Tawnat: A North African Political RP (IC/OPEN)

[Jovuistan]

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CURRENT IC DATE RANGE: January 1st, 2020 - January 21st, 2020

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THREAD LINKS:

OOC Thread|Albarlaman

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List of Administrators: Jovuistan (Head OP), Gordano and Lysandus (Co-OP), Federal States of Xathuecia (Co-OP)

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Welcome to Tawnat, an archipelago nation situated in North Africa above Libya. With a population of more than 700,000, Tawnat has gone from a trade hub between Europe and the Ottomans in the 16th century to being exploited for its large oil reserve by the French Empire in the late period of colonialism to descending into dictatorship after gaining independence at last from foreign powers. The reign of Suleiman Al-Zaruq was marked by oppression and a cult of personality that was able to repel an invasion by Libya while brutally assassinating anyone who opposed his iron fist.

But in 2010, Al-Zaruq died, and his son faced ruling over a nation in crisis, and once the Arab Spring began, there was no salvaging the faltering dictatorship from being overthrown by pro-democracy forces. Democracy and freedom would now be experienced by the Tawnati for the first time in generations, but at a time where the archipelago is more divided than ever.

In this roleplay, you play as a politician in this heavily divided nation. Play as a member of the Albarlaman or be a Governor or Mayor. Run for President to bring change to Tawnat or preserve the status quo, or run for another race and make a difference in your community. You can play as any character you wish as long as they’re within the boundaries of realism.

But be ready to navigate a sea of divisive issues as tensions between factions of the loose governing coalition reach a boiling point over questions such as secularism and refugees coming from the wartorn Libya. Economic issues caused by variable oil prices and a declining tourist industry due to the violence of the Arab Spring leave many Tawnati people in poverty. Meanwhile abroad, the Arab world faces a struggle for influence between the United States and Russia, while a regional struggle between Iran and Saudi Arabia has split the Arab world. The people of Tawnat are counting on you to solve these problems.

So go ahead and join the Republic of Tawnat. Try to bring the archipelago further into the light of democracy, or turn it into a more holy theocratic state, or do something completely different. The only thing between you and glory is whether your wits can keep up with the politics of a nation in crisis.

Please wait for your application to be accepted before posting

[Jovuistan]

HAFERDAZ, TAWNAT
JANUARY 1ST, 2020

Loud bangs struck through the air in quick succession, crackling being heard all around as explosions went off in the sky. Fireworks were flying in beautiful colors in the night as the populace of Tawnat's capital celebrated. The new year was here, and it would be one of the most consequential in the small archipelago nation's history. The people had gathered together to party for this occasion, forgetting the instability of their government and the crises threatening Tawnat's position as a sustainable state. None of that mattered that night. The only thing that mattered was a celebration of the future, one that all hoped would be much brighter than the past.

Barricades were set up around the city square, and guards patrolled Haferdaz looking for anyone acting even remotely suspicious. Being that Tawnat had become such an unstable state, it was natural to suspect that somebody would try to use the gathering as an opportunity to kill. Extra precautions were being taken to protect the masses from wannabe trouble makers. But the partiers didn't care about that, there was no reason to live in fear during a holiday.

Well for one man there was certainly reason to feel down.

Watching from the walls of the Presidential Palace, President Omar Qaderi stood silently. He wasn't in a good mood right now. In fact, he hadn't been in a good mood for days. His recent diagnosis had destroyed any positivity he could have felt as the new year rolled by. The public didn't know it yet, but Qaderi had just a few years left on earth. He could only think about how his life was near the end of the road, despite his associates' insistence that he look forward to all of the joyous moments he had left. Omar Qaderi was going to die slowly, and he wouldn't even get the chance to fix the country he loved so dearly.

The country had only grown more divided under his rule, despite his whole schtick being about how he was supposed to be some unifying force that would bring Tawnat together, despite the major parties all agreeing on the need to get Tawnat on a path to a stable democracy. The tensions over religion and other issues were simply too much of Omar to get together. There was no compromise to be had on any side, not for the Islamists or the Secularists. The election to find his successor was bound to be bloody and personal after the coalition has barely been able to hold on for six hard years. The President sighed, shaking his head in disappointment and shame. He walked back into his office and sat down. He shuffled through his papers and read over the government's agenda for his final year in office. The odds of it all being passed were pretty low with so much partisanship and division at the moment, something that frustrated Omar to no end.

He grit his teeth as he tried not to think about it all too deeply. His anger at the situation got the best of him, however, as he pounded his fist against his desk. He wasn't the type to get stressed or infuriated about much, but the events that had been transpiring around him were beginning to take a toll on his mental well-being. He would have to find some way to take a break from this whenever possible, though with a nation in crisis it wouldn't be the best look in the public eye for their leader to be slacking off. He sat there, reading slowly and quietly, holding back a few tears as he thought over his options.

This was going to be a long year.

[Agarntrop]

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[Sao Nova Europa]

January 2, 2020

The day after the celebrations of the new year, Fadhel ben Salem was already back in his office and in discussions with his top advisers and political strategists about the next steps the Islamic Liberal Party would have to take. With him were Mohamed Mouakher, Vice-Chairman of the ILP, and Mark Roberts, one of the American campaign managers hired by Fadhel. Mohamed belonged to the economically-liberal faction of the party, being a strong proponent of privatizations and tax cuts. Mark had worked before in various local and national races in the US, consulting GOP candidates.

"The coalition government is widely unpopular," Mark said. "Economic stagnation, constant disagreements between the coalition partners, refugee crisis, religious disagreements all have taken their toll. Many of the voters of the coalition parties are centrist liberals, secular conservatives and Islamists who are are up for grabs with the right electoral strategy. The ILP is in a pretty good position right now; many of those voters are disappointed with the coalition parties but have no desire to vote for the left or the Ba'athists. Those are the voters that the ILP needs to get. If we can present a realistic governmental alternative, we can substantially increase our vote share."

Mohamed nodded in agreement. "We need to make use of the anti-establishment feeling that is sweeping many parts of the country. We are in an unique position to exploit the rage many people feel because we can offer an opportunity to the voters to punish the establishment without needing to vote for a radical Islamist or left-wing party. Those voters who are angry with the political elites but are too afraid to vote for radicals will come to us."

"Indeed," Mark agreed. "We can offer a socially respectable anti-establishment alternative. But for that to happen, we need a more pugilistic and populist tone in our campaign. We need to exploit frustration with the economy, refugees and secularism. Those are the issues that will bring us voters."

Fadhel was listening carefully. Being a soft-spoken professor of economics and a traditional conservative, he wouldn't be the ideal 'populist' but he understood very well that channeling rage at the establishment was bound to generate more votes than talking about Friedman or Mises. "I agree. We shall make some subtle changes on our messaging to strike a more populist tone. We need to strike the right balance between exploiting frustration with the elites and maintaining our reputation as a center-right party that can be trusted with governance."

"We should organize anti-tax protests," Mohamed replied. "We need to tell people that the reason they pay taxes is because government bureaucrats and political cronies want to pocket their heard-earned money. We will also circulate on social media and newspapers pictures, truth or fake, of fat civil servants. Crude but should get the message across. The slogan of the protests can be 'No More Theft'. We will promise drastic tax cuts and to dismantle the 'administrative' state."

"We can also use some of populist rhetoric that worked well in the US," Mark added. "You are an outsider, a professor and technocrat rather than a traditional politician. You've been in politics only for a few years and you haven't held any government office. You can use this to your advantage; you, an outsider, can promise to bring change and drain the swamp. We can paint the coalition politicians as corrupt elites who care only about Haferdaz and don't give a damn about the rest of the country. Mobilize the grievances many feel about secularism and 'progressive elites'. State that you shall defend the Islamic traditions of Tawnat."

"We can also use anti-Libyan sentiment," Mohamed stated. "The Libyan invasion is still within memory of most people and the recent refugee arrivals, especially in Sahil Al-Hubub, are becoming unpopular. Connect the Libyan invasion with the Libyan refugees; an unarmed invasion to change the demographic makeup of Tawnat and make it Libyan. Circulate stories about Libyans taking jobs and welfare benefits while the Tawnat people are struggling. State that you will place Tawnat First."

Fadhel nodded. "No more tax theft, draining the swamp, opposing secular elites who want to eradicate Islam and look down on rural people, opposing Libyan migrant invasion and placing Tawnat First. That will be the ILPs campaign. And that will be my presidential campaign too."

[Azekopolaltion]

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Latif Faisal
Haferdaz, Tawnat
January 1st, 2020

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Latif Faisal took a bit of a disinterested look outside at the firecrackers that were lighting up the capital's sky, marking that it had just struck midnight here in Tawnat. The New Year had begun. And surely there were people who were celebrating, politicians who were scheming, and voters that were dreaming.

Latif was only focused on working.

This marked the completion of his second year as Tawnati Minister for the Economy and Finance, and he knew as well as anybody that nobody was impressed with the current government's handling of the country. The blame could not be placed on him; when a government is composed of everybody from fundamentalist Muslims in the Qudus Movement to forward thinking rationalists like himself, there was bound to be instability and gridlock.

So naturally, Latif had spent the first two years in this job playing ball. The Islamists in the coalition government had taken a chance on him, a liberal professor of economics, to help lead the county out of crisis. He couldn't afford to upset them, and hadn't made much of a mark in the first two years in order to keep the leaders happy, despite his personal hatred for them.

No longer. Now was the time to make moves. Latif never had a shortage of plans, and if the America fetishists in the opposition managed to miraculously come to power in the upcoming elections, they would surely run the country into the ground. He had ideas that would gain public support and be one step ahead of the economists in the Islamic Liberal Party.

But first was the matter of the budget. The 2020 Tawnati Budget was to be presented in exactly one month, and although it would officially be the third budget drafted by Latif, it would technically be the first one that he had any independence on. The last two were designed to please the others in the cabinet; this time, he would apply a more personal approach.

He stared at the statistics on his paper and sighed. The budget deficit had to be reduced if they had any hope of managing their public debt in the longterm. But the question was, where to trim the fat?

The first idea was some partial privatisation of government industry. Latif wanted to start with the railways. It was no secret that the rail industry in Tawnat was suffering from chronic underinvestment, given the fact that the government only collected so much taxpayer money and they'd had to raise fares in order to fund the service properly. Starting the process of privatising Tawnati Rail would earn the government some immediate cash, allow for the investment of taxpayer dollars elsewhere, increase efficiency and quality of the railways, and lower fares. Latif had decided to draft a proposal for a three year process to fully privatise the service.

The next was a pay cut for government employees - mainly politicians. Latif was looking at a 30% to 60% sliding pay cut from the bottom of the political system - MP's, governors, mayors, etc. - to the top. This austerity measure would probably not make a big dent in the deficit, but it was a populist measure nonetheless that would gain him some favors with the public. Convincing the cabinet though? That was the hard part.

He was also still working through his plan for a small sovereign wealth fund for Tawnat, capitalized by state oil profits and a small new tax on private oil companies. The most successful example of this was Norway, whose fund had grown to about $1 trillion to invest in their country. But this wasn't a novel idea for the Middle East either - most oil and gas producing countries, like Saudi Arabia, Iran, and Qatar, operated sovereign wealth funds. Investing their oil surpluses in high-yield securities and reinvesting that in the Tawnati people was an idea that he was very keen on.

Latif could see from the stats that Tawnat desperately needed to stimulate demand. He was firmly Neo-Keynesian in his outlook, and knew that they could create jobs, reduce poverty, and move away from being a developing nation if they put serious efforts into stimulating consumption and investment. However, the one tool in increasing demand that Latif was wary of was increasing government expenditures, since their debt crisis was serious enough as is and he didn't want to do anything that further crowded out private investment.

It would have to be a hybrid of reallocating government spending responsibly, attracting private investment through incentives, and giving people more disposable income. This all added up to targeted tax incentives. Latif had drawn up a scheme to halve their corporate tax rate over three years, reducing it by 3% per year until it reached about 11%. This seemed like a good idea to Latif based on his projections because it would supercharge private investment in the economy, reduce unemployment, and reduce poverty.

The only problem with that was the implications for the budget deficit and, therefore, the national debt. Any tax cut had to be coupled with a spending cut, which would reduce aggregate demand. The question was whether the increased private spending would offset the fall in government expenditures.

Latif sighed and pinched the bridge of his nose. This was too much thinking for midnight on New Year's Day, and he hadn't even gotten to his antipoverty plans yet. Oh well. It would all have to wait. He really didn't look forward to discussing his ideas with the culture warriors in the cabinet, who seemed completely disinterested in economic plans. But this years was his to make an impact.

[Sao Nova Europa]

January 3, 2020

Fadhel ben Salem, Mohamed Mouakher, Mark Roberts and Sulaimaan el-Mannan were in the ILPs headquarters and discussing in Fadhel's office. Sulaimaan, a twenty-five year old French educated computer programmer dressed in a tweed suit, was the head of ILPs 'Trolls'. The ILP had a small - comprised of a dozen individuals - team of internet trolls that would manage multiple unofficial social media accounts and bots; the goal was to amplify the message of the ILP. While social media in Tawnat were not as common as in the West, they were common enough to be viable.

"We need to spread whatever kind of rumors we can about our political opponents," Mark said. "It isn't important if they are credible, true or get debunked easily. Where there is smoke, there is fire is the conventional wisdom held by most people. And, most importantly, while people learn and share accusations easily, they rarely pay attention to corrections. The impressions created by the rumors remain."

"Indeed," Sulaimaan confirmed. "That's how social media work. We will create a couple of news blogs. The blogs will at first contain factual, short and concise political news but later posts will include accusations and fake stories about our political opponents. Our trolls and bots on Facebook, Twitter and WhattsApp shall share those blogs and ensure that they become trending topics. Even if our opponents file lawsuits against the blogs and news sites debunk the stories, most people will pay attention to the accusations and at least some of them will believe them. We can also have our bots and trolls attack mainstream media - when they debunk our stories - that they are in the pockets of coalition politicians and that they are fake news and enemies of the people. If our supporters come to distrust the mainstream media, they will be informed by websites and media that are controlled by us."

"What kind of fake news will we be spreading?" Fadhel asked.

"We will start with minor accusations," Mark replied. "Spread stories about government ministers avoiding paying fines or being negligent in their ministerial duties; we can also share stories about the liberals in the coalition disrespecting Islam, that they are secretly atheists and fictional instances of them making disparaging comments about rural and religious voters. Then we will move on with stories about bribes, corruption, involvement in drug and human trafficking scandals. We can even accuse politicians of being in league with NGOs that are dealing with migration; this should reinforce our anti-immigration message. By the time the voting begins, a not insignificant part of the electorate will consider the coalition politicians to be corrupt criminals."

"Nice," Fadhel nodded. "I give you the green light to proceed with the operation."

"We also need to organize protests against the government," Mohamed intervened. "At first they will be manned by ILP party members and supporters; we can pay buses to bring supporters from all over the country to the protests in order to make them look more massive. We can even pay some people to participate in the protests. After a while, as our protests get media attention, grassroots protests should begin being organized. This will give a picture of popular support for the ILP and of indignation with the government. We will be building from zero a Tawnat Tea Party of sorts. The demonstrations will protest overtaxation, debt and bureaucracy and demand tax cuts and an end to tax theft. The slogan of the protests will be "no more theft!" and the protests will be dubbed by us as 'liberty protests', a good, attractive name. If the government sends police units to try and contain those protests, justifiably or not, we can always accuse the government of wanting to establish a dictatorial regime."

"I like it," Fadhel replied. "We need to go on all out attack and use scorched earth tactics if we are to get elected. Our goal is to smash the current party system like Macron did in France and Trump in the US. No compromises, no political correctness, no shackling by norms. We will get the presidency."

[Gordano and Lysandus]

Sheikh Hassan
Haferdaz
Wednesday 1st January, 2020

Happy New Year. Hassan didn't care much for recognizing the New Year under the Gregorian calendar, something which had very much been established under French rule. Islamic New Year wasn't until August, however, and the Western world whose affairs to which they were inexorably tied ran on this calendar, so accepting the fait accompli was what it was. With the grand former palaces of the Beys and Emirs of Tawnat long since coopted by presidents and government agencies, the al-Fathis lived now in a handsome estate that had been co-opted from the Zaruq family out on the outskirts of Haferdaz, high on a hill and with good views. Views that afforded him a good sight of the fireworks. It was not a Happy New Year, and the Year that had passed was no better. The acrimony in the ruling coalition had by now reached a boiling point, and even his dear friend President Qaderi seemed unable to kick the divisive questions any further down the road. Instability would be the death of Tawnat, and whether it was a Republic or an Emirate, he was dedicated to seeing this nation, his nation, not suffer any further woe.

Hassan frowned as he turned from the balcony and went indoors to the pleasantly air conditioned confines of his office, sitting down at his desk. He chose - as he so often did at times like these - to write a statement. Whilst there was no monarchist party in Tawnat (he had explicitly told his followers to put the politics of Tawnat before the politics of the throne), factions existed in a number of corners that still listened to what he had to say. Still put stock in the word of the man-who-would-be-Emir. SIghing, he put pen to paper and began to write, belatedly, a New Year's message. He wasn't the President, of course, so there'd be no televised message of good will, but at the very least, it'd run in a few sympathetic newspapers.

He looked over at a pinboard he kept, keeping track of the movements between various parties. The conservatives, the liberals, the socialists, the Islamists. Who would work with who? Who could he trust? He saw the faultlines clear as day. Would there even be a governing majority after the next election? He had no idea. Once his statement was finished, he slid it aside and went to pick up his phone, dialling in the number for the switchboard at the Presidential Palace. "This is Sheikh Hassan. Yes, I would like to speak to the President. No, he's not expecting me. Yes, I'll hold."

[Jovuistan]

Sheikh Hassan
Haferdaz
Wednesday 1st January, 2020

(Image)

Happy New Year. Hassan didn't care much for recognizing the New Year under the Gregorian calendar, something which had very much been established under French rule. Islamic New Year wasn't until August, however, and the Western world whose affairs to which they were inexorably tied ran on this calendar, so accepting the fait accompli was what it was. With the grand former palaces of the Beys and Emirs of Tawnat long since coopted by presidents and government agencies, the al-Fathis lived now in a handsome estate that had been co-opted from the Zaruq family out on the outskirts of Haferdaz, high on a hill and with good views. Views that afforded him a good sight of the fireworks. It was not a Happy New Year, and the Year that had passed was no better. The acrimony in the ruling coalition had by now reached a boiling point, and even his dear friend President Qaderi seemed unable to kick the divisive questions any further down the road. Instability would be the death of Tawnat, and whether it was a Republic or an Emirate, he was dedicated to seeing this nation, his nation, not suffer any further woe.

Hassan frowned as he turned from the balcony and went indoors to the pleasantly air conditioned confines of his office, sitting down at his desk. He chose - as he so often did at times like these - to write a statement. Whilst there was no monarchist party in Tawnat (he had explicitly told his followers to put the politics of Tawnat before the politics of the throne), factions existed in a number of corners that still listened to what he had to say. Still put stock in the word of the man-who-would-be-Emir. SIghing, he put pen to paper and began to write, belatedly, a New Year's message. He wasn't the President, of course, so there'd be no televised message of good will, but at the very least, it'd run in a few sympathetic newspapers.

He looked over at a pinboard he kept, keeping track of the movements between various parties. The conservatives, the liberals, the socialists, the Islamists. Who would work with who? Who could he trust? He saw the faultlines clear as day. Would there even be a governing majority after the next election? He had no idea. Once his statement was finished, he slid it aside and went to pick up his phone, dialling in the number for the switchboard at the Presidential Palace. "This is Sheikh Hassan. Yes, I would like to speak to the President. No, he's not expecting me. Yes, I'll hold."

Qaderi had just finished up a meeting with his cabinet as an intern came up to him informing him that Sheikh Hassan wanted to speak with him. It was a surprise for sure, but after the events of the past several days it was a welcome one. He picked up the phone in anticipation of reconnecting with an old ally of his.

"Hello, Hassan? This is Omar speaking."

[Gordano and Lysandus]

Qaderi had just finished up a meeting with his cabinet as an intern came up to him informing him that Sheikh Hassan wanted to speak with him. It was a surprise for sure, but after the events of the past several days it was a welcome one. He picked up the phone in anticipation of reconnecting with an old ally of his.

"Hello, Hassan? This is Omar speaking."

"Omar, how're things going over there?" He frowned, leaning back in his seat. "Is the Cabinet holding together?" Hassan was always keenly worried about how things were going, especially with the economy as vulnerable as it was. "The election's going to tear a lot of old wounds open."

[Jovuistan]

Qaderi had just finished up a meeting with his cabinet as an intern came up to him informing him that Sheikh Hassan wanted to speak with him. It was a surprise for sure, but after the events of the past several days it was a welcome one. He picked up the phone in anticipation of reconnecting with an old ally of his.

"Hello, Hassan? This is Omar speaking."

"Omar, how're things going over there?" He frowned, leaning back in his seat. "Is the Cabinet holding together?" Hassan was always keenly worried about how things were going, especially with the economy as vulnerable as it was. "The election's going to tear a lot of old wounds open."

Omar frowned, remaining silent for a few seconds, "It is... holding. I don't expect it to maintain itself once the election draws near due to those old wounds as you mentioned, but for now, it seems to be staying together. There are other issues that I'm having to deal with right now, however..." The President trailed off, not sure how to give Hassan the news, "Listen, this isn't out to the public yet, but I just want you to be aware so you're prepared when it happens. I have some tragic news to tell you..." he silenced himself once again, losing his words.

[Gordano and Lysandus]

Omar frowned, remaining silent for a few seconds, "It is... holding. I don't expect it to maintain itself once the election draws near due to those old wounds as you mentioned, but for now, it seems to be staying together. There are other issues that I'm having to deal with right now, however..." The President trailed off, not sure how to give Hassan the news, "Listen, this isn't out to the public yet, but I just want you to be aware so you're prepared when it happens. I have some tragic news to tell you..." he silenced himself once again, losing his words.

"Omar, whatever the crisis is, I have every faith in you to carry the country through it." Frowning, he went to pour some water out of a chilled carafe, going to take a sip between remarks. "We've both worked so hard to help Tawnat put Zaruqism behind itself. I know the Arab Spring's not gone well for a lot of countries but we're closer to Tunisia than Syria, it can't be that bad." He wasn't sure if he was trying to bargain with President Qaderi or his own anxiety.

[Jovuistan]

Omar frowned, remaining silent for a few seconds, "It is... holding. I don't expect it to maintain itself once the election draws near due to those old wounds as you mentioned, but for now, it seems to be staying together. There are other issues that I'm having to deal with right now, however..." The President trailed off, not sure how to give Hassan the news, "Listen, this isn't out to the public yet, but I just want you to be aware so you're prepared when it happens. I have some tragic news to tell you..." he silenced himself once again, losing his words.

"Omar, whatever the crisis is, I have every faith in you to carry the country through it." Frowning, he went to pour some water out of a chilled carafe, going to take a sip between remarks. "We've both worked so hard to help Tawnat put Zaruqism behind itself. I know the Arab Spring's not gone well for a lot of countries but we're closer to Tunisia than Syria, it can't be that bad." He wasn't sure if he was trying to bargain with President Qaderi or his own anxiety.

Omar sighed through his nose, "Yes, I have hope that Tawnat will get through this. I just pray that whoever comes into power after me has the sense and the will to bring us forward. This thing though, it's a bit more personal to me. You see Hassan, I... I had some talks with my doctors. We did some tests. They diagnosed me with Alzheimer's." He paused for a moment for the royal to take in his words, "I can't run for re-election. I only have a few more years left. I'm really sorry."

[Gordano and Lysandus]

Omar sighed through his nose, "Yes, I have hope that Tawnat will get through this. I just pray that whoever comes into power after me has the sense and the will to bring us forward. This thing though, it's a bit more personal to me. You see Hassan, I... I had some talks with my doctors. We did some tests. They diagnosed me with Alzheimer's." He paused for a moment for the royal to take in his words, "I can't run for re-election. I only have a few more years left. I'm really sorry."

Hassan was silent for a few long, uncomfortable moments. The nation would suffer for this, but no one would feel it more brutally than Omar himself, surely. "I'm sorry to hear that, Omar." He said, before falling silent again for some time. "I understand why you feel you can't serve anymore, is... is it really going to be that rapid?" Sighing tenderly, he shook his head. "What can I do for you?"

[Jovuistan]

Omar sighed through his nose, "Yes, I have hope that Tawnat will get through this. I just pray that whoever comes into power after me has the sense and the will to bring us forward. This thing though, it's a bit more personal to me. You see Hassan, I... I had some talks with my doctors. We did some tests. They diagnosed me with Alzheimer's." He paused for a moment for the royal to take in his words, "I can't run for re-election. I only have a few more years left. I'm really sorry."

Hassan was silent for a few long, uncomfortable moments. The nation would suffer for this, but no one would feel it more brutally than Omar himself, surely. "I'm sorry to hear that, Omar." He said, before falling silent again for some time. "I understand why you feel you can't serve anymore, is... is it really going to be that rapid?" Sighing tenderly, he shook his head. "What can I do for you?"

"I don't believe it would be fair for the people of Tawnat to have a President with an impaired ability to lead. As for what you can do for me... To be honest, I'm very concerned about who might be my successor. I would hope for someone from the secular wing of the coalition, but the Qudus Movement and the opposition parties are gaining momentum in the polls. I want to see it through that whoever the next President is can finish what I haven't been able to get done. I know it's a pretty big ask, but I would like you to at least consider running to be my successor. The conservatives like you and you've amassed a fair deal of respect for your role in the transition. I think you'd do a great job."

He thought for a moment, "Although there could be a concern about splitting the vote. The last thing we want is a Qudus radical going against a Ba'athist. It's a tough call. I think you'd do well, though."

[Gordano and Lysandus]

"I don't believe it would be fair for the people of Tawnat to have a President with an impaired ability to lead. As for what you can do for me... To be honest, I'm very concerned about who might be my successor. I would hope for someone from the secular wing of the coalition, but the Qudus Movement and the opposition parties are gaining momentum in the polls. I want to see it through that whoever the next President is can finish what I haven't been able to get done. I know it's a pretty big ask, but I would like you to at least consider running to be my successor. The conservatives like you and you've amassed a fair deal of respect for your role in the transition. I think you'd do a great job."

He thought for a moment, "Although there could be a concern about splitting the vote. The last thing we want is a Qudus radical going against a Ba'athist. It's a tough call. I think you'd do well, though."

"You want me to run? Wouldn't that raise the question of the monarchy into what's already a very conflicted debate?" He exhaled, shaking his head. "This is different from the Transition, Omar, I'd be expected to have a platform, to have solid positions. I wouldn't be able to continue to be the impartial moderator I was before, there'd be an expectation that I be more aggressive and active as President of the Republic." It was a lot to consider and it put him in an awkward position. "Have you raised the idea of me returning to the political forefront?"

[Jovuistan]

"I don't believe it would be fair for the people of Tawnat to have a President with an impaired ability to lead. As for what you can do for me... To be honest, I'm very concerned about who might be my successor. I would hope for someone from the secular wing of the coalition, but the Qudus Movement and the opposition parties are gaining momentum in the polls. I want to see it through that whoever the next President is can finish what I haven't been able to get done. I know it's a pretty big ask, but I would like you to at least consider running to be my successor. The conservatives like you and you've amassed a fair deal of respect for your role in the transition. I think you'd do a great job."

He thought for a moment, "Although there could be a concern about splitting the vote. The last thing we want is a Qudus radical going against a Ba'athist. It's a tough call. I think you'd do well, though."

"You want me to run? Wouldn't that raise the question of the monarchy into what's already a very conflicted debate?" He exhaled, shaking his head. "This is different from the Transition, Omar, I'd be expected to have a platform, to have solid positions. I wouldn't be able to continue to be the impartial moderator I was before, there'd be an expectation that I be more aggressive and active as President of the Republic." It was a lot to consider and it put him in an awkward position. "Have you raised the idea of me returning to the political forefront?"

Omar nodded, "Those are valid concerns, yes. I just wanted to see if you were willing. It's all up to you, though. I'm not going to pressure you into doing something you're not comfortable with. To answer your question, I haven't raised the idea to anybody else, I wouldn't do that without knowing you were thinking about it."

[Gordano and Lysandus]

Omar nodded, "Those are valid concerns, yes. I just wanted to see if you were willing. It's all up to you, though. I'm not going to pressure you into doing something you're not comfortable with. To answer your question, I haven't raised the idea to anybody else, I wouldn't do that without knowing you were thinking about it."

"I admit, the thought had crossed my mind." He frowned. "And now, with you not able to continue... There's such danger of the country becoming disunited. If the Ba'athists take power, we'll see a violent end to our young democracy. Zaruq's shadow will loom over the land once more. If the socialists take power, we'll lose our financial connections to the West and we'll be thrown into economic chaos. If the Islamists take power for themselves, I honestly don't know what will become of the Christians and Jews here who are, by every account, loyal Tawnatis..." He took another sip of his water. "It may be necessary. I guess the idea can and should be... humoured."

[Jovuistan]

Omar nodded, "Those are valid concerns, yes. I just wanted to see if you were willing. It's all up to you, though. I'm not going to pressure you into doing something you're not comfortable with. To answer your question, I haven't raised the idea to anybody else, I wouldn't do that without knowing you were thinking about it."

"I admit, the thought had crossed my mind." He frowned. "And now, with you not able to continue... There's such danger of the country becoming disunited. If the Ba'athists take power, we'll see a violent end to our young democracy. Zaruq's shadow will loom over the land once more. If the socialists take power, we'll lose our financial connections to the West and we'll be thrown into economic chaos. If the Islamists take power for themselves, I honestly don't know what will become of the Christians and Jews here who are, by every account, loyal Tawnatis..." He took another sip of his water. "It may be necessary. I guess the idea can and should be... humoured."

"Like I said, it's your decision to make. I won't bother you on the matter again until you've made your choice. Is there anything else you wanted to call me to discuss?"

[Gordano and Lysandus]

"Like I said, it's your decision to make. I won't bother you on the matter again until you've made your choice. Is there anything else you wanted to call me to discuss?"

"I'm not going to make my choice unless I know that there's an openness to me returning as Head of State. I can't launch a campaign with no hope of backing." He sighed, shaking his head. "Is there still no hope of a middle path on the religious question?"

[Jovuistan]

"Like I said, it's your decision to make. I won't bother you on the matter again until you've made your choice. Is there anything else you wanted to call me to discuss?"

"I'm not going to make my choice unless I know that there's an openness to me returning as Head of State. I can't launch a campaign with no hope of backing." He sighed, shaking his head. "Is there still no hope of a middle path on the religious question?"

"You'll have my support, Hassan." He paused, "The liberals in the NCA don't want to risk losing the Jewish and Christian vote by compromising, and the extremist elements of the Qudus Movement aren't exactly open either. There's certainly a few who are willing to compromise, but the sides are two entrenched at the moment. It's hard to find a path to a viable middle on the question, not until the extremes lose their influence, at least."

[Gordano and Lysandus]

"You'll have my support, Hassan." He paused, "The liberals in the NCA don't want to risk losing the Jewish and Christian vote by compromising, and the extremist elements of the Qudus Movement aren't exactly open either. There's certainly a few who are willing to compromise, but the sides are two entrenched at the moment. It's hard to find a path to a viable middle on the question, not until the extremes lose their influence, at least."

"And with the conservatives sitting outside of the coalition, we're left with an endless litany of impossible choices." He grumbled, nodding. "Tawnat requires a stable government that bears the consent of the people. I'll run if there's no alternative who can deliver that."

[Jovuistan]

"You'll have my support, Hassan." He paused, "The liberals in the NCA don't want to risk losing the Jewish and Christian vote by compromising, and the extremist elements of the Qudus Movement aren't exactly open either. There's certainly a few who are willing to compromise, but the sides are two entrenched at the moment. It's hard to find a path to a viable middle on the question, not until the extremes lose their influence, at least."

"And with the conservatives sitting outside of the coalition, we're left with an endless litany of impossible choices." He grumbled, nodding. "Tawnat requires a stable government that bears the consent of the people. I'll run if there's no alternative who can deliver that."

"Let's hope that voters feel the same. It's going to be a long and bloody campaign regardless of who runs." He breathed slowly, "I'll be fine, Hassan. Don't worry about me. I'll do what I can to try and hold things together, you just do what you think is best."

[Gordano and Lysandus]

"Let's hope that voters feel the same. It's going to be a long and bloody campaign regardless of who runs." He breathed slowly, "I'll be fine, Hassan. Don't worry about me. I'll do what I can to try and hold things together, you just do what you think is best."

"I was 10 when Tawnat fell to Zaruq. When he butchered my grandfather and we were forced to flee into exile... I have no intention of seeing such a thing come to pass again." Frowning deeply, he nodded softly. "You should make sure you've got doctor's notes to verify you're fit to serve out your term. Else people might try to impeach you."

[Agarntrop]

Anwar Hamima
Jumada I 9, 1441 AH
(January 4th 2020)
A plane over the Meditteranean



Anwar looked out of his first-class window, seeing the dusty sands of Saudi Arabia disappear into the background and the azure water of red sea encompass his view. He laid back in his seat, pressing the recliner button on his left, slowly drifting down into comfort. He saw the clouds dangle above the water and smiled. Things were going alright, currently.

He had been in Saudi Arabia for five days as part of an official meeting. His tenure as Foreign Minister had greatly improved relations between the Kingdom and the Republic. Tawnat had become a strong ally of the Saudis, even when it was difficult for either party. However, he had come to Saudi Arabia this time because he wanted to discuss a proposition, and because he wanted to spend the 'haram' Christian new year in a country too islamically devout to properly celebrate it.

The proposition? A long discussed plan to commit a small amount of Tawnati forces to fighting Yemeni Houthis in the Saudi-led intervention there. He hadn't discussed the idea with the President yet, only with senior Saudis. He didn't know how the President would react, but he would attempt to sell it as a way to contain Iran and terrorists, improve Tawnati national security, and strengthen relations with a very powerful ally.

[Jovuistan]

"Let's hope that voters feel the same. It's going to be a long and bloody campaign regardless of who runs." He breathed slowly, "I'll be fine, Hassan. Don't worry about me. I'll do what I can to try and hold things together, you just do what you think is best."

"I was 10 when Tawnat fell to Zaruq. When he butchered my grandfather and we were forced to flee into exile... I have no intention of seeing such a thing come to pass again." Frowning deeply, he nodded softly. "You should make sure you've got doctor's notes to verify you're fit to serve out your term. Else people might try to impeach you."

"I'm already working on getting the notes together. It won't be a problem. We'll get through this. We will ensure Tawnat doesn't fall into tyranny again. Tawnat will survive."