NATION

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Archive of the Government of Yohannes Act 2017

Where nations come together and discuss matters of varying degrees of importance. [In character]

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Yohannes
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7.6.1. Authority Companies

Postby Yohannes » Wed Sep 27, 2017 2:12 pm

7.6.1. Authority Companies


Authority companies formerly included the Imperial Mail, which from 1866 to 1945 maintained not just postal service but also banking service (similar to a building society) and foreign exchange and international money transfer service; Imperial Industry, which from 1803 to 1945 coordinated empire-wide production of ammunition, artillery, steel, and other armaments for the Commonwealth Navy; Imperial Coal and Steel, which from 1871 to 1945 coordinated the production of coal, steel, and other strategic raw materials and metallurgy to feed the growing economy; and the Imperial Trust, which provided trustee services to those bodies and individuals unwilling to use private services.

Authority companies were somewhat identical in administrative structure to traditional Executive Council departments. Authority companies were responsible before their respective Ministers of the Realm; they reported annually to parliament; they were put under close financial control by the Executive Council; and they were also subjected to supervision by their respective local government authorities and regional councils — the exception to this last point being the Imperial Industry.

Confusion and instability was ever present, for some authority companies moved in and out of the departmental and corporate structure according to the whims of the Executive Council of the day; one example being Imperial Coal and Steel. From 1871 to 1914, competition between not just local government authorities and regional councils, but also national governments was rampant. Each district, each council, and each country wanted to display the highest growth number; expansion of industrial production was the name of the game, and the Executive Council encouraged this competition to bring into reality and sustain rapid economic growth for the nation state. As a result, governments at different levels were busy constructing railway lines and expanding steel manufactory presence all across Yohannes the continent. One example of why this was bad was when, in 1914, government at the imperial level — the Executive Council — established the Citizenship and Immigration Administration under the Ministry of Continental Security; the duties of which included building coal mines (and manning them up with immigrants). It was confusing and led to unnecessary administrative and government waste.

From 1945 to 1971, most authority companies or their commercial branches were privatised and sold-off to both domestic and foreign entities. Either that, or they were converted to nation state body corporates. As one example, Imperial Coal and Steel was sold off and its role replaced by the present-day Rail Market Administration. Another example was Imperial Mail; some of its services were sold off to private entities and the remaining body split into two nation state body corporates; known today in the nineteen countries as FutureSaver (subordinated to the Central Provident Fund) and Nineteen Countries Postal Service (which was partially sold off to private entities to become a partially state owned enterprise). Yet another example was Imperial Trust — originally set up in 1933 to compete with both domestic and foreign trust bodies in the nineteen countries — which was sold off to the Bank of Yohannes.
Last edited by Yohannes on Wed Sep 27, 2017 2:20 pm, edited 1 time in total.
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7.6.2. Executive Council Body Corporates

Postby Yohannes » Wed Sep 27, 2017 7:15 pm

7.6.2. Nation State Body Corporates


Executive Council Body Corporates, or Imperial Corporations (though called by most Yohannesians as ‘nation state corporations’), were trading bodies owned by government at the imperial level which were not included in organisational structure of the Executive Council, but were enacted into reality from pieces of legislation, e.g., Passive Component Corporation Amendment Bill 2017. All imperial body corporates pretty much had almost complete financial independence from the Executive Council; and they were also given the right to recruit their employees without need of supervision by the Commission of Imperial Services.

Finally, imperial body corporates had independent funds of their own; that is, they can spend and invest as they deem necessary, and keep any profit free from the Executive Council, unlike authority companies. Their assets and financial obligations were not included as assets and financial obligations of the Executive Council. And whilst Ministers of the Realm were given the powers to act as their head authorities, Ministers of the Realm were almost always dissuaded by the Chancellor of the day to influence body corporate operation on the ground. Successive Executive Councils historically have chosen instead to watch imperial body corporates indirectly, by way of appointing persons to their Boards. Further, body corporate boards were expected to submit operational reports to the Chancellor every year and were expected to present their audited statements of accounts annually before parliament.

From 1945 to 1971, most imperial body corporates, just like authority companies all around the continent, were transformed by the enactment of the Nation State Companies Act 1943; the present-day nation state owned enterprises, shortened state enterprises, being their successors, and the few which were left untouched, e.g., Commodity Credit Corporation (Ministry of Agriculture and Resources), Continental Emergency and Contingency Corporation (Ministry of Continental Security), and Skilled Workforce and Labour Corporation (Ministry of Economy, Industry, and Trade) amongst others, were those deemed too important by the Executive Council (at the time of parliamentary inquiry on imperial body corporate reform) to be reformed.
Last edited by Yohannes on Wed Sep 27, 2017 7:19 pm, edited 1 time in total.
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Nation State owned enterprises

Postby Yohannes » Mon Nov 13, 2017 6:31 pm

7.6.3. Nation State Owned Enterprises


The Nation State Companies Act 1943 removed the majority of nation state body corporates and enterprises further from direct control by government at the imperial level, i.e., the Executive Council. A nation state owned enterprise, shortened state owned enterprise (SOE), is an unsubsidised body corporate charged with operating on a normal commercial basis and expected with making a profit on its operation. A state owned enterprise is in most respects just like a normal company of the citizen sector under the Nation State Companies Act 1943; however, its voting shares are held only by the Office of the Minister of the Treasury and Wealth Fund. A state owned enterprise must pay tax and dividends as do a normal company of the citizen sector, although its dividends are paid not to shareholders of the citizen sector but to the Executive Council. A state owned enterprise has no obligation to run any particular services, unless directed by the Executive Council, and the nation state — that is, the taxpayers — must pay the enterprise if the Executive Council wishes for a state owned enterprise to maintain commercially infeasible services.

For that reason, in theory a state owned enterprise is at least expected under the law to operate in a state of competitive neutrality. Any such enterprise is also expected to follow certain standards not expected from a company of the citizen sector. A state owned enterprise must ensure good standard of payment and fair remuneration for its employees. A state owned enterprise must also outwardly show a sense of social responsibility concerning the interests of the area or community where it operates. Although the Act was passed in 1943, nation state owned enterprises only started to replace authority companies and nation state body corporates in the 1970s. These first generation enterprises include the present day Air Yohannes Incorporated, Royal Beaufort Shipwrights Guild, VMK Defence and Steel Works Corporation, Telecom Company of the Nineteen Countries, and the Investment Bank of Yohannes. A second wave of previously existing nation state body corporates were also consolidated and turned into nation state owned enterprises under the 1943 Act, such as the Nineteen Countries Shipping Company, Tertiary Education Services Corporation, Oil and Gas Yohannes, and the Confederation of Nineteen Transit Authorities. Some of these were later partially sold or released entirely for privatisation, such as Royal Beaufort Shipwrights Guild.
Last edited by Yohannes on Sun Jan 28, 2018 6:23 pm, edited 1 time in total.
The Realm of YohannesDas Yohannesische Reich
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7.6.4. The Future of the Yohannesian Model

Postby Yohannes » Sun Jan 28, 2018 7:31 pm

7.6.4. The Future of the Yohannesian Model


It may be that it is still too soon for pundit and observers to have the right to judge or measure the financial success — or otherwise, financial failure — of these new reforms to the Yohannesian Model of old. Perhaps, a full assessment of how these changes have effected the structure of the Yohannesian Model in an accurate way is not a realistic thing to expect, for the information these companies released for public consumption does not necessarily show the full picture of their commercial activities. In spite of this limitation, however, there seem to have been some successes, at least from a short-term perspective.

The Tertiary Education Services Corporation — which administered student allowances, student loans and related investment funds, and was the predecessor of present-day EducationPathway — turned a 35.9 million NationStates Dollars deficit in 1974 into a 1.9 million NSD surplus in 1976, and thus generated a cash surplus from its tertiary education related investment funds for the first time since its creation in 1945. Royal Beaufort Shipwrights Guild, formerly a lossmaker due to its heavy subsidies by successive past Executive Councils, now makes an annual profit by concentrating in existing markets and stopping further export and outsourcing to new nation states.

A greater emphasis has been placed on the principle of accountability, in so far as public assets have been given to profit-seeking enterprises that are not entirely accountable to the taxpayers of the realm, yet remain as virtually monopolies in nature, and protected from true commercial competition from the citizen sector by government subsidy at the imperial level. The Yohannesian nation state owned enterprises have been criticised by some advocates of the Anglo-Saxon capitalism model as tax-gatherers beyond the normal channels of accountability: Supporters of the Yohannesian model advocate for the principle of taxation without representation, and the model itself is undemocratic -- and is thus a representation of tyranny, and not liberty. Whilst such criticism is fair and understandable, advocates of the Anglo-Saxon capitalism model have missed the fact, however, that there are some checks on the activities of most nation state owned enterprises.

A nation state owned enterprise must submit reports to parliament annually and quarterly, with an audit being performed once a year. A nation state owned enterprise must also submit a yearly corporate mission, which includes the enterprise’s aims and objectives for the next five years. A nation state owned enteprise is also answerable to the National Courts of the Nineteen Countries for its decisions, should there be serious complaints lodged against it. In April 2016, the Thirty-sixth Christian Democratic Executive Council recommended not only to continue this framework of corporate regulations, but also to expand it to include the subsidiaries of partially released nation state owned enterprises, e.g., the Commercial Bank of Yohannes is a subsidiary of the Bank of Yohannes.

Some critics who advocate for the Anglo-Saxon capitalism model commonly used by the majority of overseas nation states have said that the checks and balances of the Yohannesian model — just like the Nordic model and the social market model — are holding back the economy; that there should be more market initiatives and less cooperation between employers, education institutions, and the government, in the name of citizen sector profit, and that more focus should be placed on services and the maximisation of shareholders’ profit. So far, parliament has ignored such recommendations, adding that the Anglo-Saxon model of capitalism itself — with its emphasis on self-regulation and its wild-west market capitalism tendency — is not perfect.
Last edited by Yohannes on Sun Jan 28, 2018 8:42 pm, edited 4 times in total.
The Realm of YohannesDas Yohannesische Reich
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7.7. Quangos

Postby Yohannes » Mon Jan 29, 2018 1:59 pm

7.7. Quangos


In the nineteen countries, the quango is a concept taken straight from the Empire of Maxtopia since the enactment of the Foreign Mission Act 1787, which sent three hundred and fifty of the brightest academics and students of higher learning in the nineteen countries abroad to study the art of foreign industrialisation, and modernise the Yohannesian socio-economic institutions to save the then still ‘uncivilised’ nineteen countries from economic exploitation and colonial subjugation by imperialistic foreign Occidental nation states. Just like in Maxtopia or in Great England, in the nineteen countries quangos, or quasi autonomous non-governmental organisations, are usually explained as all organisations and statutory bodies which are set up by the Executive Council but are placed outside the traditional structure of nation state governance. This term is an all-encompassing term, for it includes both nation state owned enterprises (e.g. Telecom Company of the Nineteen Countries) and administrative tribunals (e.g. Gender Discrimination Panel), as well as official advisory boards (e.g. Broadcasting Board of Governors) and governing committees (e.g. Advisory Council on Climate Change), amongst others.

Quangos range in stature from the most insignificant to the most influential; from the then questionable Royal Alexandrian Advisory Council for Osthian Invasion (defunct since 2011), to the under reported Technical Advisory Board (which is tasked with providing the Office of the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of Post, Railway, and Telecommunications with technical advice in key twenty-first century matters such as cable television and the internet), and finally the sacred Imperial Law Commission. In addition to the Imperial Law Commission, some important quangos that do still exist in the nineteen countries today include, amongst others, the Commission for Electoral Gender, LGBT, Racial and Religious Minority Equality; the Commission of Imperial Services, which was created under the Imperial Services Act 1921 to oversee the salaries and employment condition of civil servants falling under the Professional, Administrative, and Imperial categories (see ‘7.5.2. Remuneration and Standard of Pay’); the Imperial Trade Commission, which promotes consumer protection and the prevention of unethical business practices, such as coercive monopoly; the Queen Garnet Til Alexandros Work and Income Gender Equality Council of the Nineteen Countries; the Tertiary Education Commission, which represents the Executive Council in coordinating programmes and policies together with the tertiary education sector; and the Investors’ Council on Commonwealth Navy Fund, which represents some of the biggest citizen sector contributors to the Commonwealth Navy Administration and Expansion Office.

Quangos can be created for any purpose and for a wide range of reasons. It can be the need to reduce bureaucratic procedures and unnecessary full control by an existing Ministry of the Realm; or to reduce the workload relating to specialist fields for a particularly overburdened (for her or his term) Minister of the Realm; or to invite the opinions and to learn from well-credentialed citizen sector experts in specialist fields; or to allow lobbyists and special interests to voice their opinions on future empire-wide political decisions by the Executive Council; or, of course, to fool members of the public and the media by giving the impression as if something will actually be done, when in fact no action or decision will be made in relation to an issue of public importance — that is, to hide behind the veil of democracy, certainly not a perfect system, and still slowly evolving.

Quangos are founded either by way of individual statutes or under the powers delegated, delegata potestas non potest delegari, by general statutes, e.g., the Commonwealth Navy Investment Fund Act 1805.
Last edited by Yohannes on Mon Jan 29, 2018 2:33 pm, edited 3 times in total.
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7.7.1. Background

Postby Yohannes » Mon Jan 29, 2018 7:30 pm

7.7.1. Background


Many Yohannesian quangos differ from those of the Maxtopian or Great English quangos by virtue of their appreciable independence from the Executive Council, which was a by-product of almost two-hundred-year-long political evolution since the forced opening of the nineteen countries to Occidental commerce and trade in the late eighteenth century. With a few exceptions, since the Third Industrial Growth era (1933-1945) many Yohannesian quangos have usually remained de facto outside the control of even the Fourth Amendment and its omniscient brainchild, the Administrative Financial Security Commission of the Nineteen Countries, in matters of personnel; and their day to day activities, de facto, have also been, and are, rarely subject to the fifth introductory principle of the Responsibility of an Imperial Ministry.

Their finance, however, are more tightly scrutinised by both parliament and the Executive Council. Whilst some of the more influential and historically prominent quangos (e.g. Imperial Law Commission) are separately funded to adhere to the fourth introductory principle of the Rule of Law, the majority of quangos require regular funding from the respective Ministries of the Realm they are associated with, e.g., the Technical Advisory Board receiving funding from the Ministry of Economy, Industry, and Trade through the Office of the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of Post, Railway, and Telecommunications. Those of the more historically prominent quangos (e.g. Imperial Trade Commission) therefore require ministerial approval for major expenditure, and their accounts are also audited by the Office of the Inspector-General of the respective Ministries of the Realm they are associated with every year.

Since the withdrawal of the nineteen countries from International Incidents and Nation States gunboat diplomacy in 2014 following the enactment of the Exiting International Incidents and Nation State Neutrality Act 2014 by parliament, and subsequently the creation of the Exiting International Incidents and Nation State Neutrality Select Committee headed by Nickel Fallage since 2016, the Thirty-sixth Christian Democratic Executive Council have exercised a less-than-subtle form of control over quangos through its powers of appointment to their controlling boards. According to The Royal Alexandria Times’ political editor Vincent Liebermann on the 17th of December 2016, “Some pundits and political observers have expressed their misgivings over this borderline unconstitutional direction taken by an Executive Council led by the most popular — and youngest — Yohannesian Emperor to date, who happens to also be a gifted woman, and has therefore been put on a pedestal by our society since 2016; seen as an infallible being.”

Since 2014, there have been increasing cases where members of quangos are also nominated members or elected representatives of lobbyists and special interest groups, or are in practice also members of the Economic Palace and public sector bodies of the Executive Council. Normally, however, they are simply democratically elected law abiding members of the citizen sector, who are appointed by Ministers of the Realm with the approval of the Executive Council. Since the first quango was created in the late eighteenth century, board appointees have always received generous allowances, or have always received generous payments for their expenses. Quangos are thus lucrative sources of patronage, and increasingly since 2014 Ministers of the Realm have made sure that only ‘those with the right credentials’ can be appointed as board members. Vincent Liebermann concluded: “This trend has long existed since the creation of the first wave of quangos in the late eighteenth century, but only now has an Executive Council actually got away with committing constitutional murders openly without any serious dent to its polled rating every week.”
Last edited by Yohannes on Tue Jan 30, 2018 3:48 pm, edited 1 time in total.
The Realm of YohannesDas Yohannesische Reich
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7.7.2. Office of the First Lord of the Advisory Council

Postby Yohannes » Mon Jan 29, 2018 9:06 pm

Image


Image


Nomination for the Office of the First Lord of the Advisory Council, 2018
[Bright Green Environmentalism][Equality Feminism][Yohannesian Model Economy]




Candidate for the Office of the First Lord of the Advisory Council

Candidate name: The Right Honourable Hilda Margaret Von und Zu Hartjenstein
Candidate age: born 13 November, 1980 (37 years of age)
Candidate family: Gunter Ehrenreich Von und Zu Hartjenstein (father, age: 68), Gisela Ilse Von Und Zu Hartjenstein (mother, age: 69), Rüdiger Elias Von Und Zu Hartjenstein (brother, age: 29)
Candidate marital status: Single
Candidate heritage: 31% Trenoan, 25% Alexandrian, 20% general Yohannesian, 10% Lamonian, 7% Potthani
Candidate biography:
    Hilda Margaret Von und Zu Hartjenstein (born 13 November, 1980), The Right Honourable of the Nineteen Countries, is a Yohannesian environmentalist who is the 18th and current First Lord of the Advisory Council. She has announced her intention to continue for her next term (2018 to 2022). She was a Member of Imperial Parliament and former co-leader of the Green Party. Hilda vacated her seat in parliament following her nomination by the Green Party and her subsequent appointment by the 47th Chancellor of the Nineteen Countries to become the first female First Lord of the Advisory Council in December 2014.

    Hilda was born in Niedenthal, the capital city of the Republic of Treno, and worked in various entry level service jobs for five years after dropping out of her first year environmental science study, before re-enrolling again at the University of Yohannes. As a student in Royal Alexandria, the capital city of of the Kingdom of Alexandria, her first ever vote in 1999 at the local by-election was motivated by the desire to kick out the populist Member of Parliament for the Syrengården electorate at the time, Sverker Sjöholm. Whilst living in the inner suburbs of Royal Alexandria, Hilda started her involvement with the Green Party for several years, before contesting a local council seat for the party at the 2005 Royal Alexandria Regional Council election, placing third of eight candidates in the blue-green seat of Central Royal Alexandria.

    Hilda worked a number of environmental consultancy jobs after finishing her undergraduate study for four years, before writing her Doctor of Philosophy thesis on the ways environmentally sustainable economic growth can be achieved through social and technological investment. She slowly rose through the ranks of the Green Party and was nominated to contest the electorate seat of Völkhofen in 2009, which she won by a margin of just 537 votes. In 2012, following her rousing speech in support of the bright green environmentalism ideology, Hilda was voted to become the co-leader of the Green Party. Under her leadership with Kayla Fletcher, the Green Party rose to eventually become the third largest party in the nineteen countries by the 2014 Imperial Election, taking largely the votes of middle class blue-green suburban individuals and university students all around the continent of Yohannes.

    Hilda had backed the LEAVE faction during the Nineteen Countries Referendum to Withdraw from International Incidents and Nation States Gunboat Diplomacy in 2014. Since her appointment as First Lord of the Advisory Council, she had committed herself to ensuring that new governing committees and official advisory boards were created to ensure the smooth transitioning of nation state foreign policy matters since the enactment of the Exiting International Incidents and Nation State Neutrality Act in 2014. The 2014 Act also abolished the Office of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, with the Office of the First Lord of the Advisory Council overtaking its role, i.e., the First Lord of the Advisory Council is the de facto minister in charge of the nineteen countries’ foreign policy and relations, reporting directly to the Yohannesian Emperor herself, and having the de jure authority to override the decision of the Minister of Economy, Industry, and Trade in matters of foreign affairs; that is, since 2016 the First Lord of the Advisory Council has become first amongst equals.
Last edited by Yohannes on Tue Jan 30, 2018 4:29 pm, edited 4 times in total.
The Realm of YohannesDas Yohannesische Reich
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7.7.3. Structural Reforms

Postby Yohannes » Tue Jan 30, 2018 5:31 pm

7.7.3. Structural Reforms


Since the withdrawal of the nineteen countries from international incidents and the appointment of the Right Honourable Hilda Von und Zu Hartjenstein as First Lord of the Advisory Council in 2014, quangos, especially those affiliated with major nation state owned enterprises such as the Bank of Yohannes, have exercised more care when criticising or opposing the Executive Council’s foreign policy. Quangos which show too much independence could well find themselves be disbanded. The Imperial Rifle Association, established in 1871, is one such example: in 2015 it was disbanded by the then newly appointed Hilda Von und Zu Hartjenstein, citing it as an ‘unconstitutionally far right and lunatic organisation’, and its work handed over to the comparatively powerless Civil Firearms Committee. Nonetheless, direct political interference in the specific decisions of quangos is thought to be rare. An Imperial Investigation Commission was set up in 1972 to investigate an alleged instance relating to the Investors’ Council on Commonwealth Navy Fund. The then Minister of the Commonwealth Navy, the Honourable Mohammed Akerström, and members of his ministry, had been accused of exercising undue influence over the allocation of an investment fund involving a company which was owned by the son-in-law of Mr Akerström’s older brother. The Commission cleared the Minister and his older brother of any accusation of wrongdoing, and found, in a decision of remarkable clarity and subtlety, that they had not committed any wrongdoing, but they had committed ‘something unwise.’

Most quangos carry out necessary and useful functions, but others are quite simply remnants of the past, or come to unnecessarily duplicate functions best carried out elsewhere. ‘Quango-hunting’, therefore, offers some easy targets for populist politicians of the fiscally right leaning, hell-bent on reducing any bloated Executive Council budget. Over 4,000 quangos were disbanded after just a three-day review by the Thirty-second Christian Democratic Executive Council in 1972. A continuing assessment of the necessity for existing quangos was one of the duties of the Executive Council Modernisation Commission; itself a quango, and itself ironically disbanded in 1978. Recent Executive Council restructuring also led to a number of changes. One example was the active, efficient, right leaning, and too independent Association of Consumers and Taxpayers, first set up in 1953 by the Twenty-eighth Christian Democratic Executive Council, and established as a statutory body under the Consumers and Taxpayers Act 1954, had its Executive Council funding withdrawn by the left-leaning Seventh Social Democratic Executive Council in 2010, and consequently morphed into a citizen sector organisation.

When quangos are disbanded, however, others are usually created or used to take their place. When the Christian Democratic Party signed a memorandum of understanding with the Green Party in 2015, the Office of the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of the Environment and Resource Management’s Forest Yohannes — a state-owned enterprise tasked with managing and overseeing national forests and conservation lands under the Eco-Sanctuary Administration and Preservation Amendment Act 1981 — initially provided management and investigation support services to at least 7,000 quangos, over half of them inherited from the formerly existing Nineteen Countries Conservation Agency. They included the Nineteen Countries Imperial Park Service, over 800 Imperial Park Boards, the Historic preservation Association, the Imperial Recreation and Preservation Trust, the Forestry Advisory Council, the Association of Hunters and Gatherers, and the Ludvig Grönberg Park Board. Forest Yohannes undertook and subsequently released an official review of conservation quangos in 1986. The resulting Resource Management Amendment Act of 1987 abolished at least 5,000 of them — but created in their place the new Continental Resources Conservation Foundation, an overarching body tasked with funding and formulating innovative solutions to empire-wide conservation and environmental problems through effective partnerships with members of the Yohannesian business communities.
Last edited by Yohannes on Tue Jan 30, 2018 5:42 pm, edited 1 time in total.
The Realm of YohannesDas Yohannesische Reich
Government Archive Act | Reichstag Parliamentary Debates | Tales from Yohannes | The Financial Diary
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7.7.4. Their Sociopolitical Presence

Postby Yohannes » Tue Jan 30, 2018 7:39 pm

7.7.4. Their Sociopolitical Presence


At their peak, quangos may have numbered more than 60,000, or more than 200,000 if school boards are included. The more important quangos are, of course, described in the World Assembly Official Factbook of Yohannes. The politically correct Executive Council-rubber-stamped biennial National Factbook of the Nineteen Countries lists and describes the activities and functions of major quangos which are subject to the Freedom of Information Act 1966. It also includes an index to statutory or associated committees listed within the entries for individual Executive Council organisations.

The quarterly Vote Public Sector magazine and annual Guide to the Nineteen Countries Imperial Government publication also list selected quangos and the names of their current board members. The fullest available list of quangos, however, is a loose-leaf compilation by the Executive Office of the Emperor’s Office of Administration, Executive Council Appointments (2014-present), which includes details of boards, committees, tribunals, and councils to which appointment requires a recommendation by a Minister of the Realm to the Executive Council. Executive Council Appointments is a successor to the old Book of Statutory and Subordinated Organisations, which was compiled annually by the Office the Chancellor prior to 2014, when the Thirty-sixth Christian Democratic Executive Council decided to reform many public sector organisations in the aftermath of the referendum to withdraw the nineteen countries from international incidents and nation states gunboat diplomacy. The reports of the most important quangos, such as the Imperial Law Commission and the Commission of Imperial Services, are published as separate papers for the purpose of regular Parliament Analysis Archive hearings. Some reports of quangos are thus tabled in parliament and are published freely for public consumption. Summary reports of others are published within the annual reports of their respective Ministry of the Realm.

Executive Council organisations are now required to include a list of the committees they service in their annual reports — the 2015 report of the Ministry of Continental Security, for instance, lists 4,070 statutory and non-statutory committees serviced by the Ministry, ranging from the most insignificant such as the anti-immigration leaning Advisory Committee on the Restoration of Royal Alexandria Central Business District Border Patrol, through the more important such as the empire-wide Community Outreach to Cyber Security Yohannes, down to the morally questionable Lottery Commission of the Nineteen Countries and the more future-driven Investors for Ecological Consciousness Committee. Some quangos are publishers in their own right, for instance, the previously mentioned Imperial Law Commission, which recommends its findings to parliament annually. The more questionable and minor quangos, existing purely as lucrative sources of patronage ‘for the more politically connected’, do not publish anything at all for members of the public to read.

The next page lists some examples of currently existing quangos in the nineteen countries.
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7.7.5. Examples of Quangos

Postby Yohannes » Wed Jan 31, 2018 3:27 pm

7.7.5. Examples of Quangos


Nineteen Countries Standards Committee:

Standards Yohannes and its governing body, the Nineteen Countries Standards Committee, were first set up under the Technical Standards Yohannes Act 1957, and amended further in 1971. Standards Yohannes was given the task of producing voluntary standards for manufactured goods, in accordance with existing World Assembly laws at the time, in order to promote both industrial development and efficiency and the health, welfare, and safety of members of the public. Standards Yohannes also came to administer the Standard Certification Grade of the Nineteen Countries, or better known in the continent of Yohannes by its nickname ‘MeritGrade’, a voluntary scheme providing an independent assurance of quality, and to provide assistance to exporters wishing to meet overseas and World Assembly standards and regulations. Standards Yohannes was a fully independent body, although it received a small grant from both the Executive Council, at the imperial level, and the governments of the nineteen countries, at the national level. It was, however, largely self-funded by way of membership subscriptions and sales. The Technical Standards Yohannes Amendment Act 1971 reduced the size of the Standards Committee to ninety-six members, eighty of them selected by the Minister of Economy, Industry, and Trade, and sixteen by the Committee itself. The Amendment Act 1971 made no provision for the continuance of Standards Yohannes, but the Standards Committee decided to establish a new Standards Yohannes under charter, carrying the same name as before and with similar responsibilities. Since it is now a fully commercial enterprise, however, Standards Yohannes has begun to concentrate on developing commercial standards rather than those wholly relating to health and safety.

A brief description of the Nineteen Countries Standards Committee is given in the World Assembly Official Factbook of Yohannes, Ministry of Justice and Public Security 1991, page 701 to 702. Standards Yohannes itself publishes an annual catalogue of currently existing standards, along with overseas or international standards of nation states that have been endorsed by the World Assembly. The catalogue also lists standards compiled or promoted by other bodies such as, amongst others, the Office of the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of Economic Affairs’ Economic and Demographics Statistics Yohannes; the Library of Parliament, which is the oldest cultural institution in the continent of Yohannes, and is the research arm of parliament; and the Chambers of Industry and Commerce Yohannes. Six supplements are issued during the year, with amendments being published between supplements in the Standards Committee’s monthly magazine, Standards of NationState. Standards Yohannes has also produced a Yohannesian Buyer’s Guide: A Directory of Standards Yohannes Certified Products annually since 1973. Standards of NationState can be bought direct from Standards Committee offices and the former Executive Council Bookshops located on the ground floor of the Library of Parliament.

Commission for Electoral Gender, LGBT, Racial and Religious Minority Equality:

Several important quangos in the nineteen countries are specifically concerned with human right issues, but none are more up to date than the Commission for Electoral Gender, LGBT, Racial and Religious Minority Equality. The Commission was set up in 2016 with the enactment of the Imperial Minority Equality Act to further promote the advancement of women, LGBT, ethnic, and religious minorities, and to go above and beyond the requirements of existing World Assembly laws. It undertakes educational programmes; examines proposed legislation involving the rights of women, LGBT, ethnic, and religious minorities; and investigates complaints of discrimination on grounds of gender, sexual orientation, colour, race, ethnic origin, marital status, and religious or ethical beliefs. It further investigates complaints from members of industrial unions (e.g. United Food and Commercial Workers) and professional and trade associations (e.g. Yohannesian Nurses Association). In her State of the Empire Address in 2016, the Seventeenth Yohannesian Emperor Garnet Til Alexandros promised to introduce into parliament an amendment bill in 2018 — if elected emperor — that will also prohibit discrimination on grounds of age, employment status, family status, health status, identity of partner or relative, pregnancy, political opinion, and trade union involvement.

The Commission is made up of the Head Commissioner, Parliamentary Commissioner for Administration, Race Relations Peacemaker, and up to two other members, with one person appointed by the Office of the Emperor on the nomination by parliament, after right of examination by the Electoral College. The fifth member, acting as Proceedings Commissioner, is an appointee of either the Regional Court or Intermediary Appeal Court, and may not be an Elected Collegian, Member of the Imperial Parliament, or members of any other partisan or public organisations in the nineteen countries, in accordance with the introductory principle of Limited Separation of Powers. The Commission issues publications such as Nineteen Countries Compliance to World Assembly Resolutions on Human Rights: A compilation of Issues Relating to Human Rights in the Nineteen Countries (2014); pamphlets about sensitive but very serious issues such as sexual harassment by men towards women, discrimination and how it relates to everyday sexist and racist incidents, and advertising guidelines; educational programmes through videos and by using the various social media platforms existing at present; an monthly publication of the Manual on Equal Employment Opportunities for Women and Minorities (2001 to present); and a quarterly magazine, The Talker and Listener, which speaks about the day-to-day experience of women in the workforce.

Imperial Law Commission:

The Imperial Law Commission is an independent statutory entity formed by the tabling of the Imperial Law Commission Amendment Act 1990. Under section two, the Commission is a body corporate which enjoys perpetual succession and has a common seal. It is capable of acquiring, holding, and disposing of real and personal property and may enter into contracts, sue or be sued, and otherwise do and suffer all other acts and things body corporates and companies may do or suffer. The commission has one mission: to ensure the methodical yearly review, improvement, and modernisation of the law of the nineteen countries by submitting its recommendations before parliament and the Executive Council. Some day-to-day responsibilities of the Commission include: Making services of the law and information pertaining to it more accessible for members of the public to access and digest; critically analysing and monitoring the running of important Executive Council organisations in matters of law to reduce, or ideally eliminate, the possibility of oversights happening which may hurt the interests of members of the public; and to gather submissions from members of the public as to their views regarding the proper (or not) running of the administration of justice in the nineteen countries.

Shipbuilder and Exporting Committee:

Royal Beaufort Shipwrights Guild and its governing body, the Shipbuilder and Exporting Committee, were first brought together under the Nation State Companies Act 1943. It is a unique kind of quango established by statute to regulate the production, pricing, and exporting of shipbuilding parts (civilian) and products in the nineteen countries. In theory, unlike most quangos, it is self-funded by way of fees, levies and trading surplus, rather than Executive Council funded by way of grants. It therefore has considerable independence, and its members are mostly selected by shipbuilder body corporates rather than by the Minister of the Commonwealth Navy. In reality, however, the Executive Council has continually provided large subsidies to several shipbuilding body corporates which have run into financial difficulties or are unable to meet navy operational requirements.

The first committee of this kind to be established in the continent of Yohannes was the Nineteen Countries Merchant Tanker Committee, set up in 1925 to organise the auction system under which merchant tankers and related guarantees were sold. The Natural Resource Bulk Carrier Control Committee (later to be merged with the Dry Cargo Bulk Carrier Control Association to become simply the Bulk Carrier Control Committee) was next, as one of many such quangos established under the Enabling Act 1933. This had the duty of monitoring the manufacturing, operating, servicing, and the exporting of natural resource (e.g. ore) bulk carriers. Six years later, following a dramatic fall in export prices for dry cargo carriers in 1939, the Dry Cargo Bulk Carrier Control Association was set up. Later came the Merchant Container Board and the Chemical Tanker Board in 1941, which was a great year for Yohannesian export in relation to its terms of trade.
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7.8. Parliament

Postby Yohannes » Tue Feb 06, 2018 6:59 pm

7.8. Parliament


The first introductory principle of the Limited Separation of Powers, which established the Electoral College in 1781, and thus created the Imperial Parliament of the Nineteen Countries, used the term “Imperial Parliament” rather than “Parliament.” “Parliament” or “Realm Parliament,” however, soon came into popular usage, and in latter years especially has been used as a lazy shorthand term for both the institutions of the Electoral College and the Imperial (Realm) Parliament. Not until the First Amendment came into force on 5 August 1861 did “Parliament” also become an official constitutional term. “Parliament” today, broadly speaking, consists of the Assembly of Electors in the Nineteen Countries (Collegian Electors of the Nation State) and the Realm Parliament (Members of the Realm Parliament) itself. The role of the President of the Electoral College, who is also the elected Yohannesian Emperor at the same time, is purely formal. She or he is constantly absent from the Chamber of Electors to fulfill her or his executive duties and obligations as chief supervisor of the Executive Council. The real business of Parliament is carried out by the elected Realm Parliament, with members of the Electoral College themselves often attending its meetings to comment and voice their views on day-to-day state matters. The functions of Parliament are to enact laws; to provide an Executive Council (i.e. government at the imperial, realm, or federal level in the Nineteen Countries); to vote for departmental Appropriations (e.g. supplying money); and to examine the way the money is spent. But most importantly, Parliament also serves as the highest debating chamber of the land on public issues, and has the ultimate authority to redress citizens’ grievances on petitions.

Elections to Parliament, or the Realm Parliament proper itself, is quadrennial (further details on elections will be given in the next section, with basic information given already under Section Four: An Imperial Election). The majority in Parliament, or a coalition of more than one political party in the Nineteen Countries, forms the Executive Council to assume the seat of government. In accordance with the sixth introductory principle, the coalition of minority parties is known as “The Opposing Forces.”
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7.8.1. History of Parliament

Postby Yohannes » Tue Feb 06, 2018 9:14 pm

7.8.1. History of Parliament


The Imperial (Realm) Parliament as constituted under the first introductory principle of the Limited Separation of Powers first met on 13 September 1786 to oversee the tabling of the first piece of legislation of the land, the Foreign Mission Act 1787. The Assembly of Electors (Electoral College) was initially made up of 19 Electors elected for a term of 12 years. In 1925 the term of office was changed to eight years. The first Members of Realm Parliament numbered 51 members, with a Majority Leader (who is also the Chancellor) acting as chief assistant to the Emperor; the Assembly of Electors representing the nineteen monarchs and their national governments in the institution, and the elected Members representing 43 electorates which together represented only those males over 22 of age, who owned a freehold estate to the exact value of 20 Quertz russling or above, and those who rented an urban dwelling for an annual price of 20 Quertz russling or more. The original Imperial Electoral Act 1790 also established 57 local government authorities, each with their own elected Alderman (equal to a Mayor) and elected councils. Each alderman appointed a Governing Council of three to six members, in effect a miniature local and regional government version of the Executive Council. More than half of the 43 original electorates were located in the three largest countries on the continent of Yohannes—the Kingdom of Alexandria, Regency of Lindblum, and the Kingdom of Burmecia—to represent the dominant demographic and territorial position of the three countries.

The original Imperial Electoral Act did not set out the division of responsibilities between local governments (e.g. Governing Council of the City of Halsten), national governments (e.g. the Regent’s Court of Lindblum), and the realm government (i.e. the Executive Council) in detail, but in practice the national governments of the nineteen countries (and subordinated to them their local governments) retained their responsibilities to administer what were then considered local matters: education, health, immigration, jails, police, public works, and waste lands. The Realm Parliament alone could legislate for the whole of the confederation, and it alone could pass laws relating to bankruptcy (public and private), customs duties, nationwide currency, inheritance, justice, modernisation affairs (civilising the institutions of Nineteen Countries to meet Occidental social and technological standards), shipbuilding, shipping dues, and weights and measures. As the Electoral College was originally set up as a temporary body (for more information, see: 2.1. The Imperial Electoral College), only the Realm Parliament could initiate legislation. But the Electoral College, with its constitutional authority to assemble the Realm Parliament (and thus effectively to form the realm or federal government on the continent of Yohannes), could in practice also influence the process of legislating by ensuring that their voices be heard by the parliament they have assembled.

There was considerable rivalry between the Executive Council (at the imperial level) and the nineteen national governments. Some politicians in their respective countries wished to see the Nineteen Countries develop a more loose confederate system (without a solid central government representing the nation-state abroad), and some of the more loony ones even suggested that the government has no role to play in nation-state development (e.g. a nation-state can exist without having a government). The Nineteen Countries’ weak geopolitical position and the importance of its nationwide modernisation programme to avoid colonisation and subjugation by overseas Occidental powers, however, meant that a looser confederation was not the right system for the nation. There was a need to have strong central government presence to ensure industrialisation and modernisation would continue apace. As the years went by, some of the local government authorities also ran into financial difficulties, and in 1914 they were made completely subordinate to their respective national governments, effectively being abolished in all but name. The national governments, in turn, slowly lost their independence so that today, the Nineteen Countries resembles a federation more than it resembles a confederation.

The Electoral College constantly tried to influence parliamentary appropriations and votes in the earlier years of its existence to influence the path of nation-state development on the continent of Yohannes, and on a number of occasions had even overextended its authority by outright rejecting Bills passed through first readings by the Realm Parliament. Even today, in the age of heavy intraparty collegian and parliamentarian cooperation, the Electoral College is still able to influence the shape of Yohannesian foreign policy by its power to decide the fate of the incumbent Yohannesian Emperor through its legislative review and neutralising capacity. The last occasions the Electoral College indirectly altered an Executive Council Bill was in 1918 when it “convinced” the majority Social Democratic Parliament at the time to insert an additional clause into the Navy Act amendment restricting non-Occidentals from serving in the Navy. The unexpected furore following that debacle (and other such debacles, among other things the unconstitutional ban on student protest and related movements during the height of the 1951 Civil Rights and LGBT movements) led to the present convention of effectively unicameral legislating process, where the Electoral College restricts itself from directly interfering in parliamentary matters.

As it exists out of convention and not that of constitution-making, however, the system is not necessarily permanent in all its details. There have been periodic calling for the restoration of the ‘Electoral College of old’ among socially conservative Yohannesians, especially those forming the majority constituents of such parties as Yohannes First and Family First. Reactionary proponents have also suggested alterations to the number of electorates and members in Parliament, as well as to lengthening the terms of the Elected Collegians (and thus the Emperor) to be more than eight years per term. These issues, among others, were most recently considered in-depth by the Imperial Electoral Court. It was not until the 2014 parliamentary election, however, that a referendum on Reforming the Electoral College was held. The resulting victory of Annabelle Thorndon-Stevensonn as the first lesbian Chancellor of the Nineteen Countries, the bruising defeats of many socially conservative parties (e.g. Family First failing to reach the threshold), and the strong wave of progressive liberalism to follow silenced the more reactionary of socially conservative Yohannesians, who were forced to channel their anger towards seeing the successful elections of many new generation populist politicians such as Nickel Fallage and Ronald Chump.
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7.8.2. Procedures of Parliament

Postby Yohannes » Wed Feb 07, 2018 6:40 pm

7.8.2. Procedures of Parliament


The time that Parliament sits as a functioning legislature is known as Parliamentary Session. During the Founding Monarchs days (Foreign Mission Act 1787), Parliament sat only for a few months of each year. Gradually the terms were made longer, until they generally came to last for six months or more, from, say, January or February to June or July. Traditionally, there have been four annual parliamentary sessions between elections, making up one parliamentary term. In recent years, however, parliamentary sessions have varied in length, with one particularly ludicrous outlier being the snap election undertaken by the unstable Executive Council of the 31st Christian Democratic Chancellor Eric Fieber, where as a result there was a very short session covering 14 to 29 February 1967. At the beginning of a parliamentary session, the Yohannesian Emperor, representing the Electoral College as its de jure presiding officer, summons the Realm Parliament to meet.

The opening of a parliamentary session is a formal occasion at which the Emperor (or the Chief Justice of the Peace if the Emperor is not on the continent of Yohannes) reads her or his prepared speech, the State of the Empire (or Realm) Address, to the members of Parliament, describing the laws the Executive Council intends to make during the session. The debate which follows this is known as the Address in Reply, with the Speaker addressing the Emperor directly, thus closing the session. Parliament used to sit three days a week, though with the introduction of a longer session, the regular weekly hours of sitting have been lengthened. Parliament now normally sits Mondays, Tuesdays, Wednesdays, Thursdays, and Fridays from as early as 10:00 a.m. to as late as 7:00 p.m. In the case where there is no “urgency” motion, the weekly hours normally extend only from to 5 p.m. from 12 a.m. If Parliament sits until midnight due to unforeseen circumstances, the sitting is then suspended until 8:00 a.m. the next day. A parliamentary session is brought to an end by the Emperor proroguing Parliament, when it goes into temporary abeyance.

The First Amendment gave members of Parliament almost as much privileges as the seven members of the Head Judicature of the Justices of the Peace. They include freedom of speech within Parliament, freedom from legal action consequent upon statements made in Parliament, and freedom from arrest in civil process during a parliamentary session (though this provision is rather redundant, since arrest for debt today is extremely rare). Freedom of speech within Parliament is obviously a very important part of the democratic process. However, there is on occasion reason for concern over abuse of the privilege. It is by no means unknown for Members to make accusations against individuals outside Parliament who have no means of legal redress. Nonetheless, Parliament itself can if it wishes discipline its members for abuse of privilege. Parliament has the power to punish any citizen for contempt of its authority. However, although Parliament has on some occasions used its power to fine, it has never used its power to imprison. Parliamentary privilege was recently reviewed by Parliament’s Standing Orders Committee. Among its recommendations were abolishing Parliament’s power to expel rule-breaking members.

The general framework of parliamentary procedure is found in the Legislature Amendment Act 1971 and the Electoral Amendment Act 1990. Parliament has also developed its own more detailed rules and procedures, which are published in Standing Orders of the Realm Parliament, 2016. The main elected officers of Parliament are the Speaker and Chairperson of Committees. The Speaker is the chairperson of the whole of Parliament, and presides over it when it meets, except when Parliament is in committee. The Speaker also keeps order, decides on procedural matters and questions of privilege, and acts as Parliament’s representative in its dealings with the Three Executive. The Speaker is elected for a parliamentary term by Parliament at its first meeting after a nationwide election. The election of a Speaker is rarely contested, and by tradition she or he is almost always a member of “The Opposing Forces.” The only Speaker elected this century from outside the ranks of the minority party or coalition of parties was the Honourable Bernhardt Kluckhohn, Speaker 1945-1957, who was an independent member at the time of his election. By convention, the Speaker stays out of party politics while in Parliament—although this line has been overstepped sometimes in the past—and votes only when there is a split vote. The current Speaker is the Right Honourable Saul Ryan. The Chairman of Committees, also elected at the beginning of the parliamentary term, presides over the Committee of the Whole Parliament. She or he is also the Deputy Speaker.

For the first two weeks of Parliament’s life two centuries ago, proceedings were regulated at the sole discretion of the Speaker. A committee was then set up to draft Standing Orders to regulate proceedings. These came into effect on 5 August 1861 together with the First Amendment. The Electoral College published new editions of its Standing Orders periodically between 1871 and 1945. Revisions of Parliament’s Standing Orders have been issued periodically from 1873 onwards, most recently as Standing Orders of Parliament upon Unification Brought into Force 18 January 1990, and amended further on 13 March 2005 and finally 7 September 2016. The rules cover the swearing in of members, the election of the Speaker, the opening of Parliament, procedures in the absence of the Speaker and the Chairman of Committees, adjournment of parliament, broadcasting, quorums, attendance and leave, records and journals, order of business, rules of debate, and committees and administration.

Since the enactment of the Electoral Amendment Act 1990, the Office of the Executive Clerk has issued an occasional periodical, Notes on Parliamentary Law and Procedure, which is a news sheet updating changes to the procedures and processes of Parliament, incorporating items drawn from Hansard (Parliamentary Debates), Bills, select committee and parliamentary analysis archive reports, and regulations and other papers tabled in the Parliament House.
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7.8.3. The Legislators

Postby Yohannes » Thu Feb 08, 2018 3:42 pm

7.8.3. The Legislators


The first Electoral College had nineteen members nominated by the Emperor and elected to serve for a term of twelve years. Elected Collegians could serve for life, provided they were reelected through the normal channel, though they could lose office by unauthorised absence for two sessions or more. The Redistribution of Seats Act 1871 created the Estates General of the Nineteen Countries, resulting in membership rising rapidly to forty-one by 1890 against a comparatively far lower population growth in the continent of Yohannes, after which date the convention was established to limit membership to be a quarter that of the Imperial Parliament proper. From 1871 onwards, nominations were generally made by the Head of State of each country (e.g. His Illustrious Highness Johannes Alqvist, the Crown Noble of the Noble Republic of Treno) subject to approval by the Head Judicature of the Justices of the Peace. From 1925, the term of office of an Elected Collegian was changed from a twelve-year-term to an eight-year-term.

The Imperial Parliament proper of the first parliament included fifty-one members representing forty-three electorates. Until 1871, the large towns were single constituencies returning more than one member, and between 1879 and 1900 the four largest urban areas in the continent of Yohannes (i.e. Halsten in the Regency of Lindblum, Gizamaluke in the Kingdom of Burmecia, Royal Alexandria in the Kingdom of Alexandria, and the City of Treno in the Noble Republic of Treno) were likewise single constituencies returning at least four members each. Since the enactment of the Electoral Amendment Act 1901 (the first amendment to the original Act), there have been single-member electorates only. The Imperial Parliament proper had two hundred and thirty-seven members in 1857, two hundred and ninety-three in 1871, three hundred and eighty-six in 1901, and thereafter rose to eventually reach the capped number of four hundred and thirty-five members today. Since 1990 the maximum number of electorates for the three largest countries in the continent of Yohannes (i.e. Kingdom of Alexandria, Regency of Lindblum, and Kingdom of Burmecia) has been set at two hundred and sixty-one. The number of electorates in the smaller sixteen countries since then has been calculated by dividing the number of people in each country by the average number of people in each electorate in the three largest countries. The total number of electorates in the continent of Yohannes, therefore, increases proportionally to any greater increase in population of the three largest countries than the sixteen countries. In a case where the opposite is the case, then nothing much would change, as there is a restriction of two hundred and sixty-one total electorates for the three largest countries combined anyway. This way, the sixteen smaller countries have a much greater collective say in nation state decision making and foreign policy direction.

As legislators of the land, Collegian Electors and Members of Imperial Parliament were paid a sum for travel expenses and a daily (later sessional) allowance from 1871 onwards. The amounts concerned did not add up to an adequate salary, however, and for some years parliamentary service was regarded almost as a secondary job, hobby, or an honour for the wealthy or public-spirited. Not for almost a century did the Fourth Amendment truly mature so that pay and parliamentary employment conditions should enable citizens of any means, or none at all, to make a career in politics. The Legislature Amendment Act 1901 established a standard monthly honorarium. By statute this amount was increased further in 1925 and 1939. It was still somewhat less than the amount that would have been given for a public doctor, lawyer, or even a senior first-rate secondary school principal. Tax-free expense allowances in addition to travel allowances were introduced in 1945, however, which changed the game, and an add-on pension scheme introduced in 1957, which turned a member of parliament position into a lucrative and prestigious job on paper overnight.

No provision was made for regular reviews of members’ salaries until, under the Imperial Services Amendment Act 1953 provision was made for review by the Commission of Imperial Services after each empire-wide parliamentary election. Despite a nil order in 1954, both allowances and salaries grew substantially in real terms over the next three decades. The Electoral Amendment Act 1990 transferred the task of determining allowances and salaries (as well as pensions) to the fourth amendment’s independent body, the Administrative Financial Security Commission of the Nineteen Countries. This also had the duty of determining the salaries and conditions of judges, the chief executive officers of a range of nation state owned enterprises and trading bodies, specified statutory officers, and, until 1990, the mayors and Councillors of the three largest metropolitan areas in the nineteen countries (i.e. Greater Halsten, Greater Royal Alexandria, and Greater Treno).

A member’s salary is meant to be in theory competitive with comparable full-time jobs in the citizen sector, in order to allow both a Collegian Elector and Member of Imperial Parliament to devote her or his time to the job and support his or her family without the need for income from other sources. This also gave the member compensation for the job’s sacrifice in terms of time and privacy. There is some doubt, however, that some members meet these criteria: a successful businessman or lawyer, for instance, who become an Elected Collegian or Member of Imperial Parliament almost always will have to accept a drop in salary. In addition to the basic salary (starting from 174,000 NSD for a backbencher), an expense allowance is paid. This comprises a basic allowance, an electorate allowance paid on a set scale for high density electorates and a sliding scale for sparsely populated electorates depending on size, and day and night allowances based on the number of sitting days per year. Stationery, postage, domestic telephone calls, transport, and domestic flights are also paid for, and overseas flights are subsidised. Secretarial support is given both in parliament and in the electorate, and electorate office expenses are paid up to a certain limit.
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7.8.4. Office of the Collegian Lord Chancellor

Postby Yohannes » Thu Feb 08, 2018 6:43 pm

Image


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Nomination for the Office of the Collegian Lord Chancellor, 2018
[Economic Gunboat Diplomacy][Pro-Life][International Incidents Militarism]




Candidate for the Office of the Collegian Lord Chancellor

Candidate name: The Right Honourable Lutz Adolf Palpatine
Candidate age: Born 6 June, 1939 (79 years of age)
Candidate family: Adalger Uiberreither Von Plagueis (stepbrother, age: 79), Heinrich Froese Maul (stepson, age: 37)
Candidate marital status: Divorced
Candidate heritage: 34% Alexandrian, 27% Ralkovian, 20% Scandinvan, 11% Lindblum
Candidate biography:
    Lutz Adolf Palpatine (born 6 June, 1939), The Right Honourable of the Nineteen Countries, is a Yohannesian politician who is the 16th and current Collegian Lord Chancellor. He has announced his intention to continue for his next term (2018 to 2026). Serving as Collegian Lord Chancellor since 1989, Palpatine is the second highest ranking amongst those Great Officers of Nation State (i.e. behind only the First Lord of the Advisory Council) who are appointed to act as the Emperor’s Counsel. He has represented the Kingdom of Alexandria in the Electoral College as an Elected Collegian for the Eleventh Alexandrian District since 1970. Palpatine had backed the STAY faction during the Nineteen Countries Referendum to Withdraw from International Incidents and Nation States Gunboat Diplomacy in 2014.

    Since the electoral victory of the Christian Democratic Party in the 2014 Imperial Parliamentary Election and the mysterious death of the sixteenth Yohannesian Emperor Daniel Westernmost, he has firmly supported the Social Democratic Party and Yohannes First as a member of the Opposing Forces in Emperor’s Counsel sessions by voting against any motion of his Christian Democratic or Green colleagues and by trying to appeal to the simmering anti non-Occidental immigration sentiments in the rural heartland countries (e.g. Kingdom of Burmecia and Grand Duchy of Dali).

    [ ... ]
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7.8.5. Office of the Emperor (Election 2018)

Postby Yohannes » Mon Jul 23, 2018 10:03 pm

Image


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Inauguration for the Office of the Emperor, 2018
[Christian Democracy][Social Market Economy][Big Tent Conservatism]




Emperor-elect to be inaugurated

Candidate name: The Right Honourable Marion Maréchal-Le Men, President of the Electoral College of the Nineteen Countries
Candidate age: Born 17 May 1984 (34 years of age)
Candidate family: Jeremiah Isaiah Meyer (husband, age: 37), Shaniqua Laija Le Men (daughter, age: 6), Aliyah Trinity Meyer (daughter, age: 4)
Candidate marital status: Married
Candidate heritage: 37% Lindblum, 25% Alexandrian, 17% general Yohannesian, 12% Trenoan
Candidate biography:
    Marion Maréchal-Le Men (born 17 May, 1984), The Right Honourable of the Nineteen Countries, is a Yohannesian solicitor and politician who serves as the 18th and current Yohannesian Emperor. Before joining the newly-formed Grand Coalition of Social Democrats and Yohannes First in 2015 at the invitation of the Chairman of the Grand Coalition Committee (GCC) Nicolas Powell and Speaker of the Realm Parliament Saul Ryan, Maréchal-Le Men was an established Member of Parliament for the Christian Democratic Party. She succeeded the 17th Yohannesian Emperor Garnet Til Alexandros, who announced in December 2017 that she would retire from politics and would not be contesting the 2018 election for the Office of the Emperor on behalf of the Christian Democratic Party.

    On behalf of her old party, Maréchal-Le Men was previously deputy chair of the Parliamentary Select Committee on Ways and Means from 18 March to 14 June 2015, and before that chair of the Ethnic Diversity Select Committee from 2014 to 2015. On 1 July 2017, Maréchal-Le Men was elected to replace Jeremy Robyn as de facto leader of the Grand Coalition of Social Democrats and Yohannes First following Robyn’s vote of no confidence by both parties’ combined caucus, becoming the first woman to hold this position, where she announced that she would rebrand the GOP as a big tent movement come 2018.

    Upon the vote of the Electoral College on 21 January 2018, and her subsequent certification by a joint session of Parliament and the earls and margraves of the Electoral College, Marion Maréchal-Le Men was elected President of the Electoral College of the Nineteen Countries over Christian Democrat Abdullahi Lindström to become the 18th Yohannesian Emperor, with 371 of 535 electors and 86.3 million voters, or 53% of the nationwide popular vote with a margin of 6%.

    Personal life

    In 2011, Maréchal-Le Men married Jeremiah Meyer, who was then a senior barrister in the Royal Court of the Kingdom of Burmecia and an established religious leader in the local African Yohannesian community. They first met whilst studying in their second year at the University of Yohannes in the Kingdom of Alexandria. They have two daughters — Shaniqua Laija (born 2012) and Aliyah Trinity (born 2014). In 2015 her husband was nominated to become the Fifty-seventh Regional Court Judge in the Kingdom of Burmecia by the then sixteenth Yohannesian Emperor Daniel Westernmost.

    Although Maréchal-Le Men was raised Lutheran, in 2015 she formally joined the Resurrection Ascension Church of the Reformed denomination in the eastern suburb of Royal Burmecia, where her husband is a pastor emeritus.

    First 100 days

    In her campaign, Maréchal-Le Men said that in her first few days in office, she will veto many of her old party’s more extreme open immigration and pro market reform proposals: “With GOP control of both the Electoral College and Parliament, Speaker Ryan and I will ensure that unless the Thirty-sixth Christian Democratic Executive Council and Chancellor Thorndon-Stevensonn will backtrack and slash some of their more extreme agenda, they will meet their fate as a last term executive council come parliamentary election for the Office of the Chancellor in December 2018.”

    In her January 2018 election victory speech, Maréchal-Le Men promised to combat illegal immigration and to tackle bogus asylum seeking programmes. She has also promised to expand housing construction, extend financial assistance programmes for young working families, and tackle illegal capital and thoroughly monitor money sourced from known slaver nation states such as The Scandinvans and Ralkovia. As emperor, Maréchal-Le Men has promised to review and further strengthen the Thirty-sixth Christian Democratic Executive Council’s original Withdrawal from International Incidents and Nation States Neutrality Act.

    In an interview with TV3’s Doll Henry Breakfast current affairs programme, Maréchal-Le Men said, “The first tabled bill to be rightly vetoed from Parliament must surely be the Religious Neutrality Amendment Act 2016, where specific bans on oppressive and backward religious face-covering dress, such as the Islamic niqab or burqa, were outlawed. I believe that backward religious customs and traditions have no place in the Christian democracy that is the nineteen countries on the continent of Yohannes.” Five days later, she reiterated her statement and further promised to tackle illegal immigration and to close international study to residency backdoors from non-Occidental nation states.

    Political positions

    Economic policy: Maréchal-Le Men was elected into office in January 2018, in the depths of the housing, infrastructure and immigration crises that began in 2013. She is skeptical of the banking and export manufacturing subsidy programmes of the Thirty-sixth Christian Democratic Executive Council, believing that “they have not helped mum and dad small and medium sized business owners, but have instead overwhelmingly supported big banks like the Bank of Yohannes and big businesses like VMK and Halstenmetall. They have not helped the rural farmers of the heartland and the deep south, but have instead benefitted the foreign, cashed up investors from our trading partners such as Greater Nifon and Imperial Symphonia over the common Yohannesian.”

    Maréchal-Le Men has publicly supported Speaker Ryan’s call for the creation of a new amendment to the original Tax Cuts and Jobs Act 2014, saying that it has largely benefitted non citizens and foreign investors, and that it should only benefit those who are born in the nineteen countries — not foreign residents, non-citizens and investors.

    Social policy: Maréchal-Le Men strongly believes in the benefits of multiculturalism. She said: “My husband is an African Yohannesian man. I know the discriminations he had encountered in the past. Our two daughters are the representative of a multicultural Nineteen Countries. That being said, there’s a difference between embracing multiculturalism and throwing away a nation state’s original cultures and traditions. We are a Christian nation state, and I hope that we will always be a Christian nation state. We are a Yohannesian speaking nation state, and I hope that we will always be a Yohannesian speaking nation state. When coming here, people must respect our traditions — just like how we have always been taught to respect other people’s traditions when living outside the Nineteen Countries or visiting foreign nation states. That means no oppressive religious face covering or forced marriage. The Realm of fiords and mountain is not a Sharia state.”

    Acknowledging that discrimination by race still exists to this day, Maréchal-Le Men wants to promote awareness to reduce racial profiling by Nineteen Countries Police at the imperial level and its subordinated law enforcement agencies at the national (state) level. “That being said, the law must be respected where it has been broken, and punishment must be handed with no thought given to race or upbringing of a person to affect one’s punishment — a crime is a crime.”

    During the Grand Coalition Convention in July 2017, Maréchal-Le Men announced before the audience, “I believe in the individual right to bear arms, so long as it is supplemented with an effective common sense regulation.” She believes in the right of each country to determine its gun laws. Maréchal-Le Men has also stated in the 2017 Farmers and Hunters Confederation Conference that she will work with GOP Speaker Saul Ryan to repeal the recently introduced Universal Ammunition Regulation Act 2016 at the imperial level and to make such a repeal binding. However, as Member of Parliament for the Electorate of Dauclutt in 2014, she did back changes to its surrounding councils’ laws that included a ban on assault weapons trade. In Parliament, she did also vote to allow third parties to open lawsuits against certified gun manufacturers and registered firearm vendors in 2016.

    Maréchal-Le Men strongly condemns capital punishment as a form of punishment for a crime, believing that death penalty of any kind has no place in a civilised nation state, and that it is the antithesis of the love and teaching of the Lord Jesus Christ the Saviour.

    Trade policy: Maréchal-Le Men condemns the excesses of “big corporates and big banks” such as the Bank of Yohannes, VMK and Alleswerken. In her January 2018 acceptance speech, Maréchal-Le Men warned Chancellor Annabelle Thorndon-Stevensonn and the Thirty-sixth Christian Democratic Executive Council: “Unless reforms will be implemented to keep jobs at home and to hire Yohannesian first before undocumented migrants and non citizens from abroad, the [Christian Democratic] executive council will be a last term executive council come December 2018.” She has also proposed for increased taxation towards foreign corporations and their branches in the Nineteen Countries, and for capital gains tax to be introduced towards land and property investment by foreign entities and non-citizens on the continent of Yohannes.

    Maréchal-Le Men believes in “open, responsible trade”; not “free, unrestricted trade.” In an interview with Wolf News Channel’s The Nation current affairs programme, she hinted at the possibility of pressuring the Thorndon-Stevensonn-led executive council, telling political commentator Marie Kelly: “I believe we can do a bit more to use the Quertz russling’s purchasing and trading power and pour some previously unavailable financial resources towards infrastructure and housing expansion at home over investment projects abroad.” Asked if doing so would be fair for trading partners of the Nineteen Countries, Maréchal-Le Men believes in open trade, so long as it is fair “for all parties involved.” She believes that if such a trading relationship is not fair for the Nineteen Countries and its working people, then the nation state would be “better off leaving the agreement to look for other, better relationships.”

    When asked for her definition of “fair”, Maréchal-Le Men answered, “Jobs for hard working middle Yohannesians in not just the high-technology coastal districts but also the bible belt districts.”

    Voter demographics

    Voter demographic data for the 2018 results were collected again by Ardenfontein-Löfgren political poll to replace its outdated data from 2016, when Her Majesty Garnet Til Alexandros the Queen of Alexandria was still intending to run for the Office of the Emperor on behalf of the Christian Democratic Party. The Realm News polling on election night aided the Ardenfontein-Löfgren political poll, with commentary provided by political analysts Rachel Meadow, Jim Anderton, and Chris Carr to equally represent the left, centre, and right sides of the political spectrum.

    Marion Maréchal-Le Men’s upset victory against the Christian Democratic Party was aided by voter biases against newly elected Christian Democratic Party leader Abdullahi Lindström, and the unwillingness of almost 20% white voters polled in battleground electorates and blue rainbow districts to admit that they would be voting for the GOP candidate on election night. An exit poll done in the Kingdom of Alexandria — a historical Christian Democratic stronghold and home country of Maréchal-Le Men’s predecessor Garnet Til Alexandros — revealed that of these 20% “shy” white voters, over 95% were white women; with over 40% identifying themselves as LGBT or supporting the pro LGBT agenda championed by the previous Christian Democratic emperor. Abdullahi Lindström lost this group by nearly 20%, with over 10% politically independent college educated white women switching their votes to Maréchal-Le Men and the GOP on election night.

    Marion Maréchal-Le Men also performed strongly amongst both university educated and blue collar white men — the traditional voting stronghold of both the Social Democratic Party and Yohannes First — with Abdullahi Lindström losing those voters by a margin of 7 points.

    The 2018 electoral college presidential race also represented the first time that the GOP performed better amongst both lower-income and well-off African Yohannesian and native voters. Aided by the very public support of her African Yohannesian husband — who has historically been a very well respected religious leader amongst not just the African Yohannesian communities, but also liberal white voters — Maréchal-Le Men closed the gap first created by Chancellor Annabelle Thorndon-Stevensonn in 2014, and finally pulled through an upset victory amongst those voters over the Christian Democratic Party; with over 60% of African and native Yohannesians voting for the GOP on election night.

    As widely expected by previous analysts, Maréchal-Le Men and the GOP performed very poorly amongst first and second generation non-Occidental, Asian, new immigrant and Muslim voters — with Abdullahi Lindström increasing his lead with those voters by 13 points. Over 70% of Asian voters supported the Christian Democratic Party on election night, whilst over 90% of Muslim voters expressed their support for the Christian Democratic Party electoral college presidential candidate.

    Less young voters between the age of 18 to 29 voted for Marion Maréchal-Le Men than the forecast votes that would be received by her Christian Democratic predecessor Garnet Til Alexandros from the 2016 Ardenfontein-Löfgren poll results. However, Maréchal-Le Men outperformed her Christian Democratic opponent Abdullahi Lindström amongst white young women by a margin of 4%, whilst losing out the votes of white young men by a margin of 1% to Lindström. She also lost the votes of non white young voters — both men and women — by a margin of 9%; with the exception of young African Yohannesian and native voters, where she won by a margin of 3%.

    As expected, more adult and older voters supported the GOP. Maréchal-Le Men outperformed Abdullahi Lindström amongst both blue collar and university educated adult voters between the age of 30 to 64 by a margin of 7%, whilst more older voters over the age of 65 voted for the GOP.

    Aftermath and controversies

    Many commentators from the left, centre and right sides of the political spectrum have predicted that the 2018 electoral college presidential race for the Office of the Emperor would be a close one for the Christian Democratic Party — the tide was slowly turning against the incumbent executive council party on many sides of public debate such as immigration, housing and infrastructure crises, whilst many within the centre camp felt that the Garnet and Annabelle led Thirty-sixth Christian Democratic Executive Council have shifted too far left socially (e.g. immigration and asylum seeking and LGBT rights) since its spectacular victory in 2014, whilst it has moved too far right economically (e.g. tax threshold changes, pro market reforms, and bank and manufacturing export performance subsidy).

    There was widespread speculation that the Alexandrian Queen Garnet Til Alexandros did eventually announce her intention to retire from politics and not to contest the 2018 election because she knew that the tide was slowly turning against her party — and the announcement that her old mentor and former party old guard Marion Maréchal-Le Men would be the presumptive GOP nominee for the 2018 Office of the Emperor election did finally convince her that she would not win the 2018 contest to keep the Office of the Emperor.

    At the time, however, many commentators and party outsiders still believed that Garnet would have won the January contest. When her resignation was announced, and Abdullahi Lindström was declared to be her party leadership successor, however, more commentators became aware that the 2018 election for the Office of the Emperor would be an even more close one — without Garnet, there was the strong possibility that support for the Christian Democratic Party would weaken amongst certain electorates in the Kingdom of Alexandria.

    This was proven right, when on election night Marion Maréchal-Le Men won the raw votes from some previously blue stronghold districts in her home country. Without the popular Queen of Alexandria at the helm of the party, the Christian Democratic party was slowly sinking. The 2018 December Parliamentary Election for the Office of the Chancellor will decide the fate of the ruling Thirty-sixth Christian Democratic Executive Council — flanked on both sides by the GOP with Marion Maréchal-Le Men as Garnet Til Alexandros’ successor and Saul Ryan as Speaker of Parliament, Chancellor Annabelle Thorndon-Stevensonn and her executive council are faced with political gridlock from all directions of nation state administration and worldbuilding.

    Many believe that the only choice she has now is to cooperate with both the GOP emperor and speaker to meet them halfway, and hopefully produce legislative outcomes at the political centre. The voters have finally punished the partisanship shown by the Christian Democratic Party since they won the executive council, electoral college and parliament in 2014 — first by electing the GOP and Saul Ryan as Speaker in parliament in 2015, and in January 2018, by electing the GOP with Marion Maréchal-Le Men as the 18th Yohannesian Emperor.

    Will Chancellor Annabelle Thorndon-Stevensonn and the Christian Democratic Party keep the executive council in December 2018, or will they find themselves in a situation where the GOP will be given the mandate that they have been given themselves in 2014 — to rule from not just the electoral college and parliament, but also the executive council itself?

    Democracy Nineteen Countries: Decision 2018.
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7.8.6. Parliament House Administration

Postby Yohannes » Wed Jul 25, 2018 12:13 am

7.8.6. Parliament House Administration


The first administrative appointments to parliament were those of the Office of the Field Marshal of Imperial Subpoena, Second-in-Command, and the nineteen Generals of Imperial Election in 1787. The early appointments of other major officers include the Librarian of the Library of Parliament in 1800 and the Electoral Hansard and Debates Chief Reporter in 1803. The former has been known as the Parliamentary Librarian since 1945, and the latter as the Editor of Electoral Debates since 1990.

The rapid expansion of the parliamentary establishment since the nineteenth century saw the development of legislative departments to carry out administrative duties relating to the Electoral College and the Imperial Parliament proper. At first, these were answerable only to both the President pro tempore of the Electoral College and the Speaker of the Imperial Parliament with regard to the investigation and reporting of all matters. In 1914, an imperial commission tasked with administering legislative agencies was established, which eventually replaced most of the President pro tempore and Speaker’s administrative responsibilities. This imperial commission, however, remained answerable only to the Justices of the Peace, and was accorded with the rights of protection by the Office of the Emperor. It was not dissimilar to the Administrative Financial Security Commission of the Nineteen Countries created by the Fourth Amendment.

The Parliament House Administration Amendment Act 2011 tabled by the then Seventh Social Democratic Executive Council introduced considerable changes to this system, which was aimed at taking control of the provision of service away from the commission to give it to parliament. To replace the commission, the amendment established the Parliament House Administration, which comprised of three Elected Collegians and two Members of Parliament from the ruling parties of the Executive Council and two Elected Collegians and two Members of Parliament from the parties of the Opposing Force. The President pro tempore of the Electoral College acts as chairman of this body.

The Parliament House Administration is responsible for the provision of secretarial services, in-house beverage and catering, information technology and other general support services to every Elected Collegian and Member of the Imperial Parliament. It administers secretarial support both in parliament and the electorates and districts of the legislators themselves, oversees personnel, provides security, ensures messengers are provided, funds administrative supply, oversees public and in-house reception and tours, administers building and maintenance of Parliament House, funds travels and accounts, and many other important things pertaining to nation state administration and worldbuilding on Parliament House grounds. It also collaborates with Archive Yohannes to continually update the legislators’ databases and to support the Electoral Debates Hansard, Library of Parliament, and the research units of all political parties meeting the threshold to enter parliament.

The Imperial Electoral Amendment Act of 1990 reformed the Office of the Field Marshal of Imperial Subpoena to be separate from Parliament House Administration. The Field Marshal is the first permanent officer in parliament in order of importance, and has the responsibility to advise the President of the Electoral College, Speaker of the Imperial Parliament, and the Elected Collegians and Members of the Imperial Parliament on parliamentary law and procedures. With the permission of the Speaker, the Field Marshal is responsible for the reprinting of Bills as amended by the committees of the whole parliament. She or he must also prepare and print questions, motions, petitions and other papers, and provide advisory and secretarial support to select committees.

The Field Marshal is the administrator of the Notes on Parliamentary Law and Procedure — the official record of the business of parliament. She or he is also the person responsible for the certification and printing of Bills and Acts tabled through parliament; Order Papers, select committee and parliamentary analysis archive reports, Notes on Parliamentary Law and Procedure, and regulations and other papers tabled in parliament for presentation to the Office of the Emperor for her or his Imperial Blessings; and the protective care of all other parliamentary records and ballot papers. The Second-in-Command is the person that must ensure discipline within the debating chamber under the direction of the Speaker.
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7.8.7. Buildings and symbols of Parliament

Postby Yohannes » Thu Jul 26, 2018 8:14 pm

7.8.7. Buildings and symbols of Parliament


Parliament sat in Halsten, the economic centre of the Regency of Lindblum, from 1786 to 1801. The political centre was once again moved to the capital city of the Kingdom of Alexandria in 1802, where parliament first sat in the former Royal Alexandria Regional Council buildings on Parliament Square. A number of upgrades were added to these buildings over the years, including a new Electoral College chamber, which was built in 1848.

The Victorian Gothic Library of Parliament building was constructed in 1871, but not used by the legislature until 1880. After the disastrous fire which devastated the main parliamentary buildings in 1910, new buildings were built for the debating chambers and legislature offices. Most of them were opened by 1925. The provision of office space was totally inadequate by the 1990s, and a new building complex was needed. Parliament House was designed by a French-American military engineer by the name of Richard L’Enfant. When it was finally completed by the turn of the century, the new building allowed for a more comprehensive accommodation and better seismic protection.

Today, the debating chamber, the Library of Parliament, and other parliamentary services are all housed in the newly renovated Library of Parliament located just across the street from Parliament House. An underground pedestrian walkway colloquially known as the “Road of Bipartisan Negotiation” connects both buildings. It slowly acquired its name by the turn of the century because the underground walkway, which connects the executive council quarter of Parliament House and the opposing force quarter of the Library of Parliament, has long been the place where legislators from all sides of the political spectrum meet and greet one another on a daily basis outside the debating chamber.

The most potent symbol of parliamentary authority is the personification of the Nineteen Countries, Claudia, which is the symbol displayed on the front page of the Electoral Debates Hansard of the Nineteen Countries publication. Two statues which symbolise and personify parliamentary authority are also located in front of Parliament House in the Kingdom of Alexandria and the Executive Council Buildings Historic Reserve in the Regency of Lindblum’s old Parliament Square; two historical enemies during the civil war. It was formerly the symbol of the pre-Loriath Kingdom of Alexandria which, prior to the devastating civil war of 1491, was the undisputed leading country in the continent of Yohannes by financial resource and technology. Claudia was the wife of King Alfred the Fourth of Alexandria.

The symbol was commonly carried by the sheriffs of the king, who were Royal appointees with the authority to arrest on the requests of the king and his parliament, and the earls of the kingdom, who swore their loyalty before their overlord and the personification of their kingdom. Since then, the inauguration day of the newly elected Yohannesian Emperor would be started by a group of fifteen earls — led by the Earl of Shiring — who would start the ceremony by handing a shield, engraved with the name of Claudia, and an iron longsword to symbolise the transfer of power from the electors to the newly elected Yohannesian Emperor.
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7.8.8. Parliamentary Petitions and Redress

Postby Yohannes » Fri Jul 27, 2018 12:43 am

7.8.8. Parliamentary Petitions and Redress


By tradition, the second oldest function of parliament is to redress the grievances of citizens who feel they have been wronged, or who wish to recommend a particular course of action to the executive council. All citizens of the nineteen countries have the right to petition parliament — in fact, there have been more than ten thousand petitions lodged in parliament every year since 2010, on matters ranging from those of the most minor and doubtful, such as The Lack of Communist Youth Representation (June 2011) and Citizens Against Male, Pale and Stale Generalisation (May 2015), to matters of nation state significance, such as Free Milk and Breakfast in Low Decile Primary Schools (February 2014) and Justice and Protection for Domestic Violence Victims (November 2016). In 2016 alone, there were 67,119 petitions presented before the Members of Parliament, and 41,444 of these were tabled successfully before the Committee of the Whole Parliament.

Petitions are usually addressed to parliament by the Member from whose electorate the petitioner resides. As previously described, they can be on any matter; the only exception being where the petitioners have not exhausted their avenues of legal redress, such as complaint to a private or public advocate, or where the petitioners have lodged a petition with an identical or near identical subject with a previous petition — the only exception to this second point being in a situation where there have been new important information gathered since the previous petition on the same or near identical subject was lodged. Petitions must at the very least be barely legible; they must ideally be formal and respectfully written; and they must be communicated in either Yohannesian, native Yohānnesi, or English.

Parliamentary petitions are reviewed by the Member concerned under the supervision of the Field Marshal of Imperial Subpoena or their delegated representative. Every step concerning the tabling of petition before the halls of parliament must comply with existing standing orders; failure to do so could potentially result in the rejection of the petition by the Speaker of the Parliament. After they have been presented and tabled before the Members assembled, petitions are then distributed by the Field Marshal or their deputy to the relevant select committee for examination. A follow up report must then be made and presented before parliament by the chair of the committee. Until 1990, there was the Select Committee on Petitions and Redress, which was tasked with handling and dealing with all matters concerning petitions and redress. Today, the respective select committees concerned handle all relevant petitions within their delegated areas of responsibility.
Last edited by Yohannes on Fri Jul 27, 2018 12:53 am, edited 1 time in total.
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7.9. Select Committees

Postby Yohannes » Fri Jul 27, 2018 5:34 am

7.9. Select Committees


In the nineteen countries, Select Committees are committees of Members of the Imperial Parliament proper who are appointed to examine, consider, and report on matters that are referred to them by parliament. One example of a well-known Select Committee is the Select Committee on Justice and Public Security, which as its name suggests is tasked with handling justice and public security matters. There are two types of Select Committees: permanent committees, which stay in existence for the whole term that parliament is assembled, and extempore committees, which are established only for the time that they will be needed to fully examine and consider a single issue of nation state importance.

Before the Second Industrial Growth era (1850-1900) when the state of political party administration was still relatively unprofessional, permanent committees were originally established only for a single parliamentary year. Since then, they have been appointed for the entire term that parliament meets.
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7.9.1. Office of the Minister Mentor

Postby Yohannes » Fri Jul 27, 2018 6:32 am

Image


Image


Nomination for the Office of the Minister Mentor, 2018
[Pragmatist Communitarianism][Yohannesian Model Economy][Big Tent Conservatism]




Candidate for the Office of the Minister Mentor

Candidate name: The Right Honourable Soong Chu-Yu, Member of Imperial Parliament for the Höganäs Electorate
Candidate age: Born 20 March, 1937 (81 years of age)
Candidate family: Kwa Geok Yu (wife, age: 82), Harry Tien Chu-Yu (son, age: 57), Lee Wei Chu-Yu (daughter, age: 54)
Candidate marital status: Married
Candidate heritage: 49% Non-Occidental Hakka, 40% Non-Occidental Peranakan
Candidate biography:
    Soong Chu-Yu (born 20 March, 1937), The Right Honourable of the Nineteen Countries, is a retired Yohannesian barrister and politician who is the 3rd and current Minister Mentor of the Nineteen Countries. He has announced his intention to continue for his next term (2018 to 2022). Soong is widely acknowledged as parliament’s Grandfather and Mentor — he was one of the main architects of the reform of the Yohannesian Model undertaken from 1953 to 1971, and his brainchild, the Central Provident Fund, is the third oldest and most successful wealth fund created in the continent of Yohannes since the amalgamation and eventual establishment of the Office of the Minister of the Treasury and Wealth Fund in 1947.

    [ ... ]
Last edited by Yohannes on Wed Aug 01, 2018 6:33 am, edited 2 times in total.
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7.9.2. History of Select Committees

Postby Yohannes » Thu Aug 02, 2018 3:32 am

7.9.2. History of Select Committees


Select Committees have been the essential building blocks of Parliament in Yohannes since the earliest days following the Foreign Mission Act 1787, when the nineteen countries had to modernise and learn from the economic and political systems of technologically superior imperialist Occidental nation states abroad. In 1815 the first Standing Orders committee was created by the Founding Monarchs to examine the rules and procedures of the newly-formed legislature.

Five years later Parliament established a Select Committee on Wilhelmine Restoration and Occidental Modernisation in light of the dangers presented by imperialist Occidental nations — without an industrialising economy and modern navy along Occidental line the nineteen countries on the continent of Yohannes would face subjugation and eventually become a colony or subject of industrialising Occidental empires abroad. Other early Select Committees were the Health Committee of the Realm in 1837, the Navy and Merchant Navy Select Committee in 1839, and the Select Committee on Education in 1841.

The names and definitions of select committees have been altered by different executive councils over the years to adapt to the changing needs of Parliament. Fundamentally, they have served as a way for Parliament to scrutinise the behaviour of the executive council of the day, and therefore as a check on the power of the executive in accordance with the first introductory principle of Limited Separation of Powers. Through the years their functions have ranged from considering legislation proposed in Parliament to scrutinising regulations themselves; to investigate public expenditure, to consider petitions, and to deal with the administration and facilities of Parliament and the rights and privileges of its members.

The select committee system and the power and extent of delegated responsibility of the committees have been much enhanced since the first amendment to the original Imperial Electoral Act made in the Second Industrial Growth era (1850-1900). In 1945 the Public Accounts Committee was established to critically examine the executive council’s annual estimates of expenditure. This was one of the first select committees to sit during Parliament’s recess. From 1955 onwards, because of the workload on this committee, some categories of estimates were referred to the newly-founded Select Committee on Ways and Means. In 1960 parliament first started to refer the majority of Bills to select committees after first reading.

In 1972 the Thirty-second Christian Democratic Executive Council began a major reform of the select committee system on the continent of Yohannes. It reformed twelve ‘individual’ committees, each overseeing their respective groups of portfolios, and together covering the whole range of government activity in the Nineteen Countries at the imperial level. The names of these committees were as follows: Continental Security, Domestic Commerce, Engineering and Science, Export Industry, Equality and Social Welfare; Foreign Trade, Health and Human Services, Justice and Public Security, Navy and Merchant Navy, Rural Industry and Development, Urban Development and Planning, and Ways and Means.

As well as the original twelve select committees, over the years there have been formed two permanent ‘urgently formed’ committees: the Ethnic Diversity Committee, which reviews the state of net migration, cultural and religious diversity in the continent of Yohannes; and the Exiting International Incidents and Nation State Neutrality Select Committee, which examines all programmes relating to the complete isolation of the nineteen countries from all economically harmful International Incidents and the executive council’s foreign policy of neutrality.

Since 2014, Chancellor Annabelle Thorndon-Stevensonn’s Thirty-sixth Christian Democratic Executive Council has retained both ‘individual’ committees, but plans to subsume them into a special investigative committee to be named as the Select Committee on Twenty-first Century Nation State Administration and Worldbuilding. Further, as mentioned in “7.8.6. Parliament House Administration”, the Parliament House Administration Amendment Act 2011 established the Parliament House Administration, which has in recent years taken over the domestic business of Parliament, formerly the exclusive affairs of a specially created legislative commission.

When needed, extempore committees can be created to exist alongside the permanent committees. At the turn of the century, for instance, sitting extempore committees had included the Committee on Judiciary Evolution, first created in 1964 before being amended three times over the years to eventually become the Committee on Judicature Modernisation in 2016; the Finance and Expenditure Committee (Government Budget Transparency Acts); Advisory, Press, and Private Committee (Public Consultation Office Acts); and the Trade Policy Imperial Committee (Foreign Trade Amendment Act 1958).

The individual committees continue the traditional roles of the former select committees by examining proposed legislation and petitions, but also have expanded powers of scrutiny over the activities of government departments delegated to them, and of studying different problems arising from these activities. Each committee is delegated with the power to oversee the financial estimates of its departments, although the Select Committee on Ways and Means has the more problematic task of also examining the overall policy behind every spending done by the executive council and government departments at the imperial level.

Before 1990, only the Select Committee on Ways and Means was given the power to formally enquire without Parliament’s written referral, but today every single select committee enjoys the same right. A Select Committee can meet anywhere on the continent of Yohannes; it can summon witness both from the Public Sector and from the general public; and it can ensure their attendance by use of force. The referral of Bills to select committees is now automatic, unless those Bills are Appropriation Bills or they are considered as ‘urgent’ Bills.

Finally, at present select committees have the power to write amendments directly into the legislation presented before their members. With the exception of formal reports made on Bills, the latest set of rules under the Standing Orders of the Imperial Parliament, 2016 dictates that the executive council of the day must respond to suggestions made in a select committee’s report within ten weeks, where the executive council must then tell the select committee on what (if any) action it is planning to do.
Last edited by Yohannes on Sun May 05, 2019 4:53 pm, edited 2 times in total.
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7.9.3. Membership of Select Committees

Postby Yohannes » Thu Aug 02, 2018 6:45 pm

7.9.3. Membership of Select Committees


Select Committees are appointed by parliament, usually on the motion of the chief executives of the executive council organisations most closely involved with the committee’s work. Between 1964 to 1977, the Chancellor of the ruling executive council and the Head of the Opposing Forces were given the power to make changes in the membership of select committees. Since 1977 this has been the duty of the President of the Electoral College, which delegates the task to the party whips.

Prior to 1977, most select committees had between six and twelve members, although the Public Accounts Committee — and subsequently the Ways and Means Committee — had thirteen. Now the standard membership is seven, with a majority coming from the party of the ruling executive council, although additions can be made if parliament so decides. More often than not, the chairperson of a select committee is a backbencher from the party of the ruling executive council and not a Minister of the Realm, though there may be exceptions sometimes. From 1991 to 1995, the chairperson of the Select Committee on Domestic Commerce was a rank and file backbencher from the Opposing Forces. The then Christian Democratic executive council offered the chairpersonship of two more committees to the Social Democratic opposition, but the offer was rejected since the Opposing Forces felt that accepting the offer would harm its standing amongst members of the public and prejudice its task of criticising the activity of the ruling executive council.

The membership of select committees is published along with their reports in the biennial The People in Yohannesian Politics (Parliamentary Research Service, 2018). When visitors arrive at Parliament House, they can also see the current list of select committee members which is posted in the Visitors’ Lobby.
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7.9.4. Select Committee Business

Postby Yohannes » Sat Aug 04, 2018 7:45 am

7.9.4. Select Committee Business


Select committee business since the Third Industrial Growth Period (1933-1945) has been accessible for members of the public and the press during the hearing of evidence. The committee may, however, by unanimous resolution conduct the hearing in private. Select committee reports are published in the Journals of the Collegians and Parliamentarians, with transcripts of the evidence heard by select committees and the committees’ minutes also printed by the third day after the publication of the evidence. Evidence and minutes which are not made open for members of the public to digest can be read by visiting the Library of Parliament, though permission by the Office of the Field Marshal of Imperial Subpoena will be required.

After a report has been published by a committee, it will be subject to the Freedom of Information Amendment Act 1966 to allow for complete public access to the report and any relevant set of documents deposited within the Library of Parliament. Public submissions on matters presented before a committee can be found by reading any of the major newspapers in the continent of Yohannes. All citizens of the nineteen countries have the right to make written submissions, and can also do so orally before the committee if they so wish. Although select committees usually sit in Royal Alexandria, they may hear submissions in the capital city of any of the other eighteen countries in the continent of Yohannes.

Before the closing date of any submission has been reached, at least ten copies of submissions by writing must be supplied to the secretary of the relevant committee. Late submissions will be rejected, though in some cases they can be heard and will be judged on a case-by-case basis. No set form is required for writing a submission, though they must be addressed to the committee clerk of the relevant committee. They must also show the Bill or issue of nation state importance under discussion, and supply the names and academic and professional credentials of the individuals or organisations making the submissions as well as any additional contact person information. Presentation must be professional — for instance, on A4 sheets with numbered paragraphs, and typed double-spaced and on one side only. A submission may be rejected — for instance, the report of the Select Committee on Equality and Social Welfare on the Inquiry into Gender Equality, 1991 recorded that a submission presented before it was automatically rejected because it was “not connected with the matter at hand, submitted late, possibly libelous, and disrespectfully written.”

A submission will be made confidential after it has been forwarded to a select committee. Once it has been reported to parliament, or if the hearings are made open to members of the public and the press, that confidentiality will be removed. Although the press may report on proceedings of a select committee during the hearing of evidence or the business itself, any such release to be made before permission has been given is considered as a very serious breach of parliamentary privilege and trust. Individuals who have informed the committee clerk of their interests to present an oral submission will be called as witnesses, with the date of the hearing to be negotiated at the final discretion of the committee. During the presentation, for some issues of nation state importance witnesses will be asked to read their submission. For less important issues they will simply be asked to make a statement to summarise their submission. This should last no more than ten minutes and no less than one minute.

Once submission has been made before the committee, copies of the submission should be made available to the members of the committee, and should include the names and credentials of those individuals involved with the submission. In some cases, the committee will present the witnesses with questions. The individuals making the submission will then be given the opportunity to conclude their statement. Individuals may inform the committee secretary to ask for the submission to be made private if all members of the committee agree. Logically, organisations making an oral submission should select their most distinguished and credentialed members to represent them before the committee.
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7.10. Great Officers of Nation State

Postby Yohannes » Sat Aug 04, 2018 11:24 am

7.10. Great Officers of Nation State


There are five Great Officers of Nation State in the continent of Yohannes: the Office of the First Lord of the Advisory Council, the Office of the Collegian Lord Chancellor, the Office of the President pro tempore of the Electoral College, the Office of the Majority Vice President, and the Office of the Minority Vice President. The positions of the Great Officers of Nation State were originally established before the Second Industrial Growth era (1850-1900) to ensure that the Office of the President of the Electoral College — that is, the Yohannesian Emperor — would not act contrary to the interests of the governments of the nineteen countries at the national level in accordance with the Fifth Amendment. The President pro tempore of the Electoral College, Majority Vice President, and the Minority Vice President report not to the executive council at the imperial level but directly to the Electoral College to represent the interests of the nineteen countries and their governments as polities at the national level. They are servants of the Electoral College on behalf of the nineteen countries in the continent of Yohannes, not the executive council at the imperial level. Through them the Electoral College can further control and review certain executive council actions, and offer the government of each country additional protection and redress against the possibility of administrative injustice at the imperial level.

The Select Committee on Ways and Means in 2015 suggested the recognition of the Office of the First Lord of the Advisory Council as an integral part of the executive council to formally replace the Office of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, though so far that proposal has not been carried out by Chancellor Annabelle Thorndon-Stevensonn’s Thirty-sixth Christian Democratic Executive Council.
Last edited by Yohannes on Sat Aug 04, 2018 11:25 am, edited 1 time in total.
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