated with diplomatic efforts to persuade Isolota to cease fire. At this time, we find this to be the most practical approach to involvement there”.

Seeing the opportunity to speak at a cabinet meeting, Industry and Trade Undersecretary David Zilboa spoke up. “I think this can be done, but to what extent have you considered possible retaliation on the part of the Isolotans?”

Defense Minister General Eugene Maska commented. “Do we have estimates of the loss of pilots by the Laderan Air Force? Planes can be replaced, pilots less so.”

Treasure Jonathan Shore chimed in “I think you are right, Mrs. Stegman. We really can’t do a lot more than that for Ladero”.

President Shrdlu retorted “Of course we can. Perhaps our communications with Isolota can imply some sort of active assistance for Ladero”.

Shore responded “I understand the sentiment Mr. President. It would play well to public opinion. Let’s be careful to not overstep in Ladero. This war will be won or lost by Laderan boys and girls, and we’ve go the bigger powers eyeing prizes offshore, and adjacent to the Bay of Chains”.

President Shrdlu grunted acknowledgement.

Stegman moved on. “Now, in the outer Shartourn, there are four main courses of action to consider. Broadly speaking, in order of severity we can influence the Fusteran government to restrict any infiltration of Raskov restorationist forces and propaganda by the Reich, attempt persuasion of the Richtofen government in the Reich to trench back their support of the Raskovs, present our case to the Ordenites, still through diplomatic means and commercial ties more emphatically, and finally prepare for direct conflict with the Wehrmacht in the region.

With respect to Fustera directly, we do have some commercial interests there, mostly in the more developed coastal cities - manufacturing and transportation facilities and the like. We can try to leverage that. Of course the influence is most likely with the local gentry, and may not reach to the top levels of the oligarchy there. Still, our relations with the Tupengans have not been bad, and there’s no logical reason for them to stake a disagreement with us to uphold Ordenite support for the Raskovs. But again, not being sure of our influence there, we don’t see this as the most effective approach.”

Territorial and Local Affairs Secretary, Menashe Tal “Well, it couldn’t hurt, but as you say, we need something more effective”.

Industry and Trade, Zilboa “How much influence does the Reich have in Fustera now?”

Agriculture Secretary Richard Buck Jo “How much control do the Fusterans have over the Reich in their own country?”

Education Secretary Steven Power “Is there any evidence of Restorationist activitiy in Fustera yet?”

Health Secretary Cari Kier “Isn’t this beside the point? Does it matter one way or the other what the Fusterans can do? This is becoming a big power pissing match!

Secretary Falkowski got the meeting back on track. “All good points. And, as Marilyn stated, this is not the most likely effective course of actions. So the department will issue further detail about this and all the alternatives, but she’s got others to present. Continue, Mrs. Stegman.”

Stegman again addressed the Cabinet. “At this time we think the best opening approach would be in persuasion of the Richtofen government that reducing support for the Raskovs would be in their best interests as Ordena moves into the west. Richtofen has opened trade with the region, and our companies have had some successful ventures in the Reich. Their sales in Eitoan are not large, but a few years ago were nonexistent. And they will be facing other big powers in the region, The Golden Throne and Holy Marsh. I think we can make a case that promoting the Raskovs will cause more friction than benefit as they move into Fustera.

Shore - Treasurer Hasn’t the Reich been talking out of both sides of it’s mouth lately about Ralkovia?

Industry and Trade - Zilboa Well they’re pretty damn hostile going by what they say in the Regional Council!

Territorial and Local - Tal Ah well, nobody pays attention to the Regional Council. A lot of hot air.

Vice President Paula Koubek This approach may be a starting point, but we’d better have something stronger available. These are big powers we’re dealing with here.

Megan Kreisman, Secretary of Labor and Social Affairs Maybe we can get the Reich to back off their Raskov obsession. But their murder soldiers, they could set off a wave of unwanted immigration. We’re not ready to handle that!

Foreign Affairs -Falkowski That is a big concern Megan, but they’re already in Fustera. Not much we can do about that.

Education - Power I concur this is the best starting point. Direct appeal to the Reich should be most effective and to the point. If they stiff arm us, we’ll move on to a sterner approach.

Secretary of Transportation Robert Machruim They’ve been playing both sides, us and the Raskovs. How are we going to measure if their support tor restoration has been spiked?

Attorney General Dan Venkempen We monitor such activity internally, and get reports from the Intelligence community. No utterance from Berlina is inadvertant. We’ll know. If they’re serious they’d drop Raskov glorification among Ralkovian emigres to the Reich. We could urge them to drop it and stress “Ordenazation” of those emigres.”

Secretary of Posts, Broadcasting and National Standards Jon Petro I think we need something stronger. We’ve seen them in Krasnova. The Reich only understands a punch in the face!

Health - Kier A punch in the face sounds good, but how many are we going to lose to get them to just shut up about Raskov?[/b]

Posts - Perto Yeah, well, with the Reich, you know it could come to that!

Stegman Moving on, and ratcheting up the pressure, we could present a more forceful case to Richtofen why he should back off any Ralkovia interests. At this point war hasn’t broken out in Tupenga, at least war between state actors. But Tupenga is the flash point. Commercial restrictions can make a point. Financial transactions may undergo increased delay and scrutiny. There can be impacts on communications in the region, more directly. If hostilities develop, maritime and air traffic exclusionary zones would be a possibility. All these stop short of acts of war, but deliver a strong message more directly to the Reich.”

Education - Power This is a major step. What would be the tipping point.

Defense - Maska We have our contingencies defined. And of course, all would be under the direction of the President.

Posts - Petro How soon could this be rolled out? Why can’t we send a message now?

Territory and Local - Tal What’s the rush to a heavy hand? I think we should stick to the more diplomatic alternative.

Attorney General Venkempen Agreed, Secretary Tal. But we can step up anti espionage and sedition efforts among the few remaining Ralkoviak die hards here, as a notice that we’re on guard.

Territory and Local - Tal Not a bad idea, Dan. And since it’s in our internal interests there should be no complaints from Berlina.

Wrapping up her presentation, Marilyn laid out the last, most severe alternative; military action against or prompted by the Ordenite presence in the west.

“Finally we must consider our military options with regard to Ordenite activity in Fustera. I won’t bother you with any assessment of Fustera’s comic opera army, any large formation of the Wehrmacht is what we’re talking about here. Direct conflict in Fustera must be carefully considered in terms of objectives, cause for involvement, strategy and costs. Should disagreement rise to the level of consideration of direct involvement, it will be necessary to engage in such force as to convince the Reich that further confrontation with is is not worthwhile. So this is very serious. Our advisor on the matter, General Kleckna has indicated commitment of forces on the ground in Fustera would be at the division or army level, at the least, to make our point. A direct attack on Golden Throne forces could trip off the conflict, under the terms of the Northwest Mutual Assistance Agreement. Threats to Eitoan interests in Fustera could justify intervention. Finally, Richtofen is entering a very unstable region. Fustera has never been completely pacified, and there are plenty of retired Commandantes from previous insurrections and disgruntled Colonels and Generals that might possible set off internal fighting, especially with any big power encouragement.

This is a most serious consideration, but one we must investigate and plan for. In the end it may be lower cost in both lives and money than the on continent alternatives aimed at further reduction of Regime Ralkovian industrial and military capabilities.”

The meeting went silent.

President Shrdu gave his thoughts. “Thank you Mrs. Stegman. I like the thought process. We will proceed as recommended. Go ahead with a campaign to persuade Richtofen to tone down the Raskov nonsense. We look forward to periodic updates as significant events unfold.”

Jonathan Shore, the Treasurer added “Yes, at this point there’s not real threat to the Republic from anyone in the region. Let’s try this and see about the response.”

---

Embassy of The Republic of Eitoan to The Ordenite Reich
Berlina, Ordena

To: Ernst Graseman
Reichsminister of Foreign Affairs,The Ordenite Reich

Herr Graseman:

Foreign Affairs Secretary Falkowski has requested this communication to The Ordenite Reich regarding current activities in the west. We note the increased interest of many of our neighbors in central Greater Dienstad in the area and take this opportunity to present a path for easing tensions and promoting better relations among all involved. As stated by Secretary Falkowski, and his predecessor Secretary Field, we recognize the right of all parties to engage in bilateral agreements for their mutual benefit, and that includes your recent one with Fustera. Being more active in the west, albeit in a less developed part of the region brings us once again to consideration of all parties both offshore and on continent, and requires us once again to communicate with you Eitoan security concerns.

The south of the continent is a complex socioeconomic ecosystem, a fact of which I’m sure you are aware. Eitoan has traditionally had more concerns as a continental nation, and in the Northern Vanguat. And yet, with conflict arising in the Shartourn, it’s adjacency to the Bay of Chains requires us once again to say that agitation for the return of discredited and bankrupt adventurers and deposed monarchs and nobles on the continent complicates our relation with The Reich. We appreciate Reichsfuhrer Richtofen’s opening of Ordenite relations with the west, and believe it has been profitable for both us and The Reich. And we endeavor to continue this relation.

But it is incumbent on us to request that you reconsider any support for a return of the Raskov monarchy to Ralkovia. This has not been a major issue recently, but as the mix of conflicting interests in the south turns toward more uncertainty, this element is problematic for us and should be viewed as an unwanted issue in a volatile region. This should be removed, as much as possible from relations going forward. That region is already seething with ethnic conflict, and the spectre of unwanted Communist agitation looms over the area.

We request that you give this proposal careful consideration, for the best interests of the Ordenite and Eitoan people alike, and for the peace of the region.

As always, the Embassy of The Republic of Eitoan is open for productive discussions.

Eric Michilak
Ambassador of The Republic of Eitoan to The Ordenite Reich.

[United World Order]

Berlina, Ordena
Reich Ministry of Foreign Affairs Building, Conference Room.

Ernst Grasemann was a busy man as of late especially following the end of the Fourth Krasnovan War and the reinstallment of Christian Richtofen as Reichsfuhrer of the Greater Ordenite Reich. He had avoided being arrested by the Ordenite Heer through confirming his loyalty to the now Reichsfuhrer Richtofen, therefore he had been allowed to graciously hold his position as Reichsminister of Foreign Affairs. He had also been promoted within the Ordenite Schutzstaffel to Obergruppenfuhrer due to his very prestigious post in the Foreign Affairs office. Lately however their has been a surge in activity from the Foreign Affairs Office due to the opening of the Ordenite economy to the outside world, something that had not been done to such a scale almost since the inception of the National Socialist government in Ordena. Despite the overall attitude of the National Socialist Party of Ordena towards such a move in the past, these were more turbulent times with the fall of relations over all with the Golden Throne. War would be certain if Ordena and the Golden Throne ever butted heads again especially with the need to renew it's armistice every two years. Grasemann was in constant communication with various State Secretaries who were posted abroad as Ambassadors to foreign countries and with the opening of the economy to foreign investment, their was a lot of information to process and make decisions on.

The recent spark in activity in the former Istoloan Empire was one that had now acquired his attention due to the events occurring there and what the Reich sought to gain in Fustera. A communique from the Eiotan Embassy in Ordena now laid on the table in front of him. It seemed as though the Eiotani sought to silence the Reich on any support of a return of the Raskov monarchy to Ralkovia. It was true that Ordena had been vocal after the fall of a close ally and trading partner, the Ralkovian Empire. Its demise had cost Ordena countless billions in Reichsmarks due to now non existent trade relations and buisness ventures. It was now also taking in a massive refugee population of Ralkoviaks who at some point during or after the war decided to seek asylum in Ordena and who would blame them. However their was definetly those within the Ordenite government and the National Socialist Party of Ordena that believed in dropping the vocality for a return of the Raskovs in favour of simply Ordeanizing the Ralkoviaks all together. A Privy Cabinet Council meeting of which Grasemann had attended earlier in the week had reviewed the Eiotani communique and had decided on a course of action to take from which was then sent to the Reichsfuhrer himself.

Sitting with him was the adjuntant to the State Secretary and Ambassador to Eitoan, and a representative from the Reich Chancellery who therefore also represented the Reichsfuhrer.

Grasemann began. "I'm sure we have all had the chance to read the communique from the Eiotani Embassy and its contents. The Eiotani are not pleased with our position on Ralkovia and the Raskovs, which shouldnt be a surprise to anyone here. They have politely requested that we cease all support for a Raskov return to power in Ralkovia. I for one personally have seen the reports on what has become of Ralkovia following the war against the Marshite coalition and while it is saddening, we must face reality and that reality is that the Ralkovian Empire is no more. The Eiotani Republic have been one of the several nations who have stepped forward to invest in the Ordean economy, relations are neutral despite their relations with the Golden Throne. I believe its time we put the Raskov buisness to rest and appease to the Eiotani."

The State Secretary's adjutant shifted in his seat as he looked between Grasemann and the Reich Chancellery representative.

"I think this is a reasonable course of action. We cannot continue to dwell on the past for we have more significant issues before us like the Golden Throne. Our relations with the Republic are not worth tarnishing over a desposed monarch whose Empire is non existent now."

"We are in talks with a group of Ralkovian nobles who also sought asylum here in Ordena." The Reich Chancellery representative said. "I don't believe we'd be putting much in jeapordy by taking this course of action. The Reichsfuhrer also agrees on the matter and that we should ensure no other power stands in our way of our predicament with the Golden Throne."

Grasemann rose from his seat. "Then we have our answer." he said before addressing the adjutant. "Get in touch with Ambassador Mayer and inform him if our decision and relay it to the Eiotani Ambassador."

Embassy of the Greater Ordenite Reich to Eiotan
Vladarsik, Eiotan

To: Eric Michilak
Ambassador of the Republic of Eitoan to the Ordenite Reich

Ambassador Michilak,

After much consultation with Reich Minister Grasemann and the Reich Chancellery it has been decided as a sign of good will and faith between the Ordenite Reich and the Republic of Eiotan, that the National Socialist government will withdraw any and all support for a Raskov restoration in Ralkovia. We understand the issue supporting such an idea means to Eiotani relations with the Ordenite Reich and we would like to rectify this going forward. Our interests in Fustera and in Western Dienstad as a whole going forward will not involve any such actions involving a Raskov restoration in mainland Ralkovia.

Leon Mayer
Ambassador of the Ordenite Reich to the Republic of Eiotan.

[The Macabees]

AMBUAMBO, TUPENGA

Ambuambo glittered against the vast blue sea, the long, winding shore a vast paradise of golden sand. The city was a growing tourist attraction, although most foreigners had now fled after the Bragança Coup a few days before. Sitting on the edge of not just the water, but also of progress, democracy, and integration, Ambuambo was distinguished by a city council formed by a surprisingly friendly and cooperative coalition of creolosos and colonists. Unlike the cities to the north, Ambuambo was also wealthy, thriving, and on the cusp of becoming possibly the most important commercial center of Tupenga. Unsurprising, then, that the newly christened Bragança regime immediately acted to guarantee its loyalty and deny it to the resistance. Days after the initial coup, another three infantry regiments were deployed to Ambuambo and the city was put under martial law.

On the streets reigned chaos. Vast throngs of people going about their daily business were suddenly ushered back inside their homes. At various places, large groups of creolosos, mostly men, were detained and lined up against walls. Many were beaten with clubs, fists, and feet, and the blood trickled into the gutters and down the drains. In some neighborhoods, creolosos who had moved in were forcibly removed and driven to the traditional creoloso neighborhoods in the city. Whatever integration had taken place over the previous two decades was now to be immediately reversed. Ambuambo, and the rest of the country too, was returned to its former, darker days of apartheid. To enforce the change, soldiers patrolled the roads and alleyways, while tanks and other armored fighting vehicles kept guard throughout. The occasional clash between the military and small pockets of resistance could be heard at times, the clacking of the rifles reverberating across an increasingly empty Ambuambo as its terrorized peoples shut themselves indoors or left to the countryside. As the newly evolved civil society disintegrated, the political structure of the new liberal political order of the city was struck down.

Council had been meeting at city hall on the day of the escalation. A battalion-sized unit of infantry surrounded the building and cleared it, arresting all creoloso members of the council as well as any creoloso junior politicians and staff members. Other Ambuambo politicians were initially arrested, then released, and told to go home. The arrested creolosos were loaded onto trucks and driven to the large maximum-security prison on the city's outskirts, where they'd share cells with murderers, rapists, and others of the worst kind.

Ambuambo acted as a commercial port through which arms and other supplies were flowing into Tupenga and the rebel factions, as such it represented an important strategic asset. The three infantry regiments and the battalion that had originally been garrisoning the city were reorganized into the 11th Ambuambo Mechanized Brigade. The 7th Colombo Mechanized Infantry Brigade was also moved to the area, along with the 3rd Tesaca Armored Brigade. This combined to a strength of almost 30,000 combat personnel, who were responsible for defending the city, enforcing the new regime's segregation operations and curfews, and also holding and clearing the rural land immediately surrounding the city. The size of the garrison was equal to the importance of Ambuambo as a supply hub.

It wasn't just the rebels who benefited from the city's commercial port. Now that it was firmly in military hands, the port also served the purpose of routing in large quantities of food, ammunition, and other supplies for the Tupengan army gathering in strength north and east of Ambuambo. As the days passed, more and more ships bringing in official military supplies docked at the port, to the point where commercial ships began being rerouted elsewhere rather than wait long periods of time for permission to dock. Military personnel, who took on full responsibility for unloading and distributing the cargo, also began crowding out civilian workers. In fact, as much of them were creolosos, most workers simply never came back to work. As war rumbled closer, whatever vibrancy and life Ambuambo had was now, at one stroke, gone.



OPERATION FIRST SWEEP, NORTHERN TUPENGA

After the capture of two northern regional capitals, the Tupengan military prepared for their immediate recapture. The full scope of the operation was to be more ambitious even. Aside from the recapture of Tusana and Relanga, the bulk of the Tupengan army was to sweep the entirety of the northern region with the end of finding and destroying the rebel forces from one coast to the other.

To this end, four airmobile brigades were earmarked for the attacks on the two capitals. These consisted of the I Tupenga Dragoons, II Colombo Dragoons, III Colombo Dragoons, and IV Tesaca Dragoons. To these 13,000 airmobile combat personnel, the Tupengan army added the II Armored Corp, as well as the IX and VII Mechanized Corps. This gave the operation a combined strength of nearly 100,000 armored, mechanized, and airmobile personnel, as well as their respective complements of artillery and other heavy weapons. The III Mechanized and VI Armored Corps, another 68,000 soldiers, were placed in reserve around the capital. In conjunction with the ample ground forces, the Fusteran air force was to provide close air support via three squadrons of second-hand GLI-76 fighter-bombers. Offshore, six destroyers and four cruisers were organized into two flotillas of equal size off the opposite coasts to provide additional fire support.

Operation First Sweep, or Primeira Varredura, was envisioned as two pincers, each one traveling up their respective coasts. Like horns extending from the capital city of Crifoso, these pincers would cut the rebels off from the coast and their source of resupply. Then, a full-front offensive would begin to push the rebels against the northern border, against which they would be eliminated. With control of the two cities, but more importantly the countryside, the army could then proceed to put the largely rural population of the area on lockdown.

In the days prior, the military began focusing on intelligence operations to gather knowledge on the disposition of enemy forces. Apart from satellite data collected from Istoloan military attachés, tactical surveillance was carried out by long-range, low- and medium-altitude combat drones which silently crisscrossed over much of northern Tupenga. They were supported by elite Saunion tactical reconnaissance teams that were under explicit orders to avoid engaging the enemy and instead focus on gathering intelligence on the location of rebel strongpoints.

Some six days after the initial coup, Operation First Sweep was launched. II Armored Corp launched its assault along the western Tupegan coastline, while IX Mechanized Corps did the same in the east. They were each supported by their own squadron of GLI-76s, as well as by their respective flotillas. These provided heavy aerial and offshore fire support to soften and eliminate known rebel strongholds before the arrival of the ground troops, or to otherwise break down any heavy resistance met along the way. Simultaneously, I Tupenga Dragoons struck at Tusana and IV Tesaca Dragoons at Relanga. II and II Colombo would be split between the two in a follow-up operation. Airlifted by helicopter into the city, they were supported by attached squadrons of attack helicopters. As these initial attacks were made, the rest of the front remained quiet as the rest of the Tupengan operational force waited for its moment to begin the big sweep of the rebel-infested northern lands of the country. The only exception was the artillery, which blared away day and night in support of combat operations throughout the sector. Their rhythmic beat was likely to play for many days and weeks to come.



While civil war crept up on Tupenga, in the capital city of Crifoso the Marechal held a grand banquet to commemorate the new order in the country. All those present were colonial descendants, of course. Only the servants were creoloso. They were looked at suspiciously, as if they could and would poison the drinks or perhaps even stab one of the guests. But, generally, there was laughter, dancing, and eating. Cliques had their conversations and when these died, they would reorganize themselves and the gossiping would begin anew. A band played live music, interrupted only once when Louis-August Bragança rose to the stage and gave a speech. He praised the "liberation" of Ambuambo, and expressed his excitement for similar success in Tusana and Relanga. He suggested that the operations would be short and nothing less than utterly successful. The Marechal did not speak for long, and when he finished he retired to his quarters without fanfare.

[United World Order]

Ambuambo, Tupenga
72 Hours following the Coup.

The Bragança Coup of the former democratic and liberal Tupengan government had been a success. Its success was largely thanks to covert assistance from the Reich State Security Office who were the premier Ordenite foreign intelligence service and had made many contacts in Fustera and Tupenga over the years. The RSSA involvement would not stop there as a sign of good will and cooperation between the Greater Ordenite Reich and Fustera, the Ordenites had agreed to facilitate a Fusteran intervention into Tupenga. Tupenga was currently suffering from a successful rebellion in the North in which rebels had siezed two provincial capitals
and roamed almost freely through out the country side. The Fusteran intervention would involve 5 Regiments of Light Infantry that were mainly Fusteran however one regiment while being officially named as a Fusteran regiment was actually an Ordenite regiment.

The Ordenite regiment in question was referred to as Sonderkommando Bergmann and was a Ordenite penal regiment although unlike most penal regiments, this one was led by the SS. Led by SS-Standartenfuhrer Jürgen Bergmann the units purpose was for counter insurgency and if needed policing duties. The regiment its self was comprised of sadists and murderers and other violent repeat offenders who would under the command of Bergmann, commit horrific atrocities that many could hardly stomach. The regiment's reputation was garnered in Reichskommissariat Scythia when over a dozen villages were ransacked and burned to the ground along with their inhabitants who were slaughtered by the Regiment. Krasnova would too also see the Sonderkommando Bergmann wreck havoc among the population as they did outside of New Impen where they massacred over 5,000 Krasnovans including women and children.

Recently the Regiment had been in Scythia but had swiftly been slated for deployment to Fustera and then were to be deployed to Tupenga on counter insurgency duties. The 27,000 man intervention force was ferried on Ordenite ships from Fustera over to the Southern port of Ambuambo. Upon setting foot in Ambuambo the Sonderkommando immediately went about carrying out its brutal tendencies. Roving bands of Ordenites from the Sonderkommando scoured Creoloso majority neighborhoods kicking in doors to peoples homes and dragging out entire families into the streets. The shooting would go on for hours as the Sonderkommando shot and murdered men, women and even children. Female creolosos were especially targeted by the Ordenites and were not immediately killed on the spot untill their desires were fufilled.

The next few days before the start date of a major Tupengan Army operation to crush the rebellious North would see hundreds if not thousands of Creolosos murdered by the Sonderkommando, the bodies would be disposed of in unmarked graves. At first the Fusteran regiments moved northwards with the main wave of Tupengan Army forces with Sonderkommando Bergmann lagging behind mostly due to the need to carry out their sadistic murderous ways on any Creolosos they happened to encounter along the way.

[The Macabees]

TUSANA, TUPENGA

The government's recapture of the northern cities was not uneventful. Airmobile dragoons quickly occupied the most important positions and captured critical energy, service, and administrative infrastructure, but rebel resistance was fierce. Among Tupengan senior military officers, there was a widespread belief that the insurgents would not dare to fight them in a pitched battle or an urban siege, knowing that government forces had overwhelming firepower superiority. But, the insurgents were proving them wrong in Tusana and Relanga. They had struck the two regional capitals with the intent of occupying and governing territory, and they now intended to defend their fiefdom. On the line was the liberty of the creoloso people of the country.

GLI-76s provided constant interdiction and fire suppression missions over the city and throughout their hinterlands. Enemy positions that were too strong for ground forces to reduce quickly were bombed. If Tupengan dragoons found themselves temporarily on their back foot, they could count on the Tupengan air force to come to their rescue. Even as additional airmobile forces were brought into both cities, it was the two air squadrons that were most responsible for maintaining the initiative in favor of the restoration of central government order in the north.

The main brunt of the offensive in the north was conducted by the two mechanized corps advancing up opposite Tupengan coasts. There wasn't much in the way of organized fighting to speak of here, as most of these cities, towns, and villages remained under central government authority. But, as the two pincers turned inland along the border, resistance picked up and most of it came in the shape of ambushes, night raids, and other forms of guerrilla warfare. Regardless, their offensive was rapid and the enemy did not build up strength to fight a decisive pitched battle, opting instead to disappear among the multitude of friendly creoloso civilians. Because these mechanized forces were not large enough to lose themselves in the practice of police actions and local intelligence operations, it sidestepped insurgent forces that had melted away before them and continued on their warpath toward the two regional capitals. They reached these cities within days of Operation First Sweep's commencement, and their arrival sealed the rebel guerrilla fighters in the city and together with the dragoons these combined forces fought to completely annihilate the enemy.

For Tenente General Erasmo Ribeiro, commander of the combined ground forces involved in the operation, it was a great victory. In weeks, the army had stabilized the political situation in the country and recaptured the two cities taken by the insurgents, restoring Tupengan government in the north. He stepped into Tusana two days after it had been completely cleared to inspect the battlefield. The city was in ruins, its walls riddled with bulletholes and torn by rockets and grenades. Entire blocks were missing or in utter ruins because of artillery shelling or a bomb dropped from a fighter plane. He remained just long enough to oversee the redistribution of forces throughout the north, occupying garrisons of various sizes throughout the cities, towns, villages, and strategic locations along the roads, jungles, and hills. Then, he left Tusana for Ambuambo, where allied forces had set up their logistics headquarters days after the coup and through which now came thousands of Fusteran troops.



AMBUAMBO, TUPENGA

When Ribeiro arrived at the port city of Ambuambo, a junior staff member gave him notice that the Marechalisimo had also come to the city in the morning hours. Bragança had no doubt come to inspect operational headquarters and, if lucky, catch the commanding officer by surprise. He all but succeeded, as Ribeiro soon learned that he was summoned to a meeting with the dictator and some of his war advisors. A utility vehicle drove him to the central administrative office, located at a large concrete building on the outskirts of the city. It still took some time to get there, as the area was surrounded by a military base that had expanded to an even larger size as both Tupengan and Fusteran combat military forces were using Ambuambo as their primary port of supply. It had become almost a suburb of the city itself, although entirely under the jurisdiction of the armed forces.

On the way, the junior staff member who had first met him, and was now riding in the front passenger's seat, handed him a manila folder. Opening it, he flipped through the several pages of intelligence reports. He had asked his office to tap into military and civilian intelligence channels available to them in the north to get a read on the size of the insurgent army and the support for rebellion among the creoloso population. As he continued to read a deep worry came upon him and settled into his bones, like a chill turned into a pit in one's stomach. If the intelligence was half as good as excellent, it suggested that the insurgency was likely to grow in size over the coming months and intensify in the next year. It also provided estimations of the size of foreign financial and logistical support for the rebels, especially from the Romani-Marsh Union. The numbers had grown quite dramatically in the recent weeks, as it seemed that the Marshites were taking on a more active interest in Tupengan current events. Riberio was worried that repression of the creoloso population could trigger an international war. He wondered whether the Marechalisimo had received a copy of the report.

Arriving, finally, at the meeting, they all made their greetings to each other and the discussion got underway. It was one of the dictator's advisors, General Eugênio Carriço, who spoke first. "Very tidy job with the operation, Erasmo. The retaking of Tusana and Relanga are a huge propaganda victory for the military regime and for the country, in general. It will undoubtedly also give our allies reason to believe in our long-term ability to contain and, ultimately, defeat the insurgency."

Ribeiro shook his head. The Marechalisimo must have seen him, because next thing he said, "Erasmo, do you disagree with Eugênio?"

"Yes, Your Excellency," replied Ribeiro. "I received an intelligence report that says the insurgency is going to grow by a magnitude in the next year—"

"We've commissioned our own reports," interrupted Carriço. "We know what the situation is and how to solve it. With their combined strengths, your forces in the northern provinces and those of our Fusteran allies are enough to establish complete control over the creoloso populations there. The details will be handed
by the new provincial administration, but what's important is that you will be assisted by a growing number of civilian police and paramilitary forces. The Marechalisimo has already done the necessary to ensure ample funding for training and arming of recruits. Our objective is to increase police forces in the north to 500,000 personnel over the next five years. These will eventually completely supplant military forces as the primary form of security in the north, by which time the rebels will have been defeated."

Ribeiro scoffed, "Ambitious, general."

"We are the Tupengan Army, Erasmo. It is our job to be ambitious," responded Carriço.

"Besides, Erasmo," said another man, suddenly. He was another one of the dictator's inner circle members, a military advisor they called them. General Horácio Sousa was a scoundrel of a man. In another world, he would be a warlord, and an evil one at that. His arrogance surpassed that of all other men and his veins ran so thickly with colonist blood that the drive to enforce the supremacy of the colonial caste had infected the inner core of his bones. "Your forces, together with those of our Fusteran allies, will be key to why the plan will work."

"How so?" questioned Ribeiro.

There was something tyrannical in the man's smile then. "You are to conduct non-stop no-knock cordon-and-searches throughout the northern territories. Fusteran forces will be assisting you in this task. The enemy hides in the homes of the creoloso civilians and we intended to root them out to kill them once and for all. Any man or woman of suspicion you are to arrest, imprison, and question. It will be announced this week from the capital that all private ownership of arms among the creoloso population will be illegal as a measure to fight crime in poverty-stricken areas. These no-knock searches will also be launched under the rationale of seizing illegal stashes of weaponry, which your forces must absolutely seize and destroy. Guerrillas must be killed or captured, and their means of waging war against us must be utterly destroyed. You are authorized to use any level of force you deem adequate for completing the task given to you."

Ribeiro looked at him for a moment as if he were mouth agape, although he was able to keep himself composed and otherwise show very little emotion on his face. Finally, he said, "If I carry out these instructions there will be a rebellion so great among the creoloso population that we may not rule any part of Tupenga for very long after. Absolutely not, I will not agree to this. There is another way."

"What?" retorted Sousa, "should we win their hearts and minds? That will never happen, and you know that. We are two people diametrically opposed to each other. Peace can only exist if we are supreme over them in every way. Your colleagues think highly of you and you have proven yourself an able commander, that's why we have privileged you with this command. Or, should we give to someone else?"

He was about to respond, but Bragança spoke first. "Nonsense. General Ribeiro will command our forces in the north."

Sousa looked somewhat unhappy at that outcome, for a reason that Ribeiro did not know. He wondered whether Sousa coveted the command himself. But, the general said nothing. It was Carriço who said, "Also, you've been promoted. To general. Congratulations."

Coming to attention before Bragança, Ribeiro shouted, "It is an honor, Your Excellency!"

"No need for that, Erasmo, not among friends," waved the dictator. "You earned it. Just don't disappoint us. This time next year we will meet again, after your victory against the rebels, I am sure. Anyway, we must go now and return to the capital before it gets dark. There is still a lot of political business to take care of. Who knew that governing a country was so much work. I suppose it is good work, work which outcome is so holy that all the effort is worth it thousand times over. And that exactly how I imagine your command feels to you. I am excited to see how you conduct yourself in the coming months, general." With that, he and his entourage of advisors left the room and disappeared down the hall, leaving Ribeiro all alone in the room behind them.

[Eitoan]

Whiteasah Army Base
Warren Territory, Republic of Eitoan
Main Command Building
Large Planning Room


Due to renovations and security concerns, the High Command convened at Whiteash instead of the Randy Braswell Barracks. Pomp and circumstance was kept to a minimum. This was serious business.

Wanda “Blondie” Koincov, Director of the High Command Council sat in firm control at the head of the table. The small, stout Army General sternly reviewing the report before starting up the meeting. Flanking her on the right were the Air Force’s Lyle Zeleny and the Army’s Bernard Haytotter. On her left were Nancy Regdev, Director of the Joint Military Intelligence Service and, at a distance, Admiral  Antonin “Tony” Reid. All had reviewed the report. Tony looked dour.

Wanda spoke briefly and tersely. “You’ve had ample opportunity to review the report. Have another look, then we’ll decide on a recommendation to the cabinet”.

To: The President and Cabinet of the Republic of Eitoan
To Be Conveyed by the Secretary of Defense and External Security

Subject: Contingencies in the South, and Their Impact on Project Marble

The current forces under Eitoan command scheduled for contingent deployment to Fustera are:

Tupiocan resources:

Ground Forces- Commanded by General Moxley Norvega
9th Infantry Division of the King 1st Brigade - 6,250 Crown Soldiers - Commanded by Colonel William Babbet
9th Infantry Division of the King 2nd Brigade - 6,250 Crown Soldiers - Commanded by Colonel Sarah Walsh
Divine Order of God - 600 Knights - Commanded by Knight Inquisitorial Lord Vera "Tigress of the East" Alexandria

Naval Forces - Commanded by Grand Jonathan Wrightsford
Royal Fleet of Carvalla - 35 Warships and 27 Support Ships - Commanded by Admiral Gunther Hayes
1x Luna Class Fleet Carrier + full aircraft compliment
2x Helvin Class Heavy Cruiser
12x Junter Class Destroyer
20x Brasiz Class Corvette
10x Naut Class Armed Transport
15x Krun Class Transport
2x Mollieger Class Hospital Ship
2nd Battalion Royal Marine Contingent- 850 Royal Marines - Commanded by Captain Oliver Liechsmahn

Eiotan Forces:
Situation Fustera ORBAT Preliminary Assignment

Eitoan Expeditionary Force General Richard Zerbina
5th Infantry Division
62nd Mechanized Infantry Division
Special Operations Forces Group 101: {classified}
1st Regiment Medical Support and Evacuation Corps
13th Logistic Support Supply Batallion

Southern Flotillla Admiral Michelle Mares
3 Aircraft Carriers - ES Ruzek flagship (2 Vigilant class, 1 Vengeance class)
9 Cruisers (5 Hunter-Killer, 4 Guided Missile)
9 Destroyers (6 Berwyn-A class, 3 Berwyn-B class)
3 Frigates (Taussig class)
7 Supply Ships

7th Air Force General Jolene Kratofelny
3 Air Refueling Wings
4 Airlift Wings
5 Fighter Wings
1 Reconnaissance Squadron

Joint Military Intelligence Service Group Y {classified]

Per recent events, and at the request of The Cabinet, here is our assessment of contingent deployment in the south, as likelihood of involvement in Fustera appears diminished in light of recent diplomatic discussions with the Ordenite Reich.

Sitiuation Tupenga
In the event of involvement in Tupenga, the assembled elements should be more than sufficient to support an effective involvement. Opposition forces inferior in size, equipment and training for serious sustained resistance to any initiative.

Situation Shartourn
Involvement assumed to be dependent on participation in a multinational coalition, due to distance and array of opposition forces. Air resources could be effective in providing cover in Ladero as Laderoan Air Force rebuilds. JMIS Group Y has little effectiveness in the Shartorun, and intelligence operations assumed to be dependent on allied militaries. Reconfiguration of naval involvement would be necessary, as naval operations would be in support for a larger multinational force. Reduction of maritime aviation indicated, increased presence of support ships.

Impact on Project Marble
Commitment of forces in the south would not have any impact on the buildup of resources in the event of proceeding with Project Marble against Regime Ralkovia. However, continued involvement in Situation Shartourn could see bottlenecks in the supply chain to the south as hostilities against Regime Ralkovia ramp up.

When all had reviewed the report for a final time, Wanda polled the service chiefs. All assented, except for Tony Reid.

“Wanda, I’ll sign the recommendation, but need to add a comment that we’ll need time to reconfigure the Southern Flotilla if we go into the Shartourn, as indicated in the report. The corvettes in particular are in a high maintenance cycle. We may need to speed that up.”

“So noted” she responded.

[Ralkovian Grand Island]

Like a specter, it stood silent, the only movement it gave was a momentary glance with its sharp red eyes, that seemed all at once to have judged him with all the kindness of a predator, before turning its monstrous gaze elsewhere.

Just that glance had caused his heart to pound, with the greatest of pains. His throat had closed up all at once as if trying to save the breath from being stolen out of his lungs. His legs locked making escape near impossible and his knees felt weighed down with an impossible burden. The deepest of terror had afflicted the man, the councilor of Regime Factory 12. After all, how could this thing still exist, still be breathing, still be here. Perhaps all the words and promises the regime had made were just simply lies of comfort against the inevitable damnation, against the ghost that haunted the World. He knew he had entered a psychosis, he could feel his mind slipping, as whatever had tethered him to this World had been cut with such little effort. He could feel himself drifting back to the Old Home, to that which had come before the Underground, before the tunnels, before the blood-soaked war, when everything had made sense and the sky was a verdant blue, instead of the sterile fluorescent.

"You know..." it spoke without looking back at him, presuming with absolute confidence that he would listen. And yes, he did listen, it had wrenched him from whatever comfort he had found in memories. The words it spoke, were themselves an anchor, fixing the councilor to this reality, but at the same time, to his absolute terror, focusing all his senses on this creature in front of him.

It now turned back to stare at him once again, its lips pulled back to the very last of its white teeth, with all the certainty and hubris of an executioner.

"It is very much a good thing to bow, when in the presence of your Emperor. After all, I have missed you all quite terribly."

[The Macabees]

NORTHERN TUPENGA

Between the Tupengan and Fusteran military, the counterinsurgency campaign against the creoloso rebels was marked by blood and tyranny. Men, women, and children alike, regardless of age, were pulled from their homes in the dead of night, questioned, and beaten, oftentimes to death. Thousands were thrown into ad hoc prison camps, where they were fed minimally and tortured. No degree of innocence protected them; all were treated equally, as criminal scum that called for extreme suppression via repression. Worse still, below the surface there was little order in it all. Soldiers murdered wantonly. Creoloso women they considered devoid of rights and so made them their own, always in a violent way. Tupenga, in short, hadn't returned to a status of apartheid, but rather something even crueler than that.

A nationwide curfew was very quickly put into place. Descendents of colonists were excluded, of course. The creoloso were the main and only target of the law. It became illegal for any creoloso to be outside of their home village, town, or city between 1900 and 0600 hours. Those who worked outside of their village, town, or city had to present paperwork to the guards commanding gates placed in freshly erected concrete walls and steel fences, and the same happened when they returned. If someone had left in the morning and not returned, they were hunted down. The sentence for missing curfew was death, even if the defendant had a perfectly valid reason for working past curfew. In this way, the new government of Tupenga sought to control its large creoloso population and limit their ability to move about, join together in warbands, and conduct warfare against the Bragança regime. Of course, the law incentivized creolosos actively participating in the resistance to surrender themselves full-time to that end, and therefore in a sense intensified the insurgency by giving rebels little other choice.

Aside from enforcing the curfew and conducting house-to-house searches, the military also took control of the food supply in the northern regions. Special shops were set up in all cities, towns, and villages that were given official sanctions to sell food. Other stores caught selling foodstuff were closed and their owners, as well as the staff, imprisoned. Even this early on, hunger set in, although it was not yet a full-blown famine. But, that it would go that way was not doubted by anone.

It was through heavy-handed tactics like these that Bragança and his military sought to bring the rebellion to its knees, and at the head of these efforts was General Erasmo Ribeiro.



LETTER FROM ERASMO RIBEIRO TO HIS WIFE

Dearest Constância,

Only a week apart and I already feel so lonely.

The war in the north is going well if you ask the generals. I am not so sure. We are prodding a beast in chains, thinking that the chains will hold while we do our utmost to anger it. But, no chain is made perfectly, no chain is unbreakable. I fear that we will do so much to anger the creolosos and align them against us, that the insurgency will soon thrive. For us, that means more war, more of our children dead on the battlefield, and perhaps even the end of our way of life. Besides, thinking of what we do to these poor people wrenches my stomach.

I am not the only one in the military who thinks like this. But, skepticism of the Marechalisimo and his program do not lend themselves to promotion, despite my experience. I don't know why the Marechalisimo honors me with command of the northern army when there are so many others who share the same mindset. Perhaps it is my age and influence, my experience, and the fact that I have friends throughout the armed forces and the administration. Perhaps he understands that it is wide to keep your friends close, but your enemies closer. I don't know. I just hope that soon I will be able to see you and the children again, it is the only thing I long for these days. I hope that when we do see each other again, it will be under conditions of peace.

Have you talked to your family in Istoloa? I know that they are distant family at best and that you haven't talked to them in your life. But, it may be a good idea to reach out and see if they would be open to hosting you and the children there for the time being. I think it would be safer.

Anyway, I have entrusted one of my personal guards to deliver this letter. What I have written here cannot get out to anybody else, as it may cost me my life.

I love you,

Erasmo



TONGOLOSI, SAMARASTA

"The situation is spiraling out of control," said Admiránt Gregor Koloso, commander of the 93rd raid eskúadra, based in Tongolosi. "While I think that the threat of a Fusteran or Tupengan invasion of Samarasta is still rather distant, nevertheless the security situation in the region is unraveling. If the Ordenites, who are backing Fustera as we all know, come out ahead here, the dynamic changes and that threat analysis changes for the worst. I suggest we nip the problem in the bud."

"And how exactly do we do that?" asked Koronel Nicolae Mitu, and Indran by birth, a veteran of the Indran army as well as of the imperial navy. He had earned his command of the two brigades of naval infantry through gallant action in Zarbia, New Empire, and Krasnova, and as a non-provincial combat officer, he was unique. It was a testament to his talent. "How do we do that with one squadron and a handful of men?"

Koloso motioned toward another man, Artur Belakap, a blue-eyed Macabéan who wore the insignia of the Imperial Bureaucracy. "This is why I invited the Jogornos Belakap to the discussion. Consider him our liaison with the decision-makers back home."

Belakap smiled at them both. "It is a pleasure, gentlemen. I should say that the administration back home appreciates the work both you, and all of your men, have put into getting our presence in Samarasta off the ground. We couldn't think of two better individuals for the task at hand. We are also deeply in gratitude to you for your daily reporting on the situations in Tarao, Istoloa, and Tupenga. The situation is indeed grave and on the verge of getting much worse. But, it is also delicate and the resources we can allocate to it are limited. I know that in previous days you have been recommending increasing our military presence both in Potthan and in Samarasta. His Imperial Majesty believes that our defensive priorities are still in central Greater Díenstad, anyway, and so a radical enlargement of our forces here is out of the question. Still, know that we are dedicated to curbing the growth of Ordenite influence and looking for ways to grow our own, without having to resort to a war, which has been deemed too expensive given our past and current commitments elsewhere. We recommend an alternative approach."

"An alternative approach?" questioned Mitu.

"Indeed," replied Belakap, "an alternative approach."

Furrowing his eyebrows, Koloso asked, "And what would that approach be?"

"To bring about decisive military power through diplomatic means," answered the jogornos.

Mitu scoffed, "And what exactly does that mean?"

Belakap, calmly, replied, "The wheels are already in motion, komandánt. We are building a coalition to restore democracy to Tupenga, remove the Ordenites from Fustera, and restore WEDTAG. Already, we have received positive responses from the Romani-Marsh Union, Eitoan, and others. While this alliance is being built and begins to marshal its resources, my recommendation to you is to use the forces at your disposal to interdict Fusteran logistics to Tupenga. If we can isolate Tupenga from her allies, removing the Marechalismo from power will be all the easier."

"Then we are authorized to go to war?" asked the admiránt.

The jogornos bent his head one way and then the other to show ambiguity. "Don't do anything too rash. Just get your forces in place."

[Eitoan]

Executive Residence
Vladarsik, Eitoan
President’s Small Office


Tucked away in the confine’s of President Shrdlu’s home, in a small room down the hall from the living quarters, the group convened. This was a small subset of the cabinet, and the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, and Lou Herb, Chair of the Ghastak, the upper house of the legislature. It was an unusual occasion, only gathered together by Shrdlu once before in his term, the day after the Ralkovian sneak attack on Aurensia. This was the Select Succession Meeting, the first five officials in the line of succession under the constitution. Since the object of discussion was of foreign affairs, the Secretary for that department, Andrew Falkowski joined the group.

A dim sunlight filtered in through the sole casement window, in back of and to the right of the President’s seat at the head of the table. Four armed guards, members of the Executive Residence Protection Detail grimly kept watch on all exits, as well as the participants. A small credenza was in back of the President, a gold leaf framed mirror above that. On the wall to the President’s right was the most prominent decoration festooning the room: the famous painting of the Ghastak debating the Amendments of 1943. Six small stacks of papers were arranged down the table for each chair on either side. These were the presentation materials. There was no electronic communication in the office, save the President’s phone.

The five men and Vice President Paula Koubek filtered in. Paula, Defense Secretary General Eugene Maska, and Foreign Affairs’ Falkowski to his right, Attorney General Dan Venkempen, Herb, and Scott to his left. All the men were in proper suit and tie, Koubek in charcoal gray business suit and subdued green blouse. Chief Justice Scott, in contrast to his usual jovial nature, seemed a bit ill at ease with the lineup of being elevated to Chief Justice. Having served ably as a justice on the Caldwell Territorial Court, his appointment won wide acclaim in the legal community and with the public. But succession to the Presidency was the one task most daunting to him.

President Shrdlu brought the meeting to order, announcing “As you are aware, we have evaluated the need for Eitoan to be involved in the recent difficulties to the south. I requested this due to a go or no go decision on Project Marble”.

All except Koubek and Maska gasped. Most were aware, remotely, of Project Marble, the plan to reduce Regime Ralkovian military and industrial capabilities, and most did their best to keep it out of their minds. All knew the cost of the cold war against
The Regime, and the subsequent arms race, but resumption of hostilities in the north was not something they relished. And yet, here it was.

Shrdlu continued. “By now all of you are aware of the news. Defections from Regime units to the feds have increased this year, with hijackings and bombings in the Federation of Ralkovian States following. It’s reasonable to believe, as federal authorities have concluded, those acts of terror are in retaliation for the defections. And, as Andy here can confirm, we’ve had requests from FedRalk to step up pressure on the Regime. Ambassador Novak at the Regional Council has fielded complaints offline from his Federal counterpart, Monfair Falrai. And Andy has received the same from the fed’s Foreign Minister, Kartografst vi Sv’ravth. They need confidence that we and the Marshites will do something about this.

At this time, we have the force in place to go beyond the usual retaliation. It will be expensive, but in the end there should be a significant reduction of Regime capabilities across all channels of delivery. So a decision is near."

Attorney General Venkempen asked “Are the provocations enough to warrant such a massive move?”

“I believe so, Dan”, the President responded. We have the abilities, and there’s a need to convince the Ralkovian people, both sides of the Line of Control that we can impose our will on the Regime. The time is good.”

Maska asked “Do we have popular support?”

“That’s always going to be an issue, Gene” Shrdlu explained. That’s for me to worry about. Overall, I think opposition will be muted. There may be some muttering among Civic Platform, but Ken Haan will quiesce that. The left - well, how can they complain?

So, moving on, take a little time to review the report from the High Command. Paula, would you like to field any questions here?”

All at the table reviewed the report slowly. The situation to the south was still evolving, but all were wary of over extending Eitoan resources. Marble was going to be a major commitment.

Maska opened the questioning. “Very well. Really, looking at the level of commitment of the major powers in the Shartourn, and what Istoloa and their ilk possess, isn’t this overkill? After all, a couple of Golden Throne brigades would send any of them, Fustera, Isolota, Tupenga running for their lives!”

Paula thought about a response, then carefully said “Yes, but, I think we can keep the assembled forces together until things clear up down south. If we have to go, it needs to be with an impact, even if we’re not taking the lead”.

Piqued, Falkowski shot back “Are we sure we won’t need these guys if things get hot and heavy in Marble?”

Koubek looked at the President, then Maska and framed her answer. “I’d go with the recommendation from the High Command. The levels of fighting aren’t at all similar. Our divisions planned for the Expeditionary Force in the south wouldn’t be a decisive difference in the success of Marble.

After a short period of cross talk at the table, President Shrdlu stood up and addressed the group again.

“Andy, before going on to the decision, please fill us in on the disposition of the big powers on continent, and in the Shartourn”.

Andy Falkowski cleared his throat, and stood up. “I don’t see any big power impediment to Marble, or anywhere else on continent at this time. The allocation of forces down south, both Golden Throne and Reich aren’t of sufficient size to impact Marble. Offhand, it is my belief that both have interests down south, but neither wants to be seen as dominating the situation right now.”

Questions immediately ensued.

President Shrdlu inquired “Any take on the Amanittes? They’d be a key player down there?”

Lou Herb added “Has Archon Annion Perhellas made a statement publicly or in private? We’ve heard rumors that there’s ambivalence to Golden Throne involvement on continent down there”.

Falkowski told them “We’re trying to get a better understanding of the Amanitte position, mostly through our embassy in Ebonaveron. If necessary I could go down there for discussions. If requested, I’d advise the President or Vice President to do so. We’d want to flesh out their position on the Shartourn. There’s indications they would prefer WEDTAG to survive, but we’re not clear what they’re willing to commit and under what conditions”.

Venkempen asked “Are the Marshites on board?”

Falkowski informed the group “We’ve got their full buy in for Marble. As far as the south, we don’t know. They’ve got their own interests there. Many Creolosos have turned to Marshism, after all”.

General Maska inquired “What are the chances that the Shartourn will lead to a wider conflict?”

“I don’t think so, Gene” answered Falkowski. “Both Fedor and Richtofen are keeping their commitment small scale. Overwhelming force isn’t needed down there. And they’ve got their own face off in Central GD.

After more discussion, the President wrapped up the meeting.

“Thank all of you for attending. Your understanding of events is vital in the days ahead as Marble gets underway. Based on up to date intelligence, I will notify each of you when it proceeds. And we’ll continue to monitor the situation in the south. As always, confidentiality is of topmost concern, so your discretion is appreciated.

[Holy Marsh]

Ignore

[Marshite Alliance for a Free Tupenga]

MAFT fighting forces in the northernmost sector, sandwiched between the regional capitals that had been retaken and the coast, found themselves pressed. To describe the situation as dire however would be accurate. Most MAFT fighters had obeyed the command to leave the cities before they were cut off but not all. The cities were important, yes, but the battle to liberate them until Tupenga was free would not be won then. Hundreds of fighters from various groups had made their stand in either city. They fought bravely, yes, tenaciously, absolutely. But they were dead and gave the Butcher a victory to be proud of. Dozens of small skirmishes had been fought in the region otherwise, and in the occupation that followed whole legions of Creoloso had fled the harsh occupation. MAFT lost access to various stores of food and ammunition.

Not that they hadn't prepared for that. The conflict had lasted decades; food deprivation, water deprivation, waging war on the body? These were common tactics used by the oppressor. MAFT and other groups had created massive stockpiles, hidden deep in the wilderness. Most came from locals who donated portions of their own meager supplies; still more came from aid that had leaked into the county over time. Even as the enemy raped the north of her sustainability, the insurgency would endure. Indeed, many of these tactics were helpful. Beyond anger at the cruelty of the enemy swelling their ranks, many new recruits came because the rebels could offer food and freedom. Ammunition was likewise not much of an issue for many of the same reasons, with massive stocks of gear being supplemented by a growing and secret capability of much higher grade material.

Still, it couldn't last at this pace forever. The insurgency itself thrived on being active and growing at a conservative pace. Too much force concentration would invite disaster. Now, many MAFT camps were seeing huge numbers of locals enter. It would be only a matter of time until information leaked out, and while the Theocracy was providing satellite interference it would not last forever. Again: That was not uncommon. Insurgencies rarely relied on keeping safe in any one location. That didn't invite just disaster: it invited defeat. The important elements of her cell could get out of the area at a moment's notice and given even a little warning, MAFT forces in the area of the camp could displace to safety. But she would be obligated to defend the civilians for at least some time, reducing how many of her forces would escape.

So, it was known they would have to be aggressive. Attacking the cities or other very large concentrations was out of the question. Instead, MAFT had decided to adopt the Bait and Bash strategy. They would attack several strategically important garrisons and towns concentrated in several sectors. MAFT had estimated the need of force in each engagement as best they could using the knowledge gained in the field. Enemy responses and strengths were the primary focus, and then a dash of pessimism- the unsung hero of insurgent survival- added on top. The forces allocated were expected to be enough to overwhelm the enemy or, at the very least, put terrible pressure on them. The attack would begin at night and would be spearheaded by MAFT night fighting veterans, supplemented by some high-tech gear they had saved. They would infiltrate enemy lines and position the next wave for success. The next wave would be made up of legions of new recruits, angry and hungry for vengeance, often fighting in the same towns or in the hills nearby that they had fled. Many of their units would also be led by veterans, who would hopefully instil some backbone into a very green group. Between death and fleeing the attacks would need to be able to sustain losses and as such, they were going to come in large attacks waves. Reserves would be tasked primarily with defending observation and command elements as well as rear security, with a few mobile groups being sent to hotspots as needed. Support would come, initially, as it always had: mortars and some light artillery. Of course, this time they were being supplemented by a fire control system and observers of a higher quality.

By attacking several such important positions at once they hoped to pin several large garrisons down and force a large response. The response to this pressure was mapped. Air support would be called in, along with or followed up by airborne forces. Following them was the expected deployment of fast-responding mechanized infantry who were being held back from the occupation actions.

It was when these forces were deployed that the real aim of the operation would come into being. For years, MAFT and other rebel groups had been supplied and more recently trained by outside forces. Most of that aid came into play all the time: Food and ammunition, medical supplies, intelligence- all very useful. But over time they had built a stockpile of far more advanced arms and armament, and more and more of MAFT's membership had returned from overseas training on them. Anti-tank missiles and launchers; anti-air missiles and their launcher. Artillery. Mobile rocket launchers. Advanced electronics jamming. These had been built up. The ability to use them had been built up. All of it had been withheld. Other Anti-Air and Tank weapons existed and were used, of course, but nothing to the level as was being used. The Theocracy and a number of other powers had given them access to the most advanced weapons of the day and trained a considerable number on its use.

MAFT would concentrate the majority of its anti-air and anti-tank forces in these sectors. Once aircraft and helicopters entered killzones the systems would turn on and launch. The mass of missiles and dedicated AA gunfire would hopefully bring down large numbers of helicopter gunships, helicopters ferrying troops into battle, as well as aircraft providing air support and recon drones in their thousands. The Mechanized forces would run into the teeth of massed anti-armor fire coming from prepared positions, on roads that were being mined in the minutes and hours before they arrived. Enemy artillery positions would be subjected to spoiling attacks as well as counter-battery fire from hidden heavy artillery camps in the regions. From the northern sectors to the weaker regions in the south, many such battles would be fought at the same time.

For a brief few hours or days they would continue. Local commanders after the initial stages of the operation were to be given flexibility, but it was not expected for them to overrun any given sector, win any given battle. Nor was it to inflict more losses than they suffered. Any of these things could happen, of course. The goal instead was to do the maximum amount of damage to the Oppressors as possible as quickly as possible. Show their so-called leader that his grip on power, military success, was finite. Break the will of the soldiers in the hinterlands who would realize how vulnerable they really were when air power, tanks, and artillery could not always be relied on. The tactical outcome was not important. The insurgency would survive regardless: Would the Oppressor's will?

When the battle was over, of course, the insurgents would have to move fast. Redeploy, hide, change. They would not survive the bloody, retributive counter-attack to follow without heavy losses if they held to their positions. More fighting would follow. Follow up operations to attack prisons, pin down other bases, and intensify the insurgency at large were already being prepared for. The war for Tupenga was about to get even bloodier.

[United World Order]

Fusteran Armed Forces Headqaurters,
Elani, Fustera.

"The situation developing in Tupenga and elsewhere is becoming extremely volatile for our interests and for the security of both Tupenga and Fustera." said the Ordenite Wehrmacht attache to those sitting in the conference room. Among him were representatives from the Ordenite Wehrmacht mostly at the rank of General in their respective branch in the Armed Forces. Fusteran Chiefs of Staff were also present and representatives from the Tupengan Armed Forces too had been called here to discuss a plan of action. The on-going conflict in Northern Tupenga with the MAFT was something that the Ordenites considered a likely disaster waiting to occur due to the loomong threat of the Holy Marsh who were arming and funding the rebels themselves to throw out the Marechalismo. The Ordenite Reich wanted a continuation for the forseeable future of what it considered the "status quo" which were the aparteid governments in power in both Fustera and Tupenga. These two states would prove to be future allies in the region and also trading partners if their regimes could be maintained. Western Dienstad to the Ordenites is considered a new frontier after the fall of the Ralkovian Empire. It would also give the Reich a prime base of operations to exert influence and check the already present Macabean presence in Potthan and elsewhere.

"If the rebels in Nothern Tupenga are not defeated and stability is not restored then it is very likely that outside powers such as Holy Marsh will come to Tupenga like the locusts they are. Then it be only a matter of time before the rest of these local nations once part of Istoloa also fall to them too." he paused to allow the room to digest his words. One of the Fusterans spoke up not long after breaking the short moment of silence.

"And what do you suppose be done to stop them? Is the Ordenite Reich willing to come to our aid in the way we need them to?" The Fusteran asked as all eyes turned now back to the attache standing before them. It was true that the Ordenites did intend to now more directly intervene in the locality in order to prevent a precursor to a Marshite invasion of Tupenga. More recently a treaty was signed between Ordenite and Fusteran dignitaries outlining a defense pact between the two countries and would allow the Ordenite Wehrmacht the freedom it needed to begin marshalling strength in Fustera for future operations. However such deployments had already been taking place even before the treaty was officially signed into being as an increased presence of the Ordenite Kriegsmarine in Fusteran territorial waters showed. A entire Ordenite Flotilla now joined the already present task force which had arrived before them. Operations concerning the Kriegsmarine in Fusteran waters were already taking place which consisted primarily of laying down naval mines.

These mines consisted of the typical conventional mines and then there were those which contained nuclear ordinance and primarily used for killing capital ships and or large formations of surface vessels. The influx of the Ordenite Kriegsmarine into the area meant that these mine laying operations would be taken to a whole new scale as Fustera would essentially be militarily contained from outside powers. Many of the more well known sea lanes used by military vessels would be mined leaving only some corridors only really known to Ordenite and Fusteran navies. This strategy was one that was hatched by the Ordenite Wehrmacht to preemptively defend Fustera in the likelihood of some sort of Marshite military incursion. Tupenga would in the future also see it's inclusion into this strategy and would depend on the future success of the now planned direct intervention by the Ordenite Reich into the conflict.

"The Ordenite Reich is marshalling what forces it can spare to come to Tupenga's aid. As everyone in the room knows, a defense treaty was signed recently in Elani which will allow the Ordenite Wehrmacht to build up the necessary forces needed to defend Fustera and ultimately save Tupenga as well." The attaché continued.

"Allow me to introduce a fellow colleague of mine, General Baldewin Mayer of the Ordenite Army who will talk more on what exactly is being planned." The attaché took their seat as General Mayer stood up and took the floor. Baldewin Mayer had only recently arrived to this part of Dienstad as before he had taken part in the Ordenite advance into Ordena's northern neighbor Hailandkill. General Mayer had commanded forces in the Battles of Jonesburg and Corregigo. Now he was here in Fustera and was soon to take part in another conflict in the neighboring country of Tupenga.

"The defeat of the rebels illegally occupying Northern Tupenga is crucial for the greater defense of not only Tupenga but also Fustera. If this conflict is allowed to fester long enough then we will likely be facing an invasion by conventional Marshite armies and perhaps even the Golden Throne. Therefore a direct intervention into Tupenga has been planned which will be led by the Ordenite Wehrmacht, as you all know our forces are currently arriving and staging in Fustera. The General Staff of the Ordenite Heer has deemed it necessary to allocate at least half a million combat personnel to the task at hand, being to defeat the MAFT and restore stability under the current Tupengan government. As we speak a Special forces regiment is being deployed directly to Tupenga ahead of our planned intervention to conduct special and long range reconnaissance in enemy territory. These forces will be crucial to bringing a swift end to rebel opposition to our armies as the Luftwaffe and the Kriegsmarine destroy their positions.

We hope that with the combined efforts of our militaries we can put an end to the Marshite threat and secure a longer lasting peace in the region." General Mayer finished and took back his seat.

Somewhere off the coast of Tupenga...

Before the direct intervention could be put into motion the Ordenite Wehrmacht wanted to gather as much intelligence on the enemy as possible. While satellite and other more obvious forms of intelligence gathering were already employed, the intervention was meant to be a very swift engagement that would hopefully see the Ordenite Army come in and decisively defeat the MAFT in the shortest amount of time possible. So the 6th Ordenite Jagdkommando Regiment which are Ordenite Army special forces were tasked with the infiltration of MAFT territory in Northern Tupenga to conduct special reconnaissance and eventually direct action missions when the opportunity arises. From off the coast of North western Tupenga having been ferried underwater by several Tyoe 224 Poseidon class nuclear submarines.

Small 6 man teams of Ordenite Heer special forces commandos began to come ashore in the dead of night on Tupengan beaches. These teams once getting on land would swiftly begin to dissipate into the country side and while avoiding direct engagement with the rebels looked to scour the countryside following intelligence already briefed to them before their operation and would conduct special reconnaissance over the next 5 to 7 days before they would rally back to receive resupply. Their main objective was to seek out and gather as much intelligence on rebel positions, movements and support facilities to then be used in the coming intervention. These teams would not be the only Ordenite special forces being deployed to Northern Tupenga due to the recent offensive by the Tupengan military and it's allies, the 6th Jagdkommando Regiment would also be deploying two companies over ground with the same objectives.

[Holy Marsh]

Arch-Bishop Luboski allowed the cold brew to settle in her hands as she waited for the screens to flicker to life in the office on her plane. She was about to head off to Lamoni on a state visit and wanted to make sure that progress on military projects was as fast-paced as she had hoped. Her desk was littered- untrue, they were well organized- with reports and most were positive. The intelligence service was working overtime ever since AI Citizen Cluster Gamma-16 had been allowed in. Analysis was certainly a lot sharper, if still needing the final perusal of a human to ascertain certain things. The considerable resources at her disposal had been wielded for some time in central and western Dienstad and the time had come for it to bear fruit. The Theocracy did not act alone. Her RMU assets had been turned to work. Allies abroad, access to Damocles and her own networks, arcane analysis, probability erasures and untold tens of thousands of agents of all stripes beating the ground daily, backed up by hundreds of thousands (probably millions) behind the scenes. M-SAD was a heart beating in tune with a thousand others, and the drumbeat that followed was the lifeblood of war planning.

Tragic that it had to be the case. Luboski would much rather have seen the situation resolve itself easily and simply rather than devolve into chaos. She held no love for the nations involved and considered them enemies that would, one day, have to be destroyed. But that day did not have to come, necessarily. They still had time to save themselves. Indeed, there were solutions even to some of the more dire problems that did not necessarily include a massive war. If they could establish enough of a naval presence through negotiations in Aman and Shekhana and success in Tupenga, plus friendly relations in the Taoro nations and Samarasta, then even a significant antagonistic presence in Fusteria could be abided- assuming Istoloa was settled. Alas, some nations hated themselves and what they were just enough to cause fights where they need not do so. As she pondered this, all eight screens turned on at once.

"Praise be to the Holy Marsh, and to the Arch-Bishop Luboski!" Came a beautiful young woman from one screen. She was joined in that saying by the others, and the Arch-Bishop tilted her head.
"Sisters and Brothers, a pleasure. Can you give me a quick rundown of the current status of plans?" She asked as she took a drink and allowed her eyes to settle on the center screen, which was the largest and displayed the numerous flags, facts, and figures, flanked by other helpful aides. From the bottom left screen came a charged number, a redhead who looked a little excited.

"Operation Fearful Serpent: Military intervention in Tupenga. It is a scaleable plan. At a minimum, two air crusades will be dedicated to providing air support to the local rebel forces. From there, variations go all the way up to including a full strategic fleet, a multitude of support fleets, seven air crusade groups, and a total of three million on the ground. Around half this number will be Marshite, while RMU commitment in the air and sea. Should we believe the rebels will falter in their mission, Fearful Serpent will be activated. The forces are already prepped and ready. The official designation will be The Tupengan Crusade," she ended.

"Yes. We have already started elements of this one. We have reason to suspect that MAFT has started up its bait and bash strategy. We await the result of that before going forward. Our estimates?" The Arch-Bishop asked as the redhead nodded.

"MAFT will sustain heavy casualties, especially during the 'bait' part of the operation. We suspect that the strategic surprise of the trained soldiers and equipment to likewise inflict very heavy casualties on the Tupengan Apartheidists. In the end we suspect some tactical victories, some defeats. Our honest assessment is that the Apartheidists will declare a military victory, but the scale of the fighting, sophistication and growing capability of MAFT, and their own heavy losses so soon after having 'secured' so much of the north will result in a massive loss of morale and control. MAFT is operating on a prodigious amount of our own information and intelligence assets in the region. We will soon be able to cut through any attempted media blackout. A mass loss of confidence in the military by the people will follow," the redhead finished.

Luboski nodded. After a moment, a bald older woman spoke up.

"The upper limits of Fearful Serpent are to be activated at the same time as Operation Tomb Guardian, the invasion of Fusteria. Should Fusterian forces intervene en-masse in Tupenga, we will demand their disengagement and a return home. Failure to do so will result in a state of war. Tomb Guardian will include two strategic fleet, a multitude of specialized support fleets, seven air crusade groups, and a total of three million on the ground. As before, half will be Marshite and other RMU states are finalizing their contributions in other areas. Assuming Fearful Serpent's success, additional forces will be sent from that operation to Tomb Guardian. Importantly, both operations launch at roughly the same time, with the only delay being Fusterian and Ordenite response to our demands. This will be called the Fusterian Crusade," the woman finished. Luboski sighed.

"Tragic that it would come to that. What do we have internally there?"

"Marshism has a healthy presence. They have not yet started a formal resistance against the Fusterian government, but discontent with the current conditions is high. It would not be hard to imagine them, and large elements of the local population causing significant trouble for Fusterian operations in the case of an invasion. Our current strategy has been to slowly work within the system to promote change. Clearly that will need to change," the woman finished. Luboski nodded along, understanding that many innocent people were likely to be murdered by the fallen Fusterian government in the case of a foreign invasion. If that came to pass, all Fusterians not of the Faith and not of the Oppressed would need to be killed during the occupation. Not an easy thing to order without cause. Too bad they were likely to give her cause.


"Assuming an Ordenite refusal," began a short lad, the one-time head of the Foreign Service, "we shall broaden the war. Operation Titan Hunt will be the choking of the United World Order through naval means. This will involve two strategic fleets and a large number of specialized fleets, operating close to the United World Order and across its military lanes to the west and central Dienstad," he said as the screen displayed the fact that in this case, saying 'large number of specialized fleets' was truly an understatement.

"Seems well thought out. Losses will be heavy due to their air power in the region," she retorted plainly.

"Yes, quite. The same will be true of them. And, frankly, we can sustain the attrition longer than they can."

How true that was. Lord-Analyst Steuwasa spoke net, his voice failing in volume what it did not in tone.

"Titan Hunt is merely a setup for the following Operations. Operation Blinded Ambition, the invasion of Krasnova. The main objective here is to broaden the war across the region to utilize our significant advantage in size. One strategic fleet, a multitude of specialized fleets, three air crusades, and three million on the ground. Same caveats as before. We believe it likely that after all the blood shed over the years that the Reich would be unlikely to let it go without a significant fight. This will be called the Krasnovan Crusade," he finished.

"That little patch of land has seen a lot of fighting. I hope if we commit to this that if our allies join us they do not get weak-kneed at the detonation of a nuclear device," Luboski said with a small note of venom. While she adored her allies and knew the bravery of their soldiers, and was nowhere near as outraged about it as Lainika had been, Luboski did share some frustrations. Ralkovia would not have been a factor had the final offensive started. Krasnova would have been solved had the allies stood up to that display of nuclear might. They all could have responded. What was a little fallout when honor was at stake?

"Operation Blinded Ambition is, itself, just another setup for the main operation of the war, should it go this far. Operation Warhammer is the invasion of the United World Order to be conducted when we believe that the Ordenite military is at its most stretched. Three Strategic Fleets, numerous support fleets, twenty-four air crusades, and twenty-five million on the ground. Same caveats as before. This would be named the Ordenite Crusade," Steuwasa spoke as if what he was discussing was simple. Everyone knew it was not.

"A lot of blood to be shed in the name of keeping the West clean. I suppose it is only a matter of time, should they continue to meddle with the ways of Marshites. Assessment of attritional issues in the short term?"

"In Ralkovia, the offensive currently being planned calls for less Marshites than expected. The incoming reinforcement wave should bring us to around fifteen million deployed, with twenty-five million attached overall, and operations in support of the Devee Nachuna Queen Lothwyn should not total more than five million with reserves. The Istoloan Situation has four million marked in attachment should the need arise. Conducting all these wars at once will not tax us in any appreciable manner," came the cold reply of AI Citizen Cluster Gamma-16

"If everything happens at once or close to one another, however, there will be some problems. Conflicts in the West will tax our air force's ability to project effectively until we can gather the use of more facilities. M-SAD is working with a multitude of governments to try and alleviate this. Achieving bases in Aman and Shekhana would bring this situation to a complete close."

"Having said that, any issue we would have with force projection, the Reich will have and then some."

"The Kriegsmarine will be a forceful enemy in all theaters, with excellent projection power, surface combatants, superb underwater warfare capabilities. We believe we have ready and easy answers to their power due to the sheer immensity of the navies arrayed against them and the equality shared broadly, excepting a decisive advantage we have in certain ship types. It will make the seas run red."

"We are working on developing plans with many of our allies. Other RMU member-states are finalizing their contributions. We expect them to double our current planned deployments. We have not approached other allies from outside the region such as Allanea but that remains an option. A number of allies in-region may show an interest in at least some aspects of the plan. With our support we believe the Golden Throne may be willing to support efforts outside of Warhammer- though we will try there as well. The Sona Emperor faces multiple challenges internally. How these actions may be perceived is undetermined. Lamoni features a military that easily rivals ours without the rest of the RMU and the Golden Throne. Even a relatively small deployment from them could assure victory across the whole set of operations."

The Arch-Bishop nodded as she finished drinking. Everything was coming along well.
"In an ideal world, however, the only operation that will be undertaken is Fearful Serpent. We know and acknowledge that the UWO and Fusteria are already in-country, helping the standing government. So are we. Should the situation not escalate neither shall we unless MAFT is in serious jeopardy. We will only move forward with the rest as part of escalations, understood?" She said as she noticed the plane jump forward, noting it was time to go.

"Yes, Arch-Bishop," they replied in unison. Good.

"We will do what we must. May the Holy Marsh embrace us in wisdom as she embraced us in good health, and may we all pray that martyrdom is never wasted in an ill manner.”

[The Macabees]

SPECIAL MILITARY DISTRICT OF ARRAS, THE GOLDEN THRONE

The flight from Tongolosi, the capital of Samarasta, to Arras was long and included two stopovers for refueling: once in Holy Marsh, then in Nicaro. Some of the Samarastans got stomach sick over the voyage and there was definitely quite a bit of jet-lag, but there wasn't time to waste and they were put straight to work. Led by a small permanent cadre of Kríermada officers and NCOs, the Samarastans were first put through a battery of medical tests to make sure of their eligibility for the training. Afterward, they were immediately put into their training program. These 640 picked Samarastan naval personnel were just the first batch of trainees, as the intention was to eventually outfit Samarasta with 40 hybrid-electric Type A submarines. This would eventually require some 1,300 trained submariners, along with a land-based reserve element in the case of crew or equipment loss.

Catalyzing the program was the Kriegsmarine buildup in the west. With a two-year armistice in place, there was a consensus between Fuermak High Command, His Imperial Majesty, and the civilian Imperial Bureaucracy that it was best to avoid direct confrontation with the Fourth Reich, while still opposing the growth of their influence throughout the region. The Golden Throne pursued this strategy in at least two major ways. The first was by building a coalition of western allies to invade Tupenga and Fustera, with only tacit Macabéan backing. The second was by equipping Samarasta with the tools to fight and defeat the Kriesgmarine, while providing the country with overt protection. Notably, the second line of pursuit went against the historic imperial policy, given that it tended to disarm the countries it intended to subordinate. This time was different, though. This time, His Imperial Majesty had given express orders to minimize the empire's military footprint in the west. In the near future, war would come again to the center, that is where it had to be most prepared. As such, Samarasta would be equipped to aid in its own defense.

A typical enlisted submariner went through two to four months of basic training. The training program for the Samarastans had to be condensed for the sake of time, and their new submarine units would have to supplement the lacunae back home through a training program almost predominately designed by Macabéan advisors. This first batch would go through four weeks of training in Arras and then return to Samarasta, where they'd be assigned to their boat. Subsequent batches would be a little bit better prepared, as they'd go through three weeks of land-based training at home before shipping out to Arras for their ship-based education.

To make up for the deficiency in training and crew capabilities — or so went the excuse —, every Samarastan submarine would also be staffed by three Macabéan kríermada officers. They acted not only as advisors, but also — secretly — as political commissars with orders to ensure the loyalty of the crews to Macabéan strategic direction. Crew members thought to be problematic from that point of view would be replaced.

Apart from submarine training, Samarastans began coming to Arras to prepare for other roles, as well. Submariner was the only combat role they'd be trained for in Arras, however. The rest were brought to be trained as crew members of AWACS, refueling, and transport aircraft, as well as logistical naval and ground forces roles. The Samarastans were being shaped into a combat force meant mostly to support an imperial garrison that was due to increase in size over the coming months and years. Otherwise, the only other major combat arm of the Samarastan military remained their ground forces, which were mostly infantry. Their training too was supplemented by Macabéan advisors, but the programs were conducted entirely in Samarasta, including joint-unit exercises which for now were conducted with the Kríermada's Terkos, their famous naval infantry.



PRESIDENTIAL PALACE, TONGOLOSI, SAMARASTA

Jurado Mabuto was as good as a dictator. He had won four presidential elections, but there was good reason to doubt the veracity of any of them and most especially of the last three. Once in power, he very quickly molded the government and the constitution around his interests, which revolved almost entirely around perpetuating his rule. The survival of his regime and the reason why his people had put up with it for so long, without the overly vicious application of violence by part of the Samarastan army, was the result of external threats. The primary threats were, of course, Istoloa and Fustera, neither of which particularly liked the fact that a former Istoloan colony was now entirely under the control of the once-oppressed creoloso population. Taking advantage of this foil, Mabuto had positioned himself as a hero of the people and as the only thing standing in the way between them and slavery. Of course, it had helped that he was brave and ambitious enough to indirectly confront Istoloa and Fustera by arming and funding rebel creoloso groups in Tupenga — something which Mabuto officially denied, of course.

Corpulent and grey-haired, the end of the cigar hanging from his mouth burned red. He looked at the Macabéan across from him with a mischievous half-smile. After exhaling a cloud of black smoke, he said while laughing, "There hasn't been so many whites in Tongolosi since 2001. But back then they were fleeing, now more and more of you come in. I forget, what is the benefit to us?"

Jogornos Artur Belakap gave him a long stare with eyes blue as ice. He answered, "Not all whites are made the same, Mr. President. Better to have us than the Nazis, I assure you."

"That was is what Joao Bagamba thought," retorted Mabuto, referring to the deceased Panooly satrap. The creoloso were a skeptical bunch and there were conspiracy theorists who believed that Bagamba's death had not been accidental, not least of which because not just a few believed that the original spread of KN-755 had been engineered. The Golden Throne maintained tight lips on the truth. Besides, those who knew it were a small circle made smaller through the convenience of executions.

"Bagamba served honorably for the Golden Throne and, between his leadership and that of the Golden Throne, Holy Panooly is far away from the country it once was," said Belakap, cooly. "Need I remind you that in Holy Panooly there is no longer tyranny of the white man, no longer apartheid, and no longer a factory of death. Thanks to us, the Ordenites have been expelled from the south and the terrorism of a radical white minority confined to near irrelevance. I would say that Bagamba's thoughts were quite erudite and his choices for the best of his people, who can now look forward to equality under the law and coming prosperity. His death was unfortunate and tragic, and we would not have wished it for all of the world." That much was true. Bagamba was trusted by His Imperial Majesty and would have remained satrap for a very long time, had KN-755B1 not taken his life.

Mabuto waved his words away. "That is all good, but now that Bagamba is dead, Holy Panooly is no longer its own country. Or, am I wrong?"

Belakap chose his next words carefully. "375 million indigenous Panoolies died over a three-year period, whether to civil war, disease, starvation and malnutrition, or in Nazi labor camps. 375 million. Close to fifty percent of them. Imagine fifty percent of your people gone, like this." He snapped his fingers. "Since joining the imperial federation of the Golden Throne, for the first time in years the indigenous population has grown. For the first time in years, the Panooly people have something to look forward to, rather than struggling to escape death as certain as the toss of a coin. The Golden Throne promises stability, security, and growth. It has ended foreign involvement in Panooly politics, apart from the involvement of an imperial governor who has always concerned himself more with the wider imperial world than with the day-to-day decisions that affect the Panooly people. That we have always left to the people. Anyway, this is not Samarasta's future. But, it behooves Samarasta to have a future with the Golden Throne on its side, because you can ask any of your Panooly cousins what type of future the Ordenites will bring — slavery or death. And they are on your doorstep, ready to come inside and create a new order that will suffocate your people."

"My question, Mr. Belakap, is how much worse slavery to the Ordenites is to freedom under Macabéan chains." The president took another puff from his cigar.

The jogornos scoffed. "You would know a lot about chains, wouldn't you? You've been placing them on Samarasta better than any white man could."

Mabuto let out a loud, bellowing laugh and slapped his knee. "Now we are getting to the truth," he said.

"What is it that you want from us?" asked the jogornos. It was time to get to the bottom line. Artur Belakap kept his less agreeable opinions to himself, but as a Díenstadi — a "pure bred" Macabéan, as some called them — he was not particularly fond of the creoloso, and even less so of a fat creoloso tyrant who thought himself as more important than he actually was. The sooner this discussion was over, the better.

Mabuto smiled. "I want his word."

"His word?" Belakap's eyebrow arched.

"Yes," replied the Samarastan president. "His word, the emperor's."

"I speak for the emperor," said the Macabéan.

"Spare me," said Mabuto. "I want to hear it from him. I want to be assured that I will be maintained as the leader of my country, come what may come."

The jogornos chuckled. "His Imperial Majesty is a busy man."

"I want his word, or else you, your troops, and your money can leave Samarasta quicker than those Istoloan bastards who kept us in chains. There are other powers who would be just as quick to jump at the opportunity to protect us and extend their own influence here, whether they are the Marshites or someone else. You are replaceable...except if my future and yours are intertwined. I want his word." Mabuto leaned closer, his largess looming over the thin Belakap.

The Macabéan looked back at him for some time, then stood and said, "I will see to it that you have an audience with Him. Prepare yourself to fly to Fedala, He will not come here at your whim."

[The Macabees]

JUANASTO, VILLAGE IN NORTHERN TUPENGA

"Against the wall! Line up against the wall!" shouted the Tupengan army rifleman, his weapon pointed at the group of thirty-six creoloso men huddled together. Another seven Tupengan soldiers with him, all menacing the group with extreme violence unless they followed directions. Line ups like these were taking place throughout Tupenga, usually for breaking curfew. That was the case here. These creolosos had failed to return to Juanasto by 1900, having arrived thirty-six minutes late. No less, they had been discovered fraternizing out on the farmlands, God knowing what they were up to. Probably something very nefarious thought the Tupengan soldiers. There was hate gleaming in their eye. The Creolosos probably felt the same the other way around, but their emotion was more fear than anything else in this moment.

It took a little bit of time for them to line up against the wall in a straight line, as ordered. Some resisted, but after a strong rifle butt to the temple or the gut, they all did as they were told. It was not quite totally dark yet, some rays of light still bending over the horizon. But, the night would soon be fully upon them. It was getting colder too and some of the creoloso shivered in their thin, sleeveless shirts. A frigid gale was coming from the ocean, sweeping over the land as if to threaten all to stay in their homes. These men hadn't. They hadn't made it to their homes that night.

"For your crimes," said the rifleman, "you will be punished."

The eight of them opened fire, leaving the thirty-six creolosos dead in a heap and the wall behind them painted red with blood.



TUSANA, REGIONAL CAPITAL IN NORTHERN TUPENGA

Order had been restored to Tusana through the continued application of force. Army and police forces loyal to the government patrolled the city streets day and night, while the local creoloso population was terrorized throughout the day by random inspections and nighttime raids. For weeks now, Tupengan special police forces would come to one house or another in a black van to snatch away someone inside, usually the man of the house or his sons, oftentimes both. Thrown into the truck, they were driven somewhere outside of the city and then never seen again. It wouldn't be until the future, after the conflict, that it would be known with full certainty that these people had been executed. Tens of thousands of them would be in Tusana alone, hundreds of thousands throughout the country. They were are all typically learned men, the most successful of creolosos and their families. The Marechalisimo saw them as a threat because they had the capacity for leadership and the ability to inspire resistance against the regime. By decapitating the heads, so the theory went, the insurgency would be crushed.

Everything was coming under control, thought the Marechalisimo and his closest cronies. The creolosos were being cowed in the cities and soon they'd be extinguished in the countryside. Certainly, there would be no more rude surprises on the scale of the loss of an important regional capital like Tusana, not again. The weaknesses of the previous liberal government had been expunged. Now ruled a government made of steel.

As such, it was perfectly normal for the new military governor of Tusana and the surrounding area to travel the central boulevard of the capital sitting in an open-top vehicle. He wanted the people of Tusana to see him, to know that he had no fear of attack because the enemy had been defeated. The city's white population would rejoice and the creolosos would lose all of their hope. So the theory went.

The rocket-propelled grenade that came out from a nearby window did not fit the theory. Neither did the consequent wreck of the vehicle, turned over and converted into a twisted block of metal. And neither did the head of the military governor, rolling across the asphalt like a soccer ball, the body nowhere to be found and probably pulverized by the impact and the explosion.



CRIFOSO, CAPITAL OF TUPENGA

"How the hell did that happen?" questioned Marechalisimo Louis-August Bragança, his noise flaring in anger and his voice livid.

His generals looked at their feet. One said, "We don't know, Marechalisimo. The city was under martial law and the curfew was fully enforced. We had tabs on every creoloso in the city. 36,000 of those deemed high risk have been...made to disappear. We have no idea how they perpetrated this attack, but we will scour the city and kill as many creoloso rats as necessary to find the people who did this. We will kill all of them if we need to."

"No," said Bragança. "It is clear our strategy is not working. The only way to ensure that our cities are safe for Tupengan citizens is to remove the criminal element entirely. As of today, creolosos are banned from all the major cities of this country. They shall be removed to concentration camps outside. We will also deport the entire population of all towns and villages in Northern Tupenga, and eventually expand the program to the entire country. All of the creolosos shall be penned up in these camps, so we know exactly where they are and can more fully control their movements. This is the only way this country will ever be safe for civilization. Then, we will implement a final solution to rid ourselves of the creoloso problem once and for all."

"Marechalisimo," said another general, "how can we deport all of the creolosos from the cities? They are necessary there for work of all type. Without them the urban economies will grind to a halt."

Bragança scoffed. "That is the problem, commander. We are too dependent on them and, because of that, they asphyxiate us. We will rid ourselves of that dependency like an addict rids himself of his. The only strategy that works is all or nothing. It is time to rip off the band-aid and begin our final march to a great, glorious Tupenga that will stand for eternity. Understood?"

"Long live the Marechalisimo!" was the response across the room.



WAR IN THE KALKALA-SUMBE

The Kalkala-Sumbe referred to the geographic area of Tupenga roughly corresponding to the northern provinces. Hilly, flowing with small valleys interrupted by rounded heights, it was once covered with forest. Most of the jungle had been cleared long ago by Istoloan conquistadores building their expansive, terraced plantations and slave-chocked townships designed to confine and control millions of Panooly slaves imported over the subsequent centuries. These days, the creolosos — the general culture that the Panooly slaves had built for themselves over that same period of time — formed, by far, the largest proportion of the population. In the countryside, more than nine out of ten persons were slave descendants. In the cities, the proportion was closer to six out of ten. The Kalkala-Sumbe had always been a hotbed of creoloso resistance against the Istoloan colonial governments, but since the coup and the government offensive in the area it had turned into a full-fledge cauldron. The insurgency had turned into an audacious revolt looking to expel the Tupengan military from the region once again.

In the large cities, the surge in government troops had made it more difficult for the insurgents to dislodge these garrisons. However, the rebels simply changed their strategy and attacked the more vulnerable, smaller garrisons dotting the countryside. These had grown in number and varied in size, but formed part of a general plan to strangle the creoloso rebellion by controlling roadways and rural access routes known to be used by the guerrillas. For the most part, these outposts were constructed on high ground and typically boasted of several layers of defenses, including minefields, barbed wires, sometimes walls, and protected guard towers. Larger bases often flowed into valleys, with smaller protective outposts guarding the heights along their perimeter. The network of bases was becoming progressively denser and more sophisticated.

Soldiers moved between them through convoys formed up of mine-resistant armor-protected (MRAP) trucks and other vehicles, protected both against mines and anti-armor projectiles. These were relatively inexpensive and well-tested in dozens of battlefields, most especially the Golden Throne's "long wars" — a struggle that Tupengan commanders had been studying closely to learn for their own struggle at home. They could be escorted by tanks, but more common were smaller infantry fighting vehicles with weaponry more attuned to the sort of fighting that was expected. The Tupengan army, which had fought several counterinsurgencies throughout its long history, maintained the good practice of protecting these convoys on either flank with commando and elite forces that moved ahead of them. It was becoming more and more common, especially with the influx of Fusteran soldiers and Ordenite technology, to lean on high altitude drones with surveillance equipment to offer additional reconnaissance support both to units on the ground and other drones armed with missiles. The rebels were fighting an experienced, trained, and advanced Tupengan regular army that was drawing on the lessons learned from previous wars and those of high-profile foreign powers that were undergoing similar problems of their own. Any insurgent thinking that they would have it easy to defeat even smaller outposts and convoys were in for a very rude awakening. There was a reason why insurgents tended to change from military to civilian targets under conditions like these.

Thus, when the guerrillas began a surge in their own offensive, they were met not by a counterattack following the patterns of the 1970s and 1980s, but a fully modern counterinsurgency tactical response that relied on difficult-to-detect, high-altitude drones for close air support, as well as fighter and bomber aircraft flying 30–50,000 feet overhead. These were not the sort of targets that rebels with MANPADs and low-altitude air defenses would be able to defeat with much success. And any larger equipment was easier to detect and more difficult to move, making it easier for the Tupengan military to seek and destroy — which they did.

Some of the smaller outposts were breached, oftentimes ransacked, and sometimes obliterated completely. But after the damage was done, the outposts were rebuilt either in the same place or somewhere close better suited for defense, such as a different hill. They came back stronger and better prepared for another attack, as the Tupengan army too learned from experience and prepared themselves for the common tactics displayed by the insurgents.

More ruthless still were the high-altitude bombers that dropped countless bombs on enemy positions and enemy-infested towns and villages. They were guided either by various intelligence sources, including drones, but supplemented with human intelligence when available, as well as special forces that were deployed throughout the Kalkala-Sumbe area. These special forces rarely confronted the guerrillas on their own but rather remained covert and simply guided ground and aerial forces to pulverize the target for them. Of course, the bombing was especially prone to cause high civilian casualties, although as the war turned toward a nastier phase there weren't many government commanders or leaders too concerned about the fate of civilian creolosos. As far as they were concerned, all creolosos were the enemy.

Indeed, as the Tupengan military counterattacked in conjunction with newly arriving Fusteran allied forces, they burned down entire villages they came across. If civilians hadn't fled, these were gunned down as they tried to escape the flames. Sometimes, a village's population would be rounded up and some of them would be taken to dig a ditch nearby. Then, in tens or twenties, they were executed by rifle fire. The extermination campaign was not local or isolated. By orders coming from high command, it was becoming wholesale and programmatic. The government did not hide its growing desire to eliminate the creoloso population as a whole.

Casualties were suffered, of course. Smaller outposts that were overrun suffered most of all, with hundreds dead throughout the country. Also, the guerrillas showed signs of advanced tactical and technological capabilities, including jamming. Although jamming oftentimes could hurt the rebels more than the army, because the army had a wider net of intelligence sources and communication channels, it nevertheless showed a surprising level of sophistication. Too, although the high-altitude aircraft leaned on for air support were very difficult to destroy, helicopters flying at lower altitudes that either supported or transported flanking forces alongside convoys were ambushed and downed in considerable numbers. It not only bred more hate for the creolosos within the armed forces, but it would force some tactical changes including less dependency on helicopters and the acquisition of new technologies from a country that Tupenga was seemingly growing closer to as the day passed: the Ordenite Fourth Reich. Namely, to combat the risk of better anti-tank weapons, the Tupengan army sought to equip its tanks and IFVs with active protection systems.

And as it regarded change, the most important evolution that the insurgents were experiencing was the growing number of Fusterans, who were as experienced in counterinsurgency as the Tupengans and, perhaps more importantly, better equipped by the Ordenites. And, without yet knowing the truth, the guerrillas were about to face the Ordenites themselves.



AMBUAMBO, MAJOR PORT CITY OF TUPENGA

General Erasmo Ribeiro was aghast when he read his new orders. But, he betrayed no emotion to his peers and subordinates. They might not understand. He wasn't sure if anybody understood anything anymore. Tupenga was veering farther and farther away from what it once had. It was losing its soul. Looking out the window his headquarters' office, he gazed toward the port itself.

Fusterans were still coming ashore, along with boatloads of weapons, ammunition, and other supplies. They weren't the only foreign armed soldiers on Tupengan soil. While no one had filled Ribeiro in one anything, there were rumors of Ordenite special forces in the country. He had some of his most trusted intelligence advisors collect reports and data from the countryside. Their estimates were that there was an Ordenite force at least of regiment size. Undoubtedly, their arrival had been cleared and approved by the Marechalisimo and high military command, but they apparently hadn't thought it necessary for the commander of Tupengan forces in the north to know the details or the truth. Perhaps they would pin the Ordenite action on the Fusterans.

Ribeiro didn't know anything anymore. He didn't even know if he loved his country...

...no, he loved his country. He just didn't love what it was turning into.

[Marshite Alliance for a Free Tupenga]

The First Northern Offensive had mixed results, to say the least.

The first waves had proven more successful than unexpected. Being made up of highly motivated newer recruits, often from the areas being attacked, with a core of veteran insurgents experienced in night fighting, they had managed to launch their attacks in good order. Many garrisons and bases were in hard to reach locations which had made the element of surprise the initial attack important. Some successes, some failures.

Throughout the battle, the less experienced insurgents would go through severe bloodying. They were the most abundant forces in direct combat and suffered most abundantly for it. A number had fled and at several points in some sectors the ranks had grown thin between punishing losses and desertions. Luckily- well, a poor choice of words, but sometimes an insurgency has to look at even the darkest of events in an unusual light- once the wholesale slaughter of civilians had begun the desire to fight among even the most weak-kneed of the insurgents skyrocketed. As the battle was concluding it was these forces who would launch surprise attacks that would rescue hundreds, thousands of civilians from the fates given to them. In these small battles, heroes would be made. They came to grips with the enemy at all levels and suffered for it, though the high altitude bombing would lead to losses on all sides due to the close-in nature of much of the fighting.

Still, the new recruits suffered terribly. MAFT had expected so, but even then it was sometimes hard to stomach. With the now mass violence on display, it wasn't as if they were hard to replace, but that didn't change the fact that every dead Marshite was one more victim of the state. Records were kept as best they could and retribution would be taken- not now, though. Indeed, veteran insurgents made sure to quickly take captured soldiers away from the recruits, who were angry enough to have done terrible things to them.

The Tupengan tactics weren't unexpected. On the ground, the broad-based effort yielded results. The long-range and short-range anti-tank weapon systems did their work. The real failing, MAFT would realize, was withholding their trained soldiers from these fronts outside of specialists with more advanced gear. Those soldiers had instead been kept deeper in the interior, protecting the anti-air equipment and responding to reports of Tupengan special forces. They had done their job well, especially when working with the Marshite Rangers. They not only caused significantly more casualties among Tupengan Special Forces than the enemy would have liked, but saved a tremendous amount of vital gear by preventing ground-based intelligence and networking of air support. But it had resulted in them not being able to drag the mechanized response as much as they would have liked. MAFT wrote it off as tactical and strategic shortcomings, owing in part to Tupengan military thought as well as larger numbers of foreigners who brought their own experiences.

In the air, the results were mixed but MAFT was generally pleased. Helicopters of all sorts were brought down in considerable numbers, as well as low-or mid flying drones and aircraft. That was what the equipment was designed to do and what they had trained to fight, so MAFT felt confident in labelling that part of the offensive as a success. Of course, Tupengan military strategy was not what MAFT had hoped for. While high altitude air support was expected, it was used and relied on more than MAFT had seen before. While this meant that more than a few garrisons fell that would have been saved in previous instances due to a slower response by airmobile forces, it also denied MAFT their desired repeatable mass-casualty killzone event. MAFT would withdraw their advanced gear from the front quicker than they would have liked. Losses, as a result, were well within the expected range and they had certainly done a number on enemy air assets, but it was clear that in the future something would need to be done about the high altitude bombers.

The most important victory MAFT won however was a propaganda victory. Collages of destroyed vehicles and helicopters being shot out of the sky showed the growing capability of the technological aspect of the rebellion. Patches from dead commandos and special forces, the bodies of foreign operatives- signs of MAFT skill and the intrusion of foreign nations on Tupengan soil. The fact that much of the battle had been a steady drubbing didn't matter, only the narrative they could press.

More important to the narrative, however, were images of stark horror. Civilian dead in their masses- men, women, children. A few videos- taken by Marshite Rangers in deep recon- of Tupengan soldiers burning villages and slaughtering the inhabitants as they begged for their lives. Interviews of survivors. Accusations of rape and torture. One video showed brave insurgents charging and engaging in a fierce firefight. In a dramatic moment, a few peel off to escort a group of children away while the others say a prayer and engage a far superior force. They are never seen again.

This and much more- juicy radio intercepts picked up by M-SAD especially- would be distributed. First, as much as possible through any possible means in Tupenga, but more readily (and immediately thanks to the Marshites) internationally. The brutality and severity of the conflict would be known to all, and stoke the fires of liberation far and wide.

MAFT commanders would debate about the success of the operation. Casualties had been high for MAFT and not as high as desired for their enemy. Tupengan tactics had evolved and more foreigners were present than they thought. Still, the influx of recruits was growing at a more rapid pace than before. The survivors of the battle had learned more valuable skills. They still had more than enough after years of stockpiling to continue the fight, and even do so at a more violent pace.

What to do with that, though? The Marechilisimo was clearly insane. His most recent order was clearly impossible and would bring Tupenga to its knees. Even the most even-tempered Creoloso would soon be forced into some anti-state action. And the majority of the rest of the populace? MAFT had never believed them evil. Racist, most of them, yes. But even the majority of them likely had the moral quality that seeing images of children being butchered would drive them to hate their government, if not love of the creoloso.

He was sealing his own fate. Everything he did was just destroying the Tupengan ability to fight. He would need to rely on the foreigners but how badly would they want to fight in Tupenga? Unknown. How many would they want to send to Tupenga? Unknown.

Militarily they needed to try something new. There would always be ambushes and small battles in the rural areas. That would never change. But they would need to change. For now, they would lick their wounds and plan.

[Holy Marsh]

When news reached the Holy Marsh, it was not met with a great deal of shock. The Marechalisimo was an unstable individual who made unstable decisions. Fearful Serpent had made provisions for worst case scenarios and soon they were activated. While military forces started their movements, the first blows would come diplomatically.

Statement from the Arch-Bishop on the Tupengan Genocide:

It has become apparent that the violence and cruelty of the Marechalisimo has reached an intolerable level. As such, the Holy Marsh, in accordance and agreement with the Romani-Mar'si Union, has made the decision to launch a Liberation Crusade in Tupenga to save the People from its cruel government. As such, the Tupengan Crusade has been formed. The Marechalisimo and those loyal to him must submit or die. Those who help stop him are the only real Tupengan patiots.

We call upon the Marechalisimo to surrender himself and for the government to submit to a reformation to reflect the voice of the People.

This is the will of the Holy Marsh.

From the Desk of the Arch-Bishop:

Prime Minister Elepao,

The situation in Tupenga has grown too obscene for the faithful to tolerate. The Mad Marechalisimo has led his people to commit acts of cruelty and malice that deserve destruction. You have been party to this. Unlike his government, however, you will have a chance to save yourself. Remove all of your forces from Tupenga. Cease all support for the Tupengan government. Return to your own nation. Do so, and we will continue to practice peaceably in your nation as we have so far. Fail to do so and we will not only fight you in Tupenga, we will fight you in your own nation, in your cities, your streets, your homes, your bed, and your government will join the Mad Marechalisimo in the pyre.


Arch-Bishop Luboski
In The Embrace of Communal Marshism Go We

From the Desk of the Arch-Bishop :

Kristian Richtofen,

Tell me Mr. Richtofen, why do you enjoy dancing on the edge of the blade? You support monsters who commit genocide against my people, yet we have only ever been gentle and kind with you. This policy of ours is often questioned internally and as the Holy Marsh Herself commands me to say, sometimes it is right to question.
I stare now at a situation not of our choosing in Tupenga where a madman commits genocide, where a nation you have grown close to interferes en masse, where rumors and intelligence persist of your growing interest and perhaps involvement.

Tell me what I shall find, Richtofen. Shall I find you there? Will we uncover your support for those who genocide the faithful? Will you give us final cause to dispense with the gentleness with which we have regarded you? Will there be war? Shall I find war there with you, Kristian, in the wilds of Tupenga?

Or will I discover nothing of the sort and can put to rest these rumors? Will I find your interest aligned with Fustera, who you shall endeavor to control as the strong shepherds the weak? Will I find in you, if never a friend or ally, a reasonable person, a reasonable man? Shall I discover peace between our peoples rather than war, if only for a while longer, if only here, if only now?

What will I find in Tupenga, Richtofen?

Arch-Bishop Luboski
In The Embrace of Communal Marshism Go We

[United World Order]

The Berghof Compound, Fuhrer Headquarters,
The Ordean Alps, Ordena.

Several cars throughout the early morning hours began to arrive at what was known as The Berghof, known famously in Ordena as a vacation home first lived in by Isidor Mueller himself. This tradition continued with nearly every Reichsfuhrer and Richtofen was nonetheless one of those who continued the tradition. The Berghof had always been his home since he had first ever taken power in Ordena and it remained his home even when the now deceased Grossmann was in power. From this mountain residence the Reichsfuhrer presided and ruled over the entirety of Ordena and it's people including those abroad. Today would be a tense one as Richtofen was expected to meet with his inner circle in regards to the situation unfolding in Tupenga and a message relayed to him personally by the Arch Bishop of the Holy Marsh. As members of his inner circle began to arrive they would have gone through and passed several checkpoints manned by the SS-Leibstandarte who maintained a sizable garrison on the premises of the Berghof. At least 300 SS Leibstandarte were barracked on the compound and were responsible for security of the entirety of the Berghof. The Reich Security Service also handled security duties and as the Leibstandarte did conducted foot and mounted patrols throughout the entirety of the compound. Like many of these 'Fuhrer Headquarters' but especially the Berghof were afforded SAM batteries and other anti air defenses which were concealed outside of the compound its self and protected the area from any sort of aerial threats.

An entire Corps of the Ordenite Heer were stationed only some miles away from the compound and could be mobilized in a moments notice if the Berghof were to ever come under heavy assault. Once the guests had arrived they would be escorted through the terrace which led to the residence of Richtofen. Reich Security Service bodyguards considered most loyal guarded the inside of the residence and were also tasked with protecting Richtofen at all costs as they were the only personnel inside allowed to carry weapons. The guests were then led into the 'Great Hall' which was the main gathering area and where many of these sorts of meetings took place in. Richtofen of course was already present, sitting down by the fire place. As the guests entered, Richtofen rose from his seat exchanging greetings before inviting everyone to sit with him at the table. Sitting among him were several high profile persons most associated with the National Socialist government such as Deputy Fuhrer Henrik Kroning. Ernst Grasemann the Reich Minister of Foreign affairs was also in attendance to this meeting, Brughardt Muehleck the Reich Minister of Interior, and Chief of the Operations Staff of the OKW Winfried Römer.

A servant was let into the room holding a tray containing drinks as they walked around the table setting a cup down for everyone. Once the servant was dismissed and the RSD bodyguards closed the doors to the room, Winfried glanced at everyone else sitting at the table.

"Herr Fuhrer as you may already know the situation regarding Tupenga is spiraling out of control. The Marshites have completely thrown a wrench in our plans to aid the Tupengan government against the rebels. If we continue with our intended plans we will likely be dragged into a full blown war against the Holy Marsh. Such a war cannot be afforded at such a delicate time with the Golden Throne likely licking their own wounds and preparing to likely strike back in Hailandkill. It is with my utmost consideration that the intended plan be scrapped completely and that we take our exit from the country with grace. We can still fortify and save Fustera."

"If what the Arch Bishop said is true then we can exit from the country without much issue, save for how the Fusterans will react." Henrik Kroning chimed in as most everyone's eyes were still fixated on Richtofen who had yet to speak.

"If the Fusterans value their freedom and lives they will withdraw promptly as we do, the Prime Minister is a sensible man after all." said Ernst Grasemann as he took a sip from his cup.

"I feel that no matter what is done that this is only foreshadowing an eventual military confrontation with the Holy Marsh. We all know the Arch Bishop is in the Golden Throne's camp, they'd be a most valuable ally to them in the same way they were during the 2nd Krasnovan War." Muehleck said as Richtofen lifted his cup and sipped from it.

"Tupenga will be lost in a matter of weeks once the Marshites make their move. That fool threw his own country away, for what?" Richtofen said who was visibly frustrated.

"The operation can be scrapped we cannot go to war with the Holy Marsh now. We will have to improvise and at least give the Tupengan government the means to go out on their feet and not on their knees." Richtofen continued. "Until the Marshites actually begin to arrive in Tupenga we can still continue to send armaments to them, the kind of armaments will be discussed later among yourselves." Richtofen nodded towards Römer.

[The Macabees]

FEDALA, IMPERIAL PROVINCE

The great capital of the Golden Throne had been built on a grand scale, first by Jonak I and then by Fedor I. It had been a massive, sprawling city before the War of Golden Succession, but to borrow from the history of another great city, it was still as if before it had been built of brick and now of marble. This was true in just more than the physical, structural sense. All of the capital's administrative buildings had been built before The War and on a monumental scale, but Fedor did not cease where his grandfather and predecessor had left off. No, he widened the Kapes Viksedén even further and decorated it with fountains, statues, and colossal triumphal arches to commemorate his victories since The War. It wasn't just his face and that of his grandfather that was celebrated, but also his son's, his chosen successor whose legitimacy as ruler was already being established. His palace was expanded and military bases were provided with architecture befitting of garrisons so close to His Imperial Majesty and the imperial capital. Nonetheless, it wasn't the emperor's additions to Fedala that stood out as the greatest changes to the city over the past decade and a half.

Jonak I had reunited a broken empire after a century-long period of conflict. Fedor I, however, not just held it together, but expanded it to the greatest extent in the history of the First or Second Empires of the Golden Throne. Locally, these incorporations were financial and military burdens, paid off only through land sales and the long-term prospect of future prosperity — in other words, future tax revenues. For Fedala, by contrast, beyond the monumental architecture commemorating these victories and solidifying the propagandistic mythos around Fedor and the institutions of empire, it meant radical population growth and a burgeoning of an ever more so mixed cultural milieu.

Before The War, Fedala was already a gargantuan city that consumed the open land around it. There were already some 120 million people living within its greater metro area. This area grew even more after the war, as dozens of millions more people immigrated from the new acquisitions to the imperial heartland in search of peace and opportunity. By the current date, the great imperial capital boasted of a population of more than 200 million and there was no sign of cessation. Millions more came every year and the frontiers of the city expanded further north, south, east, west, and downwards into the countless subterranean bureaus undergoing perpetual expansion. Immigration at such a scale brought with it grave problems, including more crime and greater stress on the social institutions of the city, but if there was a Macabéan megalopolis that counted on almost infinite imperial funding, it was the capital. Its poor were made sure to be fed, given healthcare, and countless other social services. It was also the first city to be protected by the imperial civil security service, an institution that had already extended its tendrils throughout the provinces and the empire in the form of a new gendarmerie to complement local police forces. Beyond its problems, Fedala's magnificent growth brought new languages, perspectives, music, clothes, and food. Someone walking down the Kapes Viksedén's gardened walkways would inevitably come across not just Macabéans, but Zarbians, Havenics, Monzarkis, Guffingfordis, Panoolies, Scythians, Nicaroans, and the countless other races of people who now counted themselves amongst the people of the Golden Throne. There were also Stevidians, Lamonians, Lyrans, Eitoanis, and millions of others who were foreign nations on visit or expatriates now living in the capital city. Beyond the power of the Golden Throne, its reputation and legacy, economic strength, and the fact that it was indeed very close to the physical middle of Greater Dienstad, it was this cultural melting pot that made it metaphorically the center of the region and — in the opinion of some, at least — the greatest city in the world.

It was in the greatest city in the world, then, that Jurado Mabuto, the Presidente of Samarasta, landed in on a cold morning. He arrived at a military airfield that was once considered to be to Fedala's south, near the imperial palace. Now the old south was as much the center as the old center, as the capital's suburbs rolled against the horizon in all directions. He was taken by convoy to the imperial palace, where His Imperial Majesty waited for him in his study. There was no fanfare on the street. Mabuto was not greeted by a planned audience sent to flatter a foreign dignitary of importance. The Samarastan already thought too highly of himself, there was no reason to pamper the man. If anything, Fedor sought to cut the Samarastan president back down to a proper size.

For the purpose of showing Mabuto that he had less leverage than he thought, Fedor's new and second wife was present. Cassandra did not wear the trappings of an empress, as that title was Sofie's alone, but she radiated regality and splendor. More importantly, she represented a mix of both Macabéan and Marshite power. The message was clear: if Mabuto sought to leverage Holy Marsh to pressure the Golden Throne into more personally accommodating terms, then he would be sorely disappointed. When he saw her, a flash of a change in his face suggested this was indeed the case.

"Your Imperial Majesty," he said, bowing and his voice filled with greater deference than perhaps even he anticipated. Perhaps the combination of Fedala's grandness and the presence of the Marshite priestess Cassandra had been sufficient in humbling him. "Thank you for granting me an audience. It is hard to express in words just how much better it makes me feel to meet you in person, the man in whose hands the future of Samarasta is so safely placed."

For a moment, the emperor said nothing. Then, he chuckled. "Jogornos Belakap did not prepare me well for you, it seems. He made you out to be troublesome. If it is true, you are doing a good job hiding your true nature. Nevertheless, it is not necessary for you to flatter me. All the same, I hope that this meeting between us will make clear that I entrust you, as much as you do me, with the future of your country and people. For now, at least."

Something in those last words made the hairs on the back of Mabuto's neck stand, but he made no other obvious signs of displeasure or surprise. "I meant no disrespect to your ambassador, Your Imperial Majesty. If Mr. Belakap feels that way, I will send my apologies and soon as I return to my country, I assure you. Perhaps he mistook my anxiety over my future, the anxiety I think any sane leader would have in these times. In Tupenga, a mad commander has seized power and is genociding my kin. The Ordenites are quickly solidifying their grasp over Fustera. Istoloa hardly seems to be in any better shape. The world around Samarasta is growing less cordial, more aggressive, and seemingly intent on oppressing the creoloso people. I have welcomed Macabéan military and economic support, and have cooperated in every way asked, and am grateful for our alliance. But, as the world around me changes, my intent is only to ensure that I am one of the elements that remain as is. That is all. It is the concern of a fallible, humble, imperfect human who is wholly dedicated to the welfare of the Samarastan and creoloso people."

"Humble?" said suddenly Cassandra. "I hear that you threatened an imperial ambassador with cutting ties with the Golden Throne in favor of the Romani-Marsh Union? Those don't sound like the words of a humble man, nor of a man who respects the Sona Emperor. You should know that the Grand Theocracy will always move to protect the people of its faith. Nevertheless, it is more important that you know that your only priority should be to kiss His feet and thank Him for not just gracing you with His presence, but extending to you and your country His protection. Your mind should not be on the game of politics, but only on how else and how more you can prove your loyalty to the Sona Emperor. For He has no obligation to you, only you to Him."

"Of course, Your Imperial Excellence," he responded, bowing his head again.

Fedor said, then, "President Mabuto, I consider you my partner in Samarasta, the man to carry out my Will. Am I mistaken?"

"N-n-no, Your Imperial Majesty," answered the president. "I am your man in Samarasta."

"Good," said Fedor, smiling. "Then you will remain my man there. Go back to your people and tell them that our alliance has grown only stronger because of this visit. Tell them that their future is ensured by the Golden Throne, that they have nothing to worry about. Tell them that as descendants of the Panoolies, subject peoples of the Golden Throne, they are considered my children as much as the people of their mother country are. And, my children will never live in need of anything. You, President, remember my grace well. I am sure you will and I am sure you will never disappoint me." There was a brief moment of silence and then, he added, "I am sure you have heard about the fates of those who have."

As Mabuto walked out of the study, escorted by the same honor guard that saw him in, and the door closed behind him, Cassandra rubbed her belly. They had only be married for a very short time now, a few weeks. She was as slender and beautiful as the day they had first met. Smiling at him, her eyes glowing like jewels beneath the light, she said, "You are having another son, my love. I can already feel his presence."

[The Macabees]

CRIFOSO, CAPITAL OF TUPENGA

The Romani-Marsh Union's declaration of intent to invade Tupenga was met by silence from the government of O Marechalismo for the first few days. Behind closed doors, the county's top leadership was in full panic. Except for Louis-August Bragança himself. He had been known as a man of steel, but these days he outdid even himself. A Marshite invasion was like a death sentence, everyone knew. So, why wasn't Louis-August more worried? Was his a false assuredness? Or did he know something that the others didn't?

Over the first few days, the dictator became increasingly isolated, surrounded only by an inner circle of top politicians and military officials. What they were talking about was anybody's guess, although rumors abounded. These flared most especially after it was reported that diplomatic officials from Fustera had visited with Bragança, with some even believing the wild conspiracy theory that some of those officials were Ordenite. Apart from the obvious cooldown of general offensive operations in the Kalkala-Sumbe, the daily pour of state-fed news regarding fresh victories against the "terrorists" began to dwindle into a trickle of exaggerated reports of a sharp decrease in crime rates in the retaken regional capital cities. That was one of the only ways that the people of Tupenga could follow their government's response to the Marshite ultimatum.

In the interim, a flash of classified top-secret cables were sent to the embassy of the Romani-Marsh Union, as well as other embassies. These reassured that the Government of Tupenga was committed to a peaceful resolution to the anti-government insurgency in the north, one that would provide a pathway to reconciliation between the country's two people. The immediate cessation of offensive operations in the countryside was confirmed, although not to the public. There were also reassurances that an official government response would be issued in the coming days, once the government had had the time to properly determine its future.

After a few days, Louis-August Bragança finally issued his response over televised public broadcast. He wore his full field marshal regalia and was surrounded by his most important commanders and advisors. The Tupengan flag stood proudly behind him.

"People of Tupenga and governments of the world," he began. "Winning the war against the criminals and rebels in the Kalkala-Sumbe is crucial for the security of our country. In that holiest of missions, some Tupengan military officers and politicians have been overzealous in its undertaking. I have read the reports of the overapplication of military force in the northern provinces and am, without understating, simply appalled by the decisions and actions made by some of my men. That sort of behavior is not conducive toward ultimate victory and neither does it represent the values and interests of the great country of Tupenga. I have made immediate changes in the government and military to bring those responsible to justice. As of this morning, 36 members of the armed forces have been placed under arrest, along with 8 members of the Tupengan civilian committee for military affairs."

The Marechalisimo continued, "Among those under arrest are General Jacinto Bastos, Colonel Guilherme Águas, and Mr. Jônatas Valente, who served as the civilian advisor to the temporary military emergency zone of Kalkala-Sumbe. Their trial is happening as we speak and, if found guilty, their sentence shall be death. Pending completion of the trial in the way we expect, those three individuals, who are most responsible for the reprehensible crimes against humanity perpetrated in the Kalkala-Sumbe will face the firing squad. Thanks to the quick action of our patriot government, the people of Tupenga can sleep assured of their safety."

He went on, giving platitude after platitude on ongoing operations in the north. Confirming that the most aggressive offensive operations had been stopped, Bragança nevertheless made clear that he had no plans to cede any more ground to the insurgents. Patrols, curfews, and other elements of suppression and control would continue, even if the ethnic cleansing that Bragança had called for was put to a temporary halt. Of course, the dictator was now blaming the ethnic cleansing on a breakaway faction in his government, one that he would purge.

Bragança flowed on to the topic of Tupenga's future. What he said took many by surprise. "I am committed to making Tupenga a great western Greater Dienstadi power. Why shouldn't we be? Just look at the Golden Throne, born not much more than 30 years ago, a victim of civil war and foreign invasion as little as 15 years ago, and now at our doorstep pressuring us to accept values that are alien to our people. We can embark on the same path as them, achieve the same things, and at the very least achieve a place in our history where we are the masters of our own destiny. This future will not just benefit us as a leading country among many, but will also benefit you in so many other ways. I am committed to taking Tupenga to the same average income level as nations that are better off, to offer the same benefits that other governments can to their people, and more generally to lift the standard of our living and happiness. We have already taken important first steps and, as I am proud to share with you, we have recently taken another giant step toward greatness. Tupenga is now a nuclear power. We have acquired nuclear warheads and the means of launching them, the intercontinental ballistic missile. To be a nuclear power is the definition of being the master of one's own destiny and, for the first time in our history, Tupenga can claim this trait. I will not hesitate to use our nuclear arsenal in self-defense against invaders seeking to disrupt our way of life and enslave us as their vassals."



WAR IN THE KALKALA-SUMBE

Three tractors, escorted by armored fighting vehicles, came out of the woods together and joined a paved highway leading into the distance. Behind them, they left a narrow dirt path that winded between the thickly set trees of the wooded patch. If one followed that path, they would eventually reach the other side of the small forest. However, if they knew where to look, as they were making their way through it, one would see a part of the floor that had recently been dug up. And if one dug through the loosely packed, recently churned soil, one would find bodies. The Tupengans were covering up the dirty work of their war against the creoloso insurgency in the Kalkala-Sumbe. What was happening in that woodland was occurring in plenty of other areas throughout northern Tupenga. The Marechalisimo had ordered his army to hide the bodies from their crimes.

As the worst of the recent Tupengan government escalation of the violence subsided, the day-to-day operations of a tamer counterinsurgency were ongoing. Armored convoys prowled the countryside, protecting the routes between forward operating bases, major military bases, and other supply depots. More significantly, the Tupengan army continued to entrench and fortify itself in the region. For example, fire bases had been established throughout the Kalkala-Sumbe such that anyone area could count on overlapping artillery fire support, both from howitzer and rocket artillery units. Thus, bases or patrols that were ambushed could count on artillery support within minutes of an attack, forming a powerful defense against insurgent attacks. The military wasn't just aided by static defenses, but also a fleet of UAVs. Some merely acted in a reconnaissance role, never firing a weapon or giving a reason to reveal its presence. Other UAVs operated in attack roles, striking targets based on intelligence shared from reconnaissance assets or other sources. These other sources included HUMINT, whether from informers or interrogated prisoners, who sometimes were subjected to physical and psychological torture. Even something as simple as a target's phone number could mean that target's death.

Many weeks had gone by since the escalation and the war was quickly evolving, so much so that the initial policy of the total subjugation of the creoloso population began to be almost immediately abandoned. General Erasmo Ribeiro, commander of forces in the north, had already submitted a proposal to general staff regarding the conscription of certain Creoloso elements into the armed forces as segregated reconnaissance and assault units. So far, the suggestion had received little support. But, times were changing, and a more subtle approach to the conflict might make Ribeiro's recommendation more palatable.

Business as usual hid a convulsion happening within the ranks of Tupengan commanders in the Kalkala-Sumbe. People like General Ribeiro wondered what they had done right to be given responsibilities as large as commanding the country's ground forces in its most important ground campaign. Now, as the Marechalisimo purged the military in order to assign blame for his own policies, these commanders, like General Ribeiro, began to realize that their rise was a function of their expandability. They were fighting in the Kalkala-Sumbe because, ultimately, if things went wrong, the higher-ups could just throw them to the wolves and wipe their hands.

The fabric of Bragança's dictatorship was beginning to tear at the seams.



TUSANA, REGIONAL CAPITAL IN NORTHERN TUPENGA

"General, welcome to Tusana," said the woman, who had introduced herself as Ms. Amália Moreira. She was a city functionary who worked directly for the office of the military governor, a position that was still vacant since the last one's assassination a few weeks ago.

That's why the general had come. He wanted to personally inspect the security situation in the provincial capital, or so was his claim. He did indeed attend to that upon arrival, having been almost immediately greeted by Ms. Moreira when he arrived at a checkpoint on the southern outskirts. She was young and quite beautiful, although General Ribeiro was more interested in business and political matters. The war had taken a toll on his psyche and his concerns transcended the mundane. He said, "Thank you. You know, it's my first time in the city. It's quite beautiful. More southern Tupengans should be exposed to this part of the country, I think. Anyway, reports suggest that the situation in the city since the ambush has stabilized considerably. Is this accurate?"

"Yes, general," she replied. "The city police, in conjunction with military forces, launched a comprehensive cordon-and-sweep of Tusana, per your orders. There was not one suspicious house not searched and not one suspect left on the streets. The jail cells are still overflowing with people arrested in the days following the assassination. Thousands of creolosos remain behind bars." She paused, then after a moment,"About that, how should we charge them? We can't just keep them in jail forever without a trial, can we?"

Erasmo said nothing at first. Then, he answered, "If you have nothing to charge them with, no evidence, release them."

"Is that the order given by O Marechalisimo?" she inquired.

Just then, they were interrupted by a man wearing the uniform and markings of a general officer. It was General Dudu Cerqueira, commander of all urban police forces which were temporarily made an extension of the Tupengan army. He and Erasmo had gone to the academy at the same time and had become friends instantly. "General Ribeiro!" he blasted. "Welcome to the city. Ms. Moreira, thank you for being here, but I can take over from here."

"Yes, general," she replied, looking somewhat perturbed. Amália Moreira was a known local associate of the Marechalisimo and she had no doubt been instructed to keep tabs on General Ribeiro. Now that General Cerquera was here, she wouldn't able to do that. But, she demurred, as General Cerquera held more authority than her. If there was an active military governor in Tusana to have her back, or if the Marechalismo just came to sense and appointed her to the position, then things would be different.

As it was, the two generals left her behind as they took an armored vehicle into the regional capital. Security was heavy in the streets, with patrolling vehicles and foot soldiers in a constant stream around them. In this part of the country, the number of whites were few relative to creolosos, so despite the new order imposed on Tusana, in many ways it still looked the same city it had always been. Yet, those creoloso faces hid a deep resentment of the police state that had been imposed upon them with the singular objective of suppressing them into a lower caste bound by the color of their skin.

Looking out the small armored window panes of their vehicle, General Ribeiro asked, "Our driver. Do you know him?"

"He is loyal to me, rest assured," responded General Cerquera.

Erasmo nodded. "Good. I fear the worst is coming, friend."

"Indeed," said the police chief, "rumors abound. Rumors of your demise, that is why I asked you to come so direly. Word is that there are coming changes to the structure of command, with new leadership at the helm. They're already saying that you masterminded the campaign following the ambush here. That is, that all the violence was your brainchild. If that's the case, Bragança won't hesitate to deliver your head to his enemies in order to placate them. You know that."

"Yes, I am aware," answered Erasmo. "That is why I am going to overthrow him."

[Holy Marsh]

It had been an unexpected development. The Theocratic Matriarchy had prepped itself for immediate conflict when they had issued their demands. The laxity of response had been pared with a cessation of the activities that had necessitated such a violent response, so Luboski had been convinced to allow the Tupengans time to respond. The initial cables had been more or less ignored from a content standpoint. It didn’t matter if the genocide had stopped- the RMU would extract their pound of flesh due to crimes committed at some point. Still, they had given the Tupengan government an opportunity and the cessation of the offensive was evidence enough of the chilling effect the ultimatum had been able to achieve.

That didn’t mean that they weren’t preparing to launch anyway. As the days rolled by the plans were fine-tuned, forces allocated, naval forces moved into position. The Marshite advisors to MAFT had done wonders setting up an effective HUMINT operation in the north, military intelligence constantly updated the minutia and means of the Tupengan military. Tens of millions waited for the word and nothing more.

Luboski had decided to wait for the official statement of the Tupengan government. She would watch the broadcast with those in her chain of command that would be pertinent to the operation, with many hundreds of others in the chain of command able to hear but not speak. When and if she gave the go order, it would happen and it would happen fast.
First, the Butcher of Tupenga tried to deflect blame. She was almost ready to give the go order as he placed the blame on a specific cadre of people, a faction within his government. Even if that were true, his head would still be in a rope as the leader of the government. Luboski wondered- who was that part of the broadcast for? Certainly not the Romani-Mar’si Union. Clearly it was pure damage control, simply PR, for his own people. Anyone who gave any thought to this would realize how flimsy his story was- horrifying crimes happened after he took after, after he launched an offensive and authorized harsh measures. Nothing publicly stated had indicated the ethnic cleansing program, but you’d have to bend backwards to not see the link. Many would do so. The question is, for how long?

The comparison to the Golden Throne did get everyone at the table to smile, even elicited a few chuckles. The Macabees had a long history. A storied history. The Sona Emperor had ruled that land in the Marshite view forever. The Throne itself? Maybe that was new. But what it truly signified was ancient, powerful. The discussion of nukes was brief. Holy Marsh had little fear of nuclear weapons or the use of WMDS, by it or against it. They had been struck early and often and struck others early and often. Even if such a weapon managed to get through the rings of defenses made against it and struck a city, mitigation efforts would be used. If used inside Tupenga it would be self-defeating more than anything. The Matriarchy was used to fighting global powers that had vast stockpiles of such weapons: Did the Butcher think their mere existence would be enough to dissuade the Marshite attack?
It was enough to make the Arch-Bishop want to order the attack, but the Advisor to MAFT was on the line and after the speech made it clear that MAFT did not want to see the war go nuclear. Holy Marsh itself would be an unlikely target, but nuclear scorched earth seemed possible and MAFT was unwilling to see that happen. It was considered likely that it would be triggered by a ground invasion- so that was momentarily at least, sidelined.

After some discussion, the Arch-Bishop gave the word to start the attack.

**

The attacks in the air on Tupenga would be marked by Assault Waves settled into Operational Strikes slotted into Operational Packages. Most took off from bases in the Solisian Union or Holy Marsh, refueling over international territory when needed. They had the range and, as the Tupengans would soon feel, the mass. Wings of stealth bombers and fighters were first, targeting the air defenses of the nation. These were identified through a number of means. HUMINT and SIGNINT were overwhelmingly important but the Holy Marsh had dedicated considerable electronic warfare assets and intelligence networking to the nation to identify the air defense apparatus of Tupenga. Radar sites and high-altitude air defenses would be the first targeted, with command and control nodes being struck alongside them, with the fighters ready and willing to tango. The next wave would be much the same with the same target list, while the third and fourth waves consisted of attacks directed at any and all air defense systems available to be targeted. All four waves would arrive within 15 minutes of one another and consisted mostly of stealth fighters, bombers, and attackers, itching to destroy ground targets and tango with those who flew to oppose them. When targets of import were exhausted they would switch to ones of opportunity, namely air bases.

The fifth wave would arrive an hour into the attack and consisted of very large formations of stealth bombers escorted by fighters. Their main targets were the air bases and associated facilities, in such volume and variety of munition that it read like a list of munitions for sale across the world. The goal was to not just damage or wound the Tupengan air force, but to wipe it out not just through the destruction of its bases but by forcing it to engage the escort fighters. Flying some of the world's most advanced stealth fighters and veterans of wars the world over, not the least the bitter conflicts in Ralkovia, these men and women itched for the Tupengans to rise to meet them. The sixth and seventh wave would follow with much of the same target priority. The eighth wave would be the largest of them all and consist not just of stealth systems but legions of others, from fighters and attackers to bombers. This would include the first use of the Dragonhawk en masse in several years. The eighth wave would target anything and everything that was still moving. Priority would be on air defenses, command and control, and Tupengan air elements, but should those exhaust they would run through everything. Ground forces, infrastructure, power grid- everything that would interfere with MAFT were considered viable targets.

Each wave was supported by an immense reconnaissance effort via a wide mix of drones and a large satellite network to go along with evolving HUMINT and SIGNIT. Electronic Warfare and Support were provided constantly by specialized aircraft and AWACS and the Battle Management System SACHERI IV. The refueling effort was consistent. Within 2 hours the eight waves would slam into Tupenga like a tidal wave of violence, then recede.

Four hours later, the attack would repeat itself like clockwork. For another two hours, MAF would slam into Tupenga, their target selection having been altered. The first three Operational Strikes were planned ahead of time, and they would be called the. BDA assessments would need to be made for the waves to adjust their loadout and that would take time, so the second Strike was designed for more of an anti-ground role (with a great deal of escorts of course), while the third was more even. From start to finish these three Operational Strikes would take eighteen hours, and this would be deemed an Operational Package. There would be a six-hour break as far as the Tupengans were concerned. BDA assessment and target refresh would result in a different Operational Package. This Package would have its own priorities and tactics, but what would not change is this: Every day over Tupenga, the RMU would dispatch thousands upon thousands of aircraft ceaselessly, hammering Tupenga hourly into dust.

***

A full Strategic Fleet of the Marshite Navy was not a small deployment. A mainline Strategic Fleet consisted of ten Tactical Fleets- and a single Tactical Fleet was on its own a terrifying deployment. Each Tactical Fleet included two Supercapital Ships, ten Arsenal Ships, six fleet carriers and nine escort carriers, more than fifty cruisers and forty-five destroyers, thirty frigates and thirty fast assault craft, thirty SSNs and fifteen SSKs, plus the myriad support vessels such a deployment called for. Ten such fleets were allocated to the Tupengan Crusade. More than two thousand combat vessels constituted the 6th Strategic Fleet, yet it was not alone. Three Support Protection Tactical Fleets, four Submarine Tactical Groups, and two Submarine Hunting Tactical Fleets were attached to the effort, adding hundreds of ships to deal with mines and even more options for dealing with Tupengan submarines, should they exist.

The naval effort was, in a word, tremendous. The Tupengan navy, if it tried to engage in a stand-up fight, would face an overwhelmingly weighty opponent. Marshite submarines operated ahead of the fleet as well as in a defensive cordon around elements within it, creating a concentric ring of detection and protection. More than ten thousand naval aircraft created a dense protective net above, with the formidable surface fleet searching for threat.
The most forward elements however were the Tactical Submarine Groups, aided by a battalion of Tel'Quessir on retainer from Lamoni. Together they would map the sea lanes ahead of the attack and position themselves to strike. The Tel'Quessir would use their abilities to handle any mines in their way, though it was unexpected to encounter many near Tupenga. The three TSGs mixed with elements of the 6th Strategic Fleet, with more than sixty Kukri class SSKs, over a hundred Xiphos class, and thirty Dadao class submarines as part of the advanced force. This force would be protected in the air by combat patrols of long-range flights from the massed carriers.

When the navy arrived en masse they would release their fury on Tupenga. Naval Air would protect the fleet- both in combat air patrol and by striking anti-naval assets- and launch their own waves into Tupenga in between the Air Force's attacks. These waves would focus on more tactical considerations and would respond to calls for ground support from MAFT and other rebels. Surface ships and the Dadao would unleash massive strikes against targets, but the arsenal ships and Longswords remained silent.

The air and naval attacks were, without question, far more violent than Tupenga likely deserved. It was a nation who would be unlikely to stand up to even a fraction of this power- tens of thousands of aircraft and thousands of combat ships, every hour of the fight.
And as far as Luboski was concerned, that was the point. For years the Church had been convinced by MAFT that logistical and training support was needed, nothing more. Despite the crimes of the Tupengan government they had abided by this agreement, despite Lainika seething the whole time. This had been an unhappy state of affairs, but one that was sustainable.

Then the Marechalisimo had come to power and had made the decisions he had. How could he be so blind? Did he not know the faith of those he was murdering, the nature of the tiger whose tail he pulled? If he did not then, the did now. As every moment of every second was filled with the roar of engines and explosions, would he come to understand what he had done?

The Church was gentle with so many it should not be, and it was capable of much force. The gentle nature with which it treated many of its enemies was perhaps a mistake. It allowed them to think that maybe the Church was reticent to correct them. Tupenga would be corrected. It was being corrected. Every bomb dropped, every armed person killed, was a correction written in blood and wrath. Maybe others would look at the example and see not only how a correction can be undertaken, but understand that it was yet the simplest and least impressive measure available.

Every five minutes, a new message would be passed along to the Tupengans that the Marshites did not strike through whatever methods available, keeping the diplomatic options open. The Church had decided to keep the communication networks of the Northen Tupengan military untouched in a strategic sense for at least the first : While tactical networks would be destroyed as needed, the Church wanted the Tupengans to receive the routine message:

You are judged. Submit.

[Marshite Alliance for a Free Tupenga]

MAFT forces, by and large, did not get all that aggressive despite the Marshite air support, at least during the early rounds of the attacks. They were mostly laying low. The large-scale engagements and battles that had ended had managed to have their intended effect, but losses were heavy and resettling command elements across the sectors took time. Many cells and small-scale units would be without communication for some time and would act on their own, but MAFT as a whole did not launch any wide-scale offensives. It would take some time to recoup losses, train up the large numbers of new recruits, and truly become formidable again.

In the short term, the only officially aggressive elements were the foreign-trained 'Elite' MAFT soldiers and their foreign advisors. Even these weren't truly aggressive, instead only engaging when needed to cover for other MAFT forces that were laying low but mostly being used as aggressive BDA on the TMAF air attacks. Some small cells and small tactical units operating on their own would launch attacks or ambush Tupengan forces when they felt they had the advantage, but it was very minor compared to the engagements beforehand. MAFT was momentarily content with allowing the Theocracy to hammer the Tupengans. One of the most important aspects of this freedom was the great limitation or destruction of drone assets- this allowed MAFT to breathe in spaces where it once suffocated.

Under this air cover MAFT started making some diplomatic moves. MAFT forces had a certain freedom of movement that they would have been denied before and while they still moved cautiously and under the cover of the TMAF air attacks and their anti-air and artillery units, they would make steady progress in contacting others. For the most part, they concerned themselves with towns that had been hit by military raids or other settlements that were threatened, securing them symbolically if mostly just showing the flag and moving on unless broadly needed. They would reach out, in time, to various garrisons and units of the military that were in the north. With the relentless air attacks robbing them of movement, MAFT offered them a way out. It was unlikely the offer would be taken up, but even if declined MAFT would not attack them. When and if MAFT undertook a major military operation again in the near future, it would not happen because of some random garrison. The only engagements would be if they were fired upon by the garrison or unit on peaceful approach or exfil- and that would be when TMAF would be contacted to rain holy hell down on the aggressors.

The diplomatic efforts would reach the cities. In the north they would try and meet with sympathetic officials when possible. In the south, they would work with other rebel groups to create civil disturbances and demand the end of the Butcher's regime as best they could. It would likely take a turn for the worse, but there was always a chance that the people would rise up against the man who was threatening their nation with destruction. Combined with the absolutely hell raining down on them from every quarter and the inherent instability of such a regime, it was always possible for it to topple. And so they would try any method, meet with anyone. They could only hope that there were others who shared their vision of a peaceful future.

Tusana, Kalkala-Sumbe
Two miles northeast of the city-center
Jace's Diner

A long puff of a synthetic cigarette was all the relief Jace Dilahhan could muster. He was in the second floor of the building he partially owned, a five story affair where the first was his diner, the second business offices and rented space, and then three floors of occupancy. He wasn't well known or even all that exceptionally rich, nor unique in what he did, but he was a successful businessman who had done well in Tupenga. On the front he had done what any good Colonial Tupengan would do: Take advantage of the unfair employment and housing market with Creoloso to get incredibly cheap labor with one-sided living space leases. On the surface, most everyone who worked for him didn't like him and his tenants would openly call him cruel. When Tusana fell to MAFT recently, he had made sure to get the hell out of dodge. A year ago some creoloso had even put a bullet through his cheek. By any stretch of the imagination, he was a prick. A prick with a great office mind you, a nice ceiling fan and a great oak desk with a new computer and a picture of his beautiful wife, but a prick.

That is what had made him such an effective MAFT agent for years. He thought the treatment of the creoloso was cruel and inhumane and behind closed doors treated his staff and tenants well. Many of them were some form of supporter of the various anti-colonial insurgencies, especially MAFT. MAFT used the building and others nearby for their activities and while he had made sure to keep most of them off of his property- in time they would be discovered if they did not- he played an important diplomatic role for them. Meetings between officials had taken place under stringent conditions more than once.

Today would simply be another, he reminded himself. He took another drag. Yeah, just another meeting. Hard to remind himself of that as the sound of explosions, jet engines, and gunfire echoed through the open window. From what he had been told the north wasn't being touched anywhere near as much as the south and if that was the case, god bless those poor bastards down south. The sound of engines hadn't stopped since it began, and explosions were as routine as breathing. Most seemed far off. The gunfire was closer. It wouldn't shock him if small rebel cells decided to use the opportunity to strike out. MAFT wasn't doing that and it didn't sound like a general uprising, just a small but growing unrest with automatics. Just another weekend in Tusana, really.

Just another meeting. Maybe enough to save this city before the powder keg truly blew again. The person he was meeting would come up to the second floor to eat with him. That was standard practice for honored guests, and certainly nothing the smattering of guests would consider unusual. Indeed, the diner had many regulars in today. The majority were colonials- Jace's Diner had a 'no creoloso service before noon or after five' rule- with the only creoloso being workers or a few well-to-do ones who were considered more colonial as the colonials! A welcoming environment in these trying times for anyone, really. Especially the man he was set to meet. It would be a good meeting. He had been selected to meet with the man and the result would go a long way to deciding just how many people needed to die.

[The Macabees]

CRIFOSO, CAPITAL OF TUPENGA

The Marechalisimo's inner circle had been called to meet with him again, something that was happening more frequently. When the bombs started dropping, they began meeting in a secret underground bunker well outside of the city and now the meetings were occurring throughout the day. The Marshite bombing campaign had angered the Marechalisimo beyond belief. How could they bomb him after he had acquiesced to his demands? It made him realize that they were unreasonable and that, now, no matter what he did, the outcome would be the same. If they wouldn't act with restraint, neither would he.

Some twenty men, most high-ranking military officers but there were some high-ranking civilian administrators present as well, crowded around the Marechalisimo. His hands were on the war table and he looked rabid as he spoke, his every word seething with anger. He asked, "Our officers in the Kalkala-Sumbe, are they loyal?"

"They have carried out your orders faithfully thus far, Your Excellency," said one of the generals.

The Marechalisimo scoffed. "It's easy to follow orders when you're not being bombed by the enemy, but the incentives to disobey my commands are growing by the minute. We must be reassured of our officers' loyalties. Anyone who hasn't shown the utmost vigor in defending our country and its leader must be removed and replaced, is that understood?" He looked around the room.

Another officer asked, "General Erasmo Ribeiro. Is he to be removed?"

Nodding, the dictator answered, "Tonight, the army will be informed that I am taking over direct command of our armed forces in the north for the implementation of Opção Vermelha. Erasmo Ribeiro is to return to the capital for further orders. That is all he is to know. Upon his arrival, he is to be arrested and executed. Many of his men are loyal to him, so do it quietly. Those men are to be purged and replaced. Every officer in our armed forces must be loyal to me and me alone."

His words were met by stunned silence. Finally, one of the men in the room asked, "Opção Vermelha? Is that necessary?"

Marechalisimo Louis-August Bragança removed his sidearm from its holster, pulled back the hammer, and shot the man who asked the question in the face. The bullet went through his skull and blood stained the wall behind him, as smoke streamed from out of the gun's barrel. The dictator said, "I may not live much longer, but my legacy will live forever. Whether I see our glory days or not, I will be damned if the Marshites or anybody else stops me from making Tupenga the safe haven it ought to be for our people. I swear to you all, that by the end of all of this not a single creoloso or traitor to our cause will be left alive in this country."



TUSANA, REGIONAL CAPITAL IN NORTHERN TUPENGA
Written cooperatively with Holy Marsh.

Erasmo Ribeiro was hardly distinguishable when he stepped out of the discreet civilian vehicle, parked in the alley behind Jace's Diner. Wearing civilian clothes, including a hoodie wrapped tight over his head, he quickly stepped into the restaurant. He was instructed to make his way up to the second floor and that no one would bother him, so he did just that. The general stepped quickly, for most of the diner's customers at this hour were colonials and one or another may recognize him given enough time. He didn't need anyone knowing he was here. He didn't need the questions. The country was brewing toward a boiling point and the less anybody knew, the more likely this gamble that Erasmo was about to take would pay off. He eventually walked into Jace Dilahhan's office.

Jace casually motioned to the seats across from him. "It is good to meet you, even under these circumstances."

The general took seat, noticing the scar across the man's cheek, and replied, "Likewise. Pass my thanks on for entertaining me. I will make this time worth your while."

"I think we will find that this time will be well-spent, on both of our accounts," he leaned back. He went inside his desk and pulled out some scotch and started to pour.

One of the glasses is pushed across the table and Erasmo stops it with his hand, bringing it up to his mouth. He had learned from a distiller many years ago the proper way of appreciating a whisky's fragrance. Making sure to breath in only through his mouth, he let the floral tones of spice, nut, and even a woody hint of chocolate, waft into his system. Then he took a sip. "This is quite good, thank you," he said. Putting the glass back down, he added, "I won't waste your time, Mr. Dilahhan. I am looking to recruit MAFT, and any other rebel organization that's willing, to my cause. I believe my cause aligns with theirs. Do you think there would be interest?"

Jace allowed the drink, and the question, to breathe before he took a drink of his own. "Define recruit, General Erasmo," he said as he put his drink down. "And define your cause."

"You must understand that what I am about to say is extremely sensitive. Tupenga is no longer safe, not even for the overall commander of Tupengan government ground forces in the Kalkala-Sumbe. In fact, perhaps especially for the overall commander." Erasmo paused to take another sip from his glass. Then, "There are forces in motion that will purge the Tupengan military from any and all officers who hold any sympathy for the creoloso people. These forces will overreach, for the purpose of guaranteeing their mission. They will kill men who perhaps hate creoloso, but haven't proved that hatred as violently as they should have. I am one of those men, despite my loyalty to Tupenga. And perhaps these forces are not seen as a threat because the current regime's days are most obviously numbered—"

Almost on cue, the floor and walls shook, and dust floated and fell down from the ceiling, as somewhere in the distance some target was bombarded. The general continued, "The threat these forces represent, however, are not long-term. They have been given the means to carry out their will over the short-term, and their own longevity is not just not a factor, but actually is a motivation. Many millions will die. Millions will likely die one way or another, but as the darkness closes around us I have found a new mission and that is to save as many Tupengans as possible from Louis-August Bragança's madness. Tomorrow, the armed forces in the Kalkala-Sumbe will experience a divide. Officers and men loyal to me will revolt against the Marechalisimo and march not just against those elements of my army that remain loyal to the dictator, but against the dictator himself. I intend to remove Bragança from power before the Marshites arrive so that, perhaps, by doing so we allow T Tupenga to determine its own future. I ask MAFT, and other rebels, to join us in a full-scale revolt, helping troops following me and attacking those loyal to the Marechalisimo. The fewer men I need to allocate toward defeating loyalist elements and the more I can bring with me to the capital, the better the odds of success."

Jace heard the General's speech, wondering just how likely a coup was to work. "I see," he said as he took another sip. As he did another series of explosions rocked the district, sending some of the drink over his cheek. He pulled his handkerchief out and cleaned himself off. "It is good there are some in your position who now see the writing on the wall. A tragedy that the lot didn't act sooner and allowed it to progress this far, but no matter for it now," he said with a heavy sigh. "MAFT might be open to a method of ending the violence sooner. I can't speak for their leadership or for the leadership of the varied rebel groups of course, but I can say that the idea of ending this war on our terms is appealing."

"Many years ago, there was a news story of a boy, no older than 13, who took his father's rifle and murdered both him and the mother. A psychologist who was interviewed said that the books would need re-writing because the boy had shown no known signs of mental illness. Sometimes insanity is hard to see for what it is until it manifests itself in the most obvious way. Anyway, the coup will begin regardless of rebel support. I just hope that when the time comes, I can count on the rebels' help. I trust you will do what's in your power. Let fate decide the rest."

He finished the rest of the whisky in his glass with one large gulp. "I have another request."

"And what would that be?"

"When the coup is successful," he answered, "I will hand power to the rebels. The Tupengan army will be ordered to stand aside, return to their bases, and those who don't will be treated as enemies of the new Tupengan Republic. Rebel military units will be formally acknowledged as the official military arm of the republic and Tupenga's security will be in their hands. The rebels owe nothing to people like me, but not all of us are guilty. Those who have partaken in the genocide should be brought to trial. As overall commander of forces in the north, the man who oversaw the genocide, I will be the first to turn myself in. My family, my wife, is innocent, though. Allow our families to leave the country should they want, or to partake in its future should they prefer to stay. Let us put an end to the racial determination of who lives and who dies. The new republic ought to be defined, from the very beginning, by its dedication to justice. Now, I understand that it's not your choice. And, like I said, the coup and its aftermath will take place regardless of what the rebels decide. Let fate decide. But, at least promise me that you will share my case in a way that does justice to the way I have made it."

That was an unusual request, to be sure. It still struck Jace as odd that the General believed he had much room to 'hand' power to the rebels. Either MAFT and allies could take it under Theocratic airpower, or it would be Theocratic forces who would be handing it over. The idea that Tupengan military officials would have a great deal of say in the matter, coup or no, struck Jace as odd. Of course, even in this scenario, it would be true that the actions were taken as a result of foreign pressure, so Jace figured that as long as the start and end were the same the details would be lost in time. Especially when you wrote the book.

"MAFT has never had a policy of violence or discrimination against their oppressors in the case of an overturning of the government, so I do not see why that would change. So from them, I can safely say that the ability for your families and others who wish to leave will not be impeded. I will do what I can to share your story and the reasons behind your decisions with the relevant people. It is in Marsh's hand at that point, of course."

"Good." Erasmo stood and, before leaving, added, "Thank you for the hospitality."

He left as quickly and discreetly as he had come. The general had a coup to launch.



WAR IN THE KALKALA-SUMBE

The Marshite bombing campaign had taken its toll. Most of the Tupengan air force was now destroyed and the military's air defense system had gone silent, with the intention of preserving itself as long as possible. RADAR stations were now working intermittently, moving around and sharing data through a common network, but otherwise avoiding the enemy air campaign as best as possible. SAM batteries and other air defense weapons had equally gone dark, relying on the data network rather than on their own systems, therefore being much more difficult to find and destroy. The Tupengan military had an additional source of intelligence via the Ordenite Reich, which was passing back satellite intelligence on the launching of Marshite aircraft. Thus, while they could not be tracked, the Tupengans had advanced warning and repositioned themselves, or went underground in time. If necessary, the SAMs could be used to thin out incoming missiles and reduce their damage, but in large part, the bombing campaign was not interfered with, rather it was avoided as best as possible. It meant that the Tupengan air force would no longer be an asset at the disposal of ground forces, but this particular reality was unavoidable regardless.

Ground forces saw greater restrictions in their movements, and leave had been canceled for all soldiers. Orders were quickly issued to reduce troop concentrations and spread out, both to reduce casualties when a position was successfully bombarded and also to make each position more difficult to successfully bombard. The Tupengan Army took a page out of the insurgents' playbook in that regard. Mobile light infantry could be impossible targets to hit — it's why supporting ground attack aircraft with cannons were oftentimes preferred by the infantryman.

Nerves were fraying among the men. There was some uncertainty on what would happen now. Would the government ramp up its operations against the rebels? It seemed like the status quo was unsustainable. Unless the insurgency was defeated now, there might not be a Tupengan Army to defeat it in the long term. Or, did the Marechalisimo have an ace of his sleeve in the coming war against Holy Marsh? Nobody knew.

Then, a new set of orders were issued to high-ranking officers. General Ribeiro was ordered back to the capital. Hundreds of other officers received similar orders. Those who didn't, those who were to remain in command, were issued a different set: to proceed with Opção Vermelha, effective immediately. The genocide of the creoloso was to proceed and, given the dispersal of units, officers down to the platoon level were given the freedom to enforce these new orders. This conveniently side-stepped any possible resistance amongst the deposed commanders. Indeed, the killings started almost immediately. Many of the men were so psychologically wasted that murdering creoloso seemed like a way of coping with the stress. The situation was quickly spiraling out of control.

Marechalisimo Bragança had precipitated the coup, although it was clear he wasn't fully aware of which officers were loyal and which weren't, as many of the participating officers had not received orders to transfer their command. He probably was unaware altogether, just vaguely aware of shifting loyalties. Regardless, his orders meant that the coup had to be launched now or never, so that night General Ribeiro gave the word.

Ribeiro was still in Tusana, at the time. The general oversaw the coup in the city personally, directing loyal units to quickly surround and force the surrender of any unit where that was any ambiguity at all regarding the commanding officers' support of the coup. At moments, gunfire sounded in the distance as fighting broke out. But, the general had made sure he had enough friendly forces in the area to ensure success in Tusana. Quickly, he organized a column to head out toward the port city of Ambuambo, with the intent of reaching it that same night. It was important that the coup in Ambuambo was also successful. From there, he could head south the next day and rapidly overpower Bragança and any loyalist forces. Speed of action was of the utmost importance, as was the element of surprise.

Thus, throughout the Kalkala-Sumbe there was a mixture of actions. Some units carried out genocide. Others quickly advertised their support of the coup to rebel forces, largely by moving against any loyalist Tupengans in the field before these had the opportunity to carry out their murderous instructions. Firefights and battles erupted within the Tupengan Army as the beginning of a mini-civil war played out that night.

Tupenga had reached its boiling point.

[Marshite Alliance for a Free Tupenga]

MAFT forces could broadly be divided into five categories during the new stage of the war.
The first were their best soldiers, the foreign-trained and armed 'elite' with Theocractic advisors. As the Tupengans started to once again target civilians, MAFT forces would respond. In many engagements MAFT forces would hold a few advantages- numerical and morale, to name the most important. MAFT forces after the attack had been given at least some time to rest and engage at their own pace, while Marshite air strikes had changed the calculus wildly for their enemy. As Tupengan military units moved to enact their genocidal plans they would run into MAFT forces in the villages and other civilian areas, spearheaded by earlier efforts during the earliest part of the air campaign. In these areas, MAFT would have the enviable distinction of being in possession of the field before the enemy arrived, capable of calling in air strikes while MAFT's small artillery force was focused on supporting the first-rank MAFT force. In others, MAFT forces were responding to attacks on civilians, intervening as much as they could.

The second category were the older, more experienced insurgents who had formed the backbone of the insurgency. They had mapped the area and lived in the area long enough that as MAFT had moved around after the previous engagements to reorganize, they had been able to choose the best areas to work from. As the Tupengans dispersed to try and survive the airstrikes they would run into these men and women who had already laid claim to the best, most defensible of holdouts in terms of surviving the airstrikes. The hidden places, the secret places- these were the homes of these local veteran insurgents, not the oppressor interlopers. MAFT rebels would be working with greater local intelligence and worked from a position of relative strength in this style of warfare, this time backed up by the inevitability of airstrikes should any fight last long enough. When and if Tupengan forces disengaged, they were to be hounded continuously by the veterans who had fought this style of war for years. The Tupengan military was now engaged in fighting a guerrilla war against those who had fought as guerrilas, doing so in a hostile, unfriendly countryside.

The third category were the 'blooded', younger MAFT members that had fought in the recent campaigns or had received enough training to be considered dependable enough to use immediately. They would make up the bulk of any given engagement MAFT would fight, acting as the muscle behind the first two categories. Often times they would be used in an effort to pin the Tupengans down or force a continued engagement. Some of the Blooded were turning into fine soldiers, honing their skills under well-drilled Tupengan fire. Others died, teaching survivors through example what not to do. They would bear the brunt of the casualties and also would earn their share of the glory.
The fourth category were the less-well trained and newer members, who by and large had a great willingness to fight but lacked great skill. They were to be used as mop-up forces, or as they were deemed capable enough moved into the third category. Alongside small units of other categories they made up the bulk of forces held back. Capable due to willingness to fight and die in defense, they lacked the necessary skills to be used in offensive guerrilla warfare.

The fifth category were the activist cells in the larger cities, especially the south where MAFT activity was lower. In the chaos of the bombing, as the power grid failed and communication systems went offline, they activated alongside allied rebel cells such as the communist groups. In some places, targeted violence was called for. Assassinations, bombings, the like seen in the north. In others, they worked with a more nonviolent approach- with communists especially, large worker strikes from key industries calling for an end to the war. The protests would hopefully spread to more sectors, shutting down the cities even more than a power grid failure, communication blackout, bombing campaign, and in progress coup could.

As far as the coup went, MAFT leadership informed forces closest to coup forces about the situation and allowed them to work with the coup as they saw fit. From there, it was spread from one commander to another as only a select few commanders heard from MAFT leadership at any given time. MAFT and coup forces would sometimes fight side by side, even if old hatreds died hard and not every interaction went smoothly. As the coup ramped up so did MAFT, as its forces went from an active defense to a full blown offensive across the north. Heavy casualties were expected as their enemy was still very capable but under the heavy air cover provided by the Theocracy and with a coup underway MAFT was confident in a final, blood-soaked victory.

Bloody because, taken as a whole, it was always hard to utilize MAFT forces to their utmost effectiveness. There was a great variance in the quality of commanders and soldiery even within the broader categories, and due to years of being decentralized there was a lag in communication. The foreign-trained soldiers and their officers were somewhat inured to this, as were forces with Marshite advisors who would have access to a broad battlespace network, but they were the exceptions that proved the rule. Many units would fight within a broad guideline. Of those, a great deal were led by experienced insurgents and would adapt, but it was a broad offensive and the north ran red again with innumerable conflicts.