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IIwiki Admin · by **Ghant** » Wed Apr 29, 2020 12:37 am

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Prime Minister Offers Solidarity to Gran Aligonia

Nymun: “The people of Gran Aligonia have every right to be angry”

By John Igara | GHISH | Posted: 2020

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(Ghish, Ghant)- Prime Minister Nymun Izarbegiratzeak held a press conference in which he both condemned the terrorist attack in Sidora and declared his support for Gran Aligonia, and offered his understanding to the controversial Grand Master of Gran Aligonia, Leuter Sion.

In the press conference, the ailing Prime Minister had the following to say. “I’ve been following the unrest in Gran Aligonia from the beginning, and seeing how things have developed and the various reactions provided by other nations of the world. To say that I’m disappointed would be an understatement. In all of the childish back-and-forths I’ve seen, not once has anyone appeared to express any concern whatsoever for the poor and underprivileged classes of Gran Aligonia, who from the onset have been ignored by Ivory Tower Princelings and opportunistic politicians. Make no mistake- the people of Gran Aligonia have every right to be angry.”

The 2018 Ismos Peace Prize winner had some sharp words for the recently dubbed “Monarchy Axis” of Latium, Yisrael and Lihnidos. “I suppose it’s easy to think that certain powerful and respected nations own Gran Aligonia. You’ve based your troops there, you’ve kept your money in accounts there, and you’ve kept your beachside villas tucked away there. Clearly these luxuries are more important to you than the people who have lived in oppression and exploitation in order to make these amenities possible for you.”

“So maybe, just maybe,” the Prime Minister continued, “the Aligonians said enough was enough. That they wanted a government of the people and for the people, that answered to them, and not to foreign princes and business magnates who couldn’t care less about the plight of the urban poor. Perhaps if your concern was those people, and not your perks, then things wouldn’t have escalated as far as they have, and perhaps you’d still enjoy some modicum of luxury to which you’re obviously used to.”

The unrest in Gran Aligonia began with class strife between the high-income upper class, consisting of professionals and aristocracy (many of whom have foreign ties), and the lower class, consisting mostly of migrant workers and farmers. In response to the widening gulf between rich and poor, the lower classes began organizing large-scale, organized anti-monarchical protests, which up to that point had been fairly rare.

Two early leaders of the protests were Leuter Sion, the leader of the Aligonian Alliance of Free Thought, and Hugh Marin, Bishop of the Dioscese of Villa Romera, who supported the protests so long as they remained nonviolent. Meanwhile, Sovereign Prince Veremundo responded to the protests with condemnation and dug his heels in amid accusations of being beholden to foreign interests, especially those of Latium, Lihnidos and Yisrael.

The response was sharp, with the protests against the Prince intensifying and an assassination attempt nearly succeeding. Meanwhile, the nearby monarchial nations responded by denouncing the protests and throwing their collective weight behind Prince Veremundo. Yet the Prince had his back against a wall, and in an attempt to assuage the protestors, declared his intention to expel all foreign troops stationed in the country. This of course proved problematic, as Latium had military personnel stationed in Sidora, and the Latins publicly declared their intention to remain at their posts, under threat of war.

Yisrael and other monarchial nations backed Latium’s position, which inevitably painted these nations as the primary problem for protestors in Gran Aligonia. The embattled Prince Veremundo, they perceived, was merely a puppet of those nations, beholden to their interests, while the upper classes enjoyed lives of luxury provided to them by their foreign masters, while the common Aligonian was relegated to a life of exploitation and poverty.

Veremundo was suddenly fighting for his political life, while suddenly losing the support of the nations that had previously backed him. The Prince called for the first set of democratic elections in Aligonian history as well as a new constitution in the hopes that these policies could save him from being deposed. Unfortunately, Veremundo’s days were numbered, and in the power vacuum that was being expanded in Gran Aligonia, the Prince was seemingly deposed, while Leuter Sion ascended as the new voice of government in Gran Aligonia, in the form of “Interim Grand Master.”

Several of Prince Veremundo’s associates began to flee the country and take up asylum in countries such as Latium, while Gran Aligonia was declared a Republic, with Sion at least temporarily at the helm. A leaked phone call between Sion and Montian President Yolande-Minerve Saverne indicated that the former was suspicious of Latin and Yisraeli attempts to influence the election, perhaps in the hopes of a monarchy party winning and restoring Prince Veremundo or one of his more malleable relatives to the throne.

The perceived threat posed by Yisrael and Latium was made all the more apparent when the two nations began conducting summits and planning joint military exercises in the Periclean, which fueled Sion’s anti-foreign rhetoric, and at least gave the appearance that his fears of foreign conspiracy against him were confirmed. Perhaps anticipating the inevitable strengthening of Sion’s position and public sentiments against Yisrael and Latium, the latter agreed to end the basing treaty with Gran Aligonia and a gradual withdrawal of troops within a year.

Unfortunately, that did not stop a terrorist attack from being carried out against the Latin base in Sidora, with at least half a dozen soldiers killed and several more wounded. Naturally, this inflamed the “monarchy axis” as was described in the media (consisting of Latium, Yisrael and Lihnidos), with the Latin Emperor issuing a public statement and an investigation being launched into the terrorist attack. As one might assume, the subsequent blame game pitted Sion, who claimed that the “colonial” attitudes of the monarchial nations caused the violence, while the monarchies countered that it was Sion’s promotion of radical populism.

Today, the Gran Aligonian “crisis” is no closer to being resolved than it was back when the protests first began. On the contrary, the situation has escalated between Gran Aligonia and its former patrons. With a growing war of words and finger pointing between Gran Aligonia and the monarchies that continue to incite animosity and continues to be the major source of tension in the Periclean, most observers believe that there is no end in sight to the conflict.

The Ghantish government in the midst of all this remained largely quiet, only offering words of caution against violence, extremism and antagonism against foreign nations. Meanwhile, Ghantish businessmen, lords and tourists quietly began taking their assets and patronage elsewhere in order to avoid seizure or reprisal. It was only after all the Ghantish nationals and their affairs were removed from Gran Aligonia that the Prime Minister issued his statement, which continues below.

“To Grand Master Leuter Sion, I will say that your rhetoric, while dangerous and provocative, is understandable. For generations the people that you serve have been ignored, and the anger and frustration is palpable, even to the people in far away Ghant. Once upon a time, we too overthrew a deaf, dumb and blind ruler who ignored the wishes of the people, and we too have often suffered the indignities of haughty monarchies who stood up on high and lectured us on virtue. In my long life, I’ve often found that the ones who have the most to say about virtue are the ones who lack it the most.”

So to you, Mr. Sion, I’d offer my understanding, because clearly, everyone is missing the point. Self-determination is a basic human right. It’s non-negotiable, and the will of the people must always carry the day. Gran Aligonia is a case study in refusing to listen to the faintest voices, until they grow so loud that you have no choice but to listen, and by then, you might not like what those voices have to say.”

In Ghant, the Prime Minister’s message was met with a mixed response. The generally left-leaning parties, led by the Labor Party and Leader of the Opposition Sara Haribec, applauded the Prime Minister. “Say what you will about Nymun, but at least he sticks to his principles,” Haribec said in a public statement. “Though he was a lot nicer about it than I would have been.”

The more conservative parties sharply criticized the Prime Minister’s statements, with one anonymous conservative MP saying that the Prime Minister “betrayed his allies and is himself seeking the opportunistic favor of Leuter Sion, a traitor who should be hanging from the end of a rope.”

Pro-Aligonian protests have been off and on in major Ghantish cities for the past several weeks, most notably in Ghish, Onmutu, Lianu, Bargona and Galan, where young professionals and university students have been steadfast in their support of Leuter Sion and in staunch opposition to the “Monarchy Axis.” A recent demonstration in Ghish saw hundreds of young people protest outside of the Yisraeli embassy, climbing statues, lampposts and wielding Aligonian flags and posts of Leuter Sion.

“Prime Minister Izarbegiratzeak and Leuter Sion are men cut from the same cloth,” Dr. Eneco Izaya of the Malderi Haribec School of Public Policy at the University of Ghish explained in an interview. “Both are outsiders who challenged the political status quo who relied upon populism to gain office. The Aligonian Alliance of Free Thought shares common themes with the Independent Coalition. There’s a solidarity that the Prime Minister feels for Sion that he found relatable on an emotional level. Also, Sion is widely popular with Ghantish youth, which is also the demographic group that most supports the Prime Minister.”

The Imperial Palace has been surprisingly quiet throughout the Aligonian Crisis, though according to palace insiders, this has been deliberate. “The Emperor personally liked Prince Veremundo and enjoyed spending time in Gran Aligonia,” an anonymous palace insider explained, “and while he may sympathize with Veremundo, Latium and Yisrael, he’s unwilling to challenge public sentiment or the Prime Minister’s position, both of which are far more sympathetic towards Veremundo.”

Lastly, the Prime Minister extended an offer to travel to Gran Aligonia to meet with Leuter Sion and discuss the current state of affairs, and how he might see Ghant and Gran Aligonia moving forward. It reminds to be seen how Ghant’s allies, including Yisrael, will respond to the Prime Minister’s statement, though several Ghantish political observers indicate that the response will not be good. “There’s this reputation of Ghantish Diplomacy,” explained Dr. Izaya, “which is that the Ghantish are unreliable and unpredictable, and make for poor allies. There’s no doubt in my mind that Yisrael will feel this way now.”

by **Enyama** » Sun May 03, 2020 10:12 pm

Ostrozavan specialist soldiers, photographed with redacted identities on military exercises near the Gariman border today.

In bipartisan consensus, Ostrozava formally ends its policy of neutrality, begins exercises

By: Zoe Kroupová
3 May 2020

KARSKO - The Socialist Party and Progressive Party have reached a historic consensus ahead of the October election, formally undoing the path to neutrality that Primara Eva Sedláková and Facilitator Vladislav Janeček's Progressive-majority People's Congress had ratified in 1989. According to the Office of the Primar, Dominik Moravec, the proposition to end neutrality, originally drafted in 2019 by current Socialist frontrunner for Primar, Benedict Král, was formally signed into law on the night of the second of May. Ostrozavan neutrality has become an increasingly hot-button issue in the 21st century, despite having many supporters across the political aisle when it was first proposed in the late 80s. From the earliest days of the 2020 election cycle, Král and other socialists had intensified their attack against the policy, citing Ostrozavan inaction in the 2005 Polnitsan flashpoint and subsequent mass instability and "political, social, and moral confusion" in Valgtea as a direct result of Ostrozavan unwillingness to bend the rules of their declared neutrality policy.

Various Ostrozavan geopolitical analysts from the Institute for Republican Political Science in Valegoria have long pointed to Ostrozavan neutrality as "fuel on the fire for a resurgence of global neo-monarchism and neo-conservatism", a theory that, while initially dismissed by politicians and pundits in around the time of the Polnitsan conflict as "fearmongering", has recently had some cadence lent to it by the Yisraeli and Latin reactions to the advent of democracy in Gran Aligonia, particularly the "Royalist Counterrevolution" which opened the reign of Yisrael's new king. Various pundits have also cited the erosion of democracy in places such as Enyama, Garza, Fahran, and even Vardana, where controversy has recently arisen over the supposed overreach of the office of Director-General.

Despite initial socialist-only support for the abolition of neutrality, the last decade saw the ruling Progressives become increasingly warm to the idea of bending the rules of neutrality, if not breaking them, particularly through a 2017 joint statement on friendship with the government of North Ottonia, and last year's Kiso Pact meeting, which established a framework for international cooperation in Ostrozava, despite the actions violating Sedláková's established rules for the conduct of a neutral nation. With some established precedent, one must ask why the timing of the abolition of neutrality is what it is; some, including leading political theorist Gabriel Brotz, have speculated that the Progressives sought cooperation with the Socialists on the issue to keep it from affecting policy stances taken during the election, and to more greatly unify Ostrozava's foreign policy.

The declaration of neutrality also may not have been a purely civilian decision; the election of the new Prime Commander and the first woman in the role, Radanna Šimonová, alluded tonight that:

..I mean, of course, when I say that, what I mean to say is that the decision to rescind a declaration of neutrality was not made in a vacuum of ideals. Many here in Ostrozava have long failed to grasp the implications of neutrality upon our immediate security, given the current state of relations in the region. That is not to say that neutrality, in the context of the time when the decision was made, didn't make sense. It is natural for such experiments to fail as often as they succeed. This time, it wasn't the right call. There are too many factors at play that will, in a century's time, dictate the fate of the planet and our society on it. We in the Service have long believed that change is not done idly. You can't improve the world by ignoring it,"

Šimonová, 37, is the first woman to become Prime Commander and third to be nominated. The Prime Commander appeared to have implied that there was an element of military advice factored into the decision to rescind the 30-year-old declaration, which many of the most laissez-faire Progressives decried as "military interference in the political process of a nation deserving of better", according to one Libebor MP. The issue of the level of power allotted to the Ostrozavan Defense Force has long-served as one of the primary issues contributing to the continued existence of the Second Party System in Ostrozava, with Socialists and many strict constitutionalists often preferring an independent military while weak constitutionalists and parts of the Progressive Party most aligned to foreign models of democracy typically favoring the traditional approach of delegating the power of Prime Commander to the chief executive or to the legislature.

The statement today has caused vitriol among many of the rightmost Progressives, but has been generally positively accepted not only by more-or-less the entire voting base of the Socialist Party, but indeed has attracted support from many of the Progressives considered to be most in-line with the intermittent but consistent presence of Dominik Moravec in the Primarship. Most prominently, when he was asked to clarify his position on whether he had been "coerced" by Šimonova, Moravec shook his head and emotively declined the claims.

Primar Moravec, pictured today, commenting informally on the military's role in the decision near the 11 on The Grove, the Primar's official residence.

"No, no, it's nothing like that. It's natural to ask such questions, I'm sure, but I'm afraid these types of queries originate in those who are not well-versed in the life and writings of Vladan Vítek, nor the principles of the Social Contract, or the Worker's Conventions. I was not coerced. I did not personally agree with her, no, but I was not coerced. I was simply outbid in an argument. Given the geopolitical realities the Prime Commander laid before me, and a long and lengthy discussion that I had with her, the Facilitator, and the Cabinet, it was agreed by all of us that rescinding neutrality was the right way forward. I trust them, as individuals which I know, and as people representing both expertise in their respective fields as well as differing points-of-view.

And I conceded my argument. For now, this is how it is, as the nature of politics. If one wishes to raise an objection, they very well may, and some friends from my own party have. But this is a war of ideas. And the fact that I am being forced to explain a decision that is as common sense as this is frankly emblematic of the type of long-term change of perception that a policy such as neutrality can cause. People have this twisted idea of neutrality. A neutral nation ought to have as many friends as enemies. That is to say, none. When you are neutral, you stand alone. Nobody should be thinking this as an opportunity for, say, warmongering, posturing. This is our opportunity for new friends, for making our opinion and our power have an impact in spreading our ideas and reversing the gentle encroachment of tyranny and control on both the rights of individual and on the democratic spirit."

Regardless of the domestic political implications of the decision, Ostrozavan forces have coalesced in several areas around the nation to conduct a "large-scale military exercise", marking the landlocked nation's first major military operation since the early 1980s, when Ostrozava participated in the "Gretchen" and "Willow" joint military operations with Valgtea and North Ottonia. The exercises are due to last for several weeks, and, in the words of Prime Commander Šimonová, "instill a sense of readiness in the face of 21st-century problems."

While the military has not yet indicated any change of military readiness in the face of perceived threat, it has been steadily modernizing and improving over the past fifteen years. Most in Ostrozava assume that the military is gearing up to prevent any more destabilizing incidents in the region as had happened during the Polnitsan War, where, despite maintained neutrality, Ostrozava found itself affected by a crisis of North Polnitsan refugees, and lost many geopolitical assurances when instability gripped Valtgea as a result. It stands to reason that, for the foreseeable future, Ostrozava will serve as a far more active political force on the Belisarian Sphere.

MORE IN NEWS
◾ Albin Volf of IDR wins Supreme Court battle, enters witness protection program, sparking questions
◾ Ostrozavan government reportedly "keeping close eye" on West Periclean, Enyama, Ozeros
◾ Král "strongly supports the opinions of those with a military education on this matter", does little to anger libertarians in party
◾ Ostrozavan Defense Force reactivates two special forces units with "four more" on the way, bringing total to 7
◾ Alexandr Beran, famous Ostrozavan jazz musician and composer, to "recover completely" from stroke

by **Enyama** » Tue May 12, 2020 8:44 pm

TRENDING ◾ Tentative name for new branch is "Coastal Defense" ◾ Segarra calls Gran Aligonia a "foreign intelligence hotbed" ◾ Detractors continue to attack Sion from the left

Newly-rearmed Xendarmes line up at Villa Romera's international airport as more shipments continue to arrive from Ottonia.

GA secures arms deal with North Ottonia, plans to militarize parts of the Xendarmeria

By: Lorenzo Novoa
12 May 2020

VILLA ROMERA - Director-General Segarra of the Xendarmeria announced suddenly this morning that the interim government of Gran Aligonia had come to an arms deal with the Republic of North Ottonia, with plans for a new "branch" of the Archipelago's defense forces to be "fully operational by June, hopefully,". Reports coming in from Villa Romera International Airport have confirmed that the Xendarmes have received a wide array of surplus North Ottonian weaponry, including PAL rifles, camouflage fatigues, anti-air defense systems, and advanced radar. While the specifics of the deal's contents are not due to be officially described until Friday, many have seen the announcement varyingly as an escalation of tensions, or a necessary upgrade to Gran Aligonia's defense forces now that foreign assurances have been lost. Interim Chancellor Leuter Sion was quick to point out that the arms deal "in no way means that Gran Aligonia and North Ottonia have entered into a mutual defense agreement, or any such similar nonsense. This was a much-needed transaction, plain and simple."

The news comes after more than a month of cooling spirits in the West Periclean, spurred by an apparently successful multi-national inquest into the growing terrorist network of disgraced Archbishop Hugo Marin, who bombed the Latin-held Sidora Naval Base earlier in the Spring, a move which caused chaos on the domestic political sphere and led to Latin warships being dispatched to the West Periclean, in a move which Chancellor Sion has increasingly characterized as "questionable", despite his continued support of international law enforcement efforts in apprehending the socialist Bishop. Not all in Gran Aligonia have been sufficiently convinced by Sion's rhetoric, however, with many in the left-wing of his party crashing several chat forums, including the Strawberry network's /politics page, in statements of outrage and condemnation of Sion, who has been painted varyingly as "stooping down to the same level as the Western Monarchies"; while Reformist candidate Artús Montecalvo has been largely lukewarm on the issue, many to his right have denounced Sion as a "radical Republican militarist" for his action.

Online debate over Gran Aligonia's situation has recently taken a new character, initially after Sion's concerted social media campaign, which gave him a long-lasting bump in early March. Since then, many analysts have raised concerns about the rampancy of misinformation on the internet, and the potential for foreign bots and similar agents on the internet muddying and polarizing public opinion. An earlier "comment-bomb" of bots on a speech by Montecalvo was traced by the Xendarmeria's cyberwarfare division as originating from Thraysia, raising many eyebrows towards the nation's actions in the public sphere, though Aligonian politics have largely ignored the issue in the face of developing West Periclean tensions.

The latest addition to the pile of controversies came in late March, when Xendarmes began screening citizens in a "stop and frisk" manner in certain areas of Villa Romera due to security concerns regarding both Marin and foreign intelligence agents, a move which was commonly lambasted as a misuse of power, and received condemnations from the Yisraeli, Latin, Belfrasian, Linhidosi, and Ghantish governments. Despite the controversy depressing Sion's prospects of victory heavily, he has again surged in the polls, owing to decisive pro-Aligonian statements by the Ghantish Prime Minister, Nymun Izarbegiratzeak, in a change of tune. The arms deal has not affected polls numbers in any significant way, thought to be largely due to the expectation of the expansion of the Xendarmeria going hand-in-hand with the loss of Latin assurances of protection around the new year.

The expansion of the Xendarmeria marks the first time that the organization has assumed a military command structure and its assorted responsibilities since the end of the second West Scipian War, though, many have since considered the republican Xendarmeria to be ostensibly paramilitaristic in nature. The archipelago continues to be under martial law, with Marin having eluded capture for the past several months, though many would point to the successful raid on a foreign weapons shipment due for Marin in mid-April as "an effective dismantling of any offensive threat posed by Marin or his followers", according to Segarra. Since the Archbishop has not been sighted on the Archipelago in weeks, many have speculated that he has taken refuge in another nearby nation, with a press release in early May indicating that the Xendarmeria had unconfirmed reports of Marin in the Messidor Union.

Regardless of the Archbishop's location, his earlier actions have served as a workable justification for the inevitable expansion of Gran Aligonia's defensive capacities; both Montecalvo and Sion have expressed the idea of turning the archipelago into a "fortress nation" in the past, albeit backed by wildly different rhetorics.

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by **Mont-Saint-Cyr** » Fri May 15, 2020 12:04 pm

15 May, 2020
27 24, 189

IMPROMPTU Q&A GIVES ANSWERS FOR ALIGONIA

Tariq Zaidi, World News Editor

As the Aligonian Crisis continues to escalate, four members of the Workers' Congress hosted an impromptu runway Q&A session with the media in New Aɣmat. The officials included the President of the Union, Yolande-Minerve Saverne; along with the Director of Defence, Tiska Housain; the member for the Société d'Ouvriers du Pétrole, Éric-André Laurier; and the member for the Syndicat Routier, Auriɣ Bakch. The four were returning to Aɣmatia following the conclusion of the legislative session this month.

While the Congress is not scheduled to reconvene in Vaux until the New Year of the revolutionary calendar (June 20), it has been rumoured that the President would be convening emergency meetings in New Aɣmat if necessary. Mme. Saverne confirmed that this could likely happen but denied that there were currently any plans to do so. When questioned on the recent statements from the Yisraeli government on the situation on Gran Aligonia, President Saverne replied:

I'm hesitant to say much out of fear that I may cause any controversy - which seems increasingly easy to do these days - but I find these kinds of assertions utterly regrettable. The sanctions which Yisrael will be imposing will simply hurt the common Aligonians who have already been victimized by foreign corporations. These sanctions are being introduced to protect the exploitative accumulation of wealth by foreign corporations on the isles. It's simply class oppression plain and simple, though the Yisraeli government is spinning it as a cultural or ethnic attack. And unfortunately, this isn't really news.

On the topic of the rumour that Hugo Marin was or is currently in hiding in Aɣmatia, Citoyen Laurier chimed in that it must be a "pure fabrication" and "capitalist propaganda meant to demonize liberated peoples" and also asserted that in reality if oppressed peoples of Scipia and Belisaria needed to find refuge, they should be welcome in the Messidor Union. He concluded:

The notion that it is 'very likely' that someone they consider to be a terrorist is being harboured in our nation is obviously supposed to be an insult. They cannot substantiate it. They're grasping at straws, desperate to paint someone as a villain. This sabre-rattling is ridiculous and typical for the tyrants and autocrats who are occupying the highest levels of the Yisraeli government and oppressing its people, regardless of their ethnicity, language, or faith. Those things are not what this is all about. The only language they speak is that of coercion - coercion of the working classes, the precarious peoples, the developing world, and any they consider beneath them in terms of wealth or status. It's despicable.

The President somewhat light-heartedly distanced herself from Laurier's comments but the session continued swiftly. With escalating tensions and the apparent "sabre-rattling" of the Yisraeli government, Director Housain fielded a question on the possibility of outright war and the status of the extraction of Messidorian troops currently stationed in Aligonia.

Any violent conflict is a worst-case scenario and our government is doing its utmost to deescalate any conflict without sacrificing our principles. The lives of the innocent are our utmost priority. We do not seek conflict with anyone, but we are concerned by foreign encroachments on the sovereignty of Gran Aligonia and its people ..... On the subject of our troops... we stand by our previous commitment to exit Gran Aligonia but the situation is not so simple. The two companies which are stationed there have a large amount of materiel to be retrieved as well and we have had to delay the removal of troops and equipment for logistical reasons. We are also cautious about overcommitting while the situation is evolving. With respect to the movement of warships, we will not be disrupting anything there. The Periclean route between Aɣmatia and Merovia is key and it is our sovereign right to patrol it...

Citoyen Bakch supported the Director's statement with regards to the importance of the Perlicean corridor in terms of logistics.

A few other topics were broached and resolved comparatively swiftly. Full video of the session will be published tomorrow morning.

by **Communist Xomaniax** » Mon May 18, 2020 8:22 am

There is No God Higher Than Truth

Bodo "Bonesnap" Sangui Wins Big at MT 213

"I think I've proved that I deserve the title shot more than anybody now."

Phichu - Zhang SPR In a clash between two titans of the sport, Bodo "Bonesnap" Sangui secured a 2^nd round victory against Nourn "the Nivātakavaca" Samlain. Despite protestations from Samlain's corner, the bout was called off in Sangui's favor, with victory being handed to him on the basis of TKO (punches). Bonesnap's victory may secure him a shot against Jamma "Big Frog" Gonpo for the bantamweight championship title at Maximum Tournament #214 scheduled for later on this summer. The victory also brings Nourn's three fight winning streak to a sudden and startling close. The GFC fighter from Oholesia in Ghant, best known for his tactical hard punching and vicious legwork, mercilessly swarmed his opponent, eventually ending the bout with Samlain left bloody and dazed on his feet.

Both fighters made no attempt to hide their strategies going into the fight. The two traded probing kicks until Samlain shot for a single leg takedown, which Bonesnap was able to stop with a knee that left a cut on the Nivātakavaca's cheek. The fight was nearly ended there, as Bonesnap then nearly secured a guillotine. It was a testament to the grappling skill of Samlain, who has a background in wrestling and jiu jitsu, was able to escape. Samlain then ducked under Bonesnap's guard and attempted a rear naked choke of his own, the round ending mid Bodo's gator roll.

The second round was a veritable war, as Bonesnap used a barrage of flying knees, elbows, and kicks to pressure his opponent into stand up fighting. A superman punch by the Ghantish powerhouse opened up a badly bleeding cut on Samlain's cheek. This time Samlain forced his opponent into the clinch, where he was able to trade blows at an advantage against the lankier Sangui to set him up for a hip throw. The two grappled, however Bonesnap was eventually able to drag the fight back onto their feet. The two fighters exchanged a storm of blows that would last well into the last minute of the round, ending only when Bonesnap's knee caught Samlain's cheek wound in the middle of an imanari roll. While he was able to again avoid submission by the GFC fighter, the referee then called the fight off after inspecting the now torn cheek gash. Bodo and his corner immediately erupted into thunderous cheering.

Having brought his opponent's win streak to a brutal end, the Oholesian juggernaut secured his place on the MT 214 roster, set to take place later on this summer. Bonesnap Sangui's entrance into Maximum Tournament has been a spectacle, coming out of nowhere to derail the rise of the prospected challenger for the long sought bantamweight championship title. Jamma "Big Frog" Gonpo has held the MT Bantamweight title for 2 years, having defended it four times in the process. When reached for comment, Mr. Sangui's agent confirmed that they were in talks for a title match.

by **Communist Xomaniax** » Mon May 18, 2020 10:28 am

There is No God Higher Than Truth

Krong Phkachhoukrt "A Symbol of Unity" Says Supreme Chairman Khan

The Anti-Imperialist Victory Arch features prominently in the city square

Krong Phkachhoukrt- Norok SPR After more than a decade of controversy and legal battles over the city's construction, the project to buld Krong Phkachhoukrt (Sunflower City in Anglic) has been completed. Named after the national flower of the Union, prints for Krong Phkachhoukrt were initially drawn up in 1986 to alleviate overpopulation in the Norok SPR's dense Phnom Angkara district. However, protests by civil rights groups over appropriated indigenous land and concerns by Norok devolution activists over military involvement prompted a legal battle that would prevent ground from being broken until 1998. Since then efforts have been off and on to finish the project, with serious construction having only taken place in the last five years.

Since the Norok voted to join the Union in 1946, the SPR has enjoyed a bounty of investment and industrial development from the All-Union government, as well as solidarity with its brothers in the three other republics. This brought considerable population growth, though this was most heavily concentrated in the already well established urban settlements along Norok's majestic coastline. A general program to develop, and thus populate, the interior has been a central plank of the Communist Party of Norok's platform since the beginning, and it is only through the collective power of the workers measured and organized into the five year plans that this became necessary. Attempts by previous regimes, royal and colonial alike, failed due to a lack of uniform support of the people first and foremost, and a mechanical inability to properly concentrate and direct the national wealth into productive growth.

Sadhist monks of the decommissioned Dharmapala Monastery stage a sit in protest last year

While neither side of the debate over the city would argue that the area does not need development to combat overpopulation, critics of the Sunflower City development program have called the forced decommissioning of the fifty rural communes, most of which were majority populated by minority indigenous groups, a gross overstep in that direction. Norok has generally lagged behind the other SPRs in terms of economic development, which certain watchdog groups have claimed has prompted the government's drive to overrule native protestations. However, proponents of the plan have said that the ever increasing rise in the populations of urban centers like Kong Tswarang, Phnosok, and Khurang is being driven as much by the members of these isolated rural communities seeking a better life in the city as it is by organic growth.

Similar issues have been raised over the role of the military in Krong Phkachhoukrt's construction. In the decades following Norok's admission into the Union, bouts of terrorism perpetrated by ethnoreligious separatists have occasionally plagued the region, most recently in the 2009 Phnosok subway bombing and the 2016 mass shooting in Kong Tswarang. Citing Article 9 of the constitution, which grants the All-Union State Affairs Commission the right to supersede an SPR's jurisdiction over what it deems strategically vital infrastructure, in 2010 Defense Commissioner Gen. Yeshi Trengwa deployed Red Guards Military Police units to protect the project, as well as Worker-Peasant Red Guard labor battalions to aid in its construction. While this drew initial criticism from local authorities, few were left complaining by the project's eventual success.

Already people are beginning to trickle into Krong Phkachhoukrt. Initial estimates are that the city will reach a population of 100,000 in just three months. The SPR and All-Union govs have appointed interrim officials to oversee the election of the local communal governments. Economic plans for the town include a chemical fertilizer plant and a latex paint factory, both of which have begun production as of this Monday morning. However, the Norok government cautioned that the city would not be limited to just manufacturing and industry, as plans for expansion include an additional five theaters, a library, and a water park. To commemorate the first official meeting of the Krong Phkachhoukrt municipal people's government, Supreme Chairman Urukhai Khan cut a ribbon stretching across the newly built Anti-Imperialist Victory Arch, symbolizing another new beginning in what even ardent critics of the Chairman now know as the Sunflower Era.

Chairman Khan is a pioneer of the Sunflower Era, which prioritizes peaceful economic and industrial growth

"The happiness and comfort of the Norok people is the happiness and comfort of the Party. The beginning of this new city is the beginning of a golden dawn for the Norok people. Our strength is in our collective love for our fellow man and our strive to always better the conditions of man. This is the founding principle of our socialist philosophy and what unites all Unionites in their hearts."

by **Mutul** » Tue May 19, 2020 3:14 am

Yokot'an Pitz Bulletin

All of the Yajawil ready to welcome the Mulawil Halaab !

Once more, the World Court return to the birthplace of the sport, even though it is because of tragic circumstances

Yux - Yokok'ab Yajawil It is the pride of all Yokot'an to know that the most popular sport of the Divine Kingdom was created 5000 years ago by their ancestors, a fact aknowledged by the International Pitz Secular Rectorate, the laic offshoot of the Pitzk'in Temple in charge of the World Court's organization, who regularly choose our Yajawil as the host of one of the most prestigious Competition of the sport. We have the experience, the capacitis, and the will to host such events anytime, and it will be a pleasure and an honor because Pitz is in our blood. So, this year we are honored once more of the trust placed on us by both the Secular Rectorate and the Divine Throne, albeit we would've preferred it to be in less tragic circumstances.

Four years ago, it was Enyama that was picked to host the next World Court. However, the bloody civil war that began since then is still ongoing and has completely devastated the country, making it impossible for any sport event to be held. This is why, at the last minute, it was decided that the Mutul would host the Mulawil Halaab. This tragedy is complete with the knowledge that all the Enyaman National Team which had impressed the world so much four years ago and whose exploits had been abundantly commented by us and every sport newspapers on the planet, clearly the "Golden Generation" of the ex-Tsurushimese colony, are now all reported as dead or missing in the aftermath of the bloodbath of the Civil War. Once more we can only pray for their safe travel through Xibalba, and curse the wars that destroy so much futures.

Nonetheless, teams from around the World are heading to Yux to participate in the World Court, the occasion for many of them to prove their worth against some of the greatest players of their generations. Like our Yajawil's hero, the "First Child of Yamakaax" : Aj B'alheel Ex, arguably the best-player currently active in the Divine Kingdom, and one of the six players handpicked to be part of this year's Divine Team. The prestigious Aj Tzamka remain in his position of Manager, ready to lead this all-star team to a victory and to bring back to His Holiness the K'uhul Ajaw the Mulawje, the "World Ball" and one of the competition's trophee.

First pool matches should be held in a week from now, and the victorious teams will be able to continue to the 1/8th finals.

by **Communist Xomaniax** » Fri May 22, 2020 10:32 pm

There is No God Higher Than Truth

Union Strikes Key Investment Deal with Bihari Farmers in Ayvana

Bariao - Ayvana Representatives of the All-Bariao Kissan Union in Ayvana and the Union of Socialist People’s Republics today signed a deal aimed towards an expansion of Unionite investment in the Bariao province of Ayvana. The initiative focuses on agricultural development, seeking to modernize the dominant sector of one of Ayvana’s poorest areas. The trade deal is part of the broader Red Plenty Initiative, a program managed by the Union designed to help provide a socialist alternative to capitalist economic development, particularly in Ochran. Expansion of trade relations along the eastern Ozeros sea is a key focus of the Red Plenty Initiative.

The representatives met over a period of three days to finalize the details of the trade deal with both sides officially signing it this morning. The first phase of the program includes the delivery of thousands of tons of chemical fertilizer and seeds, as well as the transfer of thousands of individual pieces of modern agricultural equipment to the Bariao Kissan Union. Technical advisers from the USPR will arrive to instruct the local Bihari farming communes on the operation and maintenance of this machinery as well as modern agricultural methods with a design to sustainably increase surplus yield.

Jheng farmers use machinery to make the process of farming rice easier

“The plan for Bariao long term,” says one Unionite official, “is to help the Bihari modernize and mechanize their agricultural practices. We hope to allow Bariao to develop and grow its economy without falling into the trap of inequality and exploitation that comes with taking the capitalist road. In the Union, we too received technical aid from our brethren in other socialist states when we first began to build a modern agricultural system. This aid, along with the principles of socialism, allowed us to do the hard, intensive work needed to build such a system. The Bihari and Unionite peoples are brethren in our shared anticolonial struggle so we hope that this opens the region up to greater cooperation in the future.”

Further details of the plan include a scheme for the Union to guarantee the purchase of surplus cash crops and foodstuffs from communes participating in the program at market rates. After several years of successful workers’ self management, experts say, the Bahari will be able to use the profit they make from the mechanization process that they will be able to then begin investing in other sectors of the economy vital for a modern state, such as infrastructure and heavy industry. While further deals are purely speculative, word from anonymous officials in the All-Union government have stated that the State Affairs Commission plans to pass further rounds of targeted economic development for the region, provided results are good. A spokesperson for the State Affairs Commission has not yet reached back for comment.

Millet is a staple crop of the Bariao economy

In preparation for the expected increase in commercial traffic across the often treacherous Ayvani-Unionite border, the Union government has pledged to devote fifty million labor hours to the clearing of unexploded munitions leftover from the horrific Phōharayud'dha War in the 1970's. Officials from the Union, in conjunction with Bihari volunteers, will discover, dig up, and safely dispose of deadly explosives such as artillery shells, mortar shells, and landmines. Tens of millions of landmines were placed along both sides of the border during the Ayvani people's struggle for freedom from feudal tyranny, which has caused thousands of innocent people on either side of the border have been killed or injured in blasts caused by these destructive devices. Just as the Union stepped in to support Ayvana's brave socialist partisans' then, so to will it step in now to aid in the healing process. In coming together to put this horrid and traumatic chapter to a close, the Bihari and Unionite peoples not only improve the majestic natural bounty present in the area but improve the quality of life of the citizenry.

The Red Plenty Initiative, besides being the foremost Unionite foreign aid program, is also a core aspect of the New Sunflower Campaign, a drive led by Supreme Chairman Songsten Khan which among other things stresses the cultivation of new and friendly relations with developing proletarian states and movements abroad to the mutual benefit of both nations’ workers. The Bahari people have been historically near totally ignored by the warlords who hold sway in their realm. This is the natural class relation between lord and peasant, master and slave, one of perpetual toil for the low and perpetual comfort for the mighty. The princely states seek only to extract wealth from the lands and the peoples they lord over. This is not the case just across the border in the Union, where the shackles of these very same warlords was cast off in full. The peoples of the Union know only a love of socialist fraternity between exploited peoples and thus will do what the Ayvani government, if that it what it can truly be called, is incapable of. The first shipments of fertilizer, seeds, and tractors have shipped at the time of this article’s publication.

Unionite demining specialists stop to pose for a photo while working

by **Lacus Magni** » Tue May 26, 2020 9:25 am

Vardana | Global | Local | Sport | Economy | Culture | Science | Opinion
Directorial Candidates Shot Following Town Hall Forum
Tigranocerta, Bayazet, Vardana
By: Yeghisabet Kasparian (@YeKaspar)

Constantine Melikian, incumbent Director from Bayazet, speaking during today's event.

Hrazdan: During a pre-election town hall forum, incumbent Director Constantine Melikian was shot at least twice by an event attendee. Authorities also announced that challenger, and former Director, Arman Boghossian was struck by a stray bullet. Melikian is currently in critical condition, according to his chief of staff; however, local Hzadran officials have thus far refused to comment. Arman Boghossian was transported to the hospital, and is in stable condition after surgery. Other candidates in attendance are not believed to have suffered any injuries; however, authorities have thus far reported one death. Local police reportedly apprehended the chief suspect in the assassination attempt, but no official word has been released.

Governor of Bayazet Kevork Barkhudar has already issued lockdown orders in Tigranocerta, the country’s third largest city. Governor Barkhudar’s office announced that he has requested a Republican Guard deployment to Tigranocerta with the Directory. The Governor’s office was not available for additional comment, but has stated in a press release that “the election will go on as planned.”

With round one of the directorial election set to begin on Sunday, 31 May, Boghossian and Melikian were expected to move to the second round of voting, on 14 June. Recent polls even put Boghossian within the margin of error to earn an outright majority and electoral victory in the first round. The Bayazet directorial seat’s election has been hotly contested this cycle, due to Director Melikian’s refusal to withdraw from the race following his defeat in the Radical Party primary this February, choosing to run as an independent. Melikian had faced repeated requests to drop out of the race and endorse Radical Party nominee, Tigran Saroyan, from all major members of the party, including Director-General Barkhudar.

We will update as this story continues to develop.

OTHER NEWS STORIES
Director-General Barkhudar reportedly planning a state visit with GAs Sion. [ 11217 ]
20 July Club within margin of error in legislative elections. [ 10824 ]
New Patriarch of Hrazdan takes office following government approval [ 9120 ]
Pitz team set to play in World Cup. [ 5851 ]

© 2020 Vardanan Broadcasting Authority

by **Communist Xomaniax** » Thu May 28, 2020 3:54 pm

There is No God Higher Than Truth

State Planning Bureau Announces Coal Industry Cutbacks

Personnel of Drakpuri Coal Mine #7 look on at the last batch of coal mined for the season.

Kalapa - Jheng SPR In the coal mines of Drakpuri, a small mining town about one hundred fifty kilometres from the border with Ankat, workers of Coal Mine #7 prepare to end their shift. At the beginning of the year, the Supreme People's Assembly established a new Five Year Plan that emphasizes, among other things, a "national beautification project" that will serve to green the environment. Also a part of the plan was marked reduction in quotas for coal production. The change should come as no surprise as the Directorate of Coal Production has made no secret that international demand for anthracite coal, which has long been the cornerstone of coal mining operations in the Union, has continued to decline. Representatives of the Mining Workers' Union and the State Planning Bureau are currently in talks to discuss plans for workers who will be impacted by cutbacks.

"During a normal work season," says union representative Mongke Thangka, "we begin work in early January and have usually fulfilled our quota by mid September. However, due to declining demand for coal, the quota has been reduced and we are scheduled to meet the new goals in the first week of June."

Until the 1970s, the Union was one of the world's largest exporters of coal, representing more than 33% of Unionite exports. However, by 1990, that number had fallen to just 19%, and had consistently fallen ever since. Experts point primarily to a steady reduction in economic demand and fierce competition for dominance of the international market, its chief rivals being Thraysia and Ruam. Before Unionite coal was able to easily compete with production in these two states. However, in recent years competition has become fierce as those two nations have eclipsed the Union in both production and scope of operations.

A cargo ship prepares to sail off to its destination in Ghant.

Though the Union has large deposits of anthracite coal, a rising number of nations across the world have turned to cleaner, more modern methods of energy production. Though Ghant, Ayvana, and Ankat are all still major purchasers of Unionite coal, they too have seen declining need for the once vital energy source. However, expert economists argue, it should not be assumed that the Union is abandoning an otherwise healthy industry, as some bad faith cynics have complained. Other major coal producers, such as Thraysia, are also scaling back operations. The unfortunate reality is that coal is going the way of whale oil and has been ever since the Union largely switched from coal power plants to nuclear ones in the 1970s.

The All-Union Mining Workers' Union and the State Planning Bureau are currently in talks to discuss the future of the several million coal miners and associated personnel it represents. While the deal has yet to be finalized, details include the granting of full pension benefits for all employees within ten years of scheduled retirement and partial pension benefits for all others scaled to labor hours contributed. Employees will be given the option to be relocated to active mines elsewhere in the Union, particularly in southern SPR Jheng where the mining of titanium is being intensified, or to be retrained for jobs in other fields. All low productivity mines in the Union will be permanently closed down after fulfillment of quotas for the 2020-25 Five Year Plan.

While the State Planning Bureau highlights the ongoing decline in demand, the move is also driven by a core plank of the New Sunflower Campaign, the guiding ideological campaign formulated by Supreme Chairman Khan and eventually refined and passed by the Supreme People's Assembly. The New Sunflower Campaign pushes for investigation into environmentally damaging economic practices and mandates the reform or abolishment of those practices. The Draktsang district of Jhengtsang has been particularly blighted by resource extraction despite diminishing returns, with its picturesque landscape marred with the remains of strip mines and abandoned storage facilities, left to rot as the age of coal ended. Many of the formerly bustling mining communes in the region have had the populations dwindle as well. No decision yet has been made on the long term stability of these communities, however the Enviromental Protection Bureau has drafted a plan to employ thousands of locals in the dismantling and filling of old mine shafts and the cleanup of industrial blight.

The Drakpuri Mining District will see its territory cut by two thirds.

by **Thraysia** » Tue Jun 09, 2020 8:23 pm

The truth about the Thraysian Regime
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How Alexios weaponized the Internet

Article by Takis Artinoulis

May 16th, 2020
Recently, a "comment-bomb" of bots on a speech delivered by Gran Aligonian presidential candidate, Montecalvo, has been linked as having origins from Thraysia. This is not an isolated case to online discussion on the situation in Gran Aligonia; it is very likely that there are other occurances linked to Thraysia. This is not isolated to Gran Aligonia either; bots and trolls in social media with links to the Thraysian state are more common than we may realize.

The founding princples upon the internet rest in freedom. It was envisioned as a free and open exchange of ideas. A fair platform of decentralized networks in the information superhighway. But these are not how things work in Thraysia, a nation infamous for its extremely authoritarian and autocratic rule. Alexios has used a wide range of clever and sneaky tactics to weaponize the internet.

The Creation of TICA
In 2002, a year after gaining the Thraysian throne, Alexios issued an edict ordering the creation of the Thraysian Internet Control Agency, otherwise known as "TICA." The afformentioned goals were to "protect the Thraysian people from inappropriate internet content" though the actual activities are much more sinister. The Agency has operated in extreme anonymity and for good reason. The Thraysian public and majority of government officials, including the Imperial Council, weren't even notified of its creation. Through the activities of whistleblowers, especially the recent leaks from Iovinus Diogenus, much has been uncovered. The Thraysian Internet Control Agency was created specifically for Alexios to control the internet to serve the Thraysian state's personal goals. This has been accomplished through a wide range of activities including but not limited to: piracy, disinformation campaigns, government propaganda, censorship, and cyberattacks. For its various different activities, the agency operates through a series of "sub-agencies" with many activities of these sub-agencies keeping secrets from other sub-agencies. The agency operates with as much anonymity as possible; abnormally high even by Thraysian government standards.

Propaganda and misinformation
One of the sub-agencies has been dedicated towards the spread of "information," which can more accurately be called propaganda and disinformation. TICA partakes in the obvious activities of promoting the government's agenda while also instituting censorship. These "troll farms" fiercely defend Thraysia and accuses the foreign of hypocrisy. Simultaneously, it has used propaganda and disinformation for more sinister activities. This is accomplished through vast data collection on social media websites. Much of this data is stategically used to target specific demographics or individuals. For instance, they attempt to weaponize "useful idiots" such as staunch political bloggers, commentators, or activists, by playing to their ideological leanings. Besides utilizing their own trolls, they exploit those unaffiliated with TICA to spread their messages. Due to both the anonymous nature of the internet and the anonymous nature of TICA, this is quite difficult to detect.

While one may expect these efforts as pertaining to promoting pro-regime propaganda, more sinister activities also take place. In the affairs of other nations, TICA either promotes their specific foreign policy goals or simply sow discontent. They use tactics such as exploiting basic political, ethnic, or cultural vulnerabilities and divisions in said foreign societies. In countries with large levels of factionalism and internal divisions such as Yisrael or Gran Aligonia, this has been prevalent. The recent actions of TICA in Gran Aligonia demonstrate this through the promotion of xenophobic attitudes and ethnically offensive remarks against the people belonging to foreign powers involved in Gran Aligonia. These tactics are reportedly used in many countries where the Thraysian regime may have neutral or negative relations with.

Such disinformation is not without reason or simple hostility, as they appear to have their own strategic motives behind them. These have been, however, somewhat difficult to determine. Whistleblowers claim that Thraysia believes in the promotion of

Nationalization of the Internet
The strategy of TICA has been to ensure authoritarian control over the Thraysian internet while promoting anarchy outside of the foreign internet. For instance, "Project Open Field" was created to build the necessary infrastructure in maintaining an internal internet that could function without access to the global DNS system. Through several disconnection tests, this was proven successful. Additionally, it censors several foreign websites and services on the internet through its firewall. Given the ease of VPNs/proxies or the numerous sites that aren't blacklisted by the firewall, TICA has been known to use disinformation to slander foreign services. The spread of conspiracy theories have been part of this, one such example includes that the founders of DragonFly run a pedophilic ring.

Compared to the outside extranet, the Thraysian internal internet is subject to its censorship controls. Additionally, they are under the control of Thraysian companies. Such measures by the Thrayian government serve both purposes in securing added government control of internet activity while simultaneously promoting online protectionism to benefit local internet companies above foreign ones. Moreover, the intranet toggle-switches created by Project Open Field have added an efficient defense against foreign cyberattacks.

Leaked documents from whistle-blowers allege a following speech from a Thraysian official in 2002 upon the creation of TICA:

"The internet is going to be huge, it will eventually connect the vast majority of the world with a device in their pockets. And with all this rapid technological advancement, heck maybe our own watches will have internet access. You get my point, the internet is adding a lot of connectivity. With that, we'll get a lot of communication over it. But with the way the internet was designed, this communication is a free-for-all. It would be very unfortunate if we don't offer our own input into this flow of information. It may seem like a dirty tactic, but our enemies might be thinking of the same thing. It is a lucrative opportunity we cannot drop. We can enforce control over the internet through not mere censorship, but additionally through spreading propaganda and sowing discontent in the internet of foreign countries. As technology improves, this will become increasingly easier. If we don't do this, somebody else will do it before its too late, and they are likely to have malicious intents."

Piracy and Cyberattacks
Besides simple attempts at manipulation, TICA additionally engages in direct cyberattacks on perceived enemies of the Thraysian regime. Ranging from attempted blackouts, DDoS attacks, or hacking, many cyberattacks on foreign nations have been traced to the Thraysian state. The government has either remained silent or denied its involvement in all cyberattacks originating from Thraysia, claiming it involved the actions of individuals that carried no links to the government - laughably false as conclusive proof has established a link between the attacks and the state.

None of the released documents indicate anything regarding piracy, though the whistle-blowers do allege that there is some link between TICA and Thraysia being a hotbed of internet piracy.

As we continue to enter the information age, it is important for foreign governments to take necessary preventative measures and invest into cyberdefense. Unfortunately, this is going to be additionally difficult while preserving the freedom of the press. Thraysia may continue its sabotage through TICA, it's crucial we remain vigilant.

IN OTHER NEWS

Was the recent death of a Thraysian Imperial Councilman an inside job?
Inside Thraysia's most infamous prison - What are Human Rights?
How Thraysian censorship has grown into an industry employing thousands
Remembering the Greenhill Massacre of 2017

Thraysia Uncensored opposes the human rights' abuses of the Thraysian regime. We hold no ill-feelings to the Thraysian people or their culture, our condolences go out to those under the repression of tyrannical rule.

by **Enyama** » Tue Jun 16, 2020 1:39 pm

Whatever happened to the IDR? A Conversation with Albin Volf

Given all that’s been going on in the news, it’s not out of the ordinary to tune out those headlines which seem to be unimportant or uninteresting to the moment. Such is the case recently, with our own end of neutrality and ongoing election cycle practically pre-empting all of our collective public attention away from what, to our cycle from six months ago, would have been monumental news.

Albin Volf, the film director-turned-paramilitary leader, had come out alleging that the activist group that he had spearheaded, the International Democratic Revolution, or IDR, had been “hijacked” by the Ostrozavan civilian intelligence service, the PRCO (Primární Ředitelství pro Civilní Ochranu; lit: Prime Directorate for Civil Protection) and turned into a clandestine paramilitary network, eclipsing its original goal of spreading ideas into a more overtly statist motive of advancing Ostrozavan policy through polarization and violence.

Volf, who had mostly been known as a film auteur in the late 90s and early 00s, had expanded increasingly into collaborations with academia and political activism throughout the late ‘00s, in a move which he says was “more or less” spurned by the election of Muratagi Eijiro to the Enyaman Presidency in 2005. Still, despite his vocality, one wouldn’t have pegged him as a man to don battle fatigues and roam rural North Ottonia in a bid to outrun international authorities. And, he asserts, that the life he began to live was never his intention, nor goal. Two days ago, I sat with Volf in his humble yet stylish Valegoria apartment, where, after treating me to several drinks he picked up on his travels, including “exquisite” Mutulese Xtabentún, which he acquired in Ayeli while “on the government payroll.” The rest of the interview was recorded, though, due to Volf at one point mentioning certain operations still considered classified by the Prime government, the video version of the interview has been seized as court evidence, leaving the only remaining medium of transmission as an edited text transcript of our conversation, which starts below:

DD: “Alright, so, Mr. Volf-”
AV: “Please, just call me Albin. If there’s anything I’ve learned, it’s that formality can often serve as a barrier to truth.”
DD: [chuckles] “Alright, Albin, then. Let’s start from the beginning. How did a postmodernist filmmaker become a branded international terrorist, and how do you claim that the Prime government is complicit in this?”
AV: “Well, uhm, you see, that’s the thing. Me, personally, at least, looking back on it all, I can’t help but to think that the way they hooked me was extremely insidious.”
DD: “How so?”
AV: “Well, I mean, I don’t want to assume, but I will, for now: you’re a reporter.”
DD: “Yeah, and?”
AV: “Sorry, I don’t mean to be too vague. People playing the pronoun game drive me crazy. I just mean, if you’re a reporter, surely you can give a more nuanced opinion on the state of discussion in Ostrozavan academia these days?”
DD: “I mean, I didn’t expect to be asked a questio-”
AV: “Well, you don’t have to answer, you just can, if you want.”
DD: “Very well. I suppose that, out of my experiences with Ostrozavan academia, what I’ve seen generally it’s that it’s a very ideologically diverse, uh, environment. You could definitely find even, say, Alban-centric nationalists, if you go to the right community college.”
AV: [chuckles] “A very succinct description indeed. But fringe forms of thought can very easily bubble to the surface, of course, in a country like this. Even if it starts as just an assumption of a way of thinking, as a test. Seeing if the logic checks out. So that’s what happened to me. I was - I am still - some sort of anarchist, of course, but, at the time, I was looking into expanding into academia, and I found that the Ostrozavan Academy of Humanities in Vamo was offering a new philosophy course, and they needed professors. This was, what, spring ‘08? Time flies, doesn’t it?”
DD: “And that’s where you started the IDR?”
AV: “Yeah. At first, it was just a student organization. A group of activists. But by fall of ‘08 already, we were getting bigger. We heard we’d even been getting chapters as far as Belfras, and we even got, through some channels I unfortunately can’t disclose, a message from a group of students we’d inspired in Keuland.”
DD: “Seems like an awfully short time to go from “brand new professor” to “student activist leader”.
AV: “I know, and in retrospect, that should’ve been what tipped me off. We were getting numbers that were real, all right, but just unrealistic compared to what would have happened if - I suspect - the Civil Protection wasn’t already funnelling money into us.”
DD: “And when did you become aware of their involvement, then?”
AV: “Oh, when they recruited me. Listen - this whole “anarchist left” wing here, it’s absolutely filled to the brim with people that, if they’re not directly on the government’s payroll beyond their political seats, they most certainly trade favors to pull levers that the Prime blokes just can’t get to without causing too many problems.”
DD: “But you joined them willingly? How can you even defend yourself as not complicit in what the IDR turned into, then?”
AV: “Easy, now, Dana. I never claimed I wasn’t complicit. It’s hard not to be complicit in something just by taking a breath these days. But, besides that point, I was, and I am complicit. But I was manipulated emotionally, physically, and even ideologically by the PRCO. I was just a tool for them, a means to an end. Well, at least, that’s what they wanted.”
DD: “And what do you think they wanted, really? Why do you think they went through all of this trouble?”
AV: “Why? Oh, that’s easy. It’s why I helped them for as long as I did. When it was an underground movement, in that whole decade, hah, basically, what we did is we went around the world, funded people, pushed buttons. Secretly, if we could. Poked and prodded volatile organizations to see which would be most compatible with the IDR. We tried a lot, a lot of bloody organizations. The Thraysian Republican Front, the Garzan Revolutionary Army, uuh...we talked to opposition parties in Enyama, Drevs-”
DD: “You’re getting ahead of yourself, I think, let’s get back to the actual question. Why would the government do this?”
AV: “Oh, to undermine global monarchism, most definitely. I can say I support the goal, in principle - the methods? That I...that’s increasingly more problematic for me.”
DD: “What makes you say that so confidently?”
AV: “Well, what I was getting to, essentially, was that we were trying to unify these disparate opposition groups throughout Scipio-Belisaria, Ochran, et-cetera, purge the most toxic elements, and...well, this is the problematic part. For a while, it was just that: a communication network, so to speak. A pre-International. I never knew...well, I never knew it would get so militarized.”
DD: “And you say that the PRCO intentionally derailed the original organization of the IDR? At what point would you say that you went from protest to paramilitary?”
AV: “Well, that’s...it’s hard to say where one stopped and the other began. When we went public again, that was definitely a big boost. And then there was the offer of help from Elatia. That’s always been a tentative relationship between our governments, at best, as you know,”
DD: “Mmhm. Elatia was very open in its support of the IDR, to the point that people thought they were its main benefactor. There were training camps, armaments. And then there’s the other names that are often listed beside yours: all military types. Arnt Andelfingen, Silmi al-Hares, Paldon Namdak. These people are revolutionaries - and many either had military experience in an overtly revolutionary movement or a hard-leftist. You’re a film director. What happened?”
AV: “Ah, yeah. I can’t speak for their experiences. We had some interesting conversations. Some of them definitely had their brutish moments, but...it was a blurry line, it still is.”
DD: “You keep saying that. Do you think that’s an adequate defense?”
AV: “For them? For the Elatians that most certainly funded our weapons? No. But I wasn’t talking about the law, and whether we broke it. I was talking about morality. Being born under punches can really make you seek revenge. And that’s what these people were. Gripped by their ideology, and out looking for blood. I started to feel like a fish out of water more and more.”
DD: “When was this?”
AV: “I wanna say this was 2018, something like that, already. We laid low for a while.”
DD: “But the next fall, you’re out making public announcements while wearing military uniform, what about that?”
AV: “That was the straw that broke the camel’s back. I started asking my contacts in the PRCO right after that just how far they wanted to take it. And then I got arrested in North Ottonia, and I talked to them again as part of the extradition process. It was all very shady. I just wanted out at that point. It was getting to be a whole different beast, and I hadn’t even noticed it happening until I had a reality check.”
DD: “You said in court that they offered you an NDA in exchange for your absolvement? Why go public anyway?”
AV: “I just...the more you’re exposed to ulterior motives, the less you like how they operate. And there was a warping, at some level, where it stopped being about the fight and started being about the game we were playing in and of itself. And I saw the PRCO intel operatives just...take that to a whole new level. It was all about power. And they made it very violent.”
DD: “Yet you continued to comply with them for far after you became disillusioned.”
AV: “It was a dangerous vibe. To be honest, I feared for my life, and for my reputation. I had to be a pragmatist about getting out.”
DD: “Well, it certainly seems to have worked so far.”

Volf’s rejuvenated vocality about his experience as the de-facto leader of the IDR has drawn the ire of many chiefly populist-Socialist and left-Progressive politicians, who have been vocal about a “serious investigation” into the PRCO and, generally speaking, the entire Ostrozavan intelligence apparatus. Though Primar Moravec has barely even acknowledged the issue’s existence due to the political discourse having largely been occupied as of late by questions surrounding the end of neutrality, there seems to be a consensus that the issue can’t remain unaddressed for long.

Prime Commander Radanna Šimonová has been vocal in recent days about the “abhorrent misuse of power for power’s sake” by the PRCO in their “misguided maintenance of a band of well-intentioned, but quite stupid hooligans” and their “continued perpetuation of petulant ideals of violent revolution”. Benedict Král, current Socialist candidate for Primar in this year’s election, called the IDR “something that would have had a whole lot more merit in its ideals if it had a lot less foreign meddling imparted into its very being and leadership”, thus also dismissing the PRCO. The Progressive establishment, on the other hand, has been quick to double down on their hardline position towards the IDR, branding them a “Authoritarian-funded terrorist organization”. The director of the PRCO, Valdemar Rezek, has already been recommended for impeachment for his actions, though some observers, including Volf in our conversation, have claimed that the current fallout from his case is “the power-playing establishment saving face now without addressing deeper ideological problems that led to this in the first place.”

Many across the political spectrum have been increasingly vocal in their criticism of the growing Prime bureaucracy itself, a phenomenon typically associated with the pragmatic administration of Primar Moravec, who has been in power since 2001. Benedict Král has called for a “thorough examination of the psychological effects of power held long-term” and the introduction of term limits for highest public offices”, though this has attracted the chagrin of many of the more conservative Socialists and their adherence to revolutionary Schraderist-Khanist democratic centralism, which has often eschewed term limits in order to justify the retention of high-performing public officials. Term limits, as a traditionally Progressive position, have been largely ignored as a policy issue by the Moravec administration; Král’s assumption of the policy points to a larger growing shift in Ostrozavan politics, with a new emergence of forces against the “bureaucratic establishment” itself, especially after the bipartisan consensus on neutrality has increasingly blurred the lines between the two parties’ modern policy positions.

The Supreme Court, through their decision to absolve Volf, have attracted the ire of many who continue to hail Volf as complicit in terrorism, including the Primar himself, but has been lukewarmly accepted thus far as a “logical legal decision” by the Socialist Party; Volf says he doesn’t plan on keeping quiet - and is hoping to make a documentary recounting his experience as soon as his legal situation is more ironed out. Rahma-winning Actress Cecílie Rolandá, who worked with Volf on his 2007 film Atomizace Lásky a Koťat (lit. ‘The Atomization of Love and Kittens’) came out in support of Volf during his trial, which has, by now, spurned most of the major guilds and unions active in show business to support Volf’s absolution.

IDR paramilitary forces train in Elatia, mid-2019.

One thing is clear, though, from my conversation with Volf: the recent wave of republicanism isn’t as isolated of a phenomenon as many have characterized it to be. Rather, it is a twisted mix of intelligence agency meddling, deliberate promotion of ideologies across the internet, and complex socioeconomic factors. And that raises more questions: would there be any crisis in the Periclean without the IDR’s very existence stoking the flame the year before? Would we still be neutral if we hadn’t started the long line of dominos? And how much more illegality has the PRCO tiptoed around since its reconstitution from the Prime Security Directorate in 1967? There’s no immediate answer to these questions. But, through the actions of one film director, it appears that we may be entering a new definition to the boundaries of Ostrozavan politics, based around a growing repetition of an age-old question: do the ends justify the means?

Top Headlines
1. Primar Moravec floats the idea of lax borders between Kiso nations ⇲
2. PRCO row continues: Subprime Director in Kolava resigns in protest. ⇲
3. Gran Aligonia-Ostrozava relations "strained" due to "Sion's personal beliefs about Ostrozavan government" ⇲
4. After "massive humiliation" at Mulawil Halab 84, new Prime Pitz League coach Janek Vodnář "vows for revenge" ⇲
5. Ostrozava seeks to lease a port in the Periclean, insider report claims ⇲

by **Lacus Magni** » Thu Jun 25, 2020 6:17 pm

Vardana | Global | Local | Sport | Economy | Culture | Science | Opinion
Historic Election Sees Major Upset and Shock
Hrazdan, Bayazet, Vardana
By: Yeghisabet Kasparian (@YeKaspar)

Kevork Barkhudar, Governor of Bayazet and younger brother of Director-General Anastas Barkhudar, announces a postponement of the province's directorial election on 10 June.

Hrazdan: Second round voting in the 2020 directorial election proved to be a historic event, featuring a historic upset and a provincial postponement. At the onset of the election, many speculated that the entrance of the Radical Party into Corduene provincial politics would create a battleground between the Radicals and long-serving Director Almasd Dzolkert. Dzolkert infamously cancelled the Radical Renewal party primary after being facing a primary challenge for the first time in nearly 15 years. However, few were able to predict the eventual postponement of the Bayazet directorial election following the shooting at a 26 May campaign event.

Incumbent Director Dzolkert earned the most votes in the first round of the Corduene, with top challenger David Kiurikian finishing in a close second. The two faced off in a tense election for the second round of voting on 14 June. The election saw Kiurikian and Dzolkert make stops throughout the island province, including the State University of Corduene. On election day, challenger Kiurikian defeated Dzolkert by a margin of 54% to 46%. Kiurikian delivered his post-victory address from his Samosata home, while Dzolkert challenged the results and has yet to concede the election to Kiurikian, a major supporter of Director-General Anastas Barkhudar.

Meanwhile in Bayazet, the first round of the election carried on as smoothly as could be expected following the shooting of three candidates at a late May campaign forum. During first round voting, incumbent and independent candidate Constantine Melikian remained hospitalized and in critical condition as voters took to the polls in Vardana’s largest province. As ballots were being counted, Governor Kevork Barkhudar addressed the province and announced that Director Melikian had succumbed to his injuries from the 26 May shooting. As precincts began to report their results, Governor Barkhudar indicated to the media that should Melikian advance to the second round the election “may have to be postponed.” Ballots were counted throughout the night, and in the morning the Bayazet Electoral Commission announced that Arman Boghossian was victorious, earning 42% of all first round votes, and that recently deceased Constantine Melikian finished with the second most votes and advanced to the second round.

The Governor’s office remained silent in the weeks approaching the 14 June second round, despite repeated calls from within the Radical Party to push third place finisher Tigran Saroyan. On 10 June, Governor Barkhudar announced the second round was postponed due to the “unprecedented events under which the election took place.” The campaigns for Arman Boghossian and third place finisher Tigran Saroyan issued a joint statement denouncing the decision to postpone the second round, while candidates from minor parties praised the decision, asking for a re-vote of the first round. Director-General Barkhudar supported the decision to postpone the election, saying that “I only wish it were announced sooner to allow campaigns time to prepare and voters to properly mourn the loss of their Director.”

Minor protests sprang up in major Bayazetan cities, including Hrazdan, Tigranocerta, Stephanavan and cities in other provinces such as Sophene in Mysia. Police and Republican Guard were called up and thus far protests have remained peaceful. Currently, the postponement of the election is being challenged in the courts and was recently upheld in the national Court of Appeals for the Bayazet District. It is scheduled to be heard before the High Constitutional Court on 22 June. Should the order be overturned, the provincial electoral commission has stated that plans for the resumption of the election are slated for Sunday, 12 July. Should the High Constitutional Court uphold the order, Governor Barkhudar may be eligible to fill the vacant directorial seat until an election can be held.

OTHER NEWS STORIES
Director for Ayrumi Nebez Gewirk joins candidate Boghossian and protesters in Hrazdan. [ 11217 ]
20 July Club sees massive gains in legislative elections, Radical Party maintains slim majority. [ 10824 ]
Albin Volf Interview. [ 9120 ]
Mysian coast guard sailor gone missing near Aretias. [ 5851 ]

© 2020 Vardanan Broadcasting Authority

by **Yisroel** » Sat Jun 27, 2020 9:27 pm

Trending Stories -- Volf Interview -- Vardanan Directorial Election In Chaos -- YeMep: Likely IDF-LDF Ties

Knesset's Atiel: Volf Interview 'Bombshell' On IDR-Ostrozavan Intel Ties Necessitate 'Immediate Investigation,' And If True, 'Severe Response'

_{Pictured: Conservative Member of Knesset Yehoshua Atiel (center) at last week's Foreign Affairs Committee meeting.}

One of the Royalist Conservative Party's leading foreign policy hawks, Atiel's call suggests renewed vigor to tackle global anti-monarchy forces in Belisaria and beyond.
^{June 15th, 2020| By Binyomin Eisenberger (beisenberg@ryd.org) | 11:02am EDT}

YERUSHALAYIM, YISRAEL — Just two days after an interview with the former head of the terrorist International Democratic Revolution group, Albin Volf, with Ostrozavan media outlet The Optimist, the disturbing allegations that the Ostrozavan civilian intelligence service, the PRCO (Primární Ředitelství pro Civilní Ochranu; literally: Prime Directorate for Civil Protection) weaponized the nascent IDR organization as a student protest group and then manipulated it into a potent terrorist group with state support have raised eyebrows among the intelligence community as well as the political and media class in the Western Monarchies. Member of Knesset Yehoshua Atiel (RC-Modiin), a prominent hawk most known for his calls for investigations against the leader of his own party, then-President Noah Feldman, during the June 2018 Midnight Affair, was the first politician to weigh in on the shocking news from Ostrozava.

Atiel convened a press conference outside his Knesset office early Monday morning with a pool of foreign policy reporters. Getting right to the point, the Member of Knesset started off his presser this way: "Ladies and gentlemen, over the weekend we witnessed a bombshell accusation. The former head of the terrorist group the IDR, Albin Volf, told an Ostrozavan journalist that that country's domestic intelligence agency, the PRCO, has been behind the group's anti-monarchy and pro-republican violence in Belisaria and Scipia, and has further said outright that the IDR operates with the full support of the PRCO to quote 'undermine global monarchism.' " Pausing for effect, Atiel continued, jabbing a finger towards the camera: "There must be an immediate and robust investigation by Ostrozavan and foreign authorities as to their allegations. I understand many in Ostrozava, to their credit, are appalled by the alleged course of events which suggest their government or its espionage organ engaged in foreign terrorism. I strongly encourage all peace-seeking people in Ostrozava and beyond to see to it that these investigations are pursued thoroughly, and if true, dealt with in a just and proper way." The lawmaker concluded darkly, "If this allegations are true, the PRCO and others in league with them with face a severe response from Yisrael and others."

Yisrael and Ostrozava do not currently have diplomatic ties, however, the countries share indirect diplomatic ties with a number of countries, including North Ottonia and Ghant.

Inside Ostrozava: Progressive-Socialist Debate

Political factions within the landlocked Central Belisarian nation are divided, though there appears to be a growing dissatisfaction with the growth of the Prime Republic's central bureaucracy. The Optimist, the same outlet that broke the chilling allegations from Volf, cited "populist-Socialist and left-Progressive politicians" who have been leading calls domestically for investigations into the PRCO.

Benedict Král, the current Socialist Party candidate for Primar (head of state) in this year’s national election, referred to the IDR as “something that would have had a whole lot more merit in its ideals if it had a lot less foreign meddling imparted into its very being and leadership." The political establishment behind the Progressive Party, however, have adopted a strict position against the IDR and its terrorism, with numerous Progressive figures calling the IDR an “authoritarian-funded terrorist organization.” The director of the PRCO, Valdemar Rezek, is facing calls for impeachment given the seriousness of the allegations.

Analysts: Allegations 'Perpetuate,' 'Re-imagine' GA Crisis, Broader Periclean Ideological Clash

After Atiel's sharp-worded press conference, the pundit class on the morning and early afternoon political news shows started to chime in on the allegations. A particularly visceral and sharp-elbowed exchange took back on Channel 10 Breaking News, a major Chiloni-focused broadcast news channel, between Mary Nessen, a Yisraeli Christian commentator who focuses on Belisarian politics at King David University and Simcha Felder, a conservative foreign policy commentator and author on the network. Here is an edited summary of their words:

Nessen argued that the allegations 'perpetuate' the ongoing Western Monarchies-Kiso Pact ideological tensions in the Periclean and elsewhere, saying, "The Volf interview really, let me say this delicately, uh, perpetuates this divide that Yisrael and Latium and - " [cross-talk] " - and countries like Ostrozava, North Ottonia, Tsurushima and others are at war. We need to be de-escalating here, not making threatening vague statements and trying to interfere in another country's judiciary, even if the events may affect us."

She was immediately countered by Felder, who called the allegations 'stunning' and 'probably true,' arguing: "Sorry, Mary, I have to strongly disagree here - look, these events as recounted by Albin Volf - they're, they're stunning and, let's be honest, probably true. Ostrozava, those Ochrani leftist regimes, Elatia and others, they are at war with us and the other monarchies. They are - " [cross-talk] "you, you can deny it all you want, but it appears very likely the PRCO actively directed and supported terrorism against us and other western - " [cross-talk] "I mean, stop kidding yourself. This is the face of global republicanism. Terror and violence. I'm sorry, but you need to face reality, Mary."

After news host Yissachar Elon calmed both pundits down, Felder added: "You know, Yissachar, this really re-imagines the Gran Aligonia crisis. Think about it: if true, the PRCO funds and directs the IDR, and I'm sure there are even more shady and secretive efforts afoot as well - hold on, Mary, let me finish - so, if-if true, Leuter Sion and the whole fall of monarchy in the GA, it isn't some isolated or organic event, it's part of the sustained efforts of the IDR and their ilk, purposefully seeking to destroy us. I mean - "

Nessen cut in, rebutting Felder by stating: "Look, Simcha, we didn't 'lose the GA'. We don't own it, it's a sovereign country. And yes, it's possible Prince Veremundo's fall happened because of specific events on the islands and not some far-fetched 'republican' conspiracy - " [cross-talk] "let's not rush to judgement and let the Ostrozavans investigate for themselves."

Felder said something inaudibly before Elon cut both off and continued with the news coverage of the interview.

Presidential, Royal Palaces: We Are "Monitoring the Situation Closely"

Spokesmen for both President Yitzchok Katz's office, as well as the press office of His Majesty King Hezekiah III, gave a joint, terse statement saying that the "Government of Yisrael is monitoring the situation closely," before noting that Yisrael and Ostrozava have no direct diplomatic ties as well as pointing out Ostrozava's internationally-panned end of neutrality and soft diplomatic entry into the Kiso Pact world.

Privately, an advisor close to Katz and Foreign Minister Ariel Goldblatt reported that "His Majesty is eager to strike at the global left-republican bloc" and that Katz is in agreement with him. Per this, any "ammunition" given, like the Volf allegations, will be used for "full effect." This advisor noted that Atiel's warning of a "severe response" should be "taken seriously," as the senior echelons of the Yisraeli government are prepared to take "more lethal or dramatic actions" to halt any geopolitical momentum the Kiso Bloc is experiencing.

Binyomin Eisenberger reported from Yerushalayim, Yisrael. None of these organizations are associated with the RYD, and all opinions and personal views in the article do not reflect the viewpoints of the RYD or their employees.

MORE IN INTERNATIONAL

Vardanan directorial election in Corduene 'postponed' by local governor, who is also brother of the country's chief executive, leading to chaos and vigorous opposition protests [ 165 ]
YeMep, Shomrim confirm investigating reported sightings of failed 2020 candidate Yosef Kaduri in Scipian Messidor [ 761 ]
Early summer polls: patriotism, national pride up across all sectors except Chilonim [ 344 ]
Foreign Ministry: Despite sanctions, Sion regime still harassing, fining foreign nationals in the GA [ 17 ]
Recently retired RYIS officer acknowledges 'Thraysia Uncensored' and 'other groups' consulted on Thraysian cyber-attack policies, motives, while the agency itself declines to comment [ 213 ]

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by **Besmenien** » Sun Jun 28, 2020 4:33 am

First blue-yellow-green coalition at federal level

Prime Minister Sidemann announced on June 27 that he was planning to form a coalition between the Besmenian People's Party, the Free Besmenian Citizen's Party and the Green Party of Besmenia after the 2020 federal election.

Sidemann himself says: "The negotiations between the three parties are still ongoing, but I think it is possible that the planned blue-yellow-green coalition could take place due to the joint election programs."

The Sidemann III cabinet would be the first since the Schmidt I cabinet (1964-1968), in which three parties would once again be involved in the federal government. It would also be the first cabinet since the Tautenbach II cabinet (1996-2000) where the Greens would again be involved in the federal government.

A blue-yellow-green coalition was first formed in Besmenia in the state of Jakartaburg from 1999 to 2009 and later in the state of Summingia from 2011 to 2016.
The supporters of this planned coalition also include President Bergmann (GPB), who himself was involved in the blue-yellow-green in Jakartaburg from 1999 to 2004 as Minister for the Environment.

Other news
• Flood disaster in East Summingia
• Festivities for the 100th anniversary of the Federal Republic of Besmenia on July 2
• Foreign Minister Württemberg wants to strengthen relations with Thraysia again

© Today's Besmenia 2020

by **Yisroel** » Tue Jun 30, 2020 9:10 pm

Trending Stories -- Atiel: Investigate 'Volf Interview' Allegations -- Vardana Gripped By Election Protests -- Besmenia Sees New Right-Green Coalition Gov't

The 'Royalist Counterrevolution,' Just Six Months In, Has Already Become A New Way Of Life In Yisrael

_{Pictured: Prince Michoel, one of the monarch's younger brothers, sitting King's Minister in the Presidential Cabinet, and purported architect of His Majesty's reactionary regime.}

Polling data and street-level anecdotal evidence suggest the new monarchy's impact is beginning to sink in across the country's politics, media, and religious and socioeconomic divides.
^{June 22th, 2020| By Binyomin Eisenberger (beisenberg@ryd.org) | 10:21am EDT}

YERUSHALAYIM, YISRAEL — It goes by many names. Officially, it is His Majesty King Hezekiah III's 'Royalist Counterrevolution' policy. Among its supporters, it has been nicknamed the 'Glorious Restoration.' Conversely, its critics scorn it as the 'Reactionary regime.' But beyond the semantics, one thing is clear: the 'Hezekian Reaction,' as historians have taken to calling it, has reached its sixth-month anniversary - and Yisrael has already felt its impact broadly across society, politics, and the economy.

Origins: Disputed, But Vaguely Clear

Until the new King's first televised speech introducing himself to the nation as the new monarch, during which his new policies and declared national vision stunned the country into silence, Yisraeli life had a certain rhythm: "Everyone knew" that political power lay with the elected president, not the monarch - who was expected to remain quiet and in the background as a ceremonial figure like in Arthurista or Gelonia. "Everyone knew" that the postwar 1952 Royal Reform Acts were legally controversial but politically untouchable. "Everyone knew" that the political right claimed to emulate the more powerful royalist nations such as Latium or Lihnidos, but that was just "rhetoric," and the status quo since 1952 would stay on, perpetually. "Everyone knew" that many on the left were closeted republicans and any range of proscribed left-wing ideologies - but that they would be tolerated since they would not dare challenge the foundational ideas of Judaism, monarchy, and capitalism.

The evening of January 22nd, 2020, shattered those assumptions forever. The new reactionary political order appeared as if from nowhere. Where did it originate from? The Dispatch contacted dozens of individuals, many of them who would only speak on the condition of anonymity as to avoid the ire or wrath of the newly empowered Royal Family.

One close friend with all three royals suggested that their father's withdrawal from political life soon after his 1975 coronation and the subsequent taking of that vacuum by presidents until Yitzchok Katz ignited a long-simmering anger in the royal household: "You have to understand, [His Majesty], [Prince] Michoel, [and Prince] Yehuda...they grew up watching their father [King Yaakov II] stay out of the spotlight. Whether due to his chronic illnesses, his melancholy, or his distaste for public ritual and partisan politics, he often refused to perform his roles. [...] After awhile...politicians filled the void. Presidents, others. The neglect and even abuse of their father [by the usurpation of his constitutional duties] lit a long-simmering anger and growing hatred in [King Hezekiah] and his brother Michoel, who had to see this on a daily basis."

Offered another figure close to the royal brothers observed: "Hezekiah, Michoel, Yehuda...at some point they started envying and admiring strong monarchies in the western orbit. It might have been some time in the '00s or early 2010s, but they started increasingly talking of effecting a 'restoration' of royal power after their father passed away. They saw the neoconservatives rising under Feldman and then joining Katz's banner in '20, and they mused that the political climate was right for a reclamation of the monarchy they planned to reorganize along the lines of Latium or Lihnidos."

Noted a third person close to the Royal Household since childhood and is currently in a senior government post, "The brothers hoped that when Hashem [G-d] ended their father's frequent torment - his many debilitating illnesses and deep depression - and recalled him to Heaven, they could change things. But the tone change from an inspiration of optimism to an inspiration of fear and disgust - the global anti-monarchy movement that emerged in the late 2010s solidified their thinking that the kingdom needed a hard-right turn to deter and crush the rising leftist militants."

These and other reports suggest that the Counterrevolution was a long-term ideological project of the brothers, one kept so quiet that it was only known in royalist circles, stunning even would-be political allies like Katz and his Conservatives, whose party leadership almost to a one was caught blind-sided by the sudden political revolution engineered by the new King.

Impact On Politics, Protests, Free Speech, And Polarization

The Reaction's impact on politics and society was as deep as it was fast. Polling and focus group data, as well as street-level interviews, showed the new regime found almost exuberant and near-unanimous support among political and religious conservatives. Stratospheric numbers, averaging between 90 and 95%, of Conservative Party voters back the Counterrevolution. Among the Dati sectors of society, an astounding 93% of Dati Leumi (National Religious) backed the royal policy. Ditto for the Chardalim (National Chareidim), who come in around 87% in favor of the new regime. Even the mainline Chareidim, whose relationship with the existence of a Jewish state in Yisrael before Moschiach (the Messiah) comes is problematic, back the new political climate by a healthy 63%.

Meanwhile, among the more politically liberal/centrist and religiously lax Chiloni sectors, the new regime has nosedived. Although starting out with tepid support in the upper 30s for the Chiloni and mid-40s for the Masortim (Traditionalists) in February and March, by the time Pesach came around in April, support had plummeted into the 20% range for both groups, who contain much of the country's urban liberals and suburban moderates.

Interestingly, the Yisraeli political center itself had (and perhaps still is) undergoing a radical break itself parallel to the political right, with the political class terming it the so-called 'Centrist Revolt.' The suburban moderates that power this political earthquake since 2019 were resisting the increasingly aggressive social- and fiscal-liberalism of the then-dominant left-of-center party, the Constitutional Liberals. The centrists had flipped back and forth between the Con-Libs and the Feldman-era Conservatives (2012-2020), before breaking from both, repulsed by the radicalism of 2020 Con-Lib presidential nominee Yosef Kaduri, a left-wing firebrand, and Yitzchok Katz, the Conservatives' then-2020 presidential nominee (and now president), whose hard-edged Neoconservatism was also off-putting. After the war of words between Katz and Grand Aligonian revolutionary and interim leader Leuter Sion, as well as collapsing ties with the Messidor Union and the rise of a militant republican terrorist group, the Liberal Democratic Front of Yisrael (which has launched several domestic terror attacks), political surveys pegged support for the Counterrevolution among suburban moderates around 38%.

While political violence has spiked compared to historical averages, the relative ubiquitousness of the royal security forces - the YeMep and the Shomrim - has engendered a fear among political liberals and Chilonim that His Majesty will unleash the security agents against them at any moment, although to date neither internal security service has played much if any role in maintaining peace at political protests. Said Tal, a 22-year-old university student and self-identified liberal who asked that his last name be kept off the record, told over that "I feel scared every-time I go march and protest. The YeMep had men at our rallies - black sunglasses, bulletproof vests, the like and they stand behind the police line but conspicuous enough that we can easily see them. My mother begged me to not go to a march against [President] Katz last week. My girlfriend and I are considering reducing our political activities. Who knows if they're tapping our calls or watching our Internet usage." Others like Tal, many nervous to give their full names, have expressed fear of, and intimidation by, the new regime, though neither the police or the security forces have been used to suppress or disrupt political marches in the past six months.

Emigration from Yisrael has picked up substantially in the past six months - going from a pre-2020 average of 2,145 people leaving per year to 22,987 so far this year. Many are Chiloni Yisraelis who want to escape living in a religious society and who made the plunge to leave out of fear that the new political order will eventually either arrest them for adhering to illegal ideological beliefs or force them to observe fully religious lives.

The political polarization, already perceived to be at peak levels before the Counterrevolution, has continued to heighten. President Katz, who received about 44% of the vote in three-way 2020 election, entered office with a boost to his popularity, averaging about 56%. However, the increased division over politics and religion has caused his numbers to fall to the upper 40s by June 2020. It is not only that families, friends, neighbors, and coworkers have trouble talking politics; those who count themselves on the left, nominally religious, or critics of the Crown perceive a chill in the air: they fear broadcasting their opposition to the new regime, convinced that His Majesty King Hezekiah III will use force against them, though the monarch has yet to use force or even suggest he would do so.

Isaac Werner, a left-leaning constitutional scholar at the King Solomon School of Law, argued that "the reactionary regime has instilled an atmosphere of fear and paranoia," suggesting that "[the King] does not need to use military force or his security troops because the very fear he will do so has paralyzed Chiloni and liberal forces in our society, and people are either leaving the country or self-censoring themselves."

He was countered by Zevulun Mendes, a senior member of the Conservative Party's National Executive Committee and a former Member of Knesset from Dervaylik: "The left and [Chilonim] have worked themselves up into a self-righteous fury, so psychologically wounded that the political order they thought would live forever since 1952 came crashing down that they think we suddenly are living in a Kayamuca republic. [...] The reality is, force is not used because...His Majesty seeks to peacefully restore the dignity and authority of the monarchy. His powers are spelled out in the Constitution. He is simply reclaiming proper legal prerogatives. The left thought they were leading Yisrael towards what's now called the Kiso Pact world...but we have always been a natural fit in the western monarchies, and they somehow forget or denied this to themselves. They have only themselves to blame. No one is out to get them."

Time will tell, but as Yisrael enters the 2020s, it faces a much different reality across its society than anyone thought before His Majesty took to the throne.

Binyomin Eisenberger reported from Yerushalayim, Yisrael. None of these organizations are associated with the RYD, and all opinions and personal views in the article do not reflect the viewpoints of the RYD or their employees.

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Roth Group execs confirm harassment by GA authorities increased new contracts for PMC division 'ten fold' by new clients globally [ 98 ]
Defense Ministry official: Liberal Democratic Front of Yisrael terror group 'bunch of Yisraeli left-wing ex-pats in Scipian Messidor' [ 1106 ]
Analysts suggest Besmenia's new right-wing, greens coalition may prove 'stabilizing force' in Southeast Belisarian country's politics [ 7 ]
President Katz jokes on reports of 'leftists' leaving Yisrael for Kiso Pact countries: 'don't let the door hit you on the way out' [ 745 ]
East Periclean experts debate Yisraeli posture towards events in Vardana, report says [ 44 ]

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by **Allamunnic States** » Mon Jul 06, 2020 7:12 pm

Federal Public Access News
Foreign Edition - International Affairs - Special Report

One Year of Andrsunnian Leadership
In first year, Premier has broken with his predecessor and sought a more active role on the world stage.
Primary Writer: Abygael Shraedur --- Research Support: Andrik Piotrsunn
Published: 7/1/2020

Part I - Background

It's difficult to imagine that Junn Andrsunn, at first glance, would be the one to signal such a major shift in Ottonian foreign policy. The sandy-haired, seemingly prematurely-aged 46-year old is the very image of a prefectural bureaucrat, not one of the would-be-leaders of an international tide of democracy. Yet with his Premiership still in its infancy, that is precisely what the Andrsunn seems to be aiming for.

To understand why the soft-spoken head of state's actions, such as selling weapons to the Aligonian government of Leuter Sion or the embrace of the Kiso Pact, are considered so significant, it is necessary to review the foreign policy of Andrsunn's predecessor.

While harsher rhetoric was not alien to Sofya Rudulf, the former Governor-General of Jormundea's style was much more to seek consensus and to please as many people as possible. A skilled administrator, after all, needs many favors and many friends, and Rudulf was often willing, to an extent that sometimes distressed her political allies, to talk and negotiate with less-democratic regimes to the South. Border security with the Southern Monarchist State was relaxed and overtures regarding the potential restoration of Ottonia's whole territory to its people were floated toward the end of Rudulf's tenure, and she was often seen laughing and chatting amiably with royals and their allies when diplomacy called for it. It was hard to argue with the results: Premier Rudulf's efforts saw the proliferation of Ottonian goods into markets that had previously been difficult to access, and exchange programs between students accelerated, part of an effort to show the Ottonian model of folks' rule as a guiding star for the people of the world.

Even the leaders of nations with which Ottonia has frequently found itself at odds spoke highly of her. Eitan Herzog, Yisrael’s president from 2004 to 2012, recalled:

"Sofya [Rudulf] was always a delight to deal with. Even when we had disagreements - as happens between countries with distinct cultural and political traditions like North Ottonia and Yisrael - I never felt she took it personally, and she always gave me the benefit of the doubt. We cooperated strongly on rescuing Jews from Keuland and enforcing international sanctions against the regime in Mutul [...] She displayed an unexpected side of Ottonian culture I had rarely encountered: that small-town neighborly warmth."

And yet, Rudulf had her critics. Often enough, nominal allies in the Ottonian Labor Front (OLF) would side with their usual rivals among National Unity Front (NUF) to criticize Rudulf. Torren Vogler, now the head of the OLF, was just a Folksmoot representative whose star was on the rise in 2014 when he said:

“I don’t doubt the Premier’s motives, but I wonder sometimes if she’s too eager to make friends with people who would love nothing more than to crush our friends and see us fail.”

The disputes over how much detente was appropriate with the Southerners led to tension in the ruling coalition between the OLF, Radical Liberal Party (RLP), and Union of Federalist Parties (UFP). And it was by listening to those critics that helped Andrsunn snag the nomination for the Premiership as a united front candidate between the OLF, UFP, and NUF, who in July 2019 rode their new alliance to the Premiership and a majority in the Folksmoot for their coalition.

Part of what won Andrsunn allies among the OLF and NUF, two parties that can be hard-pressed to agree on what to have for lunch, nevermind anything of national significance, was a conviction that Ottonia owed people struggling for freedom around the world their aid. Although the two parties have generally disagreed on how best to pursue foreign intervention, the notion that the OFR should be taking a leading role in spreading its ideals abroad is shared.

While Andrsunn’s ascent was well-received among many Ottonian political commentators, as well as prompting enthusiasm among members of the international left in more conservative nations. It also caused some consternation abroad. Per Ariel Goldblatt, the Yisraeli Feldman administration’s ambassador to Ghant at the time (and current foreign minister):

"Our government is concerned, to say the least, of Andrsunn's election to the North Ottonian premiership. President Feldman enjoyed the cordiality of [Sofya] Rudulf, but she was at least sensible and tried to meet us half-way. Andrsunn's hard-left campaign promises do not bode well for our diplomatic relationship. We shall see how extreme or aggressive he tries to be on the geopolitical stage and President Feldman will react accordingly."

Early on, the young Federalist Premier seemed poised to mostly follow the OLF’s vision of foreign intervention, pushing the Folksmoot to increase funding assistance to chapters of the Universal Labor Front (ULF) around the world, as well as making strong overtures to other Kiso Pact nations. A meeting with Ostrozavan Primar Dominik Moravec seemed to move the needle toward closer, more cooperative relations between the two North Belisarian leftist nations, which have often been somewhat distant due to Ostrozava’s long-standing policy of neutrality.

A little more than four months into his premiership, Andrsunn’s commitment to that would be put to the test when protests swept Gran Aligonia. Initially voicing cautious support to the protestors, Andrsunn’s public stance, with the support of the ruling coalition, shifted towards enthusiastic support. Those protests would ultimately force the abdication of Prince Veremundo in favor of an elected government in January of this year. The new government, under the leadership of Leuter Sion, almost immediately began to run afoul of imperialist powers in the Periclean as the Aligonian people sought to reestablish sovereign control over their home, which had become crowded with foreign troops.

To assist in the solidification of the new government, Andrsunn and his allies in the Folksmoot offered the aid of Ottonian advisors to help retrain the Aligonian Xendarmeria along more defense force-like lines. This was accompanied, over the following months, by a substantial arms deal which simultaneously helped provide appreciated business to Ottonian manufacturers as well as improving the capabilities of the nascent republic’s self-defense forces.

In addition to the closer ties with the nations forming the new “Kiso Pact”, Andrsunn has caused some controversy among the “Southern” nations by also seeking closer ties with what is perceived as a more radical socialist regime in Jhengtsang. Attempts at even brokering a proper in-person meeting between Andrsunn and Premier Sonam Wangchuk, when had previously praised Andrsunn, saying:

“It is to be commended that Premier Andrsunn seems intent on breaking Ottonia’s turn away from the international struggle of the proletariat. We look forward to further cooperation with our Ottonian comrades as the fight for liberation continues.”

To further discuss this context and what he envisions for the future, Premier Andrsunn was able to meet with us for an interview.

Part II - An Interview with the Premier

What follows is a transcript of an interview FPAN's Abygael Shraedur conducted with Ottonian Premier Junn Andrsunn at the FPAN Bureau in Innsboro. The transcript has been edited for length and relevance. The full interview can be viewed here.

AS: Thank you for joining us, Premier.
PJA: Oh it's my pleasure. Always glad to be able to shed some light on how the government runs. Where would you like to start?

AS: I wanted to ask you about your government's thoughts on the recent revelations about the International Democratic Revolution, and its relationship with the Ostrozavan PRCO, as Chronicled in The Optimist. Some foreign governments have suggested that the link between the PRCO & IDR cast doubt on the legitimacy of movements like those in Aligonia, which your administration has supported. What response, if any, do you have to that assertion?
PJA: I would say that those saying that have a vested interest in dismissing the Aligonian Revolution and like-minded movements around the world. It's a fair question about whether the IDR's tactics are as effective or worth the trade-offs in perception they require, but the idea that the IDR and PRCO by extension are somehow planting the seeds of revolution in otherwise peaceful countries is, frankly, absurd.

AS: So you disagree with the idea, advanced by some pundits, especially further south, that IDR and PRCO involvement means that movements like the Aligonian Revolution are not organic?
PJA: Absolutely. Movements like that do not take root without fertile ground. It's very convenient for a foreign leader to claim dissent is being created by a foreign adversary; it lets their citizens fixate on a threatening other, and ignore the implications that the people trying to fight for freedom are, often enough, their own friends, family, or neighbors, trying to build a better life and not foreign terrorists looking to destroy all that is good. And it lets elites around the world delude themselves into thinking that people fighting for their freedom are part of some nefarious conspiracy, when the reality is that the people in power are laying the groundwork in their own nations more often than not. It is absolutely a perception encouraged by those with an agenda to quash the advancement of global freedom.

AS: You said a moment ago that the IDR's tactics might be less-than-ideal. Could you elaborate on that, a bit?
PJA: What I mean is that the use of violence, especially as a first resort, is polarizing. It can run the risk of alienating necessary allies to a true mass movement. That's not to say violence does not have its place in effecting political change, but too much overt militancy can risk steepening the hill that a movement has to climb up. Ultimately, what tactics are necessary is what local leaders have to decide, when they need to defend themselves and their countrymen against tyranny versus when they're best served by adhering to nonviolence. And to that end, I think that the PRCO, insofar as it's seemingly transformed the IDR from a loose network that lets organizations talk to each other globally, into something more centralized, is doing the cause of worldwide liberty a disservice.

AS: So this information has not caused any discussions within your coalition about revising this government's position regarding Aligonia?
PJA: Correct, it has not. As far as we are concerned, this in no way undermines the legitimacy of the Aligonian Republic, and so it does not in any way affect our duty to help support it. Even if certain entities elsewhere in the world might use this as an opportunity to... what was it? Oh yes, "strike at the global left-republican bloc".

I cannot stress enough that our coalition, Federalists, Nationalists, and Labor alike, all hold self-determination to be one of the keys to a better world, and it needs to be upheld wherever needed.

AS: To switch gears a little bit, there have been reports of recent, increased immigration to Ottonia from Yisrael as a result of political developments in the Kingdom. Has your administration done anything to encourage this trend, or otherwise affect it?
PJA: We have not. We do not see any need to. Our immigration laws are working as intended, and these are frequently well-educated, hardworking nationals, often enough with Ottonians in their family tries, who are coming here for a better life. They are as included in the Ottonian dream as any others, and they are welcome to come here and make this Republic stronger. If their former home country is so uninterested in keeping them, well then their loss will be our gain.

Abygael Shraedur is a member of FPAN's Innsboro Office and primarily is concerned with coverage of the federal government. For this piece, she was assisted by Andrik Piotrsunn, another member of FPAN's Innsboro Office, and also an adjunct professor of Library Sciences at Innsboro College.

by **Mutul** » Sat Jul 11, 2020 4:23 am

Kayamuca Observer

North and South Ayeli clashes over road building

Three soldiers and one civilian from Uyatlaudali dead after a gunfight erupted on the strategically important Wudeli Corridor. Many wounded. South Ayelian casualties unknown.

Number of border clashes has rose up following the announce of the incident. Deathtoll unknown.

A North Ayeli patrolman near the disputed border

Since April of this year the Prime Minister of South Ayeli, Diwadi Gaduna, accused his northern counterpart of ordering “premeditated” transgressions of the militarized border that separate the two states. An accusation that Prime Minister Wesa Inada considered to be “ridiculous”, accusing back South Ayeli of a systematic policy of skirmishes with Northern troops in the Nanohyu Dodali Mountains.

A week ago, the Northern government in Uyatlaudali announced that a Reconstruction Team operating near the border zone was ambushed by a squadron of southern soldiers while they were repairing infrastructures in the area. The official death toll of the fighting was of one engineer, Salal Chalak, killed, as well as three soldiers who were part of the team’s escort. Furthermore, half of the twelve men civilian team was wounded, three of which were in critical conditions when they reached the nearest military hospital. Of the five remaining soldiers, two were wounded by gunshots.

The Prime Minister of North Ayeli, Wesa Inada, condemned the attack and announced that he would “not stand by while the sons of Ayeli are being killed by the lacqueys of a traitorous Governor when they are trying to rebuild their homeland.” He also wondered if Diwadi Gaduna had any decency or shame before precising that it was a “rhetorical question”.

The response of the South Ayeli government was to deny the allegations of a targeted attack against civilians. “Contrary to what the Populist propaganda from Uyatlaudali would like to make you believe,” said the Speaker of the Government “ the act of repairing infrastructures such as roads or communication lines near a conflictual zone is anything but innocent. It is known to everyone who has taken even a slight interest in the events on our island during the past few months that the so-called Democratic Republic have been gathering troops and supplies for an onslaught on our positions. In this context, building roads usable for heavy vehicles 4 kilometers away from our nearest checkpoint, not 12 as initially claimed by Uyatlaudali, is more than a provocation: it’s an act of war that required an answer.”

This event took place in the Wudeli Corridor. a relatively large band of flat land separating the central mountains from the western coast. It’s also where the main portion of the G5 is located. The G5 was an important highway before the Crisis that linked the north-western bay to the southern peninsula, the core regions of North and South Ayeli respectively today. And while a serie of short hills still offer a last line of defense for the southern capital of Hamuilaqta, the Wudeli Corridor open almost directly on Uyatlaudali, which explains why the Northern defense has been especially dense in this area.

A confusing and aggressive back-and-forth from the two states followed these statements. In the meantime, on the ground, both sides have communicated that the number of border skirmishes and clashes have exploded in the past few week. Available estimates put the death toll anywhere between five to twenty casualties, and an equal or superior number of wounded. Uyatlaudali has also signaled an important gathering of Southern troops and materials near the Helgi Pass, the southern access of the Eastern Valley where the ruins of the island’s old capital are located and another hotly contested area.

Since the disputed elections of March 2019, the island of Ayeli has been divided in two by the Democratic Republic of Ayeli in the North and the State of Ayeli in the South. Both receive vast support from Belfras and the Mutul respectively. After more than a year of a difficult standoff, no agreement has been found between the two sides who still staunchly refuse to recognize the other as legitimate. This led many observators to believe that only a violent solution to the conflict was possible, an outcome that seems increasingly likely as the year goes forward.

by **Belfras** » Sat Jul 11, 2020 6:22 am

By Renald Detrapp, Domestic Correspondent.
^11/JUL/2020

Uyatlaudali, DRA — The atmosphere in the Democratic Republic of Ayeli, or Northern Ayeli, has been tense in the aftermath of this latest skirmish along the border. The attack on the workers, the latest in a string of skirmishes, changes the tone in that this time it was the southern military attacking civilian contractors rebuilding a part of the vital infrastructure to the island. The works, announced three months ago, had been proceeding without incident when the southern military began to open fire, resulting in the deaths of three DRA Army soldiers and one civilian contractor. The immediate response from both sides have been aggressive, with the north condemning it as another indicator of the south's intentions of violence, and the south of declaring the works as an act of war.

Belfrasian Consul Lupis has made a statement in support of North Ayeli, stating that the south was 'wrong' to think the roadworks, which had been known to be happening for three months prior to the incident, was an act of war and further stated that the window between the works being announced and the incident gave the south plenty of time to protest the works without the need for bloodshed. Secretary Potrias, the Secretary of Defence for the Federation, confirmed at the same conference that security at Digalisquoteni base, the main location of Belfrasian military forces in Northern Ayeli, has been elevated in response to the incident with reports that one of the responding medical evacuation helicopters was from the base being confirmed by Secretary Potrias as well.

When asked about the claims by the southern government that the construction efforts were closer than the north announced, Consul Lupis made the following statement:

"While we cannot verify at this time the claims made by the southern government in regards to the exact distance where these essential works on the infrastructure of the country was being carried out, we do protest in the strongest possible terms their decision to label rebuilding a road as an 'act of war' that required such a violent answer. We have spoken with the DRA Army which was providing security at the time who insist that their Southern counterparts made no attempt to communicate either on the mutually agreed shared communication channels or otherwise prior to opening fire. Whatever the circumstances surrounding this incident, we feel that the only real takeaway from this is the simple facts now known that the southern military opened fire because someone was building a road, and they did it without warning."

When further asked by BNS reporter Viria Gelasius about any possible reaction by the Belfrasian or Mutulese forces in Ayeli, Consul Lupis had this to say:

"While we have lines of communication open with our Mutulese counterparts at all times, we have yet to discuss with them these recent events or so see them making any direct reactions. As for our own personnel, we have confirmed already that a medical evacuation helicopter from Digalisquoteni was involved in relief efforts after the skirmish. They did not come under any kind of risk during their mission. At our request, the commander of the base had increased the warning level which will mean personnel will be taking more precautions to be safe.

At this moment in time the Belfrasian military will not be making any island-borne reaction to this incident, our services were only required by the defence force for medical evacuation of some of the more heavily injured personnel following the attack. In an effort to deescalate the incident, however, we will be rescheduling a naval training exercise due to take place."

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by **Enyama** » Tue Jul 14, 2020 6:02 pm

Inside Year Two of the Enyaman Civil War

A team of Democratic Coalition soldiers stands guard over a strategically important village. 2020/7/5; Courtesy of Robolro

AKUTERA, Enyama — The chilly Norumbrian land of Enyama seems to have begun to know no quick end to its continued de-evolution. While many rightfully predicted that Muratagi's "pre-emptive counter-coup" would fail in its objective of pacifying civil unrest in the face of war with Elatia, few could have guessed that Enyaman historical precedent for quick and relatively painless revolutions would give way to a long, protracted civil war, like the one which has developed. Many, even internally, are doubting the continued viability of a single Enyaman national polity, or indeed, a single Enyaman identity, as pushback against generations of historical revisionism and oppressive power structures finally materializes. Though Elatia did much in catalyzing the war as it unfolded, the threat of a larger flashpoint involving its long-time rival of Belfras thwarted any further expansion into Enyama by mid-November of last year.

Though the spotlight of global interest was immediately placed upon the nation of nearly eighty million, as the developing conflict seemed to settle into a protracted stalemate between two ideologically similar factions, and Elatia's overt military involvement began to lessen, so did the global onus of interest shift into other hotspots of ideological friction, whether they be in the Periclean Sea or the heart of Ochran. Enyama seemed doomed to a long and costly war, and, with no end in sight and no international powers particularly vested in ending the conflict swiftly, the situation began to grow almost exponentially in its level of complication. A key moment in this evolution was the establishment of Democratic Coalition of Enyama (Enyaman: 엔야마 민슈 렌고; Enyama minshu rengō), which coalesced out of the old congressional opposition and its supporters, and found large swathes of global, and typically leftist, financial resources dedicated to its maintenance and perpetuation as a genuine military force to be reckoned with. Chief among these donors were the recently-pulled-back Elatian military, and special interest groups from Enyama's former colonial overlord of Tsurushima, now representing Kiso-style directorial leftist ideology in the increasingly war-torn nation.

However, in following the Enyaman organizational tradition of decentralized, big-tent politics, the Democratic Coalition soon ran into many hurdles, as the previously anti-Muratagi opposition voices now fissured into a multitude of new nuances and views on the situation. It was here that the absence of Sakata Emio, the moderate politician and former co-leader of the Opposition, was most acutely felt. As Emio has been imprisoned by the government of Jhengtsang on controversial espionage charges since mid-2019, her opposition co-leader, authoritarian socialist No Au, took the reigns of the Coalition in her stead, after being rescued from a loyalist labor camp by Elatian special forces in mid-January.

The burgeoning Coalition, led by the politically inflexible Director No, soon found its ideological reigns held too tightly for the wide variety of beliefs it came to represent. Tensions began to develop internally, chiefly around the two fulcrums of economic policy and ethnic identity. In late February, one of the Coalition's founding polities, the Ertoria Independence Commission (EIC) broke its ties with the Coalition and formed its own splinter faction, the Independence League of Enyama, which opted to seek partition of Enyama based on ethnic solidarity and identity.

A map of the Enyaman Civil War, as of 10 June 2020; Courtesy of MV-DATA

The Independence League would not be the only new player to join the field in 2020. Soon after the Independence League was created, a prominent general of the Three Colors army, Banno Yudo, found himself in disagreement over the continued future of Enyama with the other members of the Three Colors Administrative Council, which, while aiming for stratocracy, assumed they could simply return to a "business-as-usual" approach to Enyaman identity and ethnic issues. Seeing the Independence League as a tantamount refutation of this narrative, Banno leaned into historical conceptions of the Kakita Shogunate of Tsurushima, as well as a desire for a quote "reinvigoration of Tsurushemese identity within Enyama". Banno's suggestion was to change the already extant stratocratic power structure of the Three Colors army into a partially-elective Shogunate, thus forging a new path for Enyama independent of the legacy of the republic. Despite many on the council supporting Banno's notion, personal politics began to factor in, and Banno soon found his personal relationship with Supreme Commander Ashikaga "strained" by February, and downright "hostile" by early March, according to leaked intelligence reports.

As such, Banno too soon broke off from his parent faction, and, after securing the loyalties of the soldiers under his command through minor titles of nobility and prominence, declared the Banno Shogunate to be an independent polity. Unlike the Three Colors, National State, and Coalition, Banno followed the regionalist precedent of the Independence League, a move which drew it considerable ire from the most nationalist elements of the Three Colors. But, despite continued pressure from the council to reassert control over the Banno Shogunate, Ashikaga refused, as the Banno Shogunate was positioned in an ideal location to serve as a buffer between the heart of Three Colors territory and the most well-equipped parts of the Democratic Coalition, which, at the time, were seeking to make a connection with the largely Tsuruhsima-funded Iwawara pocket of the organization.

It didn't take long for Banno to withdraw his forces from an especially tumultuous confrontation with the well-equipped and foreign-trained elements of the Coalition which had come knocking on their doorstep; by late March, the Coalition had successfully established a corridor to Iwawara, and secured Enyama's entire southern coastline with marked success. In the north, Muratagi's forces, now bolstered by a variety of foreign mercenaries bought with what was left of the nation's gold bullion reserves, continued to fight a losing battle on all sides against the Three Colors, Democratic Coalition, and Independence League. With only lukewarm support from the ever-erratic Ghantish government, Muratagi's forces instead resorted to unconventional tactics: in mid-March, as Banno was fighting the Coalition and the Three Colors inched ever-closer to the old capital city of Karasuna, forces loyal to Muratagi, and bolstered by mercenaries from the Volsung Regiment, took control of the unfinished fission plant in Kumazawa, and forced its technicians to restart three of the four dormant but operational reactors.

Many long-dim lights throughout southwestern Enyama soon found themselves buzzing with light - but there was a catch. As Muratagi made publicly known, any attempt at further assault against the Enyaman National State in the south, whether it be a direct assault on Karasuna, or an attempted retaking of the isolated city of Kumazawa, would be met with a deliberately manufactured nuclear meltdown, which would be poised to, essentially, blanket Enyama's most fertile farmland in heavy and dangerous radioactive particles. Such an event has been theorized in the past as an acute possibility but had never been seriously considered, especially in the context of a military operation. As such, Muratagi began to hold his own people's food supply and health hostage, buying him much-needed time but also again attracting the international spotlight back into his antics.

President Muratagi Eijiro, Supreme Commander Ashikaga Miyamoto, Councilor No Au, Consul Ammiras Tagiton, and Shogun Banno Yudo. As the war has dragged on, perceived charisma has become an important trait for a prospective leader.

When it comes to understanding a conflict as complicated as what the Enyaman Civil War turned into, it always helps to have direct contact with someone on the ground who can provide a personal perspective and humanity to what can often seem like colors changing on a map and statistics moving on a chart. As part of our investigation into the conflict, XXA interviewed Garrison Commander Elbert Toule, a former policeman who has since become the commander of the military forces in and around the interim IL capital of Evantra. GComm. Toule began the war in the Democratic Coalition at its initial creation, and later became a prominent military commander in the Independence League.

The following is a conversation between Maya Regranna, Chief International Correspondent of XXA, and Garrison Commander Elbert Toule of the Independence League.

M. Regranna: ...there we are. Well, hello there, Commander.

G.Comm Toule: Weshāl, Ms. Regranna. What brings someone like you to seek an interview out with someone like me?

M. Regranna: My only duty is to try and better inform the world and myself — many in the world aren't quite aware of exactly what has been happening in Enyama for a while.
What can you tell us about the state of the war, from your perspective?

G.Comm Toule: *chuckles* Ah, I see, yes. From my perspective? Well, we're confident. Right now, I'm chiefly overseeing our fight with Muratagi's forces south of Yilenia. Mostly mercs, upjumped gangsters, or the occasional former group of soldiers. But their morale is low - I'm sure I'm not the first to tell you that Muratagi isn't even dead and he's already fast becoming a footnote to all of our struggles.

M. Regranna: But you can't push too far, seeing as Muratagi has a nuclear power plant in his bag of deceptions.

G.Comm Toule: We don't need to. We've almost kicked any direct aggressors out of Ertoria. Once we hit the border of what used to be Hakutochi province, we'll stop. And then that's when the hard part's gonna begin - negotiations with the Elatians, and the Democratic Coaliton.

M. Regranna: Are things tense where your forces meet?

G.Comm Toule: Not necessarily. The diplomatic situation is tenser every day, and it's, frankly, almost all their fault. They're unable or unwilling to make any concessions regarding any, literally any of our presupposed demands.

M. Regranna: They as in the Elatians, or the Democratic Coalition?

G.Comm Toule: Little bit of both columns. But chiefly, I'd say, it's been regional commanders of the DemCo that have been refusing to budge. Especially Governor Kimba, in Ala Nova. The city is burgeoning with support for us, yet, of course, they refuse to seek out any sort of peaceful compromise. It's been frustrating, to say the least, but as our government slowly branches out from purely military matters, I'm sure we'll get some competent diplomats onto solving it.

M. Regranna: Are you concerned about the Three Colors Army? They used to be a major presence here in the north, until recently.

G.Comm Toule: Yes, well, recent is an interesting way to describe that. In war-time terms, it was an eon ago. What was it, January, early February when we kicked them out of Ertoria? Regardless, that was when almost all of us were still part of the coalition. And we launched out of Ala Nova. It was an easy target - they were focused on their fight with the coalition and Muratagi in the south. Still are. Of course, they still have all of the mines, too, and more than a fair share of gear that we could only dream of acquiring - but we're confident.

M. Regranna: How so?

G.Comm Toule: Again, because they have to come to us. If they never come, we don't care, and if they come, we'll drive them back. That's the thing people don't understand. We don't care if Enyama survives. What's important is that our people stay together. That's where our loyalties lie.

M. Regranna: Thank you for your time, Commander Toule.

What may come as a surprise to many of us isn't the boldness of Toule's words, but the fact that he, just like a totally opposed voice in the form of Banno, have suggested that the Enyaman national identity is at its end, or close to it. Are these splinter factions correct, and does the only viable road for the Enyaman people turn out to be a full partition of the country? Or are the Three Colors and/or Democratic Coalition going to be successful in galvanizing around an Enyaman national identity? So far, the result is impossible to know, but what everyone can g glean from this split is that it reflects those which would support each faction - a statistic which is, as of today, ever-fluctuating. The Western Monarchies, and especially Belfras, have been extremely warm to the ideas of the Three Colors army, and, of course, their geopolitical rivals in the leftist world have largely supported some facet of the Democratic Coalition, but with public support for both factions only holding steady at a lukewarm pace, and an increasing frequency of internal disputes among both factions, it is unknown if these assurances will hold. The Banno Shogunate has received some support from Onekawa-Nukanoa, and Muratagi's National State continues to receive logistical support from the Ghantish regime, but few viable ways inland and long distances have made upholding promises made far more difficult than what was initially supposed.

Nevertheless, all the players seem to have made some headway into realizing their strategies, except Muratagi, who's erratic nature has seen to his continued incompetence in the war. It shouldn't come as any surprise that Muratagi often overrules his commanders orders, and appears to micromanage his troops in an attempt to improve their performance; this has had mixed results. But, while the Three Colors bides its time and enjoys its large swathe of natural resources and foreign support, the Democratic Coalition plans to go on the offensive, hell-bent on reaching Karasuna and beginning work on a new government. Still - several key players are missing. DemCo's strongest moderate voice, Sakata Emio, is being withheld from the Democratic Coalition by the USPR, despite the Union having committed military advisors and resources to No Au's governance. And, the figure at the center of the Akutera hostage incident which started the conflict, former Minister of Defense Watanabe Keisho, is still imprisoned in Elatia, with few, if any, knowing even if the man is still alive.

Still, if the last months have proven anything to the world, it's that Enyama will find new leaders if its old ones are taken away from it - even in wartime, the nation remains a crucible of some form of innovation.

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by **Mutul** » Fri Jul 31, 2020 1:14 pm

Kayamuca Observer

South Ayeli PM announce plan to re-occupy Island old capital

The ancient imperial capital has been abandoned since it’s destruction by the 2017 volcanic eruption
Prime Minister Diwadi Gaduna announced that he would send troops to re-occupy and secure this symbolically important location
in reaction, North Ayeli has increased its military presence on this side of the island
So far, neither side seems willing to cross the Passes leading to the Capital and occupy the valley

South Ayelian soldiers on their way to the Mountain Passes that lead to the Capital's Valley

During yesterday press communiquee, the Prime Minister of the “Sovereign State of Ayeli”, Diwadi Gaduna, announced an ambitious project to “re-occupy, rebuild, and repopulate” the old capital of the island that has been left abandoned and unclaimed since the volcanic eruption that destroyed it in 2017. This come only a few weeks after three soldiers and a civilian from North Ayeli were killed during a border incident, bringing the tensions between the two sides of the island to an all time high.

This message has been seen as a provocation by the Prime Minister of the Democratic Republic of Ayeli, Wesa Inada, who immediately announced he would deploy troops to prevent any attempt of the Southerners to “take more lands than what they already currently occupy”. Already, the reinforced DRADF (Democratic Republic of Ayeli Defense Force) units patrolling that side of the border stand ready behind their mountain ridge announced that they were ready to cross into the old capital’s valley to deny its occupation by their southern counterparts.

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