Magdaran Nightmare (IC- See OOC)

by **Holy Marsh** » Mon Mar 31, 2025 5:26 pm

OOC- See OOC thread for additional information.

Commonwealth Central Command
Baidenia District, 50km east of Baidenia city
March 31st- 0620

The acrid scent of smoke and the metallic tang of blood lingered heavily in the air as Private Sacharles moved through the rubble of what had once been Commonwealth Central Command. The surprise coup had hit hard and fast, turning what should have been a fortified stronghold into a scene of utter devastation. Bodies of Commonwealth soldiers lay strewn across the courtyard, their uniforms stained with the dark bloom of death. So many had been caught unaware that he imagined in the darker recesses of his heart that a great deal of them may have been willing to surrender, yet the opportunity never presented itself.

The soldier stepped over the remains of a shattered door, his boots crunching on broken glass and debris. He wore stoicism sharply on his features, a planned impassivity, but deep within his beating breast a knot of unease churned. He believed in the Front's vision of a strong, unified nation, free of the mismanagement of foreign interests and the delusions of a failed monarchy. This was necessary, he told himself, though the brutality of their methods gnawed at his conscience. Too many men had nice, clean holes in the head. No glory, only executions.

He entered the main operations room, now a chaotic mess of overturned desks, shattered screens, and bullet-riddled walls. The battle had been short and savage, a one-sided beating that left the Commonwealth defenders no chance to mount an effective resistance. Sacharles could still hear the echo of gunfire and the desperate shouts of the fallen.

“Clear that area!” barked Major Rajovo, his voice a whipcrack of authority. The soldier snapped to attention, saluting the formidable leader before moving to assist in securing the room. The Major was a man of ruthless efficiency, his presence a stark reminder of the discipline that was brought into the UNF by the many members of the military who formed its steel backbone.

As he worked, the private glanced around at his comrades, their expressions a mix of grim satisfaction and steely resolve. The UNF had struck a decisive blow, and confidence radiated from their ranks. Yet, beneath his helmet, the soldier’s thoughts were a turbulent sea. He had seen the faces of the Commonwealth soldiers they had slain, men and women who never had a damn chance. He swept those thoughts aside. He did not hate them, but their deaths were necessary. A shattering loss to their families was in an unequal measure the gain of all. Their bodies were pulled and pushed outside, and lined up for the grave duties of others.

Finishing his task, he stepped outside, seeking a moment’s respite. The sight that greeted him was both awe-inspiring and daunting. UNF airborne forces, sleek and formidable in their helicopters, were in flight above them. These were the elite of the UNF he believed, some of the best this nation had to offer who were willing to do what was necessary to save it. They were heading toward Baidenia, the heart of the Commonwealth. The soldier watched as the helicopters became pinpricks of dark against light, a fleet of ironclad determination set against the rising dawn's horizon. Smoke billowed and the scent of flesh was thick in his nostrils, but 'twas a sight of imminent victory that drove him to salute the airborne as they flew past.

He squared his shoulders and took a deep breath. The die was cast, and there was no turning back.

The Reyes Dynastic Royal Estate
Baidenia City
March 31st - 1050

Queen Isabella Reyes stood in the center of her once-grand royal quarters, now a chaotic mess of hastily packed suitcases and scattered belongings. Her aides moved frantically around her, their urgent whispers and rapid movements contrasting sharply with her disconnected, vacant gaze. The weight of recent events pressed heavily on her shoulders, leaving her feeling lost and overwhelmed. Isabella's mind drifted through a fog of bitterness and sorrow as she watched her aides. They meticulously folded her clothes, gathered her personal effects, and secured her jewelry, their faces driven with concern. Each item they packed seemed to carry the echoes of a past that felt irretrievably distant now.

"Your Majesty, we must hurry," one of her bodyguards urged gently, placing a comforting hand on her arm. Isabella blinked, momentarily pulled from her reverie, but the words barely registered. She nodded absently, her thoughts returning to the crushing reality of her situation. The royal quarters, once a sanctuary of peace and reflection, now felt like a prison of regret. She thought of her husband, whose assassination had ignited the turmoil that led to this moment. His murder, the terror attacks of yesteryear, and the brutal reprisals that followed under her command, had exposed the fragility of the Commonwealth and set it on a path to ruin.

As her aides continued their frantic packing, Isabella wandered to the window, looking out at the capital of Baidenia. The city, her home, was on the brink of collapse, its streets now churning with a growing panic under the impending threat of the United National Front. Even here she could see and hear the growing riots. The once-bustling metropolis was soon to become a battleground, and she felt helpless to save it. Her military staff assured her that there were forces enough to defend the city, but she knew a compassionate lie when she heard one.

"Your Majesty, we need to leave now," came the voice of her head butler Kamino Juare, an aged man who had served the Reyes' family since the time of her grandfather. Isabella turned to face him, her eyes filled with a mix of filial sorrow. She had lost so much- in a sense, he was her last real family member. And because of space concerns on the evacuation helicopters, he already stated he would remain behind. She knew in her heart that she would never see him again.

Taking a deep breath, she gathered what strength she could muster and nodded to him, and he responded by gently taking her hand and helping her up, much as he had when she was a child. They moved throughout the estate, the fires set to burn documents and the hustle and bustle of military figures and officials as they set upon re-arranging the deck chairs on the sinking ship that was the Commonwealth. Juare guided her out of the royal quarters and towards the roof. As they stepped onto the roof, Isabella cast one last, lingering look at her suite, the memories of happier times weighing heavily, bitterly on her heart.
Soon she boarded and the helicopter was off, flying in formation with others over a city gripped by fear. As they flew towards safety, she couldn't help but wonder if the Commonwealth could ever be restored, or if the sacrifices of her family had been in vain.
And in doing so she reached the only conclusion she could, and broke down sobbing.

Kalinog City
South Mendoza District
March 31st - 0845

"Comrades, the time is upon us!" Ideologue Dakila Medina's voice crackled through the radio, rich with conviction. The microphone before him was his weapon, and his words were bullets aimed at the hearts and minds of the masses. "The Commonwealth crumbles under the weight of its own corruption and oppression. But we, the people, shall rise! We shall seize this moment to create a society built on equality, justice, and the power of the proletariat!"

Medina's fervent words echoed across the city, carried by radios in homes, factories, and gathering spots. He spoke of the injustices suffered, the hopes for a better tomorrow, and the strength of the collective will. His voice was a rallying cry, galvanizing the workers, the unions, and the militias to unite under the banner of the People's Revolutionary Republic.

Chairman Jose Dalisay stood at the heart of the People's Revolutionary Republic's headquarters, a converted industrial building buzzing with activity. The disintegration of the Commonwealth was the moment they had been preparing for, and now was the time to act. Dalisay's weathered face was a mask of resigned resolve as he issued orders to his closest advisors. They were powerful political leaders, military officials loyal to the cause, and union figures alike. It didn’t have to be this way. Dalisay loved his people, and cared even for those whom were now his enemies. But the war for the future, a brighter future, a kinder future, a prosperous future, had come, and in this furnace all pity must be burned away lest they become carrion for darker forces.

"Mobilize the unions and allied militias," Dalisay commanded, his voice carrying the weight of decades of leadership. These words were formal- they had planned for this day, and as the first word of events in Baidenia shocked the nation, parts of their organization had already started putting thought into action. He just needed to make it official.
"We must seize this opportunity to secure our future." Around him, the room erupted into a flurry of movement as cadres of revolutionaries sprang into action. Dalisay watched them with a sense of pride mixed with the gravity of the situation. The People's Revolutionary Republic had always championed the cause of the working class, and now, in the face of the Commonwealth's collapse, their time had come. Outside, the streets began to fill with men and women bearing the symbols of their cause. Union banners fluttered in the wind, and armed militias marched in formation. The call to action had been heard, and the People's Revolutionary Republic was on the move.

The headquarters buzzed with the energy of a rising tide, the revolutionaries ready to claim their destiny. Dalisay walked into the radio room, where Medina was casting his words alone, surrounded by dissertations and notepads full of revolutionary ideal. "Comrades," Medina continued, his voice unwavering, "we have endured hardship and oppression for too long. The time has come to take control of our destiny. Together, we shall build a new society where the power lies with the people, not with the corrupt elites."

Medina gave himself a moment to relax, and he shared a knowing glance with Dalisay— the struggle would be long and hard, but their faith in the people's strength was unwavering. Dalisay moved to stand beside Medina, placing a hand on his shoulder in a rare gesture of camaraderie. "Well said, Dakila. The people need to hear your words now more than ever."

Medina nodded, his eyes burning with revolutionary fervor. "They will hear, Jose. They will hear, and they will answer!"

Mananakop City
Mananakop Island
March 31st - 1315

Father Jonathan O'Reilly stood at the pulpit of Mananakop Cathedral, on Mananakop Island, the weight of the news pressing heavily on his heart. The church was packed with anxious faces, the air thick with uncertainty. Word of the Commonwealth's collapse had spread like wildfire, leaving the island's Christian community in a state of fear and confusion. O'Reilly had always been a man of peace, devoted to his faith and his congregation. But the current crisis demanded a response, and he knew he could no longer remain silent. Clearing his throat, he looked out at the sea of worried eyes, gathering his resolve.

"My dear brothers and sisters," he began, his voice steady but laden with reluctance, "we find ourselves in a time of great uncertainty. The collapse of the government has left us vulnerable, and our future is uncertain. But in this moment, we must come together and defend our community."

There was a murmur among the congregation, their faith providing them a reserve where other men and women may have faltered. Father O'Reilly took a deep breath, his heart heavy with the burden of what he was about to say.
"I have always preached peace and love, and I continue to believe in those principles. But we must also recognize the reality we face. Our community is at risk, and we cannot stand idly by as danger approaches. We must be prepared to defend our homes, our families, and our faith."

He paused, letting his words sink in. The faces before him reflected a range of emotions—fear, determination, and a flicker of hope. Father O'Reilly knew this was not an easy message to deliver, but it was necessary. "We will not seek conflict, but we must be ready to protect ourselves," he continued. "As we speak, brave soldiers of the Lord are prepared to defend our way of life. We will support them with our prayers, our resources, and our unwavering faith."

A sense of resolve began to take hold in the church, the congregation drawing strength from Father O'Reilly's words. He looked at them with a mixture of pride and sorrow, knowing the path ahead would be difficult but confident in their ability to face it together. "Let us pray for peace, but let us also be vigilant," he concluded. "May God guide us and protect us in these troubled times. Join me now in prayer for our brave warriors...Sancte Michael Archangele, defende nos in proelio, contra nequitiam..."

Baranagan (Amadah)
Jubalaistan Island
March 31st - 1130

Imam Harun al-Rashid sat cross-legged on the ornate carpet, surrounded by his closest followers in the dimly lit Halaqa. The air was thick with the scent of incense, and the soft murmur of prayers filled the room. The respected leader's face was etched with lines of wisdom and weariness, his eyes reflecting the weight of the decision before him.

The island of Jubalaistan was under threat, and the necessity of war loomed large. For years, Imam Harun had preached peace and the pursuit of knowledge, but the harsh reality of their situation could no longer be ignored. Thousands of soldiers already fought under the AIS-J banner. All that was left was to make it official. He took a deep breath, gathering his thoughts before addressing the assembly.

"My brothers," he began, his voice steady but tinged with sorrow, "we find ourselves at a crossroads. The peace we have cherished is under siege, and our way of life is threatened. I have always believed in the power of dialogue and understanding, but the time has come for us to defend our land and our people." The room fell silent, the gravity of his words sinking in. Sheikh Abbas ibn Malik, a fervent follower of the Imam, leaned forward, his eyes burning with determination. He had long advocated for a more proactive approach, and now, it seemed, the time had come.

Imam Harun continued, his gaze fixed on the Sheikh. "Sheikh Abbas, I understand the necessity of war, but I implore you to ensure that we hold fast to our sense of morality. In war and in peace, we will not be found wanting in the eyes of Allah. Our actions must be guided by the principles of justice and compassion, even in the face of conflict." Sheikh Abbas simply smiled, a knowing look in his eyes. "Imam, I assure you, our cause is just, and we will uphold the values you have taught us. We will defend our people with honor and integrity."

The Imam nodded, a sense of resignation settling over him. He knew the path ahead would be fraught with challenges, but he took solace in the knowledge that their struggle would be guided by the principles he held dear. As the Halaqa continued, the followers of Imam Harun al-Rashid prepared themselves for the trials to come. The aged scholar had come to terms with the necessity of war, and with the support of Sheikh Abbas and his loyal followers, they would defend the island of Jubalaistan with unwavering resolve.

Lumukso Haven
Northern Provinces
March 31st- 1420

The council chamber of the Northern Provinces was filled with tension, the air heavy with the weight of the decision before them. Governor Amarjit Singh sat at the head of the table, his hands clasped tightly as he listened to the heated debate unfolding among the principals. The situation in the Commonwealth was deteriorating rapidly, and the leaders of the Northern Provinces knew they had to act decisively to protect their people.

Most here were Marshites, some of them born into that faith and many others converted thanks to the safety it offered. The Provinces had a history of violence, but the brutal reprisals that the Church led in the previous century had subdued anti-Marshite violence. Now it was a badge of security, and helped create the conditions that led to this very decision.
Minister Harpreet Dhillon leaned forward, tapping his knuckles along with his speech. "The Commonwealth is collapsing, and we cannot rely on them to ensure our safety. The Theocratic Matriarchy of the Holy Marsh shares our faith and values. Annexation is the logical choice."

Commander Rajinder Kaur nodded in agreement. "Minister Dhillon is right. The Marshite Theocracy has the resources and stability we need. Our people deserve security, and this is the best way to achieve it," the Commander did not hold extensive loyalty to the Theocracy as a core tenet, but was concerned only for the safety of those in the Province. Both the UNF and PRR had their reasons to want the region, after all.

Advisor Simranjit, the academic turned political strategist, furrowed his brow as he considered the implications. "Annexation is not without risks. We must ensure that our autonomy and cultural identity are preserved. But I agree—it is the most viable solution," he finished, working on his collar. He was one of the strongest proponents of annexation, having first written a paper on ths subject several years ago. That didn’t mean he didn’t worry about what it meant for the future.

Captain Jaspreet Kaur, the youngest voice at the table, spoke with passion. "Our people have suffered enough. We cannot let them face the chaos that is consuming the rest of the Commonwealth. The Marshite Theocracy is our best hope."

Governor Singh listened intently, his gaze shifting from one speaker to the next. The debate was spirited, but the conclusion was becoming increasingly clear. He took a deep breath, his voice steady as he addressed the council. "We have always been a region of resilience and strength, but the challenges we face now are beyond our capacity to overcome alone. The Theocratic Matriarchy of the Holy Marsh is our ally in faith and values. Annexation is not just a choice—it is a necessity."

The room fell silent as the weight of his words settled over the council. One by one, the principals nodded in agreement, their resolve solidifying. The Northern Provinces would seek annexation by their northern neighbors, ensuring the safety and stability of their people. As the meeting adjourned, Governor Singh looked out the window at the quiet streets of the Lumukso Haven The decision had been made, and the path forward was clear. The region would endure, guided by faith and fortified by the support of their Marshite allies.

by **Holy Marsh** » Mon Mar 31, 2025 9:44 pm

Battle for Baidenia One: The Front’s Southern Thrust

Following the decisive capture of the Commonwealth's central command and control facility, the United National Front initiated their strategic advance toward the capital of Baidenia. Their initial maneuver targeted the southern approaches to the city—a direction that had been largely overlooked by Commonwealth defenders both due to the perceived improbability of an assault from this quarter, and by intentional informational sabotage.

The UNF's airborne units, organized largely in platoon strength but with two companies in reserve, deployed along the major highway that connected the southern regions to Baidenia. The operation focused on securing critical junctures, including intersections, overpasses, and military checkpoints, as well as Commonwealth positions that, while strategically valuable, had been thinly staffed and poorly maintained in the face of the nation's collapse.

The landings were characterized by a remarkable absence of significant combat. Utilizing the element of surprise, the UNF forces encountered little resistance. Commonwealth personnel stationed at the targeted locations exhibited varied reactions: some were caught unprepared and immediately surrendered, others withdrew without engagement, and a minority expressed support for the advancing UNF forces, citing shared ideological inclinations or disillusionment with the Commonwealth's deteriorating command structure.

This phase of the operation underscored the UNF's ability to exploit the disorganized state of Commonwealth defenses. Their success in securing these positions further fragmented the Commonwealth's already tenuous control over the capital's southern approaches, setting the stage for a more comprehensive assault on Baidenia itself.

In the wake of the successful airborne operation, the United National Front advanced their mechanized regiment along the now-secured southern highway leading to Baidenia. The regiment, composed of armored vehicles, infantry carriers, and logistical support units, moved with deliberate confidence. The initial phase of their march was marked by a notable absence of resistance, as Commonwealth defenses along this route had all but disintegrated.

For most of the day, the highway remained eerily calm. Villages and small towns scattered along the route bore a tense silence, broken only by the rumble of UNF engines and the distant hum of airborne support. Commonwealth soldiers, who might once have defended these settlements, were nowhere to be seen, having either deserted their posts or been neutralized during the earlier phases of the operation. The landscape appeared abandoned, but the emptiness belied the presence of a watchful populace.

The reactions of the civilian population varied. Some locals emerged cautiously from their homes, watching the mechanized column with a mix of wariness and curiosity. Among these, a few openly welcomed the UNF forces, their raised hands and faint smiles indicating a hesitant alignment with the Front's conservative ideals. Others remained hidden behind shuttered windows and closed doors, fearful of what the arrival of the regiment might mean for their communities.

In certain pockets, whispers of approval rippled among residents disillusioned with the Commonwealth's failures. The collapse of central authority had left these regions vulnerable, and to some, the UNF's swift and organized presence offered the promise of restored order. However, for many others, the sight of armored vehicles emblazoned with the UNF's insignia invoked a sense of foreboding. Rumors of the Front's authoritarian policies left them uncertain about what the future would hold, and a slow exodus towards the nowhere that would be safe began.

By evening, the regiment approached the outskirts of Baidenia, their journey to the capital almost entirely unopposed.

Battle of Baidenia Two: Hammer From the East

From the east, the direction of the day’s initial violence with the capture of the Commonwealth’s main command and control facility, another significant UNF offensive began. This time, three armored regiments of the United National Front advanced in concert, forming a powerful spearhead aimed directly at Baidenia. The UNF forces moved with precision and cohesion, rapidly exploiting the fractured and disorganized state of Commonwealth defenses in the region.

The initial stages of the eastern thrust were marked by remarkable momentum. Commonwealth resistance, while present, was largely ineffective, composed of scattered and uncoordinated units that offered only token resistance before being overwhelmed or retreating entirely. The UNF armored columns capitalized on this disarray, carving through rural checkpoints, outposts, and any remaining pockets of Commonwealth loyalists without significant difficulty.

As the UNF forces neared the outskirts of Baidenia itself, the situation began to shift. Here, the Commonwealth defenders, bolstered by what few reserves they could muster, established a firmer defensive line. Utilizing the natural terrain and urban infrastructure to their advantage, they constructed a series of makeshift fortifications and concentrated what remained of their mechanized and infantry units. This defensive network, though hastily assembled, marked a turning point in the battle.

The first UNF armored probe against the Commonwealth’s defensive line met with determined resistance. Commonwealth troops had recovered from the initial shock of the day and fought desperately to retard the Front's advances. Many UNF soldiers had expected the city to fall with nary a shot being fired, and as the first UNF vehicles burst into flame they were disabused of this notion

Undeterred, the UNF commanders continued their assault, attempting to outflank the Commonwealth positions. While those who could fight did so, the Commonwealth lacked the coordination or manpower to effect a truly form defense across the growing battlespace. Light skirmishing ensued as the UNF forces pushed into several of the city’s suburban districts, securing small but strategically significant gains. These localized advances, while not breaking the Commonwealth’s main defensive line, eroded its integrity and placed additional pressure on the already embattled defenders.

By nightfall, the eastern flank remained active but unresolved. The UNF had made undeniable progress, but the Commonwealth’s ability to temporarily halt their advance in the suburbs demonstrated a flicker of resistance and determination. For the UNF, the day's events reinforced their growing advantage, while for the Commonwealth, each hour of resistance symbolized a desperate bid to stave off the inevitable.

Battle of Baidenia Three: Commonwealth Counterattack

In the evening, Commonwealth forces stationed near the western coast executed a surprise counterattack aimed at severing the Front's southern thrust along the highway. This attack marked the first major offensive action by the Commonwealth in the war. The attack leveraged their positional advantage near the coastal regions, allowing them to strike with precision and momentum against the lightly defended highway corridor.

The UNF airborne units, still consolidating their positions along the highway and reliant on limited mechanized support from the advancing regiment, were ill-prepared to repel the assault. Commonwealth forces, attacking with a mix of armored and infantry units exploited the disorganized resistance of the UNF. The airborne soldiers, trained for rapid insertion and defensive tactics, struggled to mount a cohesive response against the overwhelming Commonwealth push. The mechanized regiment, while providing some support, proved insufficient to halt the tide.

Within a few hours and as midnight rolled around, the Commonwealth's forces had succeeded in cutting the highway in two, severing the UNF's southern advance and temporarily stalling their momentum. The success of the counterattack was widely celebrated across loyalist media channels, heralded as a bold and defiant act against the invading forces. Propaganda broadcasts emphasized the Commonwealth's unwavering resolve despite the dire circumstances. Rumors, wild rumors, unsubstantiated rumors, stated that this was part of a larger operation that would soon cut off the Front's operation near the capital.

However, beneath the surface of this tactical triumph lay the grim reality that motivated the Commonwealth's actions. The decision to launch the coastal counterattack was driven by an understanding that the fall of Baidenia—and with it, the collapse of the capital region—was imminent. The forces committed to the assault were under no illusions about their ability to hold the highway indefinitely. Their primary objective was not strategic control but the creation of an escape route to avoid being encircled and trapped within the region once the UNF seized full control of Baidenia.

Battle of Baidenia Four: City At War

The following day, the Front significantly escalated their offensive, launching a far broader and more aggressive campaign against Commonwealth forces. This phase of the assault saw the coordinated deployment of multiple regiments, marking a stark departure from the narrower, probing maneuvers of the day prior. The battlefront expanded dramatically, with combat erupting across multiple axes of approach. No longer did the Front hold back, as they used indirect fire and air assets to a greater extent than before.

From the south, the UNF mobilized a large contingent of mechanized and infantry forces, advancing along the coastal road network, main highway, and pressing into the central salient. The southern offensive sought to capitalize on the disarray created by the Commonwealth’s successful counterattack the previous evening, aiming to restore control over severed routes and overwhelm the defending forces before they could regroup. In addition to retaking contested positions, the southern thrust sought to establish a continuous line of pressure that would envelop sections of the Commonwealth’s faltering defenses.

Simultaneously, from the east, the UNF launched a wide-ranging advance that encompassed both the central salient and the outskirts of the capital region. This eastern operation, involving an even greater concentration of armored regiments than the previous day, sought to apply overwhelming force against the Commonwealth’s hastily constructed defensive lines. The focus was not only on breaching these positions but also on exploiting the Commonwealth’s inability to effectively redeploy forces between multiple fronts.

By mid-morning, the scale of the combat had dwarfed the preceding day’s engagements. Fierce fighting broke out across a broad front, with artillery, armored clashes, and infantry skirmishes driving casualty figures to dramatically escalating levels. By noon, the number of dead and wounded had already exceeded those incurred during the entirety of the prior day’s actions. The chaos of battle stretched from the contested southern highway to the outskirts of Baidenia, as both sides committed to ferocious engagements with little regard for the mounting losses.

The Commonwealth defenders, while exhibiting pockets of resilience, struggled to adapt to the UNF’s multi-pronged assault. Overwhelmed by the breadth and intensity of the offensive, their attempts to reinforce key positions were hindered by logistical challenges and limited manpower. The capital region, in particular, saw heavy fighting, as the UNF’s thrusts tested the integrity of the Commonwealth’s beleaguered defensive networks. Aircraft flown from both of Baidenia's airports were forced to stop mid-afternoon as the airports were targeted by artillery, and it was agreed to evacuate the aircraft before major civilian disasters occurred. It was up to the Commonwealth's carriers off the coast to provide vital air cover, while the guns and missiles of the rest of the fleet provided critical support as the hours rolled on.

Within Baidenia, the Commonwealth's defenders displayed a surprising degree of resilience, despite the encroaching forces of the United National Front. Utilizing a network of pre-planned demolitions, the defenders successfully impeded the UNF’s advance, collapsing bridges, thoroughfares, and key choke points throughout the city. These calculated actions disrupted the attacking forces' progress, forcing them to navigate debris-laden streets and adapt their strategy in real time. The Commonwealth's ability to delay the UNF offensive highlighted pockets of organizational competence amidst a broader collapse of command infrastructure.

Certain sectors of the city proved particularly difficult for the UNF to penetrate. Commonwealth defenders, fortified in municipal buildings, residential districts, and industrial zones, engaged in prolonged skirmishes that tested the limits of the attackers' resolve. These isolated strongholds of resistance inflicted modest losses on the UNF and bought critical time for those attempting to flee the capital or regroup in surrounding regions. However, these efforts, while commendable, could not halt the inevitable outcome of the battle. As the afternoon approached, the outcome of the day’s battles began to hint at the broader trajectory of the civil war—a relentless grinding of the Commonwealth’s remaining strength under the weight of the UNF’s superior organization and momentum.

Battle of Baidenia Five: Failure

The Commonwealth's Central Salient initiated two desperate counteroffensives aimed at altering the tide of the UNF advance. One attack was directed toward the capital, an effort to relieve the beleaguered defenders of Baidenia. The other focused on the southern front, targeting a perceived weakness in the UNF lines in hopes of reopening an escape corridor for forces trapped in the capital region, to coalesce deeper in the nation to form up with other loyalist forces. In both cases, the Commonwealth drew heavily upon the units responsible for the previous day's successful counter-attack, banking on their recent momentum to achieve similar results. Also joining them were mobilized reserves, such as they existed, and Provincial Guard who were on duty at the start of hostilities.

However, the optimism behind these offensives quickly gave way to harsh realities. The Commonwealth’s command and control infrastructure, still reeling from the chaos of the UNF's initial assault, was in a state of near-total disarray. Communication between units was sporadic at best, and the operations were launched with little preparation or strategic coordination. Field commanders acted largely in isolation, making ad hoc decisions that often conflicted with broader objectives. Morale, already fragile among the Commonwealth's beleaguered forces, began to erode further as the failures of the operation became apparent.

The push toward Baidenia, intended to provide relief to the embattled defenders in the capital, faltered almost immediately. UNF forces, well-entrenched and bolstered by their strategic positioning, met the attack with overwhelming firepower. Commonwealth units, operating with vague and conflicting orders, were unable to form a cohesive assault and suffered heavy casualties as they were repelled. Such was the disparity that a low-level Front officer forced his men to stop the destruction of a Commonwealth company, allowing it to limp away and dissolve of its own accord.

On the southern front, the Commonwealth's attempt to exploit a perceived gap in the UNF's lines fared no better. The forces committed to this assault initially gained some ground, but their advance quickly stalled in the face of determined resistance. The UNF's mechanized units, now better organized and supported by aerial reconnaissance, countered the push with precision, cutting off the Commonwealth’s attackers from their supply lines and forcing a disorderly retreat. Not many would return, with dozens of prisoners being paraded on social media and captured vehicles being pressed into immediate service.

By mid-afternoon, the counteroffensives had collapsed entirely. Faced with mounting losses and no significant gains, Commonwealth commanders reluctantly called off the assaults. What little coherence remained among the Central Salient’s forces had been further strained, leaving the Commonwealth in a weakened and demoralized state.

Battle of Baidenia Six: Chaos

Beyond the confines of the fighting itself, Baidenia descended into chaos as panic gripped the streets. Civilians, overwhelmed by the unfolding violence and the sudden collapse of governance, flooded into public spaces in search of safety or escape. The once-vibrant capital now resembled a battlefield, with the sounds of gunfire and explosions mingling with the cries of the displaced. Crowded thoroughfares became bottlenecks of confusion as residents attempted to evacuate, often in vain. Flights of the city stopped- first due to military action, and then as a complete breakdown in the system of air travel sent the airports into anarchy. The docks were overrun by the poor, nearly fighting their way onto the yachts and the private vessels of the city's wealthy.

The breakdown of order extended to essential services, with food supplies dwindling and medical facilities inundated. Looting and opportunistic crime surged, further compounding the misery of those trapped in the city. Police took to the streets in an attempt to maintain order, but soon their numbers dwindled due to military impressment, a refusal to come to work, and a sense of growing hopelessness. Authorities turned to violence, and riot police moved in to any one of six major riots that broke out- and failed to contain any of them. Fires started to burn out of control, with the fire department refusing to enter without assurances that they would not be targeted. Loyalist media broadcasts, though persistent in their calls for calm, were increasingly drowned out by the realities on the ground. Baidenia, once the heart of the Commonwealth, became a stark symbol of its collapse.

By nightfall, the UNF had made incremental gains in several districts, but their advance remained slowed by the defenders’ efforts and the sheer complexity of navigating a city in disarray.

Battle of Baidenia Seven: Decisions

In the early hours past midnight, a grim meeting was convened among the remnants of the Commonwealth government in the city. Queen Isabella Reyes, flanked by her most trusted advisors, spoke to those assembled from her position in Liwayway island. The evacuation of the government had left many key officials displaced, and communication with forces in the capital had become sporadic and unreliable.

The carrier task group, once a cornerstone of the Commonwealth’s strategic defense, was forced to announce its withdrawal. Initially deployed to provide air cover and logistical support to Baidenia's defenders, the task group’s position had become untenable. Faced with mounting UNF pressure and the collapse of operational coherence in the capital, the fleet made the difficult decision to retreat to safer waters, leaving the skies above Baidenia exposed to UNF air superiority.

This development compounded an already dire situation. With the dissolution of combat effectiveness in the Central Salient—a vital element of the Commonwealth’s overall defense strategy—there was no realistic prospect of reinforcement or coordinated counteroffensive. Commonwealth forces in Baidenia, isolated and overwhelmed, had become incapable of mounting organized resistance on a meaningful scale.

The Queen addressed the gathering with a heavy heart. Her voice, though composed, carried the weight of despair. “The capital will soon fall, and those who remain are beyond our reach. We must accept this reality and do what we can to minimize further loss.”

A directive was issued to local officials and military commanders within Baidenia, granting them the authority to decide the fate of the capital’s defense. Queen Isabella emphasized that while their efforts had been honorable, continued fighting in the absence of support would only lead to unnecessary casualties. She urged them to seek an end to the conflict that would prioritize the safety of civilians and survivors, entrusting them with the responsibility to act as they saw fit.

The message, carried through fractured communication lines, reached the beleaguered defenders and city leaders. For some, it was a bitter acknowledgment of defeat; for others, a necessary concession to save lives in an unwinnable battle. As dawn approached, the Commonwealth’s grip on its capital loosened further, and the final stages of its collapse became increasingly apparent.

Battle of Baidenia Eight: Collapse

As night gave way to dawn, the fragile remnants of Baidenia's social fabric began to unravel entirely. Though the Commonwealth’s officials continued their deliberations on how best to conclude the conflict, news broke that the Queen had ‘ordered’ the city to surrender. The revelation, though misstated, sparked widespread disillusionment and despair, solidifying the belief that the Commonwealth’s leadership had resigned itself to defeat.

The response among the city’s police force was immediate and decisive. Lacking guidance and authority from their superiors, officers removed their uniforms, discarded their badges, and faded into the civilian population. With the police no longer patrolling the streets, the final vestiges of law and order dissolved. What little remained of a structured society gave way to an environment dominated by fear, desperation, and chaos.

Similarly, the Commonwealth’s military presence in Baidenia crumbled in the face of mounting hopelessness. Demoralized and facing an uncertain fate, most soldiers abandoned their posts, shedding their weapons and joining the flood of civilians seeking safety or anonymity. While a handful of isolated groups continued to resist in scattered districts, the majority of the city’s defenders effectively ceased to function as a coordinated fighting force. Baidenia's collapse was now all but complete.

By morning, as the UNF renewed its offensive, probing attacks revealed little meaningful resistance. Advancing cautiously into the city, UNF forces encountered abandoned checkpoints, deserted barricades, and a populace too fearful or apathetic to interfere. While sporadic combat flared in isolated areas, these engagements were limited in scope and driven more by desperation than any organized effort to hold the city.

At approximately ten in the morning, initial communications were established between representatives of the Commonwealth's remaining officials and the UNF, initiating discussions about the formal surrender of Baidenia. While the dialogue provided a framework for ending large-scale hostilities, the city remained far from peaceful. Pockets of Commonwealth loyalists, emboldened by a sense of betrayal or defiance, continued to resist sporadically, engaging UNF patrols in hit-and-run skirmishes. Looters and opportunistic factions capitalized on the absence of authority, further contributing to the volatile environment.

Battle of Baidenia Nine: Surrender- and Slaughter

As the sun set on Baidenia, the Queen's estate, perched on a gentle hill overlooking the battered city, became the stage for the final act of the battle. While discussions over the terms of the city's surrender took place in hastily arranged meetings between Commonwealth officials and the United National Front, the estate became a last, stubborn holdout. A company of Commonwealth soldiers, refusing to yield even as the city's defenses crumbled, fortified themselves within the grand halls and grounds of the estate.

By the time UNF forces moved to storm the estate, the surrender documents had already been signed, and the official narrative of the UNF's triumph was being disseminated through their media channels. Broadcasts celebrated the "liberation" of Baidenia and the capitulation of its defenders, heralding the UNF's victory as inevitable. The battle for the city, however, was far from over.

The assault on the Queen’s estate began with the calculated precision characteristic of the UNF’s operations. Yet, as they breached the outer gates and entered the sprawling complex, the fight devolved into chaos. The Commonwealth soldiers, entrenched in the labyrinthine interior, engaged in a grueling room-to-room defense. Both sides sustained heavy casualties as gunfire and explosions echoed through the opulent halls, reducing much of the once-stately building to rubble.

Despite the official surrender, the estate's defenders held out for hours, their resistance stubborn and unyielding. Even as the UNF established control over nearly every district of Baidenia, their forces remained locked in combat within the estate. It was not until midnight that the last shots were fired and the UNF flag was raised over the ruined compound. The cost of the victory, however, remained obscured, with the UNF refusing to disclose casualty figures. For the soldiers who fought there, the victory was hollow, overshadowed by the brutality of the battle.

The Commonwealth’s version of the events at the estate diverged starkly from the UNF’s triumphant narrative. According to Commonwealth loyalists, the so-called "company" of defenders was little more than a contingent of personal security personnel and loyal estate staff who had remained behind with peaceful intentions. They alleged that the attack was the work of a rogue UNF lieutenant, acting without orders, who ruthlessly slaughtered those within the estate. This alternative account, though unverified, quickly spread among loyalist circles, framing the final battle as an unnecessary atrocity rather than a legitimate military engagement.

Battle of Baidenia Ten: End of the Campaign

The final military act of the Battle of Baidenia unfolded in the form of a coordinated offensive by the Front, targeting the remnants of the Commonwealth's central salient. The operation, launched with forces encircling the salient from all directions, was designed to deliver a decisive blow to what little remained of the Commonwealth's organized military presence in the capital region.

By this point in the conflict, the central salient was little more than a hollow shell. The steady collapse of command and control, coupled with dwindling morale, had already led to widespread desertion among its ranks. Many of those who remained had resigned themselves to an inevitable defeat, either unwilling or unable to mount any meaningful defense. The UNF's offensive encountered minimal resistance.

As UNF forces advanced, the salient disintegrated almost entirely. Isolated pockets of Commonwealth soldiers surrendered without a fight, while others, disillusioned and abandoned by their leadership, simply laid down their arms and left their units. The sheer number of surrenders overwhelmed the UNF's logistical capabilities, with field commanders scrambling to process and detain the influx of prisoners.

The general in charge of the salient, having recognized the futility of continued resistance, sought to spare his remaining troops from further bloodshed. In the early afternoon, he formally signed surrender documents, effectively ending all organized military opposition within the salient.

Operation: Wildflower and the Independence of the Islamic Union of Jubalaistan

As the civil war unfolded, the United National Front turned its attention to the Allied Islamic State of Jubalaistan (AIS-J), seeking to destabilize their leadership and disrupt their ability to organize an effective defense. In a calculated campaign spanning three days code-named Wildflower, the UNF launched a series of targeted assassination attempts against AIS-J leaders, employing drone strikes, air strikes, and precision raids.

The UNF’s objective was clear: the elimination of high-ranking AIS-J figures, including Imam Harun al-Rashid and Sheikh Abbas ibn Malik. These leaders were viewed as critical to the AIS-J’s ability to mobilize its forces and maintain cohesion. The campaign was ambitious and resource-intensive, relying on advanced intelligence and extensive aerial capabilities.

Despite the UNF’s concerted efforts, the campaign fell short of its primary goal. None of the AIS-J’s key leaders were successfully targeted, as they evaded attacks through a combination of strategic movement, secure locations, and, in some cases, sheer fortune. The resilience of the AIS-J leadership in the face of such a sustained assault underscored their ability to adapt under pressure. However, the three-day campaign was not without consequence for the AIS-J. The UNF’s strikes caused significant disruption to their operations and inflicted considerable casualties among their rank and file. As the AIS-J attempted to form coherent defensive positions, they faced repeated setbacks. Key supply lines were interrupted, communication networks were compromised, and several secondary commanders and logistical coordinators were killed or incapacitated.

The damage extended beyond the battlefield. The psychological impact of the UNF’s campaign weighed heavily on AIS-J forces, as the uncertainty of where or when the next strike might occur fostered a sense of vulnerability. This period of relentless pressure tested the unity and resolve of the AIS-J, though it also galvanized some of their members to redouble their efforts in defense of their homeland.

By the end of the three-day offensive, the AIS-J had suffered considerable losses but retained its leadership and core organizational structure. The campaign, while a tactical setback for the UNF in terms of its primary objectives, succeeded in inflicting a level of disruption that would resonate throughout the initial stages of the conflict. For the AIS-J, the experience underscored the challenges they faced in contending with the UNF’s superior technological capabilities and operational reach.

At dawn on the fourth day, as the United National Front regrouped after its three-day campaign of targeted strikes, the Allied Islamic State of Jubalaistan rallied around a moment of monumental significance. Imam Harun al-Rashid, having survived the UNF's assassination attempts and bolstered by the resilience of his followers, addressed his people in a broadcast that would reshape the region's destiny.

His voice carried with it the weight of years of faith and perseverance, now matched with the urgency of newfound resolve. “In the face of adversity, we stand united,” he proclaimed, a call resonating across Jubalaistan. The Imam formally declared that the island would no longer recognize the authority of the Commonwealth or its failing central government. All institutions of mainland control, he asserted, were hereby abolished. Instead, Jubalaistan would now stand as the Islamic Union of Jubalaistan, a free and sovereign nation.

The Imam emphasized that this declaration was not merely a political act, but a spiritual rebirth for Jubalaistan. It was also declared a democratic continuation of the Sulatanate of Al-Qadir that once ruled the island. Imam Harun al-Rashid called on the people of the island to unite in defense of their sovereignty, urging them to fortify their resolve against any who sought to challenge their independence.

Conflict in Mananakop

Prior to the outbreak of open conflict, relations between the United National Front and the Allied Christian Militias were marked by a certain degree of cordiality. Both factions, sharing conservative values and a distrust of the Commonwealth’s liberalizing policies, had historically coexisted without significant friction. While their goals differed, the ACM’s focus on community defense and faith-driven governance was seen by some within the UNF as complementary to their broader vision of order and stability.

This tenuous understanding began to unravel in the early days of the civil war. As the Commonwealth collapsed, waves of loyalist soldiers and civilians fled from UNF-loyal regions on Mananakop. Among the few groups willing to provide shelter were ACM-aligned communities near the borderlands. Guided by their principles of Christian charity and compassion, the ACM safeguarded Commonwealth prisoners and refugees, offering them shelter and basic necessities despite the risks of harboring those viewed as enemies by the UNF.

The situation escalated when a UNF Captain, acting without authorization from his superiors, launched a series of aggressive actions against ACM positions when they refused to hand over their Commonwealth charges. Viewing the ACM as rebels defying the UNF’s claims as the legitimate government of the Commonwealth, the Captain ordered raids and skirmishes, ostensibly aimed at reclaiming control of the borderlands and apprehending the Commonwealth loyalists sheltered there. These actions, however, were carried out without the consent of the UNF’s central command, which had sought to maintain a neutral, if not cooperative, relationship with the ACM.

The ACM, interpreting these attacks as a broader declaration of hostility, quickly mobilized their militias to defend their communities. Skirmishes erupted along the border, with firefights breaking out near villages and strategic positions. While the ACM forces managed to repel several UNF incursions, the violence shattered any remaining goodwill between the two factions. Both sides suffered casualties, and the displacement of civilians further inflamed tensions.

Recognizing the strategic and political ramifications of the Captain’s actions, UNF leadership moved swiftly to bring him to heel. The Captain was relieved of his command, and attempts were made to de-escalate the situation through back-channel communications. However, the damage had already been done. The ACM, deeply distrustful of the UNF’s intentions and unwilling to risk further betrayal, suspended any semblance of cooperation.

The PRR, ever vigilant for perceived threats to their vision of socialist equality, viewed the ACM's declarations of autonomy as a thinly veiled attempt to establish a theocracy on the island. This ideological disdain, coupled with strategic considerations, led the PRR to target a vital valley along their shared border. The valley, a region of both symbolic and logistical importance, served as a natural corridor for movement and supply lines. Control of the area was seen by the PRR as a necessary step in consolidating their influence on the island, while the ACM viewed its defense as critical to maintaining their territorial integrity and community stability.

The PRR launched an aggressive offensive into the valley, employing a combination of militia forces and regulars to dislodge ACM defenders. The ACM, unprepared for the sudden scale and intensity of the assault, was forced to retreat under heavy pressure. Over the course of several days, the PRR's forces established a foothold, their banners flying high over what had been a key ACM stronghold.

The situation shifted unexpectedly with the intervention of Admiral Green’s Marines. This unit, perhaps the ACM’s most effective, launched a night-time raid that turned into a rout as the green militias of the PRR were forced back in disarray. Their arrival caught the revolutionaries off guard, disrupting their advance and forcing them into a defensive posture. The intensity of the Marine-led assault brought the conflict to a standstill, as neither side could gain decisive control over the contested territory.

While the PRR retained portions of the valley, the ACM’s counteraction under Admiral Green’s command ensured that the revolutionaries could not consolidate their position. Skirmishes erupted along the periphery as both sides probed for weaknesses, resulting in a tenuous and volatile stalemate. For the civilians in the area, the ongoing clashes brought further hardship, as the valley became a no-man’s land fraught with danger and uncertainty.

Blood and Iron- The Heartland at War

The United National Front, seeking to swiftly eliminate opposition, launched an assault on the westernmost PRR holdout on the mainland. Anchored by Kalinog City, this region was considered the heartland of the nation and the PRR. The offensive began with notable success, as well-coordinated armored and infantry units breached PRR defenses and pushed deep into their territory, approaching Kalinog city itself by dawn of the third day. However, the UNF quickly encountered staunch opposition, not only from entrenched PRR fighters but also from a hostile civilian population that refused to cooperate, viewing the UNF as oppressors.

On the the third day of the attack, the PRR countered with the largest mobilization of forces witnessed in the war up to that point. While disorganized at the operational level, the sheer size and ferocity of the PRR’s response overwhelmed the UNF forces, forcing a chaotic retreat. The failed assault marked a significant setback for the UNF, as the PRR forces grew in ferocity and organization and followed up with unceasing fury.

Another reason this attack failed was a large PRR offensive launched from further south at the heart of the UNF’s holdings in the Heartland. PRR forces, driven by ideological fervor and emboldened by their recent defense, launched a sustained assault against entrenched UNF positions. The attack unfolded under the cover of darkness, with intense combat erupting across key points in the contested region.

Through the night, the fighting was unrelenting, as the PRR’s revolutionary zeal clashed with the UNF’s disciplined ranks. Both sides displayed tenacity and ferocity, with exchanges of artillery fire and close-quarters combat marking the brutal confrontation.

Southern Confusion

In the dense southern jungles, one of the last effective remnants of the Commonwealth military on the mainland defied the odds, launching a surprise attack against advancing UNF forces. Under localized command and control, the small contingent employed guerrilla tactics to exploit the challenging terrain and the UNF's lack of preparation for jungle warfare. The attack caught the UNF by surprise, disrupting their operations and forcing a hurried response as they scrambled to contain the sudden assault.

On the second day of the offensive, the Commonwealth fighters were joined by PRR units, whose revolutionary zeal led them to seize the opportunity to challenge the UNF in this contested region. Despite the shared opposition to the UNF, Commonwealth leadership made it explicitly clear that this cooperation was circumstantial and did not signify an alliance. The combined pressure of the Commonwealth and PRR forces kept the UNF off balance, transforming the southern jungles into a fiercely contested battlefield filled with skirmishes and ambushes. The clashes reflected the fractious nature of the civil war, where ideological divides dictated loyalty even amidst shared goals.

War For the Center

In Central Magdaran, Commonwealth forces faced a relentless assault as the UNF and PRR converged on the heart of the nation. UNF forces capitalized on their momentum to seize a critical border region that had previously connected Central Magdaran to the Northern Provinces, severing supply lines and isolating Commonwealth forces further. Along the remaining defensive lines, attritional skirmishes with the UNF escalated into bloody confrontations, testing the endurance and resolve of the Commonwealth's beleaguered troops.

Amid this relentless pressure, the People's Revolutionary Republic attempted a bold offensive on Fort Chavez, the largest and most fortified mainland base under Commonwealth control. The PRR's attack, marked by overconfidence and poor coordination, failed to breach the fort's defenses. Commonwealth defenders repelled the assault with determination, securing their stronghold and delivering a rare but morale-boosting victory. While Commonwealth forces still appeared to be on the backfoot, after the first three days the forces of Central Magdaran held fast, slowly growing their capabilities.

The Steel Spine of the Commonwealth

On Isle Bagarana, Commonwealth General Rizaldo Guillermo wasted no time in consolidating his authority, swiftly purging his ranks of disloyal elements to ensure the loyalty and cohesion of his command. With Bagarana boasting the largest concentration of functional Commonwealth military power, Guillermo moved decisively to wield this advantage against his adversaries.

In a rapid and coordinated campaign, the Commonwealth launched precision air strikes targeting UNF and PRR positions not only on Bagarana but also on neighboring islands, including Jubalaistan and Mananakop. These strikes disrupted enemy operations, inflicting significant losses and demonstrating the Commonwealth’s continued capacity for projection of power.

Simultaneously, ground forces under Guillermo’s command initiated aggressive operations against UNF and PRR strongholds on Bagarana itself. These offensives pinned enemy forces in place, preventing them from regrouping or launching counterattacks.

Annexation or Death

The Northern Provinces, long known for their strong religious ties and cultural affinity with the Theocracy, framed this request as a bid for stability amidst the chaos engulfing the Commonwealth. For their leaders of the Northern provinces, annexation was a pragmatic decision, rooted in the belief that Holy Marsh offered the best chance of survival and peace in a war-torn nation.

The proposal was met with immediate rejection from the People's Revolutionary Republic, the United National Front, and the Commonwealth's remaining leadership. Each faction had their own reasons for opposing the move. For the PRR, it represented an ideological affront, a retreat into religious governance that ran counter to their vision of a socialist future. For the UNF, it challenged their claim as the legitimate inheritors of the Commonwealth’s sovereignty and threatened their broader ambitions of national consolidation. The Commonwealth, despite its weakened state, clung to the notion of territorial integrity and viewed the request as an act of treason.

In response to the political rebukes and the mounting external pressure, the Northern Provinces began mobilizing their forces. The Sarda Guard, religious light infantry trained and funded by the church, formed the backbone of this mobilization. These units, deeply motivated by their faith and loyalty to Holy Marsh, symbolized the ideological commitment of the Northern Provinces to the annexation effort. Alongside them, the Provincial Guard—the regional equivalent of the Commonwealth’s National Guard—was summoned, adding experienced soldiers and logistical capabilities to the defense of the Northern Provinces’ borders.

Despite the largely unifying call for annexation in the Northern Provinces, unrest bubbled beneath the surface. Skirmishes erupted along the border, minor engagements that were more indicative of testing each faction's readiness for future, larger confrontations. Internally, while most of the population supported integration with Holy Marsh, resistance persisted. A notable act of defiance came from a company of Provincial Guard soldiers who, rejecting annexation, attempted to storm the governor's residence in an effort to disrupt the process. The attempt was repelled, but it underscored the tensions roiling within the provinces.

While the political and military situation on the ground grew more unstable, the Theocracy of Holy Marsh began deliberating its response on the first day of these developments. By the second day, as border skirmishes intensified and the potential for greater conflict became clear, Marshite airborne forces were deployed to the region. Their swift and decisive occupation of key strategic positions along the borders of the Northern Provinces served to deter larger UNF movements in the area, reducing the likelihood of a major offensive.

The presence of Marshite forces, however, did not entirely stabilize the situation. On the second night, a PRR commander capitalized on the tension and confusion, organizing a breakthrough against Sarda Guard positions along the eastern border. The assault created a bulge in the defense line, threatening to destabilize the broader situation in the region. However, in the pre-dawn hours that followed, Marshite forces annihilated this bulge. Their efficient response not only eliminated the immediate threat but also further consolidated the Theocracy’s foothold in the Northern Provinces.

On the third day, the Theocracy of Holy Marsh formally announced its acceptance of the Northern Provinces' annexation request, marking a watershed moment in the unfolding civil war. The declaration emphasized the Theocracy’s commitment to safeguarding the Northern Provinces' people and their spiritual aspirations, framing the integration as a divine mandate to restore order and stability in a fractured nation.

With the annexation confirmed, the Theocracy proclaimed the launch of the 1st Annexation Crusade, a bold military operation to secure the Northern Provinces against both internal dissent and external aggression. Marshite forces began mobilizing en masse, initiating their advance into the region with disciplined precision. Airborne divisions reinforced key positions, while mechanized units moved to solidify the borders, ensuring control over vital supply routes and strategic locations.

The arrival of Marshite forces was met with a mix of relief and apprehension among the Northern Provinces' populace. For many, it signaled the beginning of a new chapter, one that promised security under the aegis of the Theocracy. However, for factions opposing the annexation, the Crusade was seen as an act of encroachment, escalating tensions further in an already volatile theater.

by **Kogure** » Tue Apr 01, 2025 4:15 am

Tongdo, Kogure
2024/4/1, 02:58

A young man was sleeping in his apartment, a window was widely opened letting in humid air of early spring.
The ring of a phone, and the young man woke up in a single second and answered:

"Lingu Sonhwa, Documentation Section"

"Good morning. We need the entire section going in 50 minutes."

"But why?"

"You know I can't say it now"

He was right, despite conversing through a special network reserved for intra-government communications, the most important things are not allowed to be said over the phone. Something very important came to pass, likely a directive from the top leadership that needs quick processing.

Quickly preparing himself, he went out of his well-furnished apartment in central Tongdo in 5 minutes, knowing that the Party and the Nation could not wait a single hour without instructions. Urgent measures needed to be taken now.

Tongdo, Jungon-ku
3:24

Jungon-ku was the centre of the state system that commanded Kogure. A sequence of massive administrative buildings built in modernist styles housed thousands of workers of central party and administrative agencies, deciding on all questions of the state. In the heart of it was a highly restricted subdistrict, housing the headquarters of the Central Party - the nerve centre of the entire system, and the most closed space in all of the country.

He was driving his modest black car over empty streets, ignoring lights, knowing well he could just turn traffic tickets to the office without consequences. He was an employee of the General Affairs Department of the Party Central Committee, and his duty was in making all necessary documentation will reach their addresses without being seen by others.

As he approached the gate, he saw that not only him was summoned to the headquarters of the party's leadership, and armed guards (they dared to get out with arms only during the night) were quickly checking documents of everyone. As he approached, he saw a face he knows by its appearance, but not bothering to remember the name behind it.

"Documents", the officer said. His brash demeanour betraying his roots came forward, and his intended manner of speaking to the people authorised to enter premises with courtesy almost disappeared, a sign that the headquarters were getting busy.

"Here", he showed his work card, with a seal of the Central Party. After looking at it with a flashlight, he waved his left hand, and the iron gates opened to let his car in. As he parked, he looked at car serial numbers - representatives from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Kogurean People's Army, Ministry of State Security, other departments of the Central Party... They were here, at the Central Party, away from their usual workplaces, because they needed to hear something that could only be said verbally, and can never be put on paper.

He knew he would not sleep for a long time; the work would be intensive.

Hostilities in the Commonwealth Must Cease for the Reconstruction and Sustainable Peace of the Country and the Region

Statement of the Spokesperson of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Socialist People's Republic of Kogure

Recently in the Commonwealth, a non-state armed entity "United National Front" has initiated unprecedent hostilities and a mass scale of politically motivated violence against the peaceful population in the name of "traditional values". Using the force of arms to prosecute indiscriminate violence, the "United National Front" has obstructed the hopes of the great majority of patriotic people striving for a peaceful and democratic society. Actions of the "United National Front" has rightfully brought condemnation from all positive voices all over the world.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs, on the behalf of the Government of the Socialist People's Republic of Kogure, calls for all forces of the "United National Front" and other armed groups to cease hostilities immediately, and ensure the security of life and health of the Commonwealth residents by refusing violence as the instrument of imposing political norms against the people's wishes and hopes, violating their human rights.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs will work with all positive forces in the region and the Commonwealth to achieve an important goal of establishing a ceasefire at earliest possible date, ensure the stability and life protection of the Commonwealth society, and a peace-first and democratic solution to the crisis.

Should any force use or terrorism as instrument for their ignoble aims, aid the terrorist efforts in any manner, or should any force harm the Kogurean citizens, property, and legitimate interests, the Socialist People's Republic of Kogure will respond with strong measures that will leave the perpetrators with nothing but bitter regret.

Kogure, Tongdo.

Tongdo, Jungon-ku
Ministry of Foreign Affairs Conference Room
17:04

"Our first priority is to stabilise the social situation and ensure steady supply of food, medicine, and other items to support the livelhoods of the Commonwealth residents", the representative from the Kogurean Ministry of Foreign Affairs said in a press conference to domestic and international press, also attended by representatives of the Kogurean People's Army, Ministry of Agriculture, and Ministry of External Economic Relations. "At the same time, we need to be strategic and focus our efforts on the most affected regions. We also cannot guarantee supply to regions where there are terrorist activities due to the risk to our personnel". When asked about other measures, he replied "We are preparing for possible deployment of doctors and other emergency personnel and equipment to assist the life protection on the ground".

The press conference was hastily convened in the building of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the government officials were elaborating on the policy of the Kogurean government for humanitarian relief of the Commonwealth, the first step to advance the vision of the Central Party for the resolution of the conflict.

A journalist from the Kogurean Central Television asked the military representative on the logistical solution of delivering humanitarian aid, to which he responded: "We will dispatch vehicles from both military and civil sector, but we need to establish reliable transport links to deliver them. We are working to establish links with the Government of the Commonwealth and other groups to ensure the steady supply of necessities". He was then asked by a journalist from the Tongdo Economic Newspaper what are the main risks, to which he responded: "the biggest threat to Kogure's interest in the region is politicisation of humanitarian aid and attack on aid workers by violent groups. The policy of our government is clear: we will not allow any efforts to starve the residents for anyone's political gain".

by **Mokastana** » Tue Apr 01, 2025 7:59 am

Off the coast of the Former Commonwealth

Ever since the Commonwealth began to fracture, the PUF had been rotating out Ships to keep a close eye on the situation. When the Battle of Baidenia began, two carrier battle groups of the 2nd Motokatan Carrier Fleet had been off the Commonwealth's coast. As it became clear the Capital was going to be lost, the PUF began mobilizing a more concrete response. A third carrier battle group was deployed to the Nation, and the 8th Naval Infantry Division began preparations for movement, loading vehicles into the ships of the 8th Marine Transport Fleet.

On the fourth day when the Capital was lost and the Allied Islamic State of Jubalaistan declared independence, a real opportunity opened up. The AISJ were a serious force on their island, and had the Militia and organization to, at least, promise the future of a new nation. Within hours of their declaration, the Federal Ministry of Foreign Affairs released a statement that the People's Unified Federation formally recognized the new nation of the Allied Islamic State of Jubalaistan. In addition, the PUF would offer humanitarian and military aid to the new country. Stating that it was the ethical duty of the Federation to aid all indigenous peoples, who decide to forge their own path, in the wake of Imperial collapse.

The first carrier battle group, under the Soryu, a James Lawrence-class Aircraft Carrier, arrived off the coast of the AISJ with a message that they were there to offer aid, peacekeeping, and with permission, would be setting up a no fly zone over the country. It wouldn't be long before PUF aircraft were patrolling the skies over the AISJ, with a promise of a full Naval Infantry Division's worth of peacekeepers on the way.

The dangerous part would be getting them to the new country. Passing through the Sea of Faith and Marshite waters would be easy, but getting to the coastline of the Allied Islamic State of Jubalaistan was the tense part. Two Missile Battle Groups would lead the Escort of the Transport fleet.

It was decided that, given PRR's control of various coastline, they would sail through the strait along the mainland's coast. The Socialist would likely welcome the Federal Fleet, but the concerns were the Commonwealth government and the UNF. The Commonwealth likely wouldn't want to start making enemies so soon, as attacking a Marshite ally could give them more cause to push even further inland, but the UNF was the wild card.

If the UNF attacked the Federal vessels, they could defend themselves, but the PUF wasn't going to risk losing a company of Naval Infantry to a lucky anti ship missile. The marine transport fleet would need to withdraw, leaving the missile boats to destroy any and all anti-ship emplacements, but they wouldn't be alone. Tupolev Tu-95s and ZM-7L Dreadnoughts on rotating Patrol duty over the Sea of Faith would be loaded for combat. Anything that shot at Federal vessels would be rained upon by cruise missiles from the north. Not only launch sites, but any military bases, camps, radar stations, air bases, or vehicle collection sites, spotted by satellite observation. In addition to military targets, communication and Infrastructure targets would be hit: bridges, power plants, radio and TV stations, etc. Attacking Federal vessels would open up justification for a ground invasion of UNF controlled territory, which would no doubt be turned over to the PRR for governance.

Assuming everything went according to plan, the Fleets would arrive off the coast of Allied Islamic State of Jubalaistan, surround it, and with permission, land Naval Infantry onto their shores. The 8th Naval Infantry Division would begin setting up their forward operating bases and work with the Islamic State to train their militia forces into a proper army. With boots on the ground, air force fighters would arrive to help secure a no fly zone over the Island, providing safety to the new AIS-J

Once they were securely deployed on the island. The PUF would begin bringing in humanitarian aid: food, water, doctors and medicine. For now, they needed to earn the trust of the Imam and Shiekh.

As for the People's Revolutionary Republic: food, water and medicine would be delivered to PRR controlled ports along the strait as well, a gesture of good faith and humanitarian support for the war torn mainland. Officially any military units deployed with the humanitarian Mission were to provide security, but once on the ground the special forces reached out to the PRR to begin offering Guerrilla Training for their growing militias. As well as intelligence gathered from the Federal Military operations. No weapons were being officially shipped yet, but armies marched on their stomach, and treated their wounded. Every civilian fed and treated was one more meal and bandage that could go to the front instead. Weapons would come soon: older rifles from storage, disposable anti-armor rockets, light utility vehicles, and more, but for now the PUF used the protection of humanitarian operations as justification to establish a military presence in the area.

People's Federal Naval Assets in Theatre:

by **State of Ordena** » Tue Apr 01, 2025 11:13 am

Off the coast of UNF controlled Baidenia

The Commonwealth had for some time been on the radar of Ordenite intelligence services due to the volatile situation that had developed following the assassination of the King and the actions of Queen Isabella Reyes. Several factions would form and the United National Front was the obvious choice for Ordena to lend a hand to for assistance as contact was made between Ordenite intelligence agents and Annalyn Ward the de-facto Minister of Internal Affairs. As time progressed and relations improved the United National Front began receiving semi regular shipments of armaments and other supplies necessary for their cause. In the lead up to the UNF orchestrated coup against the commonwealth government in Baidenia, the Ordenite Krijgsmacht began to put plans into motion regarding more direct support. Ordenite special forces and officers from the Special Activities Division of the Ministry of State Security were covertly inserted into the country in a advisory role to UNF military forces who once the coup began would launch a lightening offensive against Commonwealth forces.

As the Battle of Baidenia raged a Quick Reaction Force was raised with two whole regiments from the 20th Fallschirmjager Division being earmarked for immediate deployment to United National Front held territory. A Krijgsmarine naval force consisting of several carrier battle groups, expeditionary groups and surface groups along with necessary replenishment vessels had arrived in international waters outside of Commonwealth territorial waters in preparation for the beginning of operations. Due to the proximity of Ordenite forces to the Marshite mainland this naval force would be joined later by additional forces. Once Baidenia had fallen to the United National Front the two Fallschirmjager regiments would begin to load into transport helicopters and were then airlifted in the dead of night into the now UNF controlled city.

Upon arrival of the Headquarters staff they would meet with UNF military commanders in order to gather their bearings and prepare for use of the Port facilities and airports in order to see to the arrival of increased levels of armaments and supplies along with Ordenite troops who officially were not there as none of the ground forces who would arrive in Baidenia wore official markings of the Ordenite Army and Krijgsmacht and only had a white armband marking which would notify UNF forces that these were friendly troops. Meanwhile the city's Port facilities would undergo the process of being optimized for use by the Krijgsmarine for future landings and shipments as the Ordenites began to establish their presence in the area.

Ordenite Krijgsmarine Naval Assets in Theatre:

by **Kogure** » Wed Apr 02, 2025 12:47 pm

Kogure calls for the Comprehensive Humanitarian Aid, Arms Control, and Non-Proliferation of Violence

Statement of the Press Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Socialist People's Republic of Kogure released

On April 2nd, the Press Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Socialist People's Republic of Kogure has published the following statement.

The deepening and escalating crisis in the Commonwealth has exposed the criminal activities perpetrated by non-Commonwealth groups, who seek to exploit the grief of a sovereign nation for their own selfish and cynical ends. Outpour of mercenary activity and arms sale to the non-state armed entity "United National Front" and violent anti-social gangs under their control with the quiet consent and support by those responsible shows that the absurd ideology of "traditional values" and "national self-reliance" is a cover for international criminal activities of resource stealing by aiding violent groups, artificial conflict incitement to boost global arms demand, and use of physical violence as the principal tool of foreign policy perpetrated by forces with malignant intentions. The continuation of this policy will endanger not only the lives, health, and futures of millions of Commonwealth residents, not only will critically endanger the security and legitimate interests of the region, but without the perpetrator's awareness spread global insecurity, economic shockwaves, and proliferation of political violence on a world-wide scale, endangering those who are responsible for it.

The Government of the Socialist People's Republic of Kogure is firmly convinced that the only solution that will benefit all parties is a peace-first, democratic process that genuinely represents the will of the great majority of the residents, refuses terrorism and massacre as tools of internal and external policy, and ensures a lasting and sustainable solution that adequately responds to the fundamental questions that affects the Commonwealth. The most important task is to establish a firm foundation for the establishment of a ceasefire through humanitarian effort to stabilize the society, refuse foreign arms supply in all forms, and stop the spread of violence to all regions of the Commonwealth. Any force or any nation which regards the international law as the only standard of international and interstate relations, and which aims for the shared interest of the prevention of senseless violence, will find our Republic its firm supporter.

It is our dedicated conviction that the strategic and immediate interests of the Socialist People's Republic of Kogure is to defend the peaceful environment and oppose all those who find their aims in spreading war, poverty, crime, disease, and death. We remind all those who in their delusion of profit and extracting benefit, that abating violent gangsters will empower the world terrorist current, and it will return the debt of murder with murder in a cruel trial of history.

April 2nd, 2025. Kogure, Tongdo.

by **The Macabees** » Wed Apr 02, 2025 7:53 pm

___________
TAYBAH AL-JADIDAH [NEW TAÍBA], SATRAPY OF NEW EMPIRE

"In the name of the Most Merciful, we call upon the faithful to stand against the taghut who defile our brothers in Jubalaistan…"

The crowd seemed to hum along with his cadence, entranced as they watched the respected Imam Ayyub al-Nakhli. Believers had come from all over Wilāyat Faydūr, come to see the famous Imam of War in the flesh. He had fought in Scythia and turned man of religion upon deportation to New Empire, but always calling for retribution and the protection of zenitharians around the world. While those in the crowd around him clutched prayer beads, followers at home watched through screens fed by cameras capturing his sermon from various angles.

Accustomed to oppression, the zenitharian of New Empire were transplants from Scythia, transferred to the eastern fringe of the Golden Throne in the name of humanitarianism. But they brought with them a radical understanding of their newfound purpose in the world. If they could not live in their homeland, Scythia, then they would at least help ensure that their zenitharian brothers elsewhere did not lose their own. So millions of fighters were flooding westward, first to Mahdah, Asadabad, Barjaanistan, and Potthan, now to Jubalaistan too. Ayyub al-Nakhli, although influential in his own right, was not the only preacher mobilizing his flocks to war either. Sermons like these were happening all over the wilāyah.

"They burn our brothers’ homes in Jubalaistan. They turn our temples to rubble. And they spill the blood of God's most sacred men. We cannot be silent and watch with inaction."

Men wept.

"The gates of obligation are open. Join our holy army and march with me to defend Jubalaistan."

Men stood and cheered. "Allahu Akbar! Allahu Akbar! Allahu Akbar!"

And so the zenitharians of New Empire went to war in Jubalaistan. Ayyub al-Nakhli took with him 900 men and formed Ḥāffat al-Hilāl. But more than one hundred other units like these went off to the war, some even larger. In all, the first wave of fighters known as Ṣuʿūdiyyūn would be comprised of some one hundred thousand. Armed through the generous funding of patrons who were first rich selling to their own countrymen and then richer by selling to the greater imperial market, men of commerce and business who were compelled by the religious authorities to pay vast sums toward the cause, the Ṣuʿūdiyyūn flocked to defend the Allied Islamic State with a passion that could be instilled only by God high above.

They joined the convoy of busses, trucks, and other vehicles shipping young men and women out of the "new cities" and on their way to Paquat. In New Empire, the original cities, the urbanities that make up the United City States all went underground decades ago. The surface had been all but depopulated and the soil contaminated by nuclear war. But a concerted clean-up effort re-opened the surface to habitation and since, most conveniently, claim over the land had long ago been abandoned, the Golden Throne did with it as it pleased. Large swaths it reserves as its own, public land for future sale. All over, though, the military started building the "new cities." These were surface cities to house veteran and active duty soldiers, as well as the zenitharians expelled from Scythia by the Ordenites and given a home by the Golden Throne. A home in the cold, snowcapped peaks of eastern New Empire, along the Lyran Frontier. Frigid and miserable year-round, it was no surprise that zelous zenitharian youth were clamouring to leave in search of something more meaningful in life. Paquat had resurfaced since New Empire's annexation to the Golden Throne, grown from the subterranean metropolis to where the sun could shine, the rapid construction of a vast joint military complex acting as a magnet by bringing service workers, wives and families, and other worker migrants to the burgeoning suburbs "above ground." Now the surface city of Paquat was temporary home to millions seeking a passenger ship to take them to the west.

Having grown into an important logistical hub for the imperial war effort in Golgoth against the Scandinvan Empire, Paquat hosted hundreds of ships each day. Most were military and container ships, but dozens of passenger ships departed the city's port daily. More came these days, looking for the guaranteed fare of booked-out cabins for radical religious warriors, paid for the same patrons who paid for the weapons. Officially, at least. Unofficially, hundreds of millions of ríokmarks were being paid out by the Imperial Bureaucracy to private organizations associated with the zenitharian community in New Empire, paid to get as many restless refugees looking to fight out of a satrapy that was already at the brink of widespread rebellion.

The first wave of Ṣuʿūdiyyūn arrived five days later.

___________
FEDALA, IMPERIAL PROVINCE

The Palace, as the imperial diplomatic bureau was known (for its headquarters at the Palace of Nipotas), composed an official communiqué on behalf of His Imperial Majesty. It was sent after events in Baidenia,

To Queen Isabella Reyes,

What is happening to the Commonwealth must not be allowed to stand and the full weight of the Golden Throne stands behind the Commonwealth. You can count on me in your war against the radical right UNF and the radical left PRR. To that effect, my government has already signed a contract with Lourens Consortium from the city-state of Tarn. These mercenaries will come with mechanized ground forces and an air force. For now, they are restricted to UNF and PRR targets only, but I urge you to cooperate with the Golden Throne and coordinate the defense of the Commonwealth's central government under your stewardship. With the right sort of partnership, we can rebuild your country into something even better than it was before the civil war.

From one monarch to another, please consider temporarily withdrawing your residence to Fedala for the duration of the civil war. You will be safer in my capital with me than anywhere else in the world. You serve your people better safe and alive, than a target and dead.

— His Imperial Majesty Fedor I

by **Greater Viet-Nam** » Wed Apr 02, 2025 10:58 pm

"The temperature in Baidenia is 105 degrees and rising." said a radio broadcast, with the oddly calming song of 'White Christmas' starting to play among the sounds of distant gunfire, slowly getting closer and closer.

Thus was the signal given by the South Vietnamese Embassy to begin gathering and staging commonwealth civilians who had worked closely with the South Vietnamese government in what little time they had on the continent.

South Vietnam's time wasn't lengthy, in fact the embassy was rather pretty ad hoc, a simple gated building that housed diplomats and embassy staff. The Ngạ administration was barely reaching out to the commonwealth government to provide assistance against the various terrorist groups that plagued the nation. As much as the Queen's initial crackdowns were looked down upon initially, South Vietnam's main objective still was to contain or if possible eliminate communism wherever it was found. The fact that there were attempts at reform since then further made it apparant the importance and need to try to support the Commonwealth. Despite the dangers that occured at the time, this did not stop Vietnamese correspondents, thrill seekers, and businessmen alike from travelling to the commonwealth to see the situation. Not to mention the various civilian contractors that were there to get an initial estimate for the South Vietnamese government.

Try as they might though, official government support was too little, too late, as UNF forces were reported to have made great advances towards the capital.

Under orders from President Ngạ, Ambassador Huỳnh Ðức Sin drafted up a plan of evacuation of Vietnamese and Commonwealth civilians in the event.

Option one was to take full advantage of the nearby airport. Air Vietnam and VNAF flights started operations as they airlifted Vietnamese expatriates and at-risk Commonwealth civilians who had worked closely with either the Commonwealth Government or the South Vietnamese government. At the same time, a naval carrier group off the coast led by RVNS Trần Hưng Đạo and backed by RVNS Nỏ Thần, launched her compliment of Super Tomcats and F-35's to protect the evacuation efforts led by RVNS Kim Quy's carrier group, as they scrambled their helicopters alongside amphibious assault ships to begin heliborne extractions from the Vietnamese embassy. Some of the F-14's sortied were further armed with Paveway laser guided bombs and LANTIRN pods, with explicit orders to conduct bomb runs should the UNF fire upon Vietnamese personnel.

It was hoped that given South Vietnam had not been too involved in the conflict so far, that they would not be targeted by UNF forces as they made their way to the capital.

Much of the evacuations up to that point went without a hitch, while there was some inturruption from bombardment of the airfield, the truce conducted not long after ensured that further operations would not be inturrupted or halted. As order began to degrade however, the last of the VNAF and Air Vietnam aircraft took off amidst chaos, with some Commonwealth civilians even attempting to jump into the aircraft mid-takeoff or outright holding on to the outside of the planes, with disasterous results.

Thus began the second phase of the operation. Starting off with dreams of a White Christmas.

It was complete chaos Vũ Cường Thịnh realized, as he witnessed South Vietnamese Marine UH-1's approach the roof of the embassy as they started their landings. Outside of the embassy grounds, RVN marines dressed in their famous Tiger Stripe camo tried to conduct crowd control while at the same time vetting Vietnamese and Commonwealth civilians. They were all armed with m16's, bayonets affixed as they tried to push the masses to keep them at bay.

Smoke began to billow from the embassy, as Foreign Affairs staff quickly tried to burn any important documents, or shred them, particularly ones that may endanger any of their local staff. Ambassador Sin's car approached the front gate with marine escort, and the motorcade was quickly allowed through as other marines did their best to keep the rest of the restless population outside.

Thịnh's photographer, Vinh, ate it all up, as she took photos of the chaos. an RVN Marine climbed out of the embassy's balcony, removing the South Vietnamese flag, signaling the imminent closure of the diplomatic mission. Thịnh rushed up to the sergeant leading the perimeter efforts, "Excuse me, I just wanted to be sure. A friend of mine, my interpreter, applied for assylum with their family here in the days before this, are they on the list!?" He quickly mentioned their names, and the sergeant looked through the clipboard, nodding. "They're on the list!"

"Have they arrived yet!?"

The sergeant shook his head. "I'm afraid not! If they don't get here soon, they stand to risk being left behind!"

A gunshot rang out through the ground, many civilians screamed as the marines lowered their rifles at low-ready, swiveling to see who had fired the shot, only to find close to them a Commonwealth police officer who had decided to leave on his own terms, as his body laid on the ground, blood oozing from his head.

Thịnh looked back to the sergeant, "I'll go look for them, if they come through here..."

The sergeant nodded, "I'll let them through, don't worry sir!"

"Thank you." The correspondant than bolted from the gate, towards his photographer. "Have you seen them Vinh!?"

She shook her head "Not just yet. It looks like things'll get impossible at this point!"

Thịnh looked around before he turned back to Vinh, "If they get here, tell them I'm at the back of the embassy, alright!?" Vinh nodded, and so Thịnh bolted around the corner, witnessing the looting and the rioting taking place at this point. Trucks carrying expatriates and other reporters sped by him, recognizing a Mediaman correspondant he yelled out to them. "Hey! Have you seen my interpreter anywhere!?"

"Nooo! Keep looking though! They've got to be here somewhere!" She yelled back as they drove towards the embassy back entrance.

A flight of South Vietnamese Marine Ch-53's flew overhead, as they cycled through landing and quickly filled out the embassy grounds, as marines guided or outright shoved Vietnamese, Commonwealth, and other expatriate civilians into the choppers.

Time was of the essence here, as the UNF came closer and closer to the capital.

by **Holy Marsh** » Thu Apr 03, 2025 3:48 am

Battle of Baidenia Eight-II – South Vietnamese Evacuation

Amid the chaos of the Battle of Baidenia, the nation of South Vietnam undertook a bold and extensive evacuation mission. Their forces navigated the city's fractured streets, her ports, and the city’s airports, guiding civilians and personnel alike toward safety. Despite the tension in the air and the risk of misunderstanding, the United National Front made a calculated decision to refrain from engaging South Vietnam's forces during their operation.

The UNF's message to South Vietnam was but clear: "Your forces will be granted one week to evacuate and end your mission. This allowance is contingent on strict adherence to non-hostile actions within the city. The United National Front reserves the right to intervene should this agreement be violated."
The UNF's patience had its limits. They considered this operation a slap in the face against the, “Last Hope for Order” and national respectability. Still, Minister Ward was insistent that if the cameras of Vietnam caught cruelty and chaos, there must not be Front soldierly as the cause. Not until they had secured the city, at the very least.

The Commonwealth Government, as part of its effort to reestablish itself on Isle Dominga, reached out to its longstanding ally, South Vietnam, with a formal proposal. In a carefully worded communication, they offered to relocate South Vietnam’s diplomatic mission to the Marshite consulate in Dominga. The move, though framed as practical given current limitations, carried undertones of diplomatic defiance. It was an intentional slight at the Marshite Theocracy, whose annexation of the Northern Provinces was publicly decried by the Commonwealth as an opportunistic act exploiting their vulnerability.

Commonwealth – With Trembling Hands

The Socialist People's Republic of Kogure’s appeal to aid the beleaguered Commonwealth marked a potential lifeline for the Commonwealth's struggling government. However, the fractured state of the nation presented significant logistical challenges.

On Isle Dominga, where the Commonwealth's government had reconstituted itself, deliberations on the aid proposal stretched over crucial hours. Eventually, they issued a formal acceptance, affirming their commitment to receiving and distributing the assistance despite the perilous conditions on the ground. The statement highlighted the desperate need to alleviate civilian suffering,

However, the reality of the Commonwealth's geography and the ongoing conflict posed substantial hurdles. Of the two major ports still firmly under Commonwealth control, Isle Bagarana and Dominga’s harbors had the capacity to receive large shipments but remained isolated from mainland logistics. On the mainland, the fractious southeast featured a scattering of smaller ports, vulnerable to both enemy incursions and internal unrest, while Central Magdaran's secured areas offered potential access through usable airports but were surrounded by hostile forces on all sides.

Kogure’s offer, though generous, now depended on the Commonwealth’s ability to secure safe channels for its delivery and distribution—an immense challenge in a nation where control over territory remained highly fluid.

-----------------------------

Esteemed Friends of Kogure,

On behalf of the Commonwealth and its people, we extend our profound gratitude for your generous offer of humanitarian aid during these dark and trying times. The bonds of solidarity and compassion that your nation has shown reaffirm the ideals of unity and shared humanity, principles that resonate deeply with our own commitment to rebuilding a stable and equitable future.

After careful deliberation, the Provisional Commonwealth Government formally accepts your assistance and pledges to cooperate fully to ensure its safe and effective distribution. We are confident that, through a shared commitment to alleviating suffering, this partnership will serve as a beacon of hope for those most affected by this devastating conflict. Rest assured, our government will marshal every available resource to secure the necessary logistical pathways and safeguard the delivery of aid to our people.

Together, we will bring light where there is darkness and ensure that the people of this fractured nation can still see a future worth fighting for.

Yours in solidarity and strength,

Queen Isabella Reyes of the Commonwealth

The Queen signed the document, the third attempt she had to do so. Her hands were shaking. She didn’t know if it was stress or the cocktail of drugs her doctors had given her to keep her aware. Her body, lightning. Lightning through her veins, pumping through her heart. She pulled away from the document, her aides taking it away as they had brought it to her a minute earlier. Frankly, she only knew what was in it by her vague recollections of the meeting she had attended. It was hard to tell night from day, just as it was nightmare from life. She rubbed her eyes to feel something beyond the lightning, groaning in something less than pain but more than she could describe. She was soon tended to by her doctor, who took her blood pressure and kept her isolated, slowly helping her to her room.

As the Queen was led away, the government continued its grim, mechanical operation. In the makeshift war room—a former banquet hall stripped of its former grandeur, being used until the island’s military facilities could be declared completely secure from infiltration—her ministers and advisors moved with the precision of necessity, their faces lined with exhaustion and muted determination. Maps sprawled across tables, laden with pins and annotations, told the story of a nation unraveling.

At the head of the room, Minister of Finance Amihan Gabriel presided over the chaos, her voice sharp and haggard in measured equality, a woman who had long since sacrificed rest to keep the machinery of governance intact. She was no military woman and left the military decisions to those who knew better, but she had a keen mind to run the machinery while their Queen recovered. She issued commands to aides who scurried between desks, carrying missives and updates from the fractured mainland. Radios crackled incessantly with reports of clashes, movements, and whispered rumors of betrayal. The pulse of the room was relentless.

She helped her subdirectors pore over shipping manifests and supply inventories. She spoke in clipped tones to her subordinates, trying to make miracles out of the dwindling resources that arrived through Isle Dominga’s port. There was no room for sentiment in her calculations, only hard figures and desperate improvisation. Across from her, the new Foreign Minister scribbled drafts of responses to the next volley of diplomatic overtures, one hand resting on his temple as though to fend off the headache that clung to him like a shadow. Only once he had finished it by hand would it be committed to electronic means- a habit that, even in the middle of apocalypse, he could not break.

In the corner, a young courier hesitated for a moment, clutching a sealed envelope destined for the Queen’s eyes only. He looked over at Gabriel- with a single nod, she sent the courier on his way, back into the quiet corridors where the weight of duty was carried silently. Despite the frenetic energy in the war room, an unspoken understanding tethered them all: the Commonwealth, battered and fragmented, remained alive so long as they endured. Even as their Queen rested in isolation, every word written, every decision made, every pin pushed into the maps was one more moment stolen from the abyss.

The abyss came in many ways and colors. The People’s Federation had been on somewhat friendly terms, so their support for the Islamic rebels was viewed with outrage, and it was clearly understood that they would support the Communist lunatics as well. General Rizaldo Guillermo requested permission to treat Federation vessels as hostile as they passed the straight, within range of multiple Commonwealth air and naval forces. His request was denied at essentially the last minute, as planes were being armed and naval task forces moving to close the straight.
The request was denied not by the Queen, who it was agreed was in no mental state to make a proper call at the moment. The Commonwealth did not want to make a new enemy, not when that list grew by the minute. Once they had regrouped strategically, they would consider moves against the allies of their enemies. For now, they needed to focus.

Same held true when they received word from one of Director of Intelligence Benjie Serrano’s cells. The Director himself was still missing- likely intentional, believed to be in the north. His cells still worked, and in Baidenia they confirmed what had been rumored for some time- direct aid from the Ordenite for the United National Front. They did not wear markings, but the movement of the Order’s military forces had stirred the attentions of even the failing intelligence network of the Commonwealth. The arrival of men speaking the language of the region’s most consistently potent fascist foe was certainly noted. This information, once confirmed, would be disseminated to nations across the region. The Commonwealth wasn’t above turning this war into a mess if it meant it survived. They just had to hope it would be believed.

-------------------------

Queen Isabella sat slumped in her chair, her body a battlefield between exhaustion and the chemicals coursing through her veins. The gilded letter from Emperor Fedor sat in front of her, its neatly folded edges mocking her in its composure. Her hand, trembling slightly, reached for the paper before pulling back, as though the act of touching it might concede something she wasn’t ready to give.
“A whore for his collection. That’s all I’d be,” she muttered, her voice barely above a whisper, quivering with frustration more than conviction. Her words lacked the sharp edge they once carried. Now, they seemed fragile, like glass threatening to shatter under its own weight.

One of her aides shifted uncomfortably, but said nothing. It was not their place to speak unless spoken to, and the Queen was unpredictable in moments like these. “No,” Isabella said louder, forcing herself upright in her chair, though the movement sent a wave of dizziness through her. “I won’t... I won’t abandon them. My people. Not to them, these fucking dogs that threaten them. That threaten me. That threaten him. No, not to anyone.” Her voice cracked on the last word, her resolve unsteady.

She began to dictate, her words spilling out in a fitful rhythm, occasionally halting as though she’d lost her train of thought. Her sentences wavered between pointed refusals and disjointed assertions of loyalty to her nation. Her aides dutifully transcribed, though they exchanged wary glances at the incoherence of her response.
Halfway through, Isabella stopped, gripping the edge of her desk as if anchoring herself to reality. “Do you hear me, my love?” she demanded, to the ghosts of her heart and mind. “I’m still here. I’m still their Queen.”

Her handlers, standing just beyond the circle of light cast by the room’s lone lamp, exchanged subtle nods. They had no intention of letting this response see the light of day. Already, their minds were racing to draft a more measured reply—one that wouldn’t fan the flames of a precarious situation. As the Queen sagged back into her chair, her energy spent, one of the handlers approached with gentle reassurance. “Your words are strong, Your Majesty. We will see them carried through.” Isabella only nodded faintly, her gaze drifting to the window where the darkened skyline of Dominga blurred into the fog of her weariness.

They crafted a more coherent and respectful reply.

Letter from Queen Isabella to Emperor Fedor of the Golden Throne

Great Emperor Fedor,

On behalf of the Commonwealth, I extend my gratitude for the Golden Throne's invaluable support during this harrowing chapter in our nation's history. The hiring of a mercenary army, known for its discipline and effectiveness, is a gesture that shall not be forgotten. These forces will be integrated with our military and placed into direct coordination with Commonwealth leadership to ensure their capabilities are fully utilized in the defense of our people.

As to your most generous offer of asylum in Fedala, I must respectfully decline at this moment. My place is here, with my cherished people, enduring the same slings and arrows they face in this time of need. To abandon them now would be to betray the trust they have placed in me as their Queen. Nonetheless, I deeply value your offer and assure you that I will keep it under advisement should the circumstances require reconsideration.

May the Golden Throne continue to prosper, and may the bonds between our nations remain steadfast even as the storm rages around us.

Yours in solidarity,

Queen Isabella Reyes

As the polished, false reply was dispatched, the air in the halls of Isle Dominga carried an undercurrent of uncertainty. While the Queen’s steadfast words conveyed strength, whispers of unease circulated quietly among certain factions within the Commonwealth’s fragile government. The Queen had long ago lost the whole confidence of certain officials, her pre-war purges and increasing melancholy losing the respect and affection of her subjects in equal measure. Now her overly medicated, manic self seemed wholly unequal to this most fatal task.

Discussions behind closed doors turned toward contingency planning, with some questioning whether the time would soon come to force the issue—to see her evacuated to safety against her will, for the good of the nation. While public loyalty to the Queen remained outwardly unshaken, a number of officials started to try and make contacts under the table with officials from the Throne. If alternate arrangements need be made, no better than the region’s greatest Imperial power.

The People’s Revolutionary Republic- People Power

The People's Revolutionary Republic Stands With the Proletariat!

In the face of the ongoing turmoil caused by the Commonwealth’s collapse and the aggression of reactionary forces, the People's Revolutionary Republic reaffirms its unwavering commitment to the workers and oppressed of the region. Guided by the principles of equality and solidarity, the PRR welcomes the efforts of the Socialist People's Republic of Kogure and the People’s Unified Federation of Mokastana to provide humanitarian aid to those most affected by the ravages of the civil war.

Recognizing the dire need for relief, the PRR stands ready to facilitate the transfer and distribution of aid to the people in the territories under our control. This collaboration is not merely a logistical effort—it is an act of revolutionary compassion, a testament to the unity of international socialism, and a reflection of our dedication to alleviating the suffering of the proletariat.

We call on all factions, including the fascict warmongerers of the United National Front and the royal oppressors of the Commonwealth’s remnants, to set aside their petty squabbles and ideological posturing in favor of a higher purpose: the welfare of the people. It is time for action, not obstruction. The PRR will work tirelessly to ensure that aid reaches those in need, and we will do so with the cooperation of friendly powers

While others exploit this crisis to advance their imperialist agendas, the People's Revolutionary Republic remains steadfast in its revolutionary principles. We will protect the workers, empower the oppressed, and fight for a brighter future for all, and we call on all factions to care for the People until such a time as a truly revolutionary government can be established.
Together, we can overcome this hardship and pave the way for a world where humanity is free from exploitation, inequality, and suffering.

Issued by the Revolutionary Leadership People's Revolutionary Republic

The city of Dabanan along the straight was the second largest port under PRR control, and the most southern. PRR forces in the region were currently engaged in a north-facing offensive while they were concerned about the straight’s Commonwealth naval strength. The arrival of the Federation was cheered, as dock workers rushed to help and local ideologues went to work. The aid of special operation forces was broadly welcomed as well- they met with the local People’s Chairman For Defense, Fredakar Lopez. He would quickly integrate them as best he could with local former Provincial Guard officials on training programs for the growing PRR organization in the area.

United National Front- Poison In The Vein

In the heart of Baidenia, the United National Front worked tirelessly to assert its authority over the beleaguered city. UNF forces, supported by logistical teams and administrative personnel, moved swiftly to establish order in the wake of the Commonwealth’s collapse. The streets were cleared of debris and barricades, and patrols monitored key areas to prevent looting and unrest. UNF propaganda teams deployed throughout the city, distributing flyers and broadcasting messages aimed at reinforcing the legitimacy of their rule and instilling confidence in the population.

By the time the UNF officially declared Baidenia secure, a semblance of stability had begun to emerge. Public buildings were reopened under UNF supervision, while local markets resumed operations under strict guidelines. The declaration was accompanied by assurances of protection and progress, framing the UNF as the rightful leadership of the nation. The sight of UNF banners flying over the city's government district became a symbol of their triumph and authority.

With Baidenia now under their control, the UNF prepared to make an important proclamation—a pivotal moment aimed at solidifying their claim as the legitimate government of the nation.
-----

President Emilio Padilla stood at the podium, his hands gripping its edges as if to anchor himself against the weight of the moment. The room was silent, save for the faint hum of cameras broadcasting his image to the nation and beyond. It was the very center of the Queen’s royal pronouncement room, her desk abandoned behind him. The banner of the United National Front hung proudly, its bold insignia a stark reminder of the authority he now claimed.

He cleared his throat, his voice steady but firm as it cut through the tension. "Citizens," he began, his gaze sweeping across the room, "and esteemed members of the international community. Today, I stand before you as the leader of the United National Front, President of the nation’s Legislature, with unwavering resolve, that we have assumed control of this great nation." The room seemed to hold its breath, the gravity of his statement sinking in. Padilla’s tone sharpened, his conviction palpable. "In these turbulent times, we have risen to restore order, protect our people, and lead this nation toward a future of stability and prosperity."

He paused, letting the weight of his words settle before continuing. "To our international partners, we call upon you to recognize the legitimacy of the United National Front as the rightful authority of the Commonwealth. Your support is vital in ensuring that peace and progress prevail over chaos and division." His grip on the podium tightened as he addressed the factions still resisting his rule. "To the rebel factions who continue to sow discord and violence, I urge you to lay down your arms and join us in rebuilding this nation. The time for conflict has passed. The time for unity is now."

Padilla’s voice rose, carrying the fervor of a man who believed in his mission. "Together, under the banner of the United National Front, we will overcome these challenges and emerge stronger than ever."
As he stepped back from the podium, the room erupted in applause from his loyalists, their cheers echoing through the halls of Baidenia. Outside, the city stirred, its people watching and listening, some with hope, others with skepticism. The proclamation had been made, and the battle for the soul of the Commonwealth would now enter a new phase.

United National Front Official Response to Humanitarian Aid Proposal

The United National Front appreciates the offer of humanitarian assistance extended to the nation during these challenging times. As the sole legitimate standing government of the nation, we emphasize the necessity of centralized coordination for all aid efforts within national borders.

Effective relief efforts require the oversight of the rightful governing authority to ensure distribution is equitable and reaches the areas of greatest need. Therefore, we formally request that all aid operations be routed and conducted under the administration and directives of the United National Front. Independent or unauthorized dispersal of resources risks undermining the stability of ongoing efforts to restore order.

We await your cooperation in achieving these objectives.

United National Front Command

President Emilio Padilla stood resolute at the podium, his voice ringing with conviction as his speech reached its crescendo. "Together, under the banner of the United National Front, we will overcome these challenges and emerge stronger than ever." Applause erupted from his loyalists, echoing through the room and spilling out into the streets of Baidenia. His words carried the weight of hope, of unity—a vision of a nation pulled back from the brink.

But in a dimly lit room a few blocks away, Major General Sherwin Carino watched the broadcast on a flickering monitor, his expression unreadable. The thin applause from the screen felt distant, hollow in the silence that filled his space. His attention was not on the promises of unity or peace but on the document lying on the desk before him—a list of names.

The applause faded from the monitor as Padilla stepped back, his speech concluded, but Carino’s work was just beginning. He reached for the list, his eyes scanning the names one final time. No shred of hesitation crossed his face. Each name was underlined in red, each marked as an enemy of the state, a threat to the regime Padilla had just so passionately proclaimed as the savior of the Commonwealth. The room was silent except for the faint scratching of his pen as he signed his approval with deliberate precision.

The monitor flickered again, replaying a segment of Padilla’s speech. "The time for conflict has passed. The time for unity is now." Carino didn’t look up. The faint flicker of the screen reflected off his face, illuminating the sharp lines etched by years of service to a cause he no longer questioned. He picked up the phone, his tone as cold as the steel desk beneath his hands. "It’s done. The list is ready, and confirmed. Give orders to each Scorpion Lead- copies will be made available. Execute with efficiency and extreme prejudice."

Within the hour, the Black Scorpions – the Front’s secret police that had grown from mere thugs and ideological enforcers to one of the most feared elements of UNF rule- were in motion. Doors splintered in the dead of night. Shouts and cries echoed in the shadowed streets as figures were dragged from their homes. Baidenia, declared secure mere hours earlier, now became a city of whispers and dread. Those taken were blindfolded and driven to unmarked facilities, swallowed by the darkness of places that did not officially exist.

Back in his office, Carino leaned back in his chair, the monitor now silent. He glanced at the empty desk where the list had sat only moments before. Padilla’s promises of unity and hope hung faintly in the air, starkly juxtaposed against the reality Carino had set into motion. For him, there was no contradiction—only the necessity of action. For the city, the night would be long, and its shadows deeper than ever before.

---------------

As the echoes of applause from his speech faded into the halls of Baidenia, President Padilla retreated to his private office. The room was quiet, save for the faint scratching of his pen against paper as he drafted a formal offer to meet with the top Ordenite military official stationed in the city. The words came carefully, deliberately, each sentence crafted to convey both gratitude and resolve. Any concern that he was not up to the task faded as he reminded himself that the woman who occupied this position just days before, despite all her royal lineage, was lesser than he now. There truly was no revenge like a life well lived, no?

The partnership with Ordena had been a cornerstone of the UNF’s rise, and Padilla knew the importance of maintaining and deepening that relationship. The Ordenite Fallschirmjager, now operating discreetly within Baidenia, would prove invaluable in sustaining the Front’s operational advantage in the region. Their military and financial aid was crucial to turning the UNF from a political action group to a real hope for national revival. Their special operators had done well to give his people experience and confidence alike.

He paused for a moment, setting the pen down and leaning back in his chair. He allowed himself a brief moment of satisfaction. The speech had been a success, and now, with Ordena’s continued support, the UNF’s position would only grow stronger. He folded the letter neatly, sealing it with the UNF’s insignia, and handed it to an aide with a simple instruction: “Deliver this personally.”
As the aide departed, Padilla turned his gaze to the cityscape beyond his window. Baidenia was secure, but the war was far from over. The meeting with the Ordenite official would be another step in ensuring the UNF’s dominance, a future where the communist and the traitor alike held no place closer by the moment.

Allied Islamic State of Jubalaistan/Islamic Union- Faith Unceasing

Office of the Imam, Islamic Union of Jubalaistan

The Islamic Union of Jubalaistan welcomes the kind and compassionate offer of humanitarian aid from the foreign nations. We recognize the importance of such assistance in alleviating the suffering of the people of Jubalaistan, who have endured immense hardships during the current conflict and preceding violations by the monarchy.

However, we must emphasize that any aid operations undertaken on our island must respect the sovereign statehood of the Islamic Union of Jubalaistan. This declaration of independence is non-negotiable and represents the collective will of the Islamic people as we move forward toward a free and sovereign future. Aid efforts must be coordinated directly with our leadership and adhere to the principles of mutual respect and recognition.

We extend our hand in cooperation to friends from beyond the seas, confident that together we can uphold the dignity of the people of Jubalaistan and provide relief to those most in need. May this partnership be blessed by the providence of Allah.

Imam Harun al-Rashid Islamic Union of Jubalaistan

While aid efforts were being discussed, it was the military news that sent a jolt of lightning through the populace. A large influx of volunteers—enough to nearly double the AIS-J’s fighting strength—had been confirmed, and the excitement among the lower-level officials was palpable. From one end of the island to another officials hurried between desks, organizing requisition forms, housing assignments, and supply manifests. The prospect of integrating such a substantial number of volunteers was as daunting as it was thrilling. Scribes meticulously drafted welcoming orders while logistics officers sketched out plans to ensure the arrivals were equipped and organized without delay. Local mosques sent out the word to their believers, seeking homes and shelters for the warriors of the faith soon incoming. Military leaders also looked at it as practical necessity.

Still, it would be hard integrating them no matter what they did. That wasn’t all. While the lower ranks of Islamic Jubalaistan buzzed with excitement, the Imam could not shake the unease that settled in his chest. Jubalaistan’s struggle was not merely for independence or survival—it was a fight for a golden age, a vision of a glorious and righteous past brought to the present. Yet, these volunteers came from lands ravaged by war and heartache, their lives shaped by chaos and desperation. What ideals would they carry with them? What scars, both seen and unseen, would they bring to the war for the soul of Jubalaistan? The volunteers were a blessing, their numbers a much-needed reinforcement for the AIS-J’s forces. But the Imam knew that numbers alone could not win this war. The purity of their cause, the sanctity of their vision, was at stake. Would these newcomers embrace the ideals of the AIS-J, or would they bring with them the fractured ideologies of their pasts? Would they strengthen the movement, or dilute its purpose?

Still, he knew they would come and make this their war too. He would not hasten to judge, but he needed to know how to best use them. While en route from one bombed out location to another, the aged scholar dictated that each individual Ṣuʿūdiyyūn would be filtered into the military's planning one at a time, allowing the Islamic people a chance to integrate in as little chaos as possible. Those who were not integrate could, perhaps, form a reserve as they were filtered in. Much had to be done.

It was not the only deployment of foreign forces on the table. The proposal from the People's Unified Federation to deploy military forces on the island marked a significant juncture for the Islamic Union. The offer came at a critical moment when reinforcements could potentially shift the balance of power in their favor, just before the airstrike that had forced the Imam on the move again. However, it also stirred intense debate within the Union’s leadership, exposing ideological divides between those who saw the Federation’s professional military as a boon and those who feared reliance on foreign, non-Islamic forces might compromise the purity of their cause.

For many within the leadership, the Islamic Union was not simply fighting for sovereignty but for the establishment of a golden age—an independent society rooted in Islamic principles. This vision, to them, demanded self-reliance, even in the face of overwhelming odds. Opponents of the Federation’s deployment cautioned against the risks of diluting the movement’s spiritual foundation and questioned the long-term implications of foreign involvement.

The arguments persisted until Sheikh Abbas ibn Ramil Bailey emerged as a pivotal voice in the debate. A man of considerable influence, Abbas had longstanding dealings with the Federation through his shipping enterprises and spoke with authority on their reliability and strategic value. He framed the debate pragmatically, emphasizing the necessity of survival over ideological purity. Abbas argued that the Federation’s military assistance was not a betrayal of faith but a practical step toward ensuring the Union's future. “Faith guides us,” he noted, “but faith does not move mountains alone.”

The Imam, favoring the option already, ultimately accepted Abbas’s reasoning. He acknowledged that while the Islamic Union’s ideals were paramount, its survival depended on leveraging every available resource, including the Federation’s offer. Permission for the deployment was granted, albeit with conditions designed to protect the Union’s autonomy and ensure the Federation’s forces would act as partners rather than overseers.

by **Nattia** » Thu Apr 03, 2025 8:36 am

The Royal Residence
Otsopaa, Nattia
April 3, 10:40

King Hjalmar stood over a map of the Commonwealth with his brother, Lord Christopher Hollande, musing over it. The King of Nattia was a young man— he had only recently celebrated his nineteenth birthday alongside the anniversary of his ascending to the Nattian Throne. It would not do will to mistake youth for a lack of knowledge. Already thrice the monarch, convinced his glory had seen his nation intervene in the affairs of other states to uphold his own monarchist vision of the world. Only months earlier it had been a map of Mairantas that had been laid before the king.

He studied this new one in the dark chamber of the study of the residence. The king’s new palace was being built elsewhere in the capital city, a new grand estate that would be the envy of the Borean Sea and would show all those who knew architect that he was a monarch as great and glorious as those of his mother’s ancestors, worthy of his Genoise grandfather, King Frederick IV of Genes. For now however the residence would do.

“It is not good,” said Christopher.

Christopher too studied the map, his dark eyes coldly taking note of the recent fall of the capital city of Baidenia into the hands of the UNF. Christopher was the elder, taller of the two brothers. He too was the one with the military mind. Hjalmar may have been elected as King by the Nattians (who had foolishly believe he would be a do-nothing figure head that they could control), but when his brother had sent forces to carry out a… peacekeeping mission in Mairantas, it had been Christopher who lead the way, occupying a port city and over seeing the installation of their cousin Cisunga onto the Mairantese throne. He bent over the map, making small marks based on latest reports of actions and skirmishes that had come pouring out of the Commonwealth.

While the map showed off the many squabbling factions, in Christopher’s mind’s eye he reduced them, for now and for practically to two. The Commonwealth and everyone else.

“It’s very not good.”

“Stop saying that,” Hjalmar scoffed, shooting an annoyed look at his brother. “Just figure it out.”

“I will more than a 1,000 men.”

“No.”

“Rumor says the Queen is broken, lost to the wind and sorrow.”

“I do not care. She is a monarch, and another crown head must not be allowed to fall.” Said Hjalmar. He crossed his arms. “Can you do it?”

Christopher wrinkled his nose, walking around the table, pausing here and there before returning to his brother’s side. “I said it is not good. I did not say it was impossible. They will not like it though.”

“Will I?”

Christopher thought for a moment. “No. You won’t. Her Majesty’s forces are problematic to put it lightly, and their position is even worse. They have two many fronts, who many enemies to fight and with their leadership in the… state in whic( they are. Confidence in their being a rallying around the crown as you wish is unlikely. Direct intervention right now, say to retake Baidenia,” Christopher pointed to the city on the map, knowing already his brother’s instinct to charge straightforward, “would— without overwhelming force— end in failure, and strengthen the UNF. The Commonwealth’s positions on the mainland are entirely unsustainable if we estimate the worse case scenario of how much is actually left under their control. It must be abandoned.”

“Abandoned? Are you insane.”

“The UNF and PRP together have greater numbers, more adaptable leadership and galvanized support. Defending against both is a foolish bet. Abandon the mainland and they will come into conflict with one another and cannibalize each other. The UNF’s stance too make it a natural enemy of the Northern Provinces. You enjoy your Kaiju movies. They can be applied here. ‘Let them fight’.” Christopher circled the two of the islands the first the one to the far west which remain entirely under the Commonwealth control “This should become base of operations and serve a our launch pad” and second the large island in the south spilt between the Commonwealth and the PRP and UNF in the west and east respectively “this is the most viable place for offensive movements.”

King Hjalmar rubbed his chin, imagining what his brother was saying. He frowned. Not because he didn’t trust his brother’s assessment. Because he did.

“You say it can be done?”

“Yes.” Christopher added, “with the Commonwealth’s cooperation.”

“Fine.” Hjalmar wrinkled his nose. He suspected gaining the consent of the Commonwealth leaders, in the wind as they may be, would not be difficult. A similar thought crossed Christopher’s mind. Managing them would difficult he suspected. Civil strife was always an emotional affair, driven not by pure logic as interstate conflicts were, but instead by passions and ideas. It was why civil strife so often lead to one eating themselves. Hopefully he could curb that instinctual struggle. At least a bit.

King Hjalmar pressed a small button on the table and one of the butlers of the Residence popped in, a sudden shaft of light from the hall sweeping into the room. The butler bowed the king barked an order. “Fetch me Admiral Harjula and General Selahagos.” The King added after a brief pause, “And Vanhatalo.”

April 3, 11:00

Konstan Vanhatalo stepped out onto the platform before the Residence. While spring had come to Nattia, it did only just so. As a Borean kingdom, the island nation was used to freezing winters, cold springs and autumns and warm summers. Still, the mood was pleasant as the civil servant looked out over the crowd of gathered reporters and journalists. A show mostly. The Crown held the purses strings of the media, and they would say and do as they were told with only as much variation as King Hjalmar wished there to be.

Vanhatalo had been amongst those electors who had selected the Genoise prince to sit upon the vacant Nattian throne. It had been a strategic, pragmatic decision, and yet he had never expected the child monarch would so quickly turn the tables on them. Meant to be their puppet, now Vanhatalo felt as if he were the one dancing on strings. Vanhatalo now put on a stoic expresseion as he addressed the press, delivering the official words of his puppet master.

“Horrified by the recent outbreak of violence and illegal and immoral actions against Queen Isabella and the state of the Commonwealth, His Majesty King Hjalmar of Nattia, condemns the actions of those taken in Baidenia and across the Commonwealth who see to use bloodshed to further their political agenda and condemns them as organizations of terror. Nattia and all her peoples stand with Queen Isabella, the rightful anointed sovereign of all the Commonwealth realms and peoples. It is the greatest wish of His Majesty that peace, law and order may be restored to the Queen’s realm, and in order to protect the region from falling into the hands of chaos and radicals, His Majesty has authorized the deployment of the Royal Expeditionaries under the authority of Lord Christopher Hollande to serve as Peacekeepers. They shall work to aid in the recovery and restoration of the legitimacy of the sovereign and secure a stable and peaceful future for the Commonwealth.”

There was a brief scramble for questions, but such as true was a sense of stunned familiarity. The statement was eerily similar to the one made some four months ago when Lord Hollande and his peacekeepers had been deployed to Mairantas to secure stability and over see the transfer of power. Peacekeepers that Hollande had used to apply pressure on the Mairantese backpedal their coup straight into the arms of his Valwa cousins and uphold the monarchy. Now it seemed that Hollande would be tasked with doing a similar type mission; only now in a further away land.

A Letter from His Majesty, King Hjalmar of Nattia, to Her Majesty, Queen Isabella Reyes of the Commonwealth

To Her Majesty, Queen Isabella Reyes of the Commonwealth,
 In the name of peace, law, order and sovereignty I, King Hjalmar of Nattia, send you my deepest regards, along with the steadfast promise of my unwavering support in this dark and uncertain hour.

It has come to my attention that you face not only the personal loss of your departed husband and consort and the treachery of traitorous factions within your realm but also the very forces that would seek to undo the rightful reign you command. It is with sorrow that I hear of your struggles, but with great resolve, I write to offer both the strength of Nattia's arms and the humble wisdom of its counsel.

Already, as a gesture of my devotion to your cause, I have ordered the Royal Expeditionaries—our finest peacekeeping force—under the command of my trusted brother, Lord Christopher Hollande, to set sail for your shores. Lord Christopher, who has long served as a loyal and able advisor in matters of state and war, especially in the strengthening of the Mairantese monarchy, a dear southern neighbor of hours who too saw radicals and madmen attempt to topple the throne there, shall offer his expertise in both strategy and diplomacy to aid your efforts. His experience in dealing with rebel forces and fractured sovereignties will be a boon to your cause, and I trust that his presence will be of great assistance in rallying those loyal to you and restoring peace to your kingdom.

Furthermore, I wish to offer my counsel to your noble court in this time of great need. As fellow monarchs it is of great importance that we aid one another across the world so that we may be the bulwark against chaos and violence, and it is with the full weight of that bond that I make this offer: Let us provide you with the arms and supplies necessary to defend and retaliate against those who seek to overthrow your reign. Should you find favor in this proposal, my kingdom will ensure that the Commonwealth receives the weapons and provisions required to strike swiftly and decisively against these enemies of the crown.

In this moment, it is vital that we, as fellow monarchs, stand united against the forces that would seek to fracture the world we hold dear. I am confident that with my military support, the wisdom of my brother, and your indomitable strength, we shall restore you to your rightful throne, and together, we will quell these factions that oppose the will of the people and the sacred bond of kingship.

I ask for your permission to send these supplies and aid, as well as for the acceptance of my brother's counsel to guide your efforts in this dire time. His experience and leadership will be invaluable, and it is with great honor that he is prepared to offer his service in your hour of need.

Let us work together, Queen Isabella, to restore peace and order to your realm and to bring justice to those who would betray you. I stand at your side, in both word and deed, ready to see your rightful sovereignty restored.

With unwavering respect, King Hjalmar of Nattia

by **Mokastana** » Thu Apr 03, 2025 8:40 pm

With aid from the People's Unified Federation safely flowing into PRR and AIS-J territory, and the strait open for business, it was time to determine a long term plan for the stability of the Commonwealth's future. In Mokastana City, a meeting was held in the Presidential Palace, with members of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, intelligence agencies, military leaders, and representatives of the Motokatan government, as they would likely be providing the most support.

The main concern was, surprisingly, the support of the People's Revolutionary Republic. Previous projects propping up proletariat puppet states had turned sour in due time. The Union of Eastern Star Soviets had started a nuclear exchange that cost a full Federal Regiment of lives. The Communal Union of Ice States was now a lake after they exposed themselves to the bio-mechanical cancer known as Kraven. Even Socialist hard liners in Parliament were hesitant to prop up another potential problem state. It was partly why the Federation started by supporting the AIS-J in addition to the PRR. This time they would hedge their bets, especially as other nations got involved.

It was known that the Golden Throne was backing the Royalists of the Commonwealth, likely both in overt and covert methods. While ships and troops from Ordena were openly supporting the new United Front government. Fighters from the Golden Throne's colonies were flocking en masse to join the fight in the Allied Islamic State of Jubalaistan. The Socialist People's Republic of Kogure was cautiously offering humanitarian support, and would likely be using Federal logistics to do so.

Given these foreign investments in the Commonwealth's future, the meeting was longer than anticipated. The diverse agendas of the Federation competed for recognition and priority. Eventually, the Federation’s plan started to come together:

Allied Islamic State of Jubalaistan

The Federation didn't need anything from the AIS-J at the moment, so the Imam's requirements were easy to comply with. The troops deployed were a diverse mix of ethnic backgrounds and religious beliefs, and were mostly here in case the Federation needed a rapid reaction in the country. Until then, they could easily continue their stated job of acting as a deterrent force with no impact on Jubalaistan.

As for the coordination of local efforts, Major Tala Batista of the 8th Naval Infantry Division was to be sent as an attache to work with the Militia leadership, while Division Colonel Ichiro Gonzales handled the politics. Meeting with the AIS leadership, he outlined his plan:

The Federation’s primary objective was setting up bases for their Regiments and Battalions with air defences, and setting up air bases for the Federal Air Force to use. The strategic goal was to simply have troops in the country to act as a deterrent to foreign or faction invasion of the island. The bulk of the forces would simply stay in their bases, drilling and training, and stay separated from the locals.

However, if they wanted, the PUF was willing to support the AIS-J military, in both training, and utilizing combat units to help destroy “significant threats to internal stability”. The Division Colonel was careful not to specify UNF forces on the island, but the implications were clear. He did emphasize the importance of ensuring his troops were given cultural attaches when deployed out of their new bases, both to ensure his soldiers did not accidentally offend, and to give the Imam some influence over how Federal actions in the field would be handled. For now, the Federation’s goal was to gain favor with what was likely the best chance at a stable government in the remains of the Commonwealth.

It was also likely that the Federation may need to redeploy some of these forces to the mainland if things got bad, but these bases would be needed for the duration of the civil war, so their deterrence stance would continue until peace could be achieved.

The Commonwealth

Although the initial Federal response wrote off The Commonwealth as a failed state. Their efforts to rally, and sympathetic supporters in Motokata, meant that efforts to aid them would begin soon. Historic relations between The Commonwealth and Motokata extended years before Motokata joined the PUF. Even in joining the PUF, Motokata was granted much more control over its local foreign policy than other Federal Nations. Given the unique position of Motokata in the Federation, part of the deal in helping the Federation support the AIS-J and PRR, the Federation needed to aid the Commonwealth for Motokatan interests. After all, it was easier for the Federal government to negotiate with a member state, and give in to reasonable demands, than to spark a constitutional crisis that could potentially delay aid, and ruin the Federation’s international image of cohesion.

Motokatan influence in the theatre was not very subtle, but very powerful. Even the Federal Fleets in the Strait, although legally belonging to the People's Federal Navy, were the ships that belonged to Motokata prior to unification, operated predominantly by Motokatan crews with Motokatan officers. By not firing on the vessels, sympathy in Motokata for the Queen was allowed to grow. Humanitarian aid for the Commonwealth was soon coming from Motokata, some Federally issued, and some from the Oligarchy itself.

A private message was sent to the Queen, from State Holder Oda:

The most honorable Queen Isabella Reyes,

I write to you to let you know that our history is not forgotten. Even now the people of Motokata cry out for the pain you and your people are going through. Our friendship may not have been close, but we have been trade partners for generations. Your importance has not been forgotten.

Although the Oligarchy of Motokata is now a part of the People's Unified Federation, we do not always agree with our eastern siblings on important matters. The future of the Commonwealth is currently among those disagreements.

I would like to thank you for your gracious act of allowing the Federation’s ships to pass through your strait. By your kind actions, I have managed to convince our Federal siblings that the rightful Queen of the Commonwealth should get additional support. We will begin humanitarian aid, and ensure that trade between our nations shall continue. Not only that, anything passing through the Strait for ports under your protection will be protected by our Navy.

However, in my negotiations with my Federal siblings, I have reached an impasse, and must ask for your help. The Federation’s main goal is to prevent the UNF from taking over the country, and will support anyone acting to achieve that goal. At the moment, that support is bread and bandages, but more concrete support is on the table. To ensure the Commonwealth gets the share of aid the rightful government of the Commonwealth deserves, I must make a heavy request of you.

The Allied Islamic State of Jubalaistan has been recognized as a free people. If you publicly acknowledge their freedom, then the Federation will have no reason to fear Commonwealth attacks on their island, and I can convince my Federal siblings that the Queen is who we should be giving the bulk of our future support to.

I must stress that the Federation will aid anyone fighting the UNF, but if I can convince them to send more aid to the Commonwealth, then less aid will go to less deserving forces.

Your supportive friend,
State Holder Hoshi Oda

People's RevolutionaryRepublic

The city of Dabana was where Captain Izel Cocolo, “La Volka,” landed with her Company of Blue Frogs, the Navy’s elite Special Forces. While the rest of 8th Division went on to defend the AIS-J, the Blue Frogs would be training fresh recruits in the ways of warfare. While Izel was ‘only’ a Captain, rank was not the only measure of success for Federal soldiers. The claws she wore around her neck symbolized her status as a member of the Jaguar Society, with the rank of Infantry: A combat vet who had killed two enemy soldiers in combat, and survived the reward of additional training. Not only that, but the leather pouch on her waist was an artifact of her religion, she was a Coyote Warrior Priest of the Naztoc-Lec faith. She had served under the legendary Coyote Warrior Priest Huemac Mendoza in Krasnova and helped train the civilians there to fight Ordenite occupation, it was there she had been blessed by the Gods and earned her priesthood. Now, here she was again, another nation, another training school, another Ordenite to skin alive. Only this time it was her turn to lead the operation. She already had two young warriors hoping to become Priest in this campaign. It was her wish to see to it they made it.

It was this proud warrior who would meet with the local People’s Chairman For Defense, Fredakar Lopez.

“I am Captain Izel Cocolo, commander of this company of soldiers who will train your militia into something the UNF will fear. Many of us have fought the pawns of the Ordenites in Krasnova, and so we bring that experience and knowledge to your shores to pass on. My job here is to oversee the training, and, if needed, perform actions against our common enemies to ensure their ultimate defeat. Those two goals will be my only objective. Occasionally, I will be tasked with passing on information from my superiors in the Federation to your superiors. Those communications are not my concern, I am only entrusted with the messages because they know I will deliver them no matter what.

The first message is this: If the People’s Revolutionary Republic is willing to recognize the independence of the Allied Islamic State of Jubalaistan, then the politicians back home will ensure the PRR can get more military aid.

Personally, I care not for your response, I have already been promised guns, anti tank weapons, and light vehicles that we use back home in our own jungle training. These tools will be passed on to you with the understanding you kill UNF fighters with them. If we get 10 guns or a million, it does not matter, we will make your soldiers the most dangerous things in these jungles. Mokans are jungle fighters first and foremost, and we will teach your recruits our ways.

Control of the Southern Strait

With the Federal Navy patrolling the strait between the mainland and Islands. They declared that they were going to keep the straight open for all humanitarian aid and economic trade. Any unarmed vessel sailing through the strait would be under Federal Protection while doing so. This protection was extended universally, at least on paper.

In practice, both the PRR and AIS would be informed that this plan would ensure they could continue to get aid and trade, including Federal help, as long as they agreed to not attack rival shipping in the Strait. While that might hurt war efforts, the PUF would gladly share intelligence of where their rival's vessels would be going and in what numbers. Even ships heading for Commonwealth and UNF controlled ports would be protected, but they were informed if they attacked vessels, then their own shipping would be considered resonable targets and effectively cut them off.

by **State of Ordena** » Fri Apr 04, 2025 10:45 am

Baidenia, United National Front controlled territory

As the situation in Baidenia stabilized following the victory by UNF forces against the Commonwealth, the quick reaction force that had arrived were swiftly preparing for what was to come. Armament and other general supplies shipments and a influx of troops the size of a entire field corps which would ensure that the United National Front could hold on to their territorial gains and if needed fight side by side with Ordenite Army forces. Already the headquarters staff for the field corps had arrived not long ago as the Generalmajor who was now the overall commander of Ordenite ground forces had been summoned by the UNF president for a meeting. Meanwhile the port facilities that Baidenia offered would now see the arrival of transport vessels bringing troops and their equipment and military vehicles. Panzerkampfwagen Löwe 2a7 main battle tanks and their heavy tank variants rolled down ramps as they moved to staging areas elsewhere with armored vehicles of different types following close behind.

What had come ashore was an elite Panzer Corps of highly indoctrinated "political soldiers" as ideologes in Ordena referred to them by as they were not merely regular soldiers but soldiers of the Ordenite Socialist Unity Party. The creme de la creme of the Ordenite Army and were highly motivated in warfighting. The Panzer Corps had last saw action in Hailandkill during the last war where they took part in the offensive following the fall of Jonesburg. When the war ended they remained their for some time before events in the distant colony of Dietsland had them slated for deployment out of region. However now after being ferried from Fernostland to Fustera they would enter what was known as the Commonwealth. Meanwhile the two Fallschirmjager regiments in Baidenia assumed positions in and around the city as they guarded over government buildings and other key infrastructure which included the port facilities and airports.

The Ordenite Krijgsmarine now in Commonwealth territorial waters off the Western coast went about positioning themselves defensively in order to ward off potential attempts by other nations to move naval vessels of their own into the area. Their was also the risk of incoming shipments being targeted as well and so additional naval vessels from Ordena would now escort these shipments to UNF controlled ports. Due to the likelihood that the civil war could turn into a full blown conventional war with another peer adversary, plans were put into motion for a partial build up of forces which would be stationed in Fustera and could then be moved to the Commonwealth if needed.

by **Tarn Emerita** » Fri Apr 04, 2025 3:30 pm

KAMNOROM SEA

The water slapped against the aircraft carrier's matte-black hull as it sliced through open waters just off the western coast of the Commonwealth. Not far off its starboard beam, a light drone carrier kept pace. They were escorted by a pair of guided missile cruisers and three frigates. Along with them sailed a corvette, an arsenal ship, and a replenishment ship. LCTF-1 Judgement Horizon was an impressive, sharp-edged force for a mercenary partnership like Lourens Consortium. But, in a region like Greater Díenstad, where advanced military arms were sold on markets black, gray, and white alike, these types of capabilities among private militaries were common — especially among the mercs of Tarn, the City of War.

The key to such fleets wasn’t just firepower, it was financing. And the contract backing LCTF-1 was lucrative enough to raise suspicions, although its sponsor remained officially classified.

LCTF-1 skillfully avoided the evolving battle between a Commonwealth carrier task group and UNF-Ordenite elements north of Baidenia. It skirted the edge of the fighting like a shadow and infiltrated reconnaissance drones through a west-south route that intersected with the country's northwestern coast. It hoped that the signal noise from the battle would help obscure its opening operations.

An AEW aircraft circled overhead, sharing air space with a combat air patrol of manned fighters and drones. The AEW was loitering closer to the coast than normal; its escort altering its flight path accordingly. It seemed almost to travel with a series of drones launched from the light carrier, though they continued further inland. These drones flew in small flights, spreading out to set eyes on the various targets for the upcoming strike package.

On cue, 16 fighters lifted off using two catapults in 40-second intervals from the larger carrier. There was a short lull during which this wave disappeared from eyesight and after what seemed a bit of a time a second wave was launched, this one composed of 12 aircraft. These roared into the distance, in the same direction of the first wave.

"CIC, Falcon-2 is above sector grid 7-Kilo. Thermal bloom detected, bearing one two niner, lower quadrant. Possible SAM array prepping to go hot," a drone operator alerted the combat information center to the possible air defense battery's location.

CIC confirmed, "Roger that, Falcon-2. Pulling up EM spectrum...confirming radar paint. It’s tracking. That’s a search lock. Range: 75 kilometers."

A few moments later, "We’ve got a full site. Grid 7-Kilo: high-resolution IR confirms four separate thermal signatures. Two launchers, one engagement radar, one acquisition unit."

"Solid copy," replied CIC, "Patch SEAD orders. Route through corridor Alpha-Six. Engagement authority granted."

There was some additional radio chatter, but as the first strike wave was about to cross the coast inland, two of the drones sent beforehand approached the detected SAM site from different directions. One of them, carrying a loadout of air-to-ground missiles, went the long way to circle around the back as the other one flew in from the front. There was quiet then for some time, until, "CIC, we’re at ingress waypoint. Paint is hot. SAM site’s turned its dome our way. That’s a hard track. Breaking formation. Deploying decoys."

Then, as if one cue, "Radiating now. Jamming the search radar. Missile lock established. Firing two ARMs on tracking signal...Splash one! Main dome shredded, secondary ARM is redirecting to launcher pad...engagement node: destroyed. Emission loss confirmed. Radar eliminated. Launcher heat signature collapsing. Kill confirmed."

Conversations like these filled the combat radio system with chatter as the ISR assets tracked, observed, and neutralized air defense systems along the ingress and egress routes. In their wake, the two strike waves struck targets just behind the northwestern coast, including major bases, command installations, supply depots, and even a convoy thought to be containing a number of high-ranking UNF military commanders. It would be common knowledge in later years that the Commonwealth had supplied the client with IFF codes in-use by the UNF in the area, which had forwarded these codes to Lourens Consortium to help map out their air strikes. The outcome was decisive, as the first wave and then the second dropped their munitions on the enemy, then turned to leave.

by **Holy Marsh** » Sun Apr 06, 2025 3:31 pm

To His Royal Majesty, King Hjalmar of Nattia,

Great King!

Your message has arrived at a most critical moment, and I am profoundly moved by your steadfast commitment to the Crown and to the enduring alliance between our realms. The Kingdom of Nattia's noble offer of material aid and the invaluable support of Lord Christopher Hollande and the Royal Expeditionaries comes as a beacon of hope in these trying times. Your words resonate deeply, a reminder that the strength of monarchies lies not only in their crowns but in their unwavering unity.

I accept your generous offers with heartfelt gratitude and solemn resolve. Let it be known that the Commonwealth stands shoulder to shoulder with Nattia, united in purpose and bonded by trust. The Royal Expeditionaries, under Lord Hollande's esteemed command, shall find our gates open and our people welcoming, their arrival marking the beginning of renewed vigor and determination.

As monarchies, we are the custodians of tradition, strength, and perseverance. Together, we will face the trials ahead with dignity and unyielding spirit, ensuring that our shared legacy remains steadfast for generations to come.

May the bond between Nattia and the Commonwealth endure as a shining example of unity in the face of adversity.

Yours in solidarity and strength,

Queen Isabella Reyes of the Commonwealth

The Queen’s acceptance of King Hjalmar’s offers sparked a quiet but fierce internal debate among her closest advisors and commanders, behind closed doors and away from the Queen. Her sudden lucidity, though welcome, complicated matters for those navigating the precarious balance of loyalty to the Crown and the reality of the political pressures surrounding her rule. While her moments of clarity imbued her decisions with a sense of renewed authority, they also posed challenges for those who viewed her reign as unstable and sought alternative arrangements for leadership—potentially with the Golden Throne’s support.

For many within her circle, there was a sense of obligation to support her decisions when she displayed this level of coherence. Her acceptance of Nattia’s aid, including the offer of Lord Christopher Hollande and the Royal Expeditionaries, was seen as strategically advantageous, bolstering both morale and material strength. Those aligned with the Queen hoped that such gestures of alliance might solidify her legitimacy in the eyes of both her subjects and the international stage. Her words carried a conviction that reminded some of the monarch she once was, rekindling a cautious optimism.

Yet, beneath this outward support lay an undercurrent of dissent. Certain advisors, skeptical of her ability to sustain this lucidity over the long term, viewed the acceptance of Nattian aid as a dangerous gamble. Lord Hollande’s presence, in particular, was a source of concern. As an experienced leader of a highly disciplined and independent force, he could become a complicating factor for those plotting behind the scenes. If the Queen faltered or if the Royal Expeditionaries chose to involve themselves in palace politics, any maneuvering to transition power could become exponentially more difficult.

The faction exploring the possibility of working with the Golden Throne to depose the Queen now found themselves in a precarious position. They understood the optics of acting against a monarch who appeared capable, even if temporarily. Their challenge was twofold: biding their time for an opportunity to question her decisions while avoiding alienating the Nattians or provoking Lord Hollande into action. The presence of a foreign royal's trusted sibling, commanding a peacekeeping force of significant renown, added another layer of risk to any schemes of transition.

by **Holy Marsh** » Sun Apr 06, 2025 3:32 pm

Jubalaistan- Operation: Sidewinder Ground Offensive

The arrival of the Ṣuʿūdiyyūn was a matter of grave concern to the Front, but especially their forces on the island itself. They were already outnumbered by the forces of the AIS-J, and now they were threatened with a doubling of that manpower as well as the presence of a Federal military force. It was decided that the only option was to interrupt the Islamist's ability to reinforce through their two major ports, Amadah and Al-Qadir. Operation: Sidewinder was initiated.

The first stage was an attack through the Jebalah valley, near the center of the AIS-J front. This attack came from the 11th Armored Regiment, supported by elements of two infantry battalions and air support. The UNF tangoed with the few squadrons of AIS-J aircraft in an uneven fight, and by late afternoon the attack started to gain steam. Several border villages were lost and armored forces had started to move down a major highway through a forest. It was here where the nature of the battle changed. Unknown to local UNF commanders, Commander Faisal al-Din Arnel Santos had foreseen this attack even before hostilities broke out and had assigned a brigade of the AIS-J's best equipped and trained soldiers in the forest. There, they launched a night time counter-offensive that nearly completely surrounded the 11th Armored. By mid-morning, the commander of the regiment had been killed as had his XO. Desperate fighting throughout the day was followed by additional AIS-J reserves being thrown into the offensive, alongside hurried reinforcements from the UNF. The battle stagnated, with the burning vestiges of the 11th Armored fighting desperate platoon level engagements for their survival as the heavily forested terrain concealed movements from both sides. Villages in the area became hotspots of bloody fighting as heavy weaponry from both sides moved in to support the fight.

The good general celebrated this bloody halting of the Front's advance, believing that he had blunted in near totality the main thrust of the Front's operations on the island. What he did not know was that, while the offensive was indeed a tactical catastrophe for the UNF, the offensive had succeeded in its real goal: Diverting attention and resources from their real operation.

Jubalaistan- Operation: Sidewinder Main Objectives

Amadah and Al-Qadir were earmarked for the UNF-loyal elements of the 24th Ranger Regiment. First came a series of airstrikes against anti-air defenses, both Islamic and Federal. The first few packages were precision attacks using a mix of assets, including the only MAF-50S unit on the island. This was followed by a massed strategic bombing by four MISB-3 Stalkers from the mainland- signifying the most potent bombing force deployed by the UNF. These attacks broadly succeeded in crippling local air defenses for a period of a few days as well as deploying a light naval minefield. Following this, the 24th Ranger used clear vectors to pierce the joint Islamic/Federal air defense network.

In Amadah, they were aided by local Federal Marines having moved to forward defensive positions in expectation of a UNF breakthrough. The UNF's helicopters were flying above the city before a response could be formed. Initial defensive moves were aimed to protecting leadership figures, which further pulled forces from the docks. Multiple helicopters were damaged or shot down en route to the port, but the Rangers landed under easier than expected conditions. They fought local AIS-J forces and Mokastanan naval infantry stationed at the port itself, managing to secure it after several hours of fighting. Overhead, air support from aircraft as well as attack helicopters allowed them to eventually form a solid defensive perimeter around the port. Demolition teams went to work wiring the docks for destruction, while forces not engaged in direct combat worked to lay a growing minefield. A secondary flight of partial reinforcements and logistics aid was broadly successful. Hours before the first Ṣuʿūdiyyūn were due to arrive, the Rangers had started to cripple the docks while engaging in bitter street fighting near the perimeter, while preparing to defend the docks from a sea-side assault as best they could.

In Al-Qadir, the Rangers fared nearly as well. There were fewer AIS-J forces in the area, but they were also further away from the front and had been slower to respond to requests for reinforcements to the front. Federal Marines were also located closer to the docks. The initial phase of the attack went as well as in Amadah, but Federal marines responded quicker than in the Jubalaistan capital. The Rangers still managed to secure the port, but with a tighter perimeter and more significant losses, they were unable to mine and prep the docks to the same level. The port facilities were damaged but not crippled beyond use. They resolved to hold onto the port and defend it until they were forced out.

Central Magdaran Offensive One: UNF Shatters Commonwealth Lines

The first prong of the UNF's offensive in Central Magdaran unfolded as a textbook example of shock and maneuver warfare. Fueled by the determination to capitalize on the fractured state of Commonwealth defenses and the confidence granted by the Ordenite presence securing their rear positions, the UNF's elite units spearheaded the assault with precision and unrelenting aggression.

Commonwealth lines, already under strain from the logistical reshuffling necessitated by the PRR's attacks from the salient to the east, were caught flat-footed. The UNF struck at critical points along the defensive front with overwhelming force, exploiting gaps and seizing key terrain with ruthless efficiency. Mechanized infantry and armor, coordinated with concentrated artillery barrages, punched through the Commonwealth’s hastily prepared defenses in several locations, leaving their enemy scrambling to contain the breaches.

Within mere hours, the north became a theater of cascading disasters for the Commonwealth. Communications were fragmented, and orders struggled to reach units attempting to hold their ground. Breakthroughs turned into collapses as morale began to crack under the weight of the relentless assault. By the second day of the offensive, the Commonwealth defensive line had all but shattered, forcing entire divisions to retreat in increasingly disorganized fashion. Their retreat was marked by frantic efforts to regroup, but the pace of the UNF advance allowed them little reprieve.

Running battles erupted as Commonwealth forces fell back, their rearguards desperately engaging to delay the UNF’s advance and cover the withdrawal of what remained of their units. These engagements were fierce and chaotic, with Commonwealth troops often outmatched by the superior coordination and equipment of the UNF elite units. Despite valiant efforts, the retreat bordered on collapse, with pockets of stranded soldiers fighting to escape encirclement. Minister Ward had the unnerving gall- and business acumen- to livestream several of these holdouts being wiped out to live audiences on television and social media in UNF controlled areas. A rating bonanza, if disgusting.

By the 48-hour mark, the situation in the north could only be described as catastrophic for the Commonwealth. The UNF had not only achieved its immediate objectives but had also severely degraded the Commonwealth’s capacity to mount a cohesive defense in the region. The northern prong of the offensive was shaping up to be a decisive blow, leaving Commonwealth forces scrambling to stabilize their positions and prevent further disaster.

Central Magdaran Offensive Two: Commonwealth Rallies

The second prong of the UNF’s offensive in Central Magdaran unraveled into a grim tale of miscalculation and overreach. Unlike the shattered Commonwealth defenses facing the first prong, the second sector proved to be an entirely different battlefield. Here, the Commonwealth had managed to consolidate one of its few remaining intact and well-led formations on the mainland. Hardened by previous engagements and still operationally cohesive, these forces were ready to respond decisively.

The offensive began with optimism. Early skirmishes saw minor gains as UNF forces pressed their attack, exploiting initial gaps in the Commonwealth’s forward positions. But this promising start quickly gave way to ferocious resistance. The Commonwealth’s countermeasures came with a precision and savagery that caught the UNF off guard. Coordinated defensive fire, superior knowledge of the terrain, and an unwavering chain of command proved devastating. Losses began to mount at an alarming rate, and the offensive stalled under the weight of Commonwealth resolve.

With mounting casualties and no clear path forward, UNF commanders debated abandoning the attack and redirecting resources to the attack where their forces were achieving spectacular success. However, before such plans could fully materialize, the Lourens Consortium launched a series of air attacks that struck at UNF rear areas, even momentarily paralyzing their command and control. These airstrikes swept across key logistical hubs and command centers, shattering the UNF’s ability to effectively communicate and deploy reinforcements across the operational area. What had been a controlled withdrawal from the Commonwealth rapidly shifted into an outright rout. This airstrike package punched far above their weight, and it would take several weeks for the Commonwealth to become fully cognizant of just how important this mercenary-led operation truly was.

Seizing the initiative, the Commonwealth launched a counter-offensive that stunned the UNF with its speed and intensity. Commonwealth forces surged forward, not only reclaiming the territory lost in the initial assault but plunging into UNF-held areas. Their maneuver threatened to flank the northern offensive, turning the UNF’s spectacular gains into a potential liability. The situation spiraled as the UNF scrambled to stabilize their lines, the chaos compounded by the damage to their command and control.

Central Magdaran Offensive Three: On a Knife’s Edge

The tide of battle in Central Magdaran shifted once again as the UNF moved swiftly to avert disaster. Recognizing the dire threat posed by the Commonwealth counter-offensive, UNF command deployed several elite units, including the formidable 3rd Armored Division, to stabilize the situation. The 3rd Armored, a prized formation known for its advanced equipment and battlefield prowess, became the linchpin of the effort to halt the Commonwealth advance.

The fighting converged on the region’s largest east-west highway, a critical artery for the UNF’s logistical operations. Control of this highway was essential—not only for the continued success of the northern prong of the offensive but for sustaining the UNF's overall momentum in Central Magdaran. The Commonwealth forces, emboldened by their earlier successes, threw everything they had into the battle, determined to sever the supply network and turn the UNF’s progress against itself.

What followed was a brutal, grinding engagement. The 3rd Armored Division spearheaded counterattacks, their tanks and mechanized infantry clashing with Commonwealth forces in a series of pitched battles along the highway. Artillery roared and churned the landscape, and airstrikes from both sides raked the battlefield, turning the surrounding terrain into a shattered, chaotic landscape. Losses were heavy on both sides, but the UNF managed to regain a tenuous foothold, containing the Commonwealth advance and preventing a catastrophic breakthrough.

By the time the dust settled, the UNF had successfully blunted the counter-offensive and retained control of the vital highway. However, the situation remained precarious. The Commonwealth’s push into UNF-held territory still loomed dangerously close to the logistical lifeline supporting the still-continuing attack that was even then blazing through Commonwealth territory. On one hand, they celebrated the tremendous gains they were still adding to, believing that they were growing closer to breaking the Commonwealth on the mainland. On the other, they faced the growing reality that their logistical arteries were under direct threat, undermining the entire offensive.

As commanders scrambled to re-calibrate their strategy, it became clear that the battle for Central Magdaran was far from over. For all their successes, the UNF now teetered on a knife’s edge, with victory in one sector potentially undercut by disaster in another.

PRR Victory in the Heartland

The People's Revolutionary Republic launched an ambitious and coordinated operation in the heartland of the Commonwealth, striking at the heart of United National Front positions with an intensity that had not been seen before. The offensive, a hallmark of the PRR’s growing organizational prowess and military strength, was led by some of their best-trained forces and the most well-organized, including the People’s First Army led by General Igme Trinidad. The operation aimed to cut the UNF's territory in the heartland in half.

In a well-executed pincer movement, PRR forces advanced from two directions, overwhelming UNF defenses that had already begun to show signs of strain. The frontlines, marked by hastily constructed fortifications and overextended troops, crumbled under the combined pressure of relentless and impassioned infantry assaults and well-coordinated artillery barrages. The UNF's inability to mount a cohesive defense allowed the PRR to achieve multiple breakthroughs, severing key supply lines and communication networks. Within days, the heartland was in disarray, and the UNF’s forces were forced into a hurried retreat.

The operation not only divided the UNF-controlled territories but sent their forces into a desperate flight toward two enclaves—the urban city terrain of Garbana to the south and the defensively advantageous area flanked by two rivers to the north. The retreat was chaotic, with PRR forces pressing their advantage at every turn. Harrowing battles erupted along the routes of withdrawal, as PRR vanguard units harried the UNF columns, inflicting heavy losses and capturing vast quantities of abandoned supplies and equipment. The UNF’s retreat resembled a collapse, their forces barely managing to consolidate in their respective strongholds. Nonetheless, the aggression of the PRR attack and the stout bravery of several UNF battalions not only allowed for this retreat to be possible, but bloodied the PRR considerably as well.

For the PRR leadership, the success of the operation was heralded as a turning point in the civil war. Captured UNF soldiers were paraded in the streets of Kalinog City. The Revolution, as they called it, had struck a decisive blow against the reactionary forces of the UNF. Propaganda bulletins celebrated the victories with fervor, painting the PRR as the rightful and inevitable saviors of the nation, sweeping away the last vestiges of the Commonwealth's corrupt and oppressive structures.

Even as celebrations of their triumph echoed through PRR-controlled territories, preparations for the next phase of the campaign began in earnest. Military planners and revolutionary leaders turned their attention to the two remaining UNF enclaves. They saw these last bastions not just as military targets but as symbolic strongholds of the regime that needed to be destroyed to secure the mainland fully. Troop movements were coordinated, supply chains reinforced, and reconnaissance missions conducted to map every potential obstacle for what would undoubtedly be a climactic series of battles.

For the PRR rank and file, the momentum of the Revolution was palpable. The idea of finally securing the heartland filled them with determination, a belief that their sacrifices were paving the way for a new era. They did this, knowing that the remnants of the UNF, cornered and desperate, would fight fiercely to protect their final footholds in the heartland. The Revolution demanded nothing less than total victory.

Jungle, Fevered

The southern jungles descended into chaos as the United National Front's tenuous defenses buckled under the combined pressure of the Commonwealth and PRR offensives. What began as a coordinated attack quickly spiraled into a whirlwind of confusion and disarray. UNF units, caught in the crossfire between the two factions, struggled to hold their lines, but over the course of several brutal days, cohesion gave way to fragmentation.

The dense terrain only compounded the UNF’s difficulties. Jungle trails, once mapped and fortified, became death traps as supply lines faltered and communication broke down. Isolated units, unaware of the breakthroughs by enemy forces, continued to hold positions that had already been rendered strategically irrelevant. These pockets of resistance fought valiantly but were slowly consumed by encroaching Commonwealth and PRR forces, their efforts disconnected from any larger operational plan.

While the Commonwealth and PRR pushed deeper into the UNF's holdings, their paths inevitably crossed in contested territory. At first, skirmishes between the two factions were limited to accidental engagements, but tensions quickly escalated after a PRR communications team and their escort were found brutally killed near a Commonwealth held position. The scene was grisly and their deaths slow, the perpetrators unknown, and accusations began to fly. PRR leaders suspected foul play from the Commonwealth, while Commonwealth officers vehemently denied any involvement.

Despite efforts to contain the situation, the animosity between the Commonwealth and PRR boiled over. A Commonwealth reconnaissance group stumbled upon PRR forces in the aftermath of the incident and opened fire, sparking open hostilities. The jungle erupted into a new layer of violence as the PRR and Commonwealth began engaging each other directly.

For the UNF remnants, the escalating chaos offered no reprieve. While their enemies turned against each other, the isolated pockets of UNF resistance were steadily ground down, their positions picked apart by relentless assaults from both sides. The UNF presence in the jungle was reduced to scattered holdouts, trapped in a maelstrom of violence that showed no signs of abating. The PRR noted quickly into this new round of hostilities that the Commonwealth forces present were significantly more cohesive and dangerous than expected. The presence of Federal forces for training soon became viewed as a godsend, as one platoon of PRR scouts after another vanished into the jungles soundlessly, never to be found.

The Battle of the Kamnorum Sea One - Skirmishes

From the outset of the war, the Kamnorom Sea witnessed sporadic clashes between the Commonwealth Navy and the UNF’s nal forces. Patrol boats, smaller frigates, and corvettes exchanged gunfire and launched quick raids under the cover of night, with neither side committing fully to outright engagement. The sea had become a theater of cat-and-mouse tactics, a peripheral conflict compared to the brutal battles on land.

However, the arrival of Ordenite naval forces in the northern reaches of the Kamnorom Sea fundamentally altered the balance of power. With the Ordenites securing Baidenia's northern waters, the UNF’s control over the surrounding seas became a point of confidence. The presence of such an imposing ally turned Baidenia into a fortress, its waters patrolled aggressively to ward off potential Commonwealth advances. This show of strength forced the Commonwealth to abandon an ambitious naval plan to strike at Baidenia directly, redirecting their resources to focus on other theaters of the conflict.

The Commonwealth Navy instead turned its attention southward, probing for weaknesses along UNF shipping lanes and seeking opportunities to extend their shipping safety lanes. This need, coupled with the looming shadow of Ordenite supremacy, set the stage for what would become a far more complex and expansive naval campaign. Each side prepared for what lay ahead—knowing the tides of war would soon crash against both.

The Battle of the Kamnorum Sea Two - A Trap, Sprung

The Commonwealth capitalized on a rare intelligence victory against the UNF Navy. The UNF, under the mistaken belief that elements of the Commonwealth’s Southern Fleet were reinforcing their positions thanks to a successful ideological coup, extended their naval probes deeper into contested waters. This dispersion of forces, intended to cut off Isle Dominga from vital foreign aid and force its leadership into capitulation, would prove to be a grave misstep.

The Commonwealth, fully aware of the UNF’s operational objectives, prepared an audacious counterstroke. Taking advantage of the UNF fleet’s fractured positioning, Commonwealth naval commanders coordinated an intricate two-pronged attack. While one group of Commonwealth vessels approached from the southern waters, exploiting the UNF’s belief in their alliance, another force maneuvered in from the north, cutting off potential avenues of retreat and completing the encirclement.

As the operation commenced, UNF ships were caught entirely off guard. Initial contact with Commonwealth forces led to frantic efforts to regroup, but the dispersed nature of their deployment left many isolated and vulnerable. Commonwealth vessels, smaller and more maneuverable, took advantage of their nimbleness and used coordinated strikes to disable key targets, while heavier ships held positions that locked the UNF fleet in a precarious pincer.

The Battle of the Kamnorum Sea Three- Blood in the Water

The Commonwealth’s three carriers in the battle dominated the aerial battles over the Kamnorom Sea, their combined air groups overwhelming the UNF’s lone carrier and its supporting vessels. Launching coordinated waves of strike aircraft, each carrier deployed bombers armed with sophisticated anti-ship missiles alongside electronic warfare units tasked with jamming and disrupting UNF defenses. The breadth of their capabilities allowed the Commonwealth to project control over a vast swath of the battlefield, creating a layered offensive that left the UNF’s air assets scrambling to respond. These assets were in turn reduced quickly- and before long, the air was dominated by the Commonwealth.

The Commonwealth utilized its superior positioning and coordination to launch devastating missile salvos against the Front’s ships. Leveraging data from reconnaissance aircraft and satellite feeds, plus the remaining IFF data that they could find use for, the carriers acted as command hubs, directing precision strikes against critical targets such as the UNF’s escort vessels and logistical support ships. The missiles deployed by the Commonwealth included advanced models with stealth capabilities, designed to evade radar detection and strike with pinpoint accuracy.

The UNF retaliated with everything it had, utilizing its carrier and surface vessels to launch barrages of supersonic anti-ship missiles. While some of these strikes found their marks, damaging Commonwealth vessels, they lacked the focus needed to tip the scales. Commonwealth ships were able to mount layered defenses, using missile interceptors and electronic countermeasures to neutralize a significant portion of incoming fire.

The submarine conflict beneath the surface was no less intense. Commonwealth submarines, the pride of the pre-war navy, prowled the depths with lethal efficiency. Coordinating with surface assets they launched torpedoes and cruise missiles against vulnerable UNF vessels- including the NFN Santa Domina, the Terbera-class heavy fleet replenishment refueler. The destruction of this and three other oilers and replenishment vessels over the course of a single day proved crippling.

The UNF had very few submarines, yet they still sought to counter the Commonwealth’s dominance, targeting high-value assets such as carriers and supply ships. However, the Commonwealth’s anti-submarine warfare capabilities proved to be a decisive factor. Equipped with cutting-edge towed sonar arrays and ASW helicopters, the Commonwealth fleet tracked and neutralized UNF submarines with precision, limiting their ability to affect the outcome of the broader engagement.

The Battle of the Kamnorum Sea Four- Baidenia Operation

The Kamnorom Sea saw a dramatic and decisive victory for the Commonwealth Navy, solidifying their dominance in the region—for the moment. Central to this victory was the destruction of the UNF’s lone aircraft carrier, the NFN Lapinta-Lau, named after the legendary national founder. Two dozen other major surface vessels were destroyed or heavily damaged, scuttled, or otherwise knocked out of the fighting. Four of the Front’s limited submarines were sunk, and more than half of its power-projection logistical arm was destroyed.

The victory emboldened the Commonwealth’s northern fleet to seize the initiative and launch an audacious assault against Baidenia itself—a move considered highly risky but potentially game-changing. The attack came at a moment of strategic confusion for the Ordenite-Front bloc, who were momentarily locked in by mercenary attack that impacted command and control through the Front’s operation. Though Ordenite naval vessels were highly advanced, manned by crews experienced in numerous conflicts, the surprise nature of the Commonwealth offensive caught the bloc off-guard and gave the attackers a critical opening.

The Commonwealth's fleet pushed toward Baidenia with air support launched from Isle Dominga, coordinating strikes designed to disrupt Ordenite naval formations and sow chaos among their defenses. Heavy anti-ship missile exchanges turned the waters around Baidenia into a brutal spectacle, with both sides suffering material losses. Commonwealth cruisers and destroyers endured punishing counterattacks.

As the battle escalated, it became apparent that the Ordenite orces had the capacity to grind the Commonwealth attack down. Commonwealth ships began to falter under the weight of persistent Ordenite strikes, their formations losing cohesion as losses mounted. Nevertheless, the Commonwealth's air strikes on Baidenia’s docks proved decisive. Explosions rippled across key logistical hubs and piers, wreaking havoc on the city’s maritime infrastructure and delaying vital supply and reinforcement efforts.

Believing that the damage to Baidenia's docks had reached a level sufficient to undermine UNF operations in the region, Commonwealth commanders ordered a naval retreat. The decision came at a critical juncture, as further engagement risked annihilation of their remaining forces. While the attack had inflicted considerable losses on the Ordenite navy and disrupted Baidenia’s operational capacity, it was also costly for the Commonwealth. The withdrawal marked an end to the northern fleet's audacious foray.

The Battle of the Kamnorum Sea Five- Sea of Woe

The Commonwealth's naval withdrawal from the Kamnorom Sea swiftly evolved into a harrowing ordeal as reorganized UNF naval forces joined their Ordenite allies in pursuit. What began as a controlled retreat quickly transformed into a desperate struggle for survival. The Commonwealth fleet, battered by several days of relentless combat, found itself increasingly vulnerable as dwindling supplies and mounting fatigue eroded its fighting capability until the entirety of the northern fleet was threatened with a defeat as grand as teh victory it had only recently secured.

The UNF, emboldened by the chance to regroup and strike back alongside the experienced Ordenite navy, launched a concerted effort to capitalize on the Commonwealth’s precarious state. Smaller UNF vessels surged forward to harry the retreating fleet, peppering Commonwealth ships with missile salvos and sporadic torpedo attacks. Simultaneously, Ordenite warships maintained the pressure with precision strikes from long-range systems, leveraging their superior training and coordination to drive the Commonwealth fleet toward collapse.

As the Commonwealth’s vessels struggled to maintain cohesion, losses mounted rapidly. Frigates and destroyers bore the brunt of the attacks, their point-defense systems overwhelmed by successive missile barrages. Several smaller ships were lost outright, their crews scrambling into lifeboats as explosions tore through hulls. The retreat risked turning into a rout as the combined might of the UNF and Ordenite forces threatened to overrun the Commonwealth’s battered fleet.

In the midst of the chaos, it was the aircraft from Isle Dominga that proved to be the Commonwealth’s saving grace. Waves of fighters and bombers launched from the island engaged aggressively, intercepting incoming missile threats and targeting UNF vessels to create breathing room for the retreating fleet. Their efforts were instrumental in preventing the destruction of two Commonwealth aircraft carriers in the northern fleet, which had become priority targets for the UNF-Ordenite assault.

Even with aerial support, the Commonwealth fleet’s escape came at a steep price. The once-proud armada limped away from the Kamnorom Sea, leaving a trail of debris and wreckage behind. While they managed to salvage their two remaining carriers, the loss of numerous other ships marked a bloody rebuke for their daring.

Isle Bagarana- “Get the Hell Off My Island!”

On Isle Bagarana, General Rizaldo Guillermo undertook an unwavering campaign to consolidate Commonwealth forces and fortify their position. Bagarana had become a crucial stronghold for the Commonwealth, serving as both a staging ground and a symbol of their remaining strength. Guillermo, a seasoned commander with a reputation for decisiveness, recognized the island’s strategic value and moved to secure it against the encroaching forces of the PRR and the UNF. Those who could moive against him had already been eliminated, and while some civil officials expressed concern about his erosion of civil liberties, they found themselves drowned out by artillery and the necessities of survival.

Throughout this phase, Guillermo masterminded an aggressive program of entrenchment, logistical refinement, and morale-building. Defensive lines were bolstered, supply routes solidified, and the Commonwealth’s forces on the island grew into a disciplined and cohesive unit under his leadership. While other theaters of war flared with unpredictability, Bagarana became a cornerstone of stability, a bastion against chaos.

As the conflict in the region reached a boiling point, Guillermo decided to go on the offensive. With the PRR and UNF both holding pockets of territory on the island, he launched a meticulously planned assault designed to drive them out completely. Commonwealth forces struck simultaneously at PRR and UNF positions, exploiting their lack of coordination and divided focus. The offensive was ferocious, marked by artillery barrages, relentless infantry advances, and precision air strikes.

Guillermo’s bold strategy was paired with an audacious psychological gambit. In no uncertain terms, he issued a warning to the occupying forces, declaring that unless they “got the hell off his island”, he would unleash “absolute Armageddon” upon their positions.

Quiet in Mananakop

Mananakop entered a temporary lull, the cacophony of battle replaced by an uneasy quiet as the Allied Christian Militias pulled back from the contested valley, avoiding an inevitable attack that they would be hard pressed to stop. Both the UNF and PRR refrained from launching any further operations during this period, leaving the ACM with a rare and precious opportunity to regroup and refocus.

The ACM’s leadership, recognizing the fragility of their current position, turned their attention inward. With no heavy vehicles or artillery, no air support, and only an informal command structure, the movement was a patchwork of local militia groups and volunteer forces. To transform into a viable fighting force capable of withstanding future assaults, the ACM needed to weave these disparate elements into a cohesive whole.

Efforts began with the establishment of formal defensive lines around cities and critical choke points. Makeshift fortifications were improved, incorporating scavenged materials and captured supplies. Local ngineers and builders worked tirelessly to strengthen positions, relying on ingenuity rather than advanced resources. Defensive perimeters were extended, watchtowers were built, and trenches dug—Mananakop was becoming a fortress by necessity, if not by design.

Just as critical was the structuring of command and coordination. ACM leaders gathered to draft a rudimentary chain of command, appointing regional captains and establishing communication protocols that could function even under duress. Training programs were improvised, with experienced fighters passing their knowledge to newer recruits. Admiral Greene was de facto given the position of commander in chief of the armed forces, such as they were. Captain Sarah Mitchell and her privately created crisis response unit- formed of local retired special forces and former active duty special police units- were formalized as A Company (Angel) of the 1st Mananakop Defense Regiment.

Meanwhile, propaganda and morale-building efforts flourished. The ACM used the temporary lull to solidify its foundation, reinforcing the movement’s identity as protectors of their faith and land against the oppressive forces surrounding them. They sought to galvanize local support, rallying civilians to their cause and ensuring their narratives were tied to both faith and resistance. Young and old alike were encouraged to take up arms, reporting to local churches and sheriff offices, which were both used as staging grounds for greater mobilizations.

Though the quiet in Mananakop was fragile and likely temporary, the ACM saw it as a crucial window to lay the groundwork for their survival. The storm was sure to come again, but they resolved to meet it as more than a scattered collection of militias. They aimed to emerge from this period unified, prepared, and far more capable of defending their faith and freedoms.

Northern Provinces- A Most Fatal Mistake

Near the border of the Northern Province, a PRR regimental commander decided to launch a bold attempt to "liberate" the Northern Provinces, driven by their atheistic, socialist zeal- and a total misunderstanding and ignorance of the incoming tide of steel. Misguided by ideological fervor and seemingly unaware of the Provinces’ own alignment with the Marshite Theocracy, the regiment embarked on an ill-conceived operation to halt what they perceived as oppressive encroachment. In reality, the Northern Provinces had not only requested annexation into the Theocracy but actively prepared to defend their choice.

The PRR's offensive began with dramatic posturing and high morale, but this confidence quickly faltered as they encountered the formidable Sarda and Provincial Guard native to the region. These defenders, well-trained and well-versed in their land, were uniquely suited to the rugged terrain where the engagement unfolded. Utilizing ambush tactics, superior maneuverability, and intimate knowledge of the battlefield, the Northern Provinces inflicted catastrophic losses on the PRR force in a matter of hours.

The PRR’s enthusiasm for ideological battle was no match for the disciplined and highly mobile light infantry, who exploited every weakness in the attackers' formations. The PRR regiment’s lack of preparation and cohesion became glaringly apparent under the pressure of swift counterattacks. Skirmishes turned into routs, and any semblance of an organized advance disintegrated in the face of relentless and precise resistance.

Realizing the scale of their failure, the PRR forces fell back in disarray, retreating across the border under fire. The entire operation lasted only a few hours but would prove the undoing of many tens of thousands of socialist footsoldiers in the coming days.

Within hours, Marshite forces mobilized and launched a swift and decisive invasion into PRR-held territory, targeting the very area from which the ill-fated operation had been conducted. The precision and ferocity of the Marshite advance made it clear that this was not merely retaliation—it was an assertion of dominance.

The PRR regiment, already suffering from catastrophic losses during their botched assault on the Northern Provinces, was utterly unprepared for the Marshite onslaught. The Marshites, battle-hardened zealots utilizing much more advanced equipment and supported by highly coordinated airstrikes and artillery barrages, crashed into the PRR. Armored formations and mechanized infantry swept through the region, neutralizing resistance with overwhelming force while airborne moved ahead.

By mid-afternoon, the shattered PRR regiment was absolutely wiped out. Marshite units systematically dismantled their defenses, routing any stragglers and eliminating remaining pockets of resistance down to the last man and woman. The remnants of the regiment’s zeal were erased in the face of superior training and firepower. The territory, once a staging ground for the PRR’s misguided ideological ambitions, now belonged to the advancing Marshite forces.

As the invasion progressed beyond its initial objectives, the Marshite Theocracy demonstrated no sign of slowing. Their battle-hardened divisions pressed deeper into PRR-controlled areas, seeking to expand their foothold. The PRR’s higher leadership in the area was unaware of these events at first. Communication was difficult and much of the PRR’s forces were still irregulars only organized as a fighting force on paper. Their focus was on the south, recouping from the attack on Fort Chavez several days before. Coupled with Marshite electronic warfare, the Marshites advanced time and time again against completely unaware opposition.

The Marshite advance unfolded like a force of nature, relentless and unforgiving in its progress through PRR-held territory. By the time PRR leadership came to grips with the magnitude of the situation, the damage was already extensive. Marshite forces, exploiting the initial disarray caused by their overwhelming invasion, had utterly annihilated multiple formations and rendered defensive positions into dust, carving through the heart of the PRR's local territory with surgical precision.

Desperate to halt the onslaught, PRR leadership sent an urgent communiqué to the Theocratic Matriarchy, claiming no responsibility for the initial attack on the Northern Provinces. They explained that the offensive was the unsanctioned act of a rogue commander, operating outside their orders. While this statement was entirely accurate, their plea fell on deaf ears. The Marshites, steadfast in their purpose, offered no response. Their advance was a declaration of intent and fury, and they continued to dismantle the PRR's holdings with chilling efficiency and ease.

In every engagement, the PRR forces faltered against the might of the Marshite advance. Marshite mechanized units and air support neutralized defensive lines, while their infantry overwhelmed positions in one-sided close-quarters combat. For the PRR, even attempts at regrouping proved futile, as their forces were encircled or shattered before they could mount a meaningful defense.

Territorial losses mounted by the hour, leaving PRR leadership scrambling to adapt to an enemy they had never foreseen. For the Marshites, this was not simply a punitive strike—it was a message delivered with devastating clarity: Encroachment on the Northern Provinces would not go unanswered, regardless of the circumstances behind it.

by **Tarn Emerita** » Sun Apr 06, 2025 4:57 pm

KAMNOROM SEA

As the 28 fighter jets made their return to LCTF-1, the AEW aircraft had already started moving southward toward the edge of the southern perimeter of the fleet's combat air patrol. It started to surveil the naval battle underway between the Commonwealth and the UNF, the latter backed by Ordena. Although LCTF-1 wanted to avoid a direct confrontation with the Ordenites until it had a more stable foothold in the warzone, the pursuit of two fleeting Commonwealth aircraft carriers by UNF vessels presented a juicy opportunity for Lourens to inflict some more damage in the early rounds of the war.

Already, the task force had taken on an oblique shape as to stay out of the Ordenite's fleet direct envelop of engagement but still within strike distance of the pursuing UNF vessels. This put the attacking UNF ships almost between the fleeing Commonwealth carrier fleets and the Lourens Consortium naval force. One of Lourens' cruisers, covered by two frigates, were at edge of LCTF's envelop, shadowing the fighting that was nearing its conclusion. Overhead, small drones added another layer of surveillance. In the meantime, the corvette had repositioned itself further north in the task force, away from the ships passively observing the fighting. It starting emitting decoy signals to mimic LCTF-1's signature, attempting to confuse the target on the true location of the merc fleet.

Although quite a bit of time passed before the action, when LCTF-1 launched its second attack it did so decisively. The cruiser that had moved southeast to observe the pursuing UNF ships opened fire. Simultaneously, the task force's arsenal ship, tucked within the protective screen of the escort ships, joined in with its own firepower. A first wave of 10 mixed-type missiles, including decoys, were launched to force early intercepts and probe the enemy's defense. About one minute later, a second wave of 20 anti-ship missiles were launched, this time to saturate defenses. A third wave, two minutes after, also of 20 anti-ship missiles, but this time entirely fired by the arsenal ship, targeted the UNF carrier and its escorts with precision strkes. A final wave of 10 missiles was subsequently launched to hit missed targets or crippled ships. LCTF-1 hoped that the UNF would be distracted by its pursuit and not have time to prepare for the attack, but even so the launch sequence was designed assuming the enemy fleet would see the attack coming.

As the ships engaged their targets, two EW drones were already actively jamming and spoofing enemy radars to help degrade their defensive capabilities in anticipation of the missile strikes. Two manned fighter jets, off the task force's main carrier, had also infiltrated enemy airspace just as the third wave of anti-shipping missiles were screaming toward the UNF ships. They dropped four anti-radiation missiles, which like their anti-shipping missile cousins skimmed just above the waves until they popped up in front of their objectives: UNF ship-borne air defense radars.

Another four fighter jets were launched via catapults off Judgment Horizon's carrier's deck in conjunction with the two that had just launched a SEAD strike. These four, however, were aiming to do as much damage to the pursuing ships as possible. They launched a total of twelve sea-skimming anti-ship missiles, also timing it to coincide with the third wave of ship-launched munitions, having approached from an alternative angle to confound the defenders further.

But LFTF-1 wasn't looking for a prolonged fight. Or, even to finish what it had started. Instead, the task force continued moving south, skirting westward to disengage. It headed toward the eastern coast of Isla Dominga, where it could regroup and plan its next move.

Some time later...

"Commodore, preliminary intelligence suggests our air strikes in the northwest were effective," said the senior intelligence officer. "So much so that we may have contributed to the stabilization of the front there."

The commodore, whose uniform's name tag read Alexander R. Talcott, was seemingly nonplussed. "Still, Baidenia has fallen, and we don't have easy access to the Commonwealth's interior. What do the city's defenses look like?"

"Sir, an attack on Baidenia is unadvisable at the moment. I recommend we coordinate the city's retaking with a larger coalition force," replied the intelligence officer. "However, our intelligence network suggests that Dimalaya province is sufficiently quiet for us to land an expeditionary force there to secure it in anticipation of reinforcements."

"Quiet?" asked Talcott, surprised. "Isn't the frontline a hundred kilometers or less from the city?"

The intelligence officer shook her head. "To the contrary, we have strong evidence suggesting that there are no planned offensives in that area in the near future. We could land a small force in the minor port city of Hyganan, while our fleet resupplies off the coast of Isla Dominga."

Talcott was silent for a moment, making calculations in his head. Finally, he said, "Thank you, Lieutenant Commander Ava Merrow."

She snapped to attention to give him a salute and then about-faced to leave. He considered the situation for a little while longer. Despite the successes so far, the situation was precarious. The Ordenites had deployed large forces to the area and the Commonwealth was fairing poorly overall, despite the stabilization of the frontline in Magdaran. Finally, he made up his mind. He'd send a contingent of naval infantry to bolster the defense of Hyganan and prepare it as a secondary base of operations. More importantly, Hyganan would serve as a conduit of arms and other supplies to Commonwealth forces holding on in Magdaran. Based on Merrow's intelligence, LCTF-1 prepared to send 800 marines to the small Dimalayan port city, escorted by one of the cruisers and two frigates, along with an attached ground-based air defense battery.

Separately, he sent an encrypted day's end report detailing what was known about the northwestern airstrikes, the naval attack on the pursuing UNF fleet, and his decision to reinforce Commonwealth forces in Hyganan. He also requested that the company persuade the client to double the naval forces in the area.

by **State of Ordena** » Sun Apr 06, 2025 5:51 pm

Ordenite Army Magdaran HQ , Baidenia
Baidenia Province.

"Herr Generalmajor, reports coming in are that the United National Front offensives in Magdaran have come with mixed results. The Northern offensive was extremely successful and Commonwealth lines there collapsed from the offensive pressure by the UNF forces. A large commonwealth force was wiped out and it is likely that they will not recover for quite some time. The Southern offensive it seems the Commonwealth strength there was underestimated by UNF commanders and their attacks were met with heavy resistance and as a result the offensive failed and the Commonwealth was able to counter attack and it is possible that the Northern offensive's flank is now exposed to additional attacks by the Commonwealth."

The Generalmajor whose uniform name tag read Theo Böhmer remained stern faced with the news on the UNF's latest offensives. "The Panzer Corps have made it fully ashore correct? Then we will send them to help stabilize the Southern front and secure the flank."

"I will relay the message to UNF command, Herr Generalmajor." the adjutant said as he left the room. A Ordenite Krijgsmarine liaison stood from his chair as he would offer the next report on the naval situation in the Kamnorom Sea.

"Herr Generalmajor, reports on the Kamnorom Sea are that several major battles occurred between Commonwealth naval forces and the UNF and the Krijgsmarine. The UNF and Commonwealth navies suffered significant losses in these battles. However the Commonwealth Navy also attacked Krijgsmarine naval forces outside of Baidenia which resulted in 29 ships suffering various degrees of battle damage and 11 ships either destroyed entirely or badly damaged enough they can no longer efficiently operate and are limping back to port here."

Generalmajor Böhmer exhaled sharply from his nose. The Commonwealth had now directly attacked the Ordenite Krijgsmarine as a result of their offensive operations off the coast near Baidenia. It would be war and the government in Berlina would be eager to take on such a war here in Magdaran and ensure that the United Nation Front are victorious and a friendly regime could be developed here even as it would be under the noses of the Theocratic Matriarchy.

Code: Select all: TO: UNF COMMAND FROM: ORDENITE ARMY MAGDARAN HEADQUARTERS DUE TO THE SITUATION DEVELOPING ON THE SOUTHERN UNF FLANK IN CENTRAL MAGDARAN AND TO SECURE THE FLANK OF THE NORTH FROM COMMONWEALTH ATTACK I PANZER CORPS WILL BE ALLOCATED TO ASSIST UNF FORCES, ESTIMATED ARRIVAL 2 TO 3 DAYS.

Code: Select all: FROM: ORDENITE GENERAL STAFF TO: ALL BRANCHES HIGH COMMANDS ORDENITE NAVAL FORCES IN THE KAMNOROM SEA HAVE BEEN DIRECTLY ATTACKED BY COMMONWEALTH NAVAL FORCES. WAR IS TO BE DECLARED THROUGH DIPLOMATIC CHANNELS. THE 'KAMNOROM' FLEET IS TO BE MOBILIZED AND DEPLOYED FROM FUSTERA TO THE KAMNOROM SEA AND ARMY GROUP MAGDARAN IS TO BE DEPLOYED TO ENSURE UNF VICTORY OVER THE COMMONWEALTH AND ALL OTHER FACTIONS INVOLVED.

by **Greater Viet-Nam** » Sun Apr 06, 2025 6:36 pm

Operation Divine Wind
Baidenia, The Commonwealth

Santiago Ibanez, Thịnh's interpreter, arrived with his family in the nick of time. He ran up to the Marine sergeant, and exchanged quickly words with him before meeting up with Vinh. Soon enough, Thịnh returned to the group, and together they went through the embassy gates and onto the fields where South Vietnamese Marines were being offloaded and Commonwealth and expatriate civilians were being loaded in their place.

Santiago had little time to talk with his family before South Vietnamese marines rushed the family onboard, then signalled for the chopper to leave. The correspondant and his team decided to stay, willing to see their coverage to the very end.

Inside the embassy, Ambassaodor Huỳnh recieved communications from his superior, Foreign Minister Nguyễn Thục Trinh, on some developments. The Commonwealth had offered to move the Vietnamese diplomatic mission to the location of the new Commonwealth Government on the Isle of Dominga.

The catch was that they would be taking up the former residence of the Marshite consulate.

Huỳnh understood the undertones of such an offer. In the little time he was appointed as the ambassador here, he knew of the tensions leading up to their current state, including the ongoing efforts the Marshite Matriarchy were conducting to annex the Commonwealth's northern territory in light of the current state of affairs.

The offer wasn't worded as such that the press would pick up on it and add salt to the wound, for many it would be logical given what was going on right now. Many would assume the accomidations would be temporary until infrastructure could be built to support the influx of moving that many diplomatic missions to the new capital. Regardless, he understood it was a slight to the Marshite government for their efforts of annexation.

Still, they had little choice, the Trần Hưng Đạo was already pushing its limits being the flagship for both its own carrier group and for the greater fleet within the region. The last it needed to be was to be the improntou diplomatic mission in the Commonwealth. "Tell Madame Trinh to accept the offer, however to have our diplomatic staff open up a line between the Marshites and the Commonwealth to try to settle this affair once and for all. We cannot become a pawn in their politics, and the Commonwealth has a lot more to worry about that directly affects the Marshite expatriates within that region."

Not long after that, under the threat of bayonets and rifles, a delegation from the UNF waved a white flag of truce and were led into the Vietnamese embassy, bearing a message from the UNF, an offer to allow the South Vietnamese to continue thier evacuation efforts within the time span of two weeks. In exchange for non-agression, they would be allowed to evacuate as many civilians and government personnel they could carry or guide.

Ambassador Huỳnh warily accepted the truce. unsure what the UNF were planning, but confident enough that should the UNF attempt to shoot at them, they would be seen by the world as aggressors trying to stop a humanitarian operation, something the Vietnamese delegation in the WA would be willing to take advantage of should that come to be.

Regardless, Ambassador Huỳnh ordered his personnel to evacuate everyone they could in as short of a timeframe as possible. He didn't want to test his luck.

Try as they might, the South Vietnamese forces on station were being pushed to their limits.

Although the UNF's offers for a truce eased the pressure the Vietnamese had in evacuations, that did not help with the influx of refugees they were trying to airlift. At times they had to work with their UNF counterparts to track down and bring in expatriates that got lost in the chaos. By the beginning of the second week, operations at Baidenia's airport started back up, and VNAF aircraft restarted their operations from there to provide an airlift corridor out of the capital, while the Vietnamese Ministry of Aviation banned further civilian flights to the Commonwealth on grounds of safety concerns. The South Vietnamese Navy, Marine Corps, and Air Force flew sorties around the clock. VNAF and Marine Corps choppers airlifted refugees from the Embassy to ships in the carrier groups, which further distributed the refugees among the other ships in the carrier groups. VNAF fixed-wing aircraft flew non-stop from Baidenia's airport to the Isle of Dominga, where refugee camps were being set up by Vietnamese private humanitarian groups alongside other international humanitarian groups. Platoons of South Vietnamese Marines rushed over to the ports to help those who went there repair then guide boats out to the Vietnamese fleet.

Adding to the chaos, Commonwealth Air Force helicopters commandered by Commonwealth pilots and their families landed on the Vietnamese carrier decks, quickly filling them to the point where the ship's crews were forced to push these helicopters overboard to make room for other helicopters to land. While Commonwealth naval and civilian ships met up with the carrier group, and were thus protected under their Ageis.

And while the Vietnamese embassy was able to completely shred and burn their documents regarding Commonwealth civilians who worked with them and the Commonwealth government, the number of Commonwealth government workers who were able to show up at the embassy or board VNAF aircraft painted a dark picture of what the UNF was doing under their noses. Evenmoreso when news of the firefight in the Royal Palace reached the Vietnamese Embassy.

Still, there was little they could do. the UNF outnumbered the Vietnamese Marines by a significant margin, and there was only so much their navy F-14's could do before they ran out of ordinance, or were attacked themselves. All their pilots, from fighter pilots, to transport pilots, to Anti-Submarine warfare aircraft and helicopter pilots were being pushed to their limits as it was evacuating civilians, let alone to mount a counteroffensive against the UNF.

The second week passed at a snails pace, but with no incident. Soon, the last of the refugees left from Baidenia's port and the last of the VNAF aircraft left the airport, leaving the embassy to be the last vector for evacuation. Eventually Thịnh, Santiago, and Vinh were evacuated with the last of the civilians. This was followed by diplomatic staff, including Ambassador Huỳnh, and finally the South Vietnamese Marines. The marines made sure to rig any military equipment and vehicles they were unable to exfil to blow to ensure that the UNF would be unable to make use of them against South Vietnam.

They would be the last of the Vietnamese pressence in the Commonwealth mainland for quite some time. While those who were unable or unwilling to leave were left at the mercy of the UNF.

With the last of their F-14's sortied over Baidenia recovered, the carrier groups and their entourages made their way to the Isle of Dominga. Launching sortie after sortie as reports of nearby naval skirmishes were ran through the radio.

Republic of Việt Nam Ministry of Foreign Affairs

From: Nguyễn Thục Trinh, South Vietnamese Minister of Foreign Affairs
To: HRM Queen Isebella Reyes and the Commonwealth Ministry of Foreign Affairs

Your Majesty,

After consideration and input from our former diplomatic mission in Baidenia, we accept your offer to relocate to Dominga. However, this is on the condition that there are plans to settle the affair with the Northeren territories and the Marshite Kingdom. We understand the want to retain the Northern Territories and protect the Commonwealth citizenry still residing there. However, we also understand the main reasoning behind the annexation was the fear that Commonwealth forces may be unable to stop the UNF's persecution of the Marshite minority. There needs to be compromise, and we need to thin out the number of enemies we face to focus on the larger threats.

We are also offering to provide military advisors from our respective armed forces, in addition to humanitarian aid to the surge of refugees that have been able to evacuate to the island. Additionally, we are willing to provide training and deliver military aid, as well as provide funding to build up the Commonwealth's inferstructure wherever possible, on the condition that there would be either concessions or some form of payment which may be negoitated upon in the immediate future.

As we see it, the situation is dire. We will do what we can to help steady the weight that you bear, but our main focus is to first enable self-sustainment for the Commonwealth military and economy despite the ongoing conflict, then thin out the number of enemies the Commonwealth faces to further focus commonwealth resources on bigger threats and reassert authority in the mainland.

If need be, or if worst comes to worst, we can offer asylum to you, as well as your government, and offer to host you as a government in exile in Saigon. Or at the very least provide you with proper mental health aid in Saigon as well, or on Dominga if unable to.

Your majesty, I understand that these are hard times, but one does not need to bear them alone. If you need to talk with us, or further discuss what was mentioned here, you can reply back or reach out to Ambassador Huỳnh for more instant communication.

Regards,

Nguyễn Thục Trinh

Nguyễn Thục Trinh, Republic of Việt Nam Ministry of Foreign Affairs

by **The Macabees** » Sun Apr 06, 2025 8:29 pm

___________
MATAGALPA, TERRITORY OF NICARO

Lara Surr read through the daily reports sent through to her desk from Fedala. Some of the information came through the Golden Throne's own eyes and ears, but a lot of it came from Tarn. The situation was need to know only, but as a kríerlord Surr was privy to information that most people weren't. No less, as responsible for overseeing imperial foreign policy in the continent of Makria, the developing situation in the Commonwealth was her territory. If the Imperial Bureaucracy was paying mercenaries to do the empire's bidding in the Commonwealth, she would have been consulted — as she had been. In fact, she was the one who had recommended hiring mercenaries, to avoid further diluting the garrison in Nicaro, which was now preoccupied with the occupation and reorganization of Ormont.

Besides, the Golden Throne didn't really have a dog in the fight. The UNF would have been a worthy candidate of support had they not decided to accept Ordenite military aid although, truth be told, it seemed that they had made a good decision there as, so far, the Ordenites were the only ones deploying major forces to the country. Apart from the Marshites, who were overruning the north. And the left-wing PRR would not be supported. That left the federal government, AIS-J, and ACM.

The federal government was being led by a woman losing her sanity. At least, that's what the reports showed. There were major doubts whether the federal government could pull through. And despite a quasi-success in Central Magdaran, the war was still going against them. Finally, neither AIS-J nor ACM had clear ambitions other than their own independence and autonomy, and so did not present a national solution to the current problem.

That meant that the Golden Throne would have to attempt to build a new political coalition that could defeat the UNF.

That's why Surr had decided to take matters into her own hands and travel to the Commonwealth, despite the risks. A private flight was being fueled at that very moment at the international airport just outside the city. First, Dominga. Then, Manankop City. The first, a formality to show that the Golden Throne still considered the Queen the true government. The second, the more important trip. She thought that maybe in the ACM she'd have one piece of a new national coalition.

Although the kríerlord had intended to go to Al-Qadir as well, the city had fallen in recent days. So had Amadah. And so negotiations with AIS-J were out of the question until the two ports were liberated and the island firmly under AIS-J control. Since the Golden Throne had no forces in-theater, she'd have to work through the mercenaries. But Lourens Consortium did not have sufficient forces in the theater for the task of liberating the two cities, either. So Surr sent a short encrypted cable to the governments of the Commonwealth and Mokastana: Fedala proposes joint operation with LCTF-1 to liberate port cities of Al-Qadir and Amadah to allow reinforcements to flow to AIS-J. Objective: Tie UNF forces down in Jubalaistan.

She sent a separate cable to the government in Dominga: Kríerlord Lara Surr arriving in wartime capital tonight. Requesting a meeting with the queen or a representative with decision-making powers.

Then she moved on to other matters, like the sizeable Ordenite contingent that was still growing. Not only did they have an expeditionary force in the country already, they also had sizeable fleet. LCTF-1, despite its surprisingly strong early impact, was clearly minuscule in comparison. No wonder Lourens Consortium was asking for more money. But LCTF-1 was already costing roughly two billion ríokmarks a month as it was. How much did Lourens Consortium need? And at what point would this war be too expensive? Expense had to be measured against profit. But what defined profit in this case? What was the overarching goal? And why did the Golden Throne care about that goal? Only then could she commit more money to this effort.

But to answer these questions, she had to meet with the Commonwealth factions and see if there was something worth defending. And if there was something in this defense for the Golden Throne.

As night passed into day and Surr found herself in Dominga a series of meetings were held. She'd ask the Commonwealth to allow Lourens Consortium to use ports in the hands of the federal government to resupply and refuel. Surr also reiterated the His offer for the queen to seek asylum in Fedala, noting that she could still prosecute the war effort from the safety of the Golden Throne's imperial capital. Finally, she put out feelers to see if the federal government was willing to make concessions of autonomy to AIS-J and ACM in return for them joining a hypothetical coalition of the free to better resist the UNF, which was clearly quickly transforming into little more than an Ordenite puppet government in the Commonwealth.

In the following days, after traveling to Mananakop Island, she would make bolder offers. To the ACM, she offered them the opportunity to become a protectorate of the Golden Throne. The measure could be temporary, pending the outcome of the war. If a successful coliation of the free was put together, and a defeat of UNF achieved, the Commonwealth would be reunited and the Golden Throne's agreement with the ACM would be nullified. However, if the war continued to go in the direction it was going, then the ACM would struggle to retain their independence. So why not guarantee it with the military backing of an empire that had a lot of experience fighting wars against Ordena?

by **Mokastana** » Mon Apr 07, 2025 7:19 am

Battle for Jubalaistan

The 8th Naval Infantry Division had been unloading forces for a couple of days when the surprise attack came. Of the four Regiments in the Division, 1st Regiment had most of their forces deployed, while 3rd and 4th were both about halfway unloaded. The 2nd Regiment was still on the way, but close when the attack began. They would likely be deployed to whichever city would need more support

Amadah:
Both 1st and 3rd Regiments were deploying forward to the front, with their tanks making up an eastern-pointed spearhead. Unfortunately, most of the artillery and support weapons were still near the docks when the attack began. MLRS and supply trucks are almost useless against direct assaults, and soon it was up to the various Naval Infantry companies still nearby to assist in the defense. Those that could pull back did so, forming defensive lines as they waited for reinforcements from the front to return.

From the frontlines, both Raider battalions of the 1st and 3rd Regiments would race to the city. Raiders were light infantry who utilized LA-30 multirole vehicles for rapid response and hit and run tactics. Two Battalions worth would total nearly 1,200 total soldiers. They would fight to slow the UNF, while the mechanized battalions of 1st Regiment pulled back from the front and towards the city.

As they moved to fix the UNF Rangers in place, the serious punch would come from the navy.

The 8th Marine Transport Flotilla, although spread around the island of Jubalaistan protecting its transports, was a task force meant for taking hostile beachheads and coastlines. Just one Marine Transport Flotilla commanded 20 Battleaxe Cruisers, 22 Missile focused Hatchet Frigates, and over 90 attack helicopters and 140 strike aircraft from its 48 amphibious assault ships.

The first punch would be two Battleaxe Cruisers approaching within 60 kilometers of the docks, putting the UNF Rangers in range of their 205mm “Rapid Fire” guns. The Cruisers would contact Naval Infantry units on land who would feed them coordinates of where to rain shells down upon. For the battered Federal companies, it was heaven to have artillery support once more. Within hours of the attack on the city, Pharthan designed FA-60s from the assault ships and carrier groups were flying overhead, moving to cut off the UNF troops from additional support, while other flights dropped cluster munitions on known UNF troop locations. Naval Infantry from 3rd Regiment still on the boats skipped loading into their amphibious assault craft, and rode ATH-30 Roc Attack Helicopters and other transport helicopters to the coastline instead. Behind friendly lines, Landing zones and resupply zones were being set up, allowing the Attack helicopters to destroy targets both on the way in, and on the way out. This was the kind of combat the Naval Infantry excelled at. The Rangers might achieve their objectives today, but they wouldn't be making it out of here to achieve another.

Al-Qadir
The response in Al-Qadir was similar, only the lone Raider Battalion of 4th Regiment managed to get to the city quicker and help pin the UNF Rangers closer to the coast, holding the line until the IFVs of the Amphibious battalions could get close enough to provide fire support. 4th Regiment had prioritized unloading their tanks in case of an attack on the dock, meaning two companies worth of LY7 Rottweilers would be joining the battle soon. A single Battleaxe cruiser attempted to get close enough to provide fire support, but hit one of the mines left by the UNF bombers. Moderately damaging the ship, the crew managed to seal it off and contain the fires, allowing the ship to limp on. The damage would limit the fire support, but the Captain ordered the crew to still fire one gun at a time to reduce stress on the damaged hull. It wouldn’t be as impressive, but luckily they were only targeting Airborne infantry.

By the time the lines began to stabilize, the E-2D Advanced Hawkeyes from the 22nd and 23rd Carrier Battle Groups had managed to coordinate the air control of the cities. Between strike teams from both the carrier groups and amphibious assault ships(and one fighter group flying in from Motokata), they moved in to control the airspace over the two cities. With roughly 300 strike aircraft dedicated to protecting this one island, it would only be a matter of time before the skies over both Al-Qadir and Amadah belonged to the Federation. Once that was so, it was down to napalm, precision strikes, and attack helicopter runs on UNF ranger positions to burn them out.

Isle Bagarana

The UNF stronghold on the eastern side of Isle Bagarana had been considered a priority target in case of conflict when the PUF moved to take the strait. Maps and satellite footage had been traced over by many intelligence officers, targets marked and updated with every orbital pass. With the UNF attack on Federal Forces in Jubalaistan, all UNF targets were now considered hostile. The 22nd Missile Battle Group was fed the first round of targets, prioritizing any stationary search or targeting radars with cruise missile strikes, as well any coastal defenses that could strike back at the ships. Being in the strait at the time of the order, the launch to impact time would be minimal. From the Anubis class arsenal ship and its two supporting Pijl Class ships, dozens if not hundreds of cruise missiles took off in quick succession, raining down on any stationary or hardened targets. With that attack commenced, the arsenal ships would fall back to the waters between Commonwealth and PRR controlled coastlines, relying on their four Ticonderoga Class Cruisers to protect the retreat.

Once the Arsenal ships were behind safer coastlines, both the 21st and 22nd Missile Battle Group would contact the Commonwealth forces pushing into UNF territory on the island, and offer their cruise missiles to support the advance. Since they didn't have compatible targeting software set up, it was up to the Battle Group's drones to do the actual targeting. Commonwealth forces were asked to provide targets, and soon RQ-8B Fire Scout or A160 Hummingbirds would fly over and mark the targets for Missile strike.

The second wave would come in the form of the Tupolev Tu-95s and ZM-7L Dreadnoughts from the Sea of Faith. Tu-95s would drop additional cruise missiles from their internal bays still far away at sea, aiming for any military bases, camps, radar stations, air bases, or vehicle collection sites, spotted by satellite observation. While the Stealth Dreadnoughts would get in closer, bombing bridges, power plants, highways and railways. These attacks would not be in one major group, but instead consistently raining down over the course of the next few days.

The strikes were intended to be a powerful retaliatory for the attack on Federal Forces, giving the politicians back home time to decide how involved In this conflict they wanted to get.

by **Morrdh** » Mon Apr 07, 2025 1:39 pm

Isla Bangara

The ground rumbled and the air was torn asunder as the C-10 Minotaur Strategic Transport aircraft came into land with it's six turbofans roaring like some primordial beast, it's great bulk slamming down onto it's heavy landing gear before the plane's engines screamed as they were thrown into reverse to slow the massive craft down. It's impressive arrival no doubt drew attention and the now grounded matt grey skybeast rolled along the runway, large letters could be read along it's flanks;

Aerfhórsa Ríoga | ROYAL MORRIDANE AIR FORCE

However, it was not the aircraft Morridane to have arrived for smaller transport planes had already arrived in advance to offload personnel and equipment and a great mainly more aircraft were going to be arriving in the Minotaur's wake. Tendrils of aircraft, and even ships, were at this moment snaking their way across Greater Dienstad from a nation that laid far to the east. This nation was regarded amongst the major powers of the region, admittedly a quiet one that rarely sought a need to flex it's muscles but responded when called upon for aid. It too was another Commonwealth with it's own monarchy and had recently endured it's own civil war of a sort, though this was largely the extant of the similarities with the Commonwealth which it had come to save.

Without much fanfare, the Gaelic Commonwealth of Morrdh had announced that it was intervening in the civil war and was despatching the Morridane Expeditionary Force of which the lead elements had begun to arrive in-country. Getting involved in another nation's civil war so soon after recovering from it's own probably came as a surprise to many, no doubt raising questions as to what the Morridanes' motives were. Whilst view as unwise, there were some who wondered whether this was a show of strength that the Morridanes now stood stronger following their own unpleasantries.

Whatever their motives, the Morridanes were committing a large force as it sought to get boots on the ground. But they weren't no fools, having realised that such an endeavour required at least an equal logistical undertaking. Munitions, rations, medicine, fuel and spare parts were all being shipped in by air and sea to what was fast developing as a major logistical hub before being distributed out to forward bases as they were established. Already a sizeable force of Morridane troops had arrived as part of the vanguard, their role was to act as force protection until the MEF had fully established itself and started operations.

On Isla Domigna, a smaller hub had been established for the MEF's command element in an attempt to foster some goodwill with the Commonwealth's government and to help facilitate co-operation. The island would also be the base of the Morridane diplomatic mission, not only to establish relations with the Commonwealth but also to try and establish dialogue with the other factions involved in the conflict.

by **Nattia** » Mon Apr 07, 2025 4:30 pm

The Royal Residence
Otsopaa, Nattia
April 7

King Hjalmar sat at the dining room table, enjoying a late lunch as he was handed in the latest reports of the course of events occurring in the crumbling Commonwealth. It seemed his brother’s analysis had been correct— which was to be expected, the commonwealth had retreated to Dominga and their attempt of retaking the capital a failure, though it had still demonstrated their naval prowess. Meanwhile on the mainland the frontlines were collapsing left and right as the squabbling factions against the Queen fought each other, and the Commonwealth’s position remained untenable. The island of Bagarana, precisely as Lord Hollande had asserted was the stronghold of the Commonwealth. Indeed the only deviation from Lord Hollande’s analytical predictions had been that it was the PRR, not the UNF who had struck first against the Northern Provinces.

“I shall never know how he does that,” said the King of Nattia to himself, slight amused as he buttered a biscuit.

Queen Isabella’s letter, and more importantly her acceptance of Nattian aid was a great sign. Like Lord Hollande the king had feared that the Queen might prove too lost in her own tragedies, but the words of the woman he read did not seem to paint so grim a picture. She resolve and determination, and those were vital when making one’s defense. Apathy and low morale could be just as deadly a killer as a bullet. Sometimes even more so. He would have to hope to see to it that his sent peacekeepers prove to be a deadlier force against the enemies of the Commonwealth.

Isle Dominga
The Commonwealth
April 7

Lord Hollande arrived in Dominga, a frown in his face. He was annoyed by the failed attempt at taking Baidenia, feeling that it had been a wasted effort that could have been better handled. But what was done and the naval dominance of the Commonwealth’s naval forces was a reassuring sign.

In tow of Lord Hollande arriving in Dominga were the Royal Expeditionaries, the official peacekeeping force of the conflict— at least as far as the print on page was concerned. The Expeditionary Force was made of a thousand combat personnel, though what it lacked in sheer size it made up for in its skill and expertise. The whole of the force was comprised of men and women who were all veterans of the Nattian intervention in Mairantas and the conflict of the 2024 conflict. And thus had experience both in fighting in a civil war, and with dealing with foreign environments, and were experienced handling military engagement with both conventional forces and urban guerrilla enemies.

A measured mixture given that much of the large scale fighting seemed to be occurring outside of the major cities which then in themselves began strategic hot points. Aside from the combat personnel there were too non-combat persons, medical staff, logistical support, mechanics, cooks, as well as the diplomatic corps, interpreters, aides-de-camp, diplomatic advisors, a financial superintendent and even a public relations team. Much of Lord Hollande’s success in Mairantas had been just as much the proper leveraging of public imaging and economic control as it had been direct force. He however predicted such programs would be far more difficult and less advantageous implementing in the Commonwealth. Mairantas was a state that had desperately wanted to hold itself together and its populace feared widespread violence more than it feared political scheming. Much of Hollande’s job had been snuffing out the fuse of violence.

The Commonwealth in turn was the opposite. The fuse had been set ablaze and the powder keg already blow apart, things having gotten so bad that a critical mass of the population did not mind resorting to violence. Meaning his task, outside of the direct task of restoring the Commonwealth, was socially two fold, making war seem to be significantly worst as a deterrent, and making the Commonwealth look significantly more desire as a carrot. The former much easier than the latter, though too much more grim.

Alongside the arm of force with Lord Hollande’s arrival was the arrival of the hospital ship, the Aamulappa, a massive white ship with the great green diamond symbol of Viridian Crystal International painted on its side. Viridian Crystal International was a humanitarian organization based in Genes, Royal Genes and with who, the Nattian government and people enjoyed a friendly and cooperative relationship with, as many still recalled how the VCI had provided great aid and food and kits to those who had been displaced during the civil war. August Määttä, head the VC’s humanitarian mission to the Commonwealth representing the Nattian chapter of the organization had made it clear that while the VCI would be first setting up its operations in Dominga, that they official took no side on the conflict and were there to aid any and all non-combats in need of refuge or assistance.

Working in cooperation with the Vietnamese humanitarian organizations in setting up refugee camps, the VCI provided those arriving with first aid kits, blankets, water bottles, and packaged meals and chocolate. While the VCI maintained its neutrality, there was notably the logo on certain items of theirs. While their first aid kits, and blankets were either non descriptive or were stamped the the symbol of the Viridian Crystal, on the water bottles and chocolate there were again the familiar green diamond while on the reverse was the seal of the Wervik, who were the largest providers of water bottles to the Virdian Crystal, and specifically for those in the commonwealth the seal of the Wervik intertwined with the Reyes royal standard.

This form of subtle propaganda had been used to great previously in areas of the continent of Meillur, to the lamination of critics and to the song of victory to those with the support of the Wervik, as it subconsciously was found to associate good things, such as aid, water and food with the royals, boosting popularity within refugee communities, which it was hoped could spread in turn to the wider populace.

Lord Hollande meanwhile set his sights on working with the Queen and his advisors and generals to achieve strategic strength.

To Queen Isabella Reyes and Her Advisors

Having made my arrival in Isle Dominga, I humbly present myself and my peacekeeping forces, the Royal Expeditionaries on behalf of my brother, the King of Nattia. In the pursuit of strengthening the commonwealth and the Queen against the dangerous factions I have set up a proposal for addressing current frontline challenges in Central Magdaran Region. Given the current alternating advancements and the advantages on this front I propose a plan.

Plan A:
The Organized Withdrawal of Firces to a Defensive Front Line and a march to the Sea

The nearly land locked nature of the Commonwealth’s holdings on the mainland are untenable and face two many fronts from the different factions against Her Majesty to be held without substantial damage to the long term ability to defeat enemy forces. The front like in the east has already been pushed back substantially and while Commonwealth forces are posed to potentially strike dange to logistical support of the UNF, even should they succeed they will have only succeeded in further extending the frontline upon which operations mus5 be conducted and risk over extending themselves.

I thus suggests that Commonwealth forces systematically withdraw via area and sea from the region south to the sea, where they can be transported either to Dominga, or, I believe more fittingly to Baragana where Commonwealth forces have the best strategic advantage for success and where consolidation of forces shall in the long term allow for the ultimate sucesss of Her Majesty’s forces. A large consolidated force and total control of Baragana shall allow for the numerically inferior enemy forces of the southern most islands of Her Majesty’s realm to be more easily crushed in detail. While withdrawing from the Central Madragan region may be met as a bitter pill to swallow, it shall greatly weaken your enemies as they are forced to fight one another whilst you regroup and strengthen from a place of advantage.

Plan B:

Should the former plan mentioned be deemed as unacceptable I have drafted a second plan. In it I propose the movement of serving logical forces and spreading a sense of chaos and panic amongst your enemies through the striking of weak points and corridors of the UNF, and PRR across the country. In the Central Madragan Region continue the northern most advance whilst withdrawing in the south ahead of the UNF forces, forcing the, to either over extend themselves in their advancement and creating the opportunity for encircling there forces whilst as the same time in the west launch twin march’s to the sea to sever communication and logistics between the coastal regions occupied by the UNF.

Further south launch attacks in the areas of the UNF recently fallen to the PRR to apply pressure on the peninsular region while on Baragana attack the UNF whilst my Expeditionaries land in the west to attack the PRR. In the north meanwhile use our Nattian operational aircraft to provide supply drops to Royalists in the far north and support in 5be the aforementioned marchs towards the sea. This plan, far more dynamic and this more likely to spark confusion amongst the UNF and PRR thus can if carried out simultaneously across the front hurt Her Majesty’s enemies psychologically and logistically, though this does risk being a far bloodier affair. I also caution that with the success of such a victory in Central Madragan, it remains that a strategic withdrawal would likely be required, albeit following systematic destruction of all infrastructure left behind. .

I am confident however in both plans that if carrried out shall see victory for the Queen and the Commonwealth

With Respect,
Lord Christopher Hollande

Lord Hollande added another missive to just Queen Isabella.

To Queen Isabella

The Royal Expeditionaries are a force that is mighty and one I intend to use effectively to secure victory for you and your throne. That being said I am aware of the limitations of its size. I have spoken with my brother the King and secured his support in increasing the supplying of manpower, contingent on our operational success.

Lord Hollande next addressed General Rizaldo Guillermo

To General Rizaldo Guillermo

General, it is with great admiration that I assert that I believe your command, the Isle of Baragana shall prove the most important and strategic position in securing victory for Her Majesty and the Commonwealth. I wish to inform you that I shall be dispatching my Expeditionaries in Western Baragana in order to aide in crushing the PRR forces there, so that they pincer and meet with your forces over their crushed or captured combatants.

With these missive since, Nattian forces began their preparations to take to the skies. They would travel blunder the cover of night southwards to the western most tip of Baragana and launch themselves into a combat air assault on the northern shore of the islands, from there they would be able to push south. Lord Hollande selected the landing site for its value for such and assault. The narrow nature of the peninsula would mean that his smaller forces would have an advantage in both defending and assaulting a frontline, ideally allowing Lord Hollande to force a meat grinder as he pushed from the west, one that would be aided he hoped by General Guillermo’s advancement from the east.

by **Mokastana** » Mon Apr 07, 2025 4:39 pm

Messages for support:

Fedala proposes joint operation with LCTF-1 to liberate port cities of Al-Qadir and Amadah to allow reinforcements to flow to AIS-J. Objective: Tie UNF forces down in Jubalaistan.

The People's Unified Federation appreciates the offer of support from Fedala and will utilize LCFT-1 to assist in tying down UNF forces in Jubalaistan. LCFT-1 should contact the 23rd Carrier Battle Group near Jubalaistan to coordinate efforts.

The response from the PUF Leadership was that they should utilize any assistance offered. The theory was that The Golden Throne was using Jubalaistan to clear out potentially destabilizing forces from their territories, so they wanted reinforcements moved from their lands to Jubalaistan, but the PUF also wanted more manpower to help Jubalaistan remove the UNF from the island. So if mutual aid helped both sides achieve their goal, it would be foolish not to accept. The local Admiral was given control on how to utilize the mercenary asset, and depending on how the battles in the city go, would likely send LCFT-1 to hit UNF targets on the east side of the island.

Isle Bagarana, Part 2...

“Listen up! As you may be aware, there is a bit of a civil war in the Commonwealth. As various groups pick at the corpse of their Nation, the island of Jubalaistan asked to stay out of it. They only wanted peace and stability. Our siblings in The 8th Naval Infantry Division were sent to give them peace and stability.

Unfortunately, the United National Front, under guidance from their Ordenite masters, tried to fuck with them, which means, they tried to fuck with us. Our siblings in 8th Division pushed those cockroaches back to the sea, where our navy beat the shit out of them and left their mangled bodies in the Sea as tribute.

Now, we can't let the 8th Division have all the fun. Which is why we are deploying to Isle Bagarana.

Let me be clear, WE are not coming to bring peace and stability, WE are coming to be the wrath of angry Gods. We are to destroy every UNF soldier we find, burn every banner and leave a path of destruction in our wake. When WE reach Commonwealth lines, I want to hear the FEAR in their voice as they thank us for doing their job for them.

Am I clear?”

It was with these words that the 20th Marine Transport Flotilla, loaded with the 20th Naval Infantry Division, left Motokata to launch an amphibious assault on the UNF controlled territory of Isle Bagarana. They would be escorted by the full available force of the 44th Assault Flotilla, four Assault Battle Groups and one Assault Command Group to assume control of the Naval forces in the southern Theatre.

The goal would be to land on the tip of Isle Bagarana and strike at the rear of the UNF lines on the island. With the Commonwealth forces making advancements into UNF territory, an attack in the rear should be difficult to counter, especially given the bombing campaign the peninsula had been under. Within a few days the first forces would be within range of the island, and under immense bomardment of the coastline, protection from hundreds of aircraft, and the guns of battleaxe cruisers, the first helicopters would take off from Amphibious assault ships and deploy infantry ahead to hold key points for observation or slowing down of enemy response forces. While lightly armed, they would have the equipment to mark targets for the dozens of aircraft flying overhead. With helicopters in the air, MIV-31s of the Amphibious assult infantry battalions would swim from ship to shore, making landfall and rolling up the beaches loaded with troops ready for combat. For the larger vehicles, like the LY7 Rottweilers and MLRS units, LCACs and LCMs would carry them to shore.

The full 22,000 strong division of skilled Federal Troops now aimed to punch a hole in the rear of the UNF, backed the Federal Navy slowly encircled the UNF holdout, cutting it off from any resupply.

Opening Dialogs...

The next step was finding a way to form a coalition of forces to unite the nation against the UNF. While the PRR were no different than the UNF in the Commonwealth's eyes, cease fires were still options. Both factions in the South had done spectacular offensives, but were now fighting each other as much as, if not more so, than the UNF. Perhaps they would both enjoy a chance to recover and reorganize? But peace talks required people to talk, and the PUF had little of those on the ground.

To open up dialogs, the PUF contacted Dominga about relocating their Embassy staff to the island. During the attack on Baldenia the Embassy had enacted Sasha Protocol and pulled a textbook evacuation to the Holy Marsh where they now resided. Only essential staff would go to Dominga if it was accepted.

With the Morridanes landing in Commonwealth friendly areas, a few PUF Liasons would be deployed with them, to help organize the military efforts between the Federal Navy and the Commonwealth advance into UNF territory.

More Liasons would need to be sent to PRR territory, and so an Amphibious assault ship from the 8th Transport Fleet took a company north to the mainland, aiming for Kalinog. These Naval Infantry would not be Blue Frogs, but they would be able to land in port and provide much need communication between the Federation and PRR assets in the north.

by **State of Ordena** » Mon Apr 07, 2025 7:34 pm

Northern Magdaran

Three days had passed since the I Panzer Corps had begun it's journey from Baidenia to the site of fierce fighting where the Commonwealth had been able to repulse a UNF offensive and launch a counter attack of their own in which the UNF's 3rd Armored Division had been able to stabilize the frontlines and prevent the closing of a crucial highway. This highway was what the Panzer Corps had been traveling on to reach their destination in Northern Magdaran and from where they would deploy directly into the fight. If it was not for their deployment then the highway would have surely been lost to the UNF and the more successful offensive further north would have become completely cut off. Communication had long been established with UNF commanders on the ground including from the 3rd Armored Division who were still in combat with Commonwealth forces. As the Corps entered the area a plethora of drones were deployed which sought to gather intelligence on Commonwealth positions and movements that would then be fed back to the commanders. The terrain was favorable as the bulge in the UNF lines here was within a lightly spread forest.

The repulsion of the Commonwealth forces in the bulge in UNF lines here was to be paramount to the Panzer Corps operations here and if the assault went better than expected then it was very likely that the Panzer Corps would continue to strike into Commonwealth territory. Once they were in position along the front lines and with drone coverage above the two Artillery brigades within the Panzer Corps which were completely outfitted with Ordenite MLRS, one being a tracked chassis and the other on a 8x8 wheeled chassis. The tracked MLRS typically carried a loadout of twelve 227mm rockets but could be outfitted with tactical ballistic missiles. The 8x8 wheeled MLRS was a newer design with the same two pod loadout but had a wider variety of munitions it could deploy including a surface launched cruise missile. Once the order was given several hundred multiple rocket launcher systems opened up with a devastating salvo of 227mm rockets with many of them containing submunitions within which would cover a widespread area of the forward Commonwealth front lines. Other rockets with the same payload were equipped with GPS or INS and had extended range and would strike at Commonwealth targets of opportunity in the rear areas including fortified positions, motor pools and troop concentrations.

The MLRS salvo of such magnitude was devastating on the terrain as countless trees within the forest of which the bulge in the UNF front lines was situated in were torn to shreds in the process. On cue the assault began as the elite Panzer Corps surged forward into Commonwealth lines in the bulge with Keiler Infantry fighting vehicles and Panzerkampfwagen Löwe IX main battle tanks leading the charge as they smashed into the enemy. The hope was that the assault would drive the Commonwealth forces out of the bulge in which they could re-stabilize the front lines and if the assault lead to openings in the Commonwealth's lines then they would be exploited to the fullest extent and that UNF forces would then follow suite.

by **Saterun** » Wed Apr 09, 2025 9:58 am

It had taken awhile, but the Imperial Expeditionary Force was ready. The new elite unit had been formed specially for this conflict, as a formal entrypoint for the Sultanate into international conflicts. Now, as night drew on the 14th of Homah (7th of April for the Gregorian calendar), General Amadaeus Cielo and the IEF drew up to the docks of a city on the northern coast of the Island of Jubalaistan. Saterun had already been supplying the island nation with equipment and military intelligence, and now they were deploying troops into the actual conflict. The IEF consisted of 5,100 ground troops, along with various drivers, technicians, and pilots. The entire unit was outfitted with this equipment. 5000 of the troops were infantry, equipped with the AK-110s, the Kanones, and the grenades, while there were 100 snipers to back them up. Once arriving on the island, the Delphin-class ships that had deployed the force there floated back out to sea. Unlike previous foreign military interventions by the Saterun military, there would be no easy out for the IEF.

They slowly started to move south, to eventually meet up with Jubalaistani and PUF fighters. The IEF, while smaller than a lot of the other forces being deployed in the conflict, had the benefit of high-level technology and swift movement. Cielo had already been briefed about the situation in Amadah and Al-Qadir, and he hoped to be there once the PUF forces launched a re-capture offensive. He was fully prepared to work with both the Sultanate and the PUF to achieve the Jubalaistani conflict goals, and realized that his smaller force meant he would have to work in tandem with the other two major powers.

Magdaran Nightmare (IC- See OOC)

Magdaran Nightmare (IC- See OOC)

PART 1: REACTION

PART 2: RESPONSE

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