Children of the Motherland [Earth II]

[Freistaat-Ostafrika]

(OOC: Following recent movements and shake-ups in Earth II, I've taken the opportunity to have a shake-up of my own. I'm resurrecting a claim that I had in Earth II about 15 years ago, but this time around I think that I can truly do it justice. Some characters will be retained and slotted into new positions, some will disappear, and new ones will pop up as the United Eastasian Republic makes a return.)

Undoubtedly one of the most powerful and influential nations on the planet, the United Eastasian Republic was a true leviathan in world affairs. With a population of 1.88 billion people, the UER covered almost all of East Asia as well as a substantial amount of Southeast Asia, uniting a variety of cultures and ethnicities within the sprawling state. Described as a 'unitary one-party socialist republic' by political scientists and the like, the Republic's governmental system was completely dominated by the Eastasian Communist Party, which permeated almost all aspects of Eastasian political and civil life. The ECP was so completely intertwined with Eastasian society that the Eastasian public simply referred to it as 'the Party'. If you wished to become a prominent member of Eastasian society, party membership was practically a necessity. Despite the public reverence for equality and governance 'for the people', it was a fact of Eastasian society that the families of important party officials received advantages that most Eastasians would never receive. For all the rhetoric, the United Eastasian Republic was not too different from other states of a totalitarian nature. Indeed, rhetoric could (and often did) change direction as and when it was expedient, as the ECP could be remarkably pragmatic in its approach when required. This was best showcased by the UER's economic system, which was anything but the stereotypical 'planned economy' expected of such states. Instead, the Eastasian economy was more of a market-oriented economy, officially branded as a 'socialist market economy'. The socialist market economy featured a large domestic private sector and a willingness to engage with foreign business interests, while the largest corporate entities in the economy were state-owned enterprises and mixed-ownership enterprises. This extended even to the Eastasian People's Army, the collective name for the Republic's armed forces, as the military either part-owned or completely owned the component corporations and entities of the Eastasian defence industry.

Despite the state's totalitarian nature, there were freedoms and amenities enjoyed by the Eastasian populace. These included: a nationalised health service; freedom of religion (provided that your religious organisation was registered with the Party); free education up to the age of eighteen, with subsidised university education for those less well-off; legalised same-sex marriage and adoption by same-sex couples; and comprehensive anti-discrimination laws. Of course, not everything was free. Those parts of the mass media and the online world within the UER that were not under direct state control were well aware of the ECP's views on specific matters and therefore operated with a level of self-censorship, knowing that the state would censor them if they did not do it themselves.

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12 August 2022, 10:00hrs [UTC+8]
Zhongnanhai, Beijing
United Eastasian Republic

The political centre for a long succession of states before the formation of the United Eastasian Republic, Beijing was a metropolis with a vibrant history. A diverse population of 21 million people called the city home, resulting in a wide variety of both historical and modern buildings and districts. Gleaming skyscrapers represented the economic progress of the Republic, contrasting with traditional-style Chinese homes that pre-dated the Republic's creation. The vast majority of Eastasia's state-owned companies had their headquarters in Beijing, along with numerous other corporate entities and financial institutions of the Republic. The megacity was also home to numerous historical and cultural monuments, many of which were hundreds of years old. One of the most famous of these was the Forbidden City, the opulent and massive palace complex that had been home to the Chinese emperors for almost five hundred years until they were overthrown once and for all in 1911. The complex formed the centre of the section of Beijing known as the 'Imperial City', the collection of gardens, shrines, and other service areas between the Forbidden City and the Inner City of ancient Beijing. The Forbidden City had eventually become an extensive museum dedicated to the extensive imperial collections of artwork and artefacts, but despite the lack of residents, the complex was still close to those in power.

Located adjacent to the Forbidden City was the former imperial garden of Zhongnanhai, which was now the central government compound of the United Eastasian Republic. After being taken over by the revolutionary authorities as their headquarters during the Glorious Revolution of 1937, Zhongnanhai was now so synonymous with the Eastasian government that the name was used as a metonym for the Eastasian leadership at large. Due to the ECP's pervasiveness throughout Eastasian society, Zhongnanhai served as the headquarters for both the party and the nation's central government; the northern buildings of the compound served the government while the southern buildings served the party. The majority of day-to-day administrative activities of Eastasian leaders took place within the compound, including State Council meetings and the hosting of foreign dignitaries. On this particular mostly cloudy Friday morning, it was time for the weekly State Council meeting, where the various ministers of state gathered to provide reports and advise their superiors, the President and the Premier of the Republic.

It was vital for the smooth administration of any nation for the head of state and head of government to enjoy a good working relationship, and the United Eastasian Republic was fortunate that the top two politicians in the nation did enjoy such a relationship. President Yang Mingshu and Premier Won Sang-jin were of the same generation, their ages separated by a mere two years, and they held very similar opinions on many matters of governance. The sixty-year-old President Yang stood 5'3" and was the first female President in the UER's history, having made her name in the arena of national security; despite the stereotypes associated with such a background, she was very warm and personable. Premier Won was fifty-eight and stood five inches taller than his superior, and had earned the nickname of the 'Red Mandarin' for his adeptness at playing the political games of both party and state administration. In addition to being President of the Republic, Yang was also General Secretary of the ECP and chairman of the Central Military Commission (CMC), meaning that she had earned the informal appellation of 'paramount leader'; this essentially made her the most powerful individual in the nation. Due to the ECP's position in the UER, the position of General Secretary was, in many ways, viewed as being more important than that of President. A General Secretary did not have to be President to be in control, and indeed there had been occasions in the past where a General Secretary had ruled via a figurehead President, but it was now the convention that the General Secretary adopted the Presidency as well.

The pair were currently strolling through the interior of the State Council Hall en route to Conference Room Number One, the traditional meeting place of the State Council. The bespectacled pair were dressed in a very similar fashion, President Yang wearing a navy blue pantsuit while Premier Won wore a navy blue business suit.

"So how are things looking for the National Congress in October?"

Premier Won nodded in response to the President's question, a gesture that signalled that the upcoming Congress was expected to yield promising results. Due to the nature of Eastasian governance, the leadership was appointed by the Central Committee of the Eastasian Communist Party, which was itself appointed by the roughly 2,600 party delegates that attended the five-yearly National Congress. In practice, however, the potential appointees to the Central Committee were selected in private and so the Congress was essentially a vehicle for the legitimisation of the party elite ensuring that the 'correct' individuals reached the heights of power. "There should be no hiccups at all, General Secretary. We've both got our second terms all but confirmed, and all of your preferred candidates for the Central Committee are set to be appointed. You'll also be happy to hear that I've finally twisted enough arms to get Li Huizhong removed from the Committee."

President Yang smiled with satisfaction at that last statement. "That's excellent news. Don't misunderstand me, I respect his past contributions to the Party but he is firmly stuck in the past. I still don't quite understand why he was so opposed to me becoming leader."

Won smirked. "Yes you do, we all do. He's a misogynist dinosaur. You could conquer the world and he'd still complain."

"Well, yes, that is true. It will be good to have him gone before I lay out my vision in the keynote speech, that way I don't have to think about him clucking his tongue."

"Ah yes, how goes the development of Yang Mingshu Thought?"

"I've decided to name it something else, that title is just too bland and sterile. It will be the 'Shining Superpower Doctrine'." President Yang raised an eyebrow as she looked to Won for his reaction. "What do you think?"

"I think that Li Huizhong would have palpitations over that name. I like it." He grinned at her as he continued. "So does that name mean that it'll involve both foreign and domestic policy objectives?"

"It does indeed." It had become traditional for the General Secretary to lay out their personal vision for the Party and the nation at the beginning of their second term in office, providing an ideological guide for the Republic to follow during their time in power. "I wouldn't say that the vision will be revolutionary, unless you count common sense as being revolutionary, of course."

"I think the world could benefit from some common sense now and then, General Secretary. Especially considering the latest reports from the Caucasus."

The pair shared a nod of agreement as they reached the doors of Conference Room Number One and entered, to be greeted by the sight of the thirty other members of the State Council rising to their feet in a show of respect to their leaders. The conference room was primarily decorated in a stark utilitarian white, with rosewood panels comprising the bottom quarter of the walls; the floor was covered by a light turquoise carpet which featured evenly-spaced five-petaled plum blossom flowers. The State Council members comprised four Vice-Premiers and twenty-six minister-level individuals, all with clearly defined spheres of influence within the Eastasian government, and they sat around a smooth-cornered rectangular rosewood table in red-upholstered rosewood armchairs. President Yang took her place at the head of the table, where a slightly larger armchair was positioned with a broad rosewood-and-cream panelled screen just behind it, while Premier Won took his place at her right-hand side. Once Yang had taken her seat, the rest of the Council quickly followed suit.

"Good morning comrades, I trust that yet another fruitful day awaits us. Minister Huang, what news do you have for us from around the world?"

Minister for Foreign Affairs Huang Li tapped at his tablet before beginning to speak. The sixty-one-year-old possessed an almost stereotypical bureaucratic appearance, very fitting considering the rather technocratic nature of the Eastasian government. "General Secretary, Premier, comrades. I am pleased to announce that the leaders of the Malayali People's Republic, the Republic of Seychelles, the Democratic Republic of Guinea, the Democratic People's Republic of Tonga, and the Arab Socialist Federation will all be in attendance at the National Congress in October. I trust that we can pencil them all in for one-to-one meetings with you, General Secretary?"

"Yes, of course." Yang leaned forward and smiled. "It's always a pleasure to meet with our fellow socialists, particularly those who look to us for guidance."

"Guidance and money."

The President chuckled at Premier Won's interjection. "Some of our allies simply require assistance in maintaining their state due to their previous impoverishment at the hands of capitalists and imperialists." She shared a smirk with the Premier before turning her attention back to Minister Huang. "Please ensure that they are all fêted to the same degree. They are all our valued allies, regardless of their circumstances, after all. Any other news?"

"Well, the situation in the Marimaian Federation continues to worsen. As we're all aware, two days ago the republics of Dagestan, North and South Ossetia, Ingushetia and Chechnya declared that they considered themselves independent of the Marimaian Federation and proclaimed the Republic of Ichkeriya. We have good intelligence that both Armenia and Azerbaijan could be about to declare independence as well. If they go their own way then it is highly likely that the rest of the Federation will quickly follow. The Baibakov regime proved to be less stable than it appeared to be, as we have reports that a number of the government ministers absconded even before the deaths of the President and his wife."

President Yang regarded him with a grim expression. "The deaths of Fyodor Baibakov and Zahra Baibakova were an act of disgusting barbarity, as I'm sure we all agree. Has there been any word of the whereabouts of their son? It seems strange that their bodies were paraded on social media but his was not."

Minister of State Security Zhang Yong chimed in at that point. "As a matter of fact, General Secretary, we do know where Feliks Baibakov is. He is currently on board the family's superyacht, Skorpion Siniy, and we believe that they are en route to the Arab Socialist Federation. We suspect that he and his entourage may be attempting to seek refuge from the chaos."

"I see." President Yang thoughtfully tapped her chin with her right index finger for a few moments. "We shall continue our official line of calling for restraint and stability in the region, while expressing our regret for the events that led to the current situation. Realistically, we have little opportunity to exert any influence in the Caucasus but we will continue to observe for any such opportunities if they should arise. Thankfully we are somewhat insulated from any fluctuations that the crisis might cause in oil and gas prices, due to the Arab Socialist Federation's considerable reserves and our agreements with them. As far as Feliks Baibakov is concerned...Minister Zhang, have someone make contact with him if he does indeed arrive in the Arab Socialist Federation. I think that he needs to know that there is indeed a safe nation for him if he wishes to find a new home."

"Of course, General Secretary."

[Freistaat-Ostafrika]

14 August 2022, 15:00hrs [UTC+3]
Jeddah
Arab Socialist Federation

Founded in 1975 after the flames of revolution spread across much of the Arabian Peninsula and several old ruling families were overthrown, the Arab Socialist Federation was a true energy superpower. While the Federation's population seemed small at just over 56 million people, the state's oil and gas reserves allowed it to punch well above its apparent weight on the global stage while maintaining a good standard of living for its population. Whereas the preceding monarchies were all of a largely religious bent, the ASF was nominally a secular state, although it had been seen as sensible to take some precautions regarding the Holy Cities of Mecca and Medina that lay within the Federation's borders. To that end, there was an appointed Sharif of the Holy Places who acted as the administrator for the two cities and oversaw the Hajj pilgrimage every year. While the ASF government might not have been overly Islamic in its outlook, it did recognise the benefits of allowing the Hajj to continue unimpeded. In another departure from the preceding regimes, women were given equal status to men within the ASF, although they were not as widely represented at the leadership level as they undoubtedly should have been. Within the admittedly-small family of communist and socialist nations within the geopolitical orbit of the behemothic United Eastasian Republic, the Arab Socialist Federation was second only to the UER itself, as a result of its wealth and the influence that its energy production granted it. As the primary supplier of oil and gas to the UER and its affiliates (among others), the ASF enjoyed favourable access to Eastasian goods and services, including armaments, and even hosted several military facilities that were effectively shared with the Eastasian People's Army.

In truth, the Eastasian presence in the ASF was as much to demonstrate the 'eternal fraternal bond' between the two nations as it was to safeguard the UER's energy security and maintain a strong position in Western Asia. Not that the ASF was in dire need of the Eastasian military presence, however; the Arabic Revolutionary Defense Forces numbered some 750,000 active personnel with roughly 230,000 reserve personnel, all equipped with the latest in Eastasian military hardware. The reason for such a sizeable military was the fact that the army of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia had been instrumental in the overthrow of their former rulers and the subsequent spread of the revolution to several neighbouring monarchies, and so the ASF had developed into a technocratic-military state that regarded the army as the 'vanguard of Arabic revolution'. Given the rise of the fundamentalist terrorist organisation known as Al-Shams and the status of the neighbouring Confederation of Yemeni Emirates, the ruling Arabian Peninsula People's Union (APPU) found it rather simple to justify the continued emphasis on the military's development.

The port city of Jeddah was the third-largest city in the Federation as well as one of the ASF's primary commercial centres, acting as the nation's primary trade gateway in the Red Sea. Jeddah was also the principal gateway to Mecca, which only lay about sixty-five kilometres to the east of the port city, so at the time of the Hajj Jeddah always experienced a considerable influx of pilgrims. On this particular afternoon, Jeddah was receiving a visitation of a far different sort, one that would undoubtedly raise several eyebrows around the world when it was noticed, as the superyacht Skorpion Siniy, or 'Scorpion Blue', docked. Skorpion Siniy had been the official Presidential yacht of the Marimaian Federation and the property of the sinfully wealthy Baibakov family that had ruled the Marimaian Federation from 1995 until the previous week. Recent ethnic unrest within the Marimaian Federation had led to the violent deaths of President Fyodor Baibakov and Vice President Zahra Baibakova, which were swiftly followed by the secession of several constituent republics of the Federation. The Marimaian state was now descending further and further into chaos, leading to conflict rearing its head once again in the Caucasus region, but in truth, those on board Skorpion Siniy had turned their attention away from the collapsing state. The superyacht's prize passenger was Feliks Baibakov, the only son of Fyodor and Zahra who had himself also been a Vice President before the unrest. Spirited away during the chaos that had seen the death of his parents, Feliks had been instructed by his father to use the family's numerous bank accounts and assets to effectively raise an army to crush the then-rebellion, but events had moved so swiftly that there was no realistic hope of Baibakov rule ever returning to the Caucasus. Instead, Feliks and his loyal entourage were focused on finding a new home for themselves, and a stopover in the Arab Socialist Federation was seen as a potential first step in that journey. The two nations had enjoyed excellent relations from 1975-1991 when both had communist regimes, and relations had remained warm because the Baibakov family had been involved in running the state oil and gas industry during the communist era of the then-Transcaucasian Federation, and then continued to be involved after they successfully subverted the nascent democratic-capitalist system that replaced communist rule and led to the state's rebirth as the Marimaian Federation.

Feliks stood at one of the large windows of the yacht's five-thousand square foot master suite, knowing that he was protected by the bulletproof glass, his hands clasped behind his back as he surveyed the view. The slender twenty-seven-year-old had undergone an extremely turbulent eight days: losing his parents, his position, and his homeland. After two days of solid sleep, Feliks had emerged from the master suite looking much more like himself than the dishevelled individual who had been brought aboard. His usual flamboyant fashion style was still returning at the present moment, as although he was dressed entirely in black, the outfit consisted of a double-breasted asymmetric tailored jacket, tapered trousers, and slim boots. His mane of wavy brunette hair was back to its usual style, another sign that Feliks was indeed returning to his unique sense of normality. At his right side stood Mateja Čubrilović, the Serb anti-terrorist officer-turned-Baibakov henchman who was undoubtedly one of Feliks' most loyal cohorts. The thirty-three-year-old wore a simple black shirt and black chinos, his arms folded as he also took in the view.

"Tell me something, my Kapetan...why are you still here with me?"

Mateja frowned at the question. "I'm here because it's where I'm supposed to be."

"Even though in the end, I couldn't provide a safe home and a new life for your family? Even though I don't have the same easy access to money that I used to have?"

A brief smirk flashed across Mateja's face as he realised what was going on. Feliks wasn't questioning Mateja's loyalty, he was seeking reassurance. Understandable, considering recent events. "My family are safe here on Skorpion Siniy and we'll all have a new life soon enough. As far as the money is concerned, I have no problem working pro bono until we get settled and everything is sorted out."

Feliks leaned to his right and gently rested his head on Mateja's shoulder. "I don't think I'd be here right now if it wasn't for you, my Kapetan. Once everything is sorted out, you're getting a raise."

Mateja chuckled and unfolded his arms, placing his left arm around Feliks' shoulders. "I'll hold you to that."

"I don't doubt it for a second." Feliks gave a brief snort of amusement before sighing. "We'll spend a couple of days here in the ASF getting things organised as far as the yacht is concerned, and we'll see where we stand."

A knock at the door caused the pair to separate slightly before Feliks called out to the visitor. "Come in!"

The superyacht's captain, Isidore Kapanadze, entered the master suite and nodded deferentially towards Feliks as he spoke. "Little Boss, it would appear that we've been expected. There's a small group of people in black suits stood at the berth, they look like they're waiting for us to finish docking."

Feliks frowned with a degree of concern. "Any idea who they might be?"

"We think they might be Eastasian."

[-The United Federation of Nations-]

Muhammad al Muhammad el Muhammad bin Bizir
Jeddah
Arab Socialist Federation
Sunday 14th August 2022,1500hrs Local Time

---

The Federation Intelligence Service (FIS), the foreign intelligence agency of the United Federation of Nations, had been tracking the Skorpion Siniy since it had been permitted through the Bosphorus Straits following the disintegration of the Marimaian Republic a week or so previously. Originally there had been some thought to having the Union of the Aegean’s coast guard, or perhaps even the Federation Navy, stop the ship in order to identify who was aboard what was likely a highly sought after vessel in what was left of Marimaia. However, as there was the possibility that a Baibakov survivor was aboard, and the UFN was trying desperately to keep out of the rapidly deteriorating quagmire on it’s own border, the decision had been made that the last thing that the Department of the Exterior needed right now was a Baibakov in Federation custody. Indeed, depending who it was there were questions as to whether or not they would have even be able to detain them; as although the regime had always been distasteful to the Federation’s ideals, and it’s recent actions even more so, no Federation court had ever attempted to assert jurisdiction over a foreign state.

It was decided, therefore, that it would be even less of a good idea to have held a Baibakov only to release them; that it was better to be officially ignorant. Of course, the FIS itself wanted to know if there were any Baibakov survivors, as did the Federation Council and the President. As such, Federation Intelligence had used a number of methods to track the Skorpion Siniy as it proceeded southwards, eventually transiting the Suez Canal and apparently heading for somewhere in the Arab Socialist Federation. The ASF shared a border with the Federation member-state of the Sultanate of the Mashriq. As a prosperous Arab state, the Sultanate arguably stood in stark contrast to the socialist regime within the ASF, however due to the latter’s status as an energy superpower the standard of living afforded it’s citizenry, despite the socialist system, had largely avoided leading to an ideological conflict between the two. As such, although there had been some cross-border rivalry, this had never come close to actual conflict, and given that both states were backed by a larger bloc meant that any conflict would not remain small and everyone knew that, which led to a certain level of restraint on all sounds.

Nevertheless, Federation Intelligence was not blind to the potential threat played by the ASF, and its backers in the United Eastasian Republic, and had worked to ensure that it had a respectable intelligence network within the ASF. There were not any major efforts to secure high-level penetration of the ASF government, the risk of kicking off a conflict by tipping off the ASF’s security services was deemed to be too high, the FIS was confident that it had a solid network of assets and informers who aided in keeping a track of developments that might not reach the level of open-source. It was a tolerable operational compromise; a high-level asset would not be dismissed out of hand if their services were offered, but equally they would be very carefully handled and would not be actively sought out in the same way as it would in a more overtly hostile power.

One such asset was Muhammad al Muhammad el Muhammad bin Bizir, who worked as a dockhand at the Port of Jeddah. In addition to his day-to-day job, Muhammad was also paid a monthly retainer by the Federation Intelligence Service, through a local shell company, supposedly linked to work as a consultant for Federation shipping interests in order to legitimise the payments, to keep tabs on activities in the strategically important and well-placed port. Muhammad was entirely motivated by money; there was no ideological interests at play here; Muhammad wanted more money and was not particularly fussed where it came from. As a result, Muhammad and his family lived a very comfortable life, and had a significant (and well-hidden) offshore bank account and an extraction plan in place should his cover be blown, and was handled by a FIS case officer working the at the Federation’s consulate in Jeddah. When it had been assed that the Scorpion Siniy was likely heading to Jeddah, his case officer had gotten in touch to instruct him to get eyes on the Yacht in an effort to identify who was aboard.

As such, by the time the yacht was docking, Muhammad was already in a secluded position nearby watching carefully, and taking what pictures he could to send back to his case officer. The FIS had already promised him a bonus for this, so he was prepared to take the small risk of being spotted acting a little ‘suspicious’. If challenged, Muhammad fully intended to claim that he simply liked watching the superyacht that visited the port, amongst other ships. Already Muhammad had been able to report back to his FIS case officer that none other than Feliks Baibakov was aboard the yacht, being able to snap a picture with a telephoto lens of the young man standing in the yacht’s master suite through a window. This alone had ensured that his ‘danger pay’ bonus would be paid by the FIS, as this had been their primary objective in tracking the yacht’s progress in the first place, however it was the ‘welcoming party’ that was present on the quayside waiting for the yacht to finish it’s docking that was most interesting. Even at this distance, it was obvious that they were not Arabs, and Muhammad was eager to snap pictures of the men in suits that were waiting for Feliks; although he knew little of the inner workings of the FIS once his pictures were received, he assumed that they might be able to identify known Eastasian intelligence officers or diplomats.

Although it was unlikely to be of direct concern for the United Federation of Nations, Muhammad was sure that they would want to know where a renegade ‘war criminal’ from a neighbouring state had ended up, even if he doubted that they were overly disappointed that he would not be their problem. Although he was by no means a Federation patriot, Muhammad was not stupid and he knew enough about geopolitics to appreciate that the UFN would not want to cause unnecessary conflict with any of the new fractured states on one of it’s borders; even if they were unlikely to pose a military threat to the UFN as a whole the risk of terrorism or increased criminal activity would be enough of a concern. Truth be told, Muhammad cared little as long as his money kept flowing, and despite the risk he was fully prepared to keep tabs on Feliks as long as he stayed in the ASF; he knew that the FIS would have his back, and although they would never acknowledge him as an asset if he was caught he trusted that they would do everything in their power to extract him and his family if things went bad.

For now, he'd keep watching.

[Freistaat-Ostafrika]

14 August 2022, 15:45hrs [UTC+3]
Skorpion Siniy
Jeddah, Arab Socialist Federation

Once Skorpion Siniy had finished docking and various security measures had been ensured, Feliks had the waiting group of besuited Eastasians invited on board the superyacht. The lone surviving Baibakov was both uncertain and deeply intrigued about the fact that his arrival in the Arab Socialist Federation had earned him a welcoming committee from the superpower that supported the ASF, rather than simply from the administration in Riyadh. The 'delegation', for lack of a better term, were greeted by one of the male crewmembers in his immaculately pressed uniform before being escorted to the main saloon on the sixth level of the vessel; decorated in soft creams and browns, the main saloon had a definite warm art deco vibe to it. Feliks was seated at the far end of the saloon in one of the two comfortable armchairs that sat on either side of a simulated fireplace, with a stylish glass coffee table between the two chairs. Khoren was stood, stoically as ever, at Feliks' right side, while Mateja leaned against a nearby pillar with his arms folded. As the crewmember directed the five Eastasians towards him, Feliks rose from his chair and offered his trademark Cheshire Cat grin, a sight which had not been seen since the evening of his parents' death.

"Ni hao, gentlemen! Welcome on board the Skorpion Siniy, one of the finest vessels to ever sail the ocean. I don't think that I need to introduce myself or my compatriots, do I? You likely know exactly who we all are."

The leader of the Eastasian group nodded and offered a smile of his own. "Thank you for the kind welcome, Mister Baibakov. My name is Chen Biao, and we do indeed know who everyone is in this room right now." The thirty-two-year-old adjusted his glasses before continuing. "I would like to begin by offering my deepest condolences on the loss of your parents, Mister Baibakov. They were excellent statespeople and representatives of your homeland."

Feliks nodded slightly as his grin faded away at the mention of his parents. "Thank you, I appreciate that. It would appear that very few in the world appreciated the stability that our family brought to the Caucasus, so it is nice to meet somebody who acknowledges that." He then brought the smile back to his face as he gestured to the other armchair. "Won't you sit down, Mister Chen?"

"Thank you very much." The pair settled into their respective seats, Chen's fellow Eastasians occupying the long curved couches that were positioned nearby. Chen continued with the conversation once everybody was comfortable. "Mister Baibakov, I shall not dance around the reason why we are here, as you are undoubtedly eager to know why five Eastasian citizens were waiting for you upon your arrival. I am here on behalf of the Eastasian government to offer you an opportunity. One that does not publicly have the backing of the Eastasian government, but privately it comes from the Eastasian government. If you get my meaning."

Feliks chuckled and nodded. "Yes, I get your meaning. Completely unofficial official business is something that I'm quite used to."

Chen beamed happily and was set at ease by Feliks' statement. "Excellent, excellent. Well then. We would like to offer you and your loyalists a home in the United Eastasian Republic. It is currently an unofficial official invitation, but my government is currently evaluating the situation in the Caucasus and so it may change to a completely official invitation."

Feliks sat quietly for a moment as he processed the offer. "I...I appreciate the offer. Very much so. I do have to ask why Beijing would be interested in making such an offer though."

"Well, my government always enjoyed a good relationship with your family and the Marimaian Federation. You and those travelling with you are currently political refugees in our eyes, so we wish to offer you a haven. We can issue permanent residence visas for all of you from our embassy in Riyadh, you can transfer any funds that you may have to a new account with an Eastasian bank, and you will be able to start looking at potential homes once you arrive in the Republic. I am certain that you will find the Republic to be most welcoming, Mister Baibakov."

"What if one of these declared new states in the Caucasus tries to pursue me?"

Chen shrugged slightly. "As yet we do not recognise any of these new governments, so their requests would fall on deaf ears. In truth, we would not take any notice of any request to hand you over, regardless of which nation it came from. Well, we might issue a polite denial, but that would be about it. You have been through more than enough in the past few days, Mister Baibakov. The United Eastasian Republic wishes you to know that you do have friends in this world, and we are willing to help you."

Feliks raised a quizzical eyebrow. "I truly do appreciate all of this, Mister Chen. However, I do wonder if your government expects something in return for all of this accommodating that you're doing."

"Well, we might request your assistance from time to time. As a political titan of the Caucasus region, you undoubtedly have insights that could prove useful to my government in time."

"That could well be true, Mister Chen. Very well then, I shall accept the generous offer of the United Eastasian Republic. How long do you think it would take to issue the visas?"

"Not very long at all, a couple of days at the most. Our embassy in Riyadh is one of our largest and well-staffed, as you can imagine." Chen grinned as he continued. "As it will undoubtedly be useful to expedite matters, I can act as a liaison between yourself and the embassy. I can also assist you with any questions that you might have regarding the United Eastasian Republic."

Feliks returned the grin. "We'd best find you a cabin then."

[Freistaat-Ostafrika]

28 August 2022, 07:39hrs [UTC+8]
Yang Zhihao's Penthouse, Beijing
United Eastasian Republic

One of the 'core districts' of the Eastasian capital of Beijing, Chaoyang District was undoubtedly one of the most important districts of any city in the United Eastasian Republic, for two primary reasons. The first reason was the fact that Chaoyang was Beijing's diplomatic district, with three embassy areas distributed throughout its neighbourhoods that hosted almost every foreign embassy in the Eastasian capital. It was therefore unsurprising that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was headquartered in the district, as it ensured proximity between the foreign diplomatic representations and the government ministry charged with foreign diplomacy. The second reason was economic, as Chaoyang contained the Beijing central business district, the primary area for finance, media, and business services in Beijing. As such, Chaoyang was home to either the headquarters or regional offices of many major Eastasian corporations; it also hosted offices for foreign corporations and international news agencies which had been permitted to do business in the United Eastasian Republic. Chaoyang was also home to the Sanlitun neighbourhood, a renowned destination for shopping, dining, and entertainment, as well as several shopping centres popular with international tourists due to the bargains available if willing to haggle. Finally, the jurisdiction of Chaoyang District covered Beijing Capital International Airport, the capital's primary international airport. It was therefore unsurprising that many of the wealthiest Eastasian citizens either resided in Chaoyang or at least maintained residences in the district, and few were better connected than one Yang Zhihao.

The twenty-four-year-old son of President Yang Mingshu, Zhihao was at the pinnacle of what was known in the Republic as 'princeling culture'. As with many regimes where leaders remained in power for extended periods, the sons and daughters of senior Eastasian officials tended to receive opportunities that would have otherwise been out of their reach. They also tended to frequent the same social events and in some cases grew up with one another, so they inevitably formed a tightly-knit clique. All the same, princeling culture was rife with various rivalries and relationships. The socialist states affiliated with the United Eastasian Republic tended to have their forms of princeling culture, but it was the Eastasians who had essentially written the book on it. Eastasian princeling culture featured formalised tiers depending on which level of administration a princeling's parent was employed in, as well as various points of etiquette regarding how the tiers interacted with each other. Tier Four was comprised of mayoral princelings and local official princelings. Tier Three was then comprised of gubernatorial princelings at the top and provincial cabinet princelings forming the rest of that tier, along with province-level military and civil service princelings. Tier Two was comprised of national-level military and civil service princelings, as well as the children of former national leaders or government ministers. Tier One was comprised of current Cabinet of Ministers princelings, so as the son of the President and General Secretary, Zhihao was the undeniable top dog...or 'Top Dragon', as he preferred. While there was no official recognition of the existence of princeling culture, there was most certainly an unofficial following online where 'princeling watchers' did their best to keep tabs on the social moves within the subculture, and Zhihao had quite a fanbase, with over fifty million followers on Guanxi. An Eastasian-designed photo and video sharing social media service, 'Guanxi' roughly translated as 'connections' or 'relationships', and in Eastasian culture, the word was more generally used to describe personal networks and relationships, as well as the benefits that could be gained from such connections.

As a result of his unofficial position, Zhihao truly enjoyed the high life. One prominent example of this was his residence, one of the two top-floor penthouses in the high-end Fenghuang Rise Tower. The tower had originally been built as an apartment complex for a broad range of wealthy clientele, but the upper floors had been quickly taken over by princelings who loved the location and amenities of the building. The two top-floor penthouses belonged to the top two princelings as a result of the structured pecking order of the princeling subculture, one belonging to Zhihao and the other belonging to Won Seong-min, Premier Won's twenty-nine-year-old son and Zhihao's 'lieutenant'. Both penthouses featured an open-plan living room/kitchen, five bedrooms that all featured ensuite bathrooms, and an additional bathroom beyond that; however, as neither of the top two princelings required five bedrooms, they found more creative uses for the space, such as gaming rooms, studies, or massive walk-in closets. Both penthouses also boasted an outdoor terrace that provided a stunning view of the surrounding cityscape.

On this particular Sunday morning, the sunlight was streaming into the stylish bronze, gold, and white decorated master bedroom of Zhihao's penthouse. A door in the wall opposite the entrance door led to the state-of-the-art ensuite bathroom, and positioned next to that door was Zhihao's emperor-size bed with attendant nightstands. A short distance in front of the bed lay two plush couches which were positioned to face the 72-inch plasma-screen television which dominated the wall opposite the bed, easily viewable not just from the couches but also from the bed itself. A large cabinet beneath the television housed a collection of gaming consoles and attendant games as well as numerous Blu-Ray movies. Suffice it to say that Zhihao's bedroom was probably worth more than many family apartments elsewhere in the Republic. The master of the residence was wide awake and sat up in bed, perusing his social media accounts on his smartphone, his shortish black hair a bit more unstyled than usual as he had not undergone his daily styling regimen. He looked over at the other side of the bed and a mischievous smirk flashed across his face at the sight of his currently sleeping bedmate. Song Cheol-jin was the thirty-one-year-old son of Minister of National Defense Song Min-jun and had served an eight-year tour of duty with the Eastasian People's Army Navy Marine Corps before returning to civilian life. The black-mulleted Cheol-jin was only very slightly shorter than Zhihao but had a far more toned build in comparison to the thinner younger man, something that Zhihao certainly appreciated; the pair had been in a relationship for a year and five months at this point, and Cheol-jin had recently moved into Zhihao's penthouse as their relationship had continued to deepen.

Zhihao tentatively lifted his smartphone to an angle where the front-facing camera would be able to capture a picture of himself grinning with Cheol-jin sleeping in the background, but he was interrupted before he could press the button to take the picture.

"Don't even think about it."

Zhihao could see in the camera that Cheol-jin's eyes were still closed, and he also saw his own quizzical expression as he responded. "How did you know what I was going to do?"

"I heard you stop tapping, it was an educated guess." Cheol-jin opened his eyes and looked up at the smartphone being held aloft. "I thought that we agreed to no more bed selfies."

"It's not like I was actually going to post this one. Besides, I'm in a good mood, so let me have some fun."

Cheol-jin hauled himself into a seated position, the silken bedsheet falling away to reveal more of his well-defined physique. "You're still overjoyed that Feliks Baibakov is potentially going back to the Caucasus, aren't you?"

"Well, of course, I am!" Zhihao set down his smartphone and turned to face Cheol-jin. "I mean, I'm a very giving and patient person...don't look at me like that, I am...but we both know that I would've wound up having to help him adjust to princeling culture, and I have no idea where he'd fit in. We've never had a former Vice President of another nation try to join in before. Don't get me wrong, I do feel for him, he's been through hell. It's just that he's better suited to being President of Azerbaijan than being here. He's used to being the centre of attention and so he'd probably struggle to accept a position in Tier Two or something like that. Let him be king of his own kingdom and let me be Top Dragon, it all works out so much better. Plus he seemed so excited by the idea when he came by yesterday evening to tell us."

"You're probably right, aegi." As Cheol-jin was from the Joseon Socialist Republic (one of the constituent parts of the United Eastasian Republic), he sometimes peppered his conversations with Joseon-mal terms, in this instance the term for 'baby'. "We've only got room in the Republic for one ego as large as yours."

Zhihao snorted slightly as Cheol-jin slipped into the playful antagonism that characterised their relationship. "You're lucky that you're in such good shape, or you'd be out."

[Freistaat-Ostafrika]

9 September 2022, 19:30hrs [UTC+8]
Margravia
Aòmén, United Eastasian Republic

If there was ever a city in the United Eastasian Republic whose name was synonymous with 'sin', it was the autonomous city of Aòmén. Once used by the Chinese Empire as one of the gateway ports through which they could control the access of foreign traders to the rest of their realm, Aòmén had been one of the least reputable ports in the region, hosting such ne'er-do-wells as pirates, smugglers, gamblers, and slave traders. The local administration had legalised gambling in the port in 1921 and the subsequent licensing system saw over 200 gambling houses paying gambling rent to the Aòmén authorities, with many of these gambling houses having been acquired by the foreign-born Margrave family through their contacts and talent for bribery. Originally from the then-Republic of Columbia, the Margrave family arrived in China in 1795, having departed from the Republic of Columbia for reasons which were no longer discussed by the family. They established themselves in Aòmén as tea merchants, demonstrating their genuine talent for commerce as well as an ability to discern exactly which officials to bribe and when to bribe them. While the 'Tea War' with the Republic of Columbia did cause some issues for the family as the monarchy began to promote anti-foreigner sentiments, the Margraves were able to weather the storm thanks to the assistance of their less-than-reputable friends in Aòmén and its sister autonomous port of Xiānggang. The Margraves were able to successfully navigate the upheaval of the Xinhai Revolution that saw the rise of the Republic of China and the subsequent Glorious Revolution that led to the birth of the United Eastasian Republic through shrewd alliances and political pragmatism, helping to deliver Aòmén into the hands of the Eastasian Communist Party without a shot having to be fired.

Modern-day Aòmén was a major resort city and a top global destination for gambling tourism, and the still-primarily Caucasian Margrave family maintained their influence over the territory with considerable ease. The Margraves owned the vast majority of the casinos and other gambling venues in Aòmén through their corporation 'Margravia Resorts' (which included other holdings throughout the UER), and their political clout allowed them to effectively block any foreign gaming companies that did not provide the customary kickbacks or share percentages. As gambling was illegal throughout the rest of the United Eastasian Republic, Aòmén was popular with the wealthy as they could indulge in 'seedy activities' in the territory; the continued debauched reputation of Aòmén played to the advantage of the Margraves as it was almost expected that the territory might be corrupt to some degree. While the Eastasian government officially decried organised crime, in truth they had no real incentive to attempt any moves against the likes of triads, yakuza syndicates or kkangpae as the groups often did favours for the Ministry of State Security in return for 'considerations'. Many of these groups had representatives residing in Aòmén, where they found some common ground with the Margraves as 'outsiders within the system'. Ever the political chameleons, the Margraves made sure to be 'loyal Party members' to protect themselves and retain access to the upper echelons of Eastasian society. At least, that was how the senior Eastasian branch of the family operated. The junior branch of the family resided in the Federal Republic of California and was regarded as being far more 'nouveau riche' due to the social climate of the Federal Republic, while the Eastasian branch preferred to style themselves as being more 'professional'.

Nestled atop Penha Hill, in the most exclusive neighbourhood of Aòmén, the Chinese-style villa known as 'Margravia' was one of less than 30 detached residential properties in the city and was therefore rather prestigious in its own right. A two-storey residence with a swimming pool and a large garden, a true luxury in the otherwise-clustered city, Margravia was the home of Thomas Margrave, the seventy-one-year-old patriarch of the family's Eastasian branch. The Chairman and CEO of Margravia Resorts as well as a 'good Party member', the billionaire lived with his sixty-five-year-old wife Selene in considerable comfort while presiding over the affairs of his branch of the family in a manner, not unlike that of a mafia godfather. This partly cloudy Friday evening was something of a mix of both family business and personal happiness, however, as the pair were enjoying a visit from their son Daniel, the thirty-seven-year-old future head of the Eastasian branch. Daniel's black Qiantu K50 electric sports car was parked up and charging in the property's sheltered car porch alongside his parents' black Mitsuoka Galue sedan and his father's black Infiniti Q70 sedan, while the three Margraves had finished dinner and were now relaxing in each other's company in the well-appointed lounge. Thomas and Selene sat together on a leather couch while Daniel reclined in one of the matching armchairs, and the three cheerfully discussed current matters.

"So Danny, how did the meeting go?"

Daniel ran a hand over his slicked-back brunette hair before responding. "Pretty good, Dad. Chief Executive Liao is going to be putting the proposed online gambling law before the Aòmén Legislative Assembly after the ECP National Congress in Beijing, he wants to consult with the higher-ups before he puts it forward. Provided that there's no opposition from the Eastasian government, and there's no real reason why there would be any, we could have a license to operate online gambling by the end of the year. Of course, it'll only be accessible in other nations because there's no way that the UER is going to allow all of its citizens access to gamble online."

Thomas nodded with satisfaction. "Pretty good indeed. So, how would you like to take a trip to Beijing?"

"Huh." Daniel sipped at his scotch on the rocks and leaned forward. "You want me to do some lobbying, I take it? I'm not so sure that it's necessary."

"Well, all the same, it can't hurt to have a friendly conversation or two. This is a matter that falls more into the remit of Premier Won than President Yang, but a word from her would certainly settle the matter. So why not shore up our position with a chat about the issue?" Thomas directed a smirk toward his son as he continued. "Of course, you can't just book an appointment with her. You'd need an intermediary, somebody with influence."

"Oh no." Daniel set his drink down on the nearby coffee table and sat back, wagging his finger in disapproval at what was being suggested. "Not a good idea."

Selene raised her eyebrows amusedly at his reaction. "Why not?"

"You know why not, Mom. I'm a Tier Three princeling, according to that whole pyramid thing that the Party kids dreamt up. Technically I shouldn't even be in the system because our family has never actually held an administrative position, but I get in because we helped the Party take Aòmén back in the day. You know how I know that? Zhihao told me, to my face, last time he visited Aòmén with the Tier Ones. If you want me to get a meeting with President Yang via Zhihao, I'm going to need something to offer him as 'tribute', as you're basically asking a merchant to go to the king for a favour. Now consider that he can get pretty much anything he wants since his mother is the President of the UER and General Secretary of the ECP." He huffed loudly. "The worst part is that if I went to Seong-min, the Premier's son, he'd tell Zhihao, and then I'd probably get a dressing down for trying to go behind Zhihao's back. Even though it wouldn't really concern him."

Thomas chuckled at his son's complaining. "Well, you can't really set foot in his kingdom without talking to him about it, can you? Look, we all know how these games are played. The UER is one of the most powerful nations on the planet, the ECP controls the UER, and Zhihao's family is atop the ECP. If this was an empire or some other type of monarchy, he'd be a Crown Prince. The Crown Prince of Communism. The Pinnacle of the Princeling Pyramid. The Top Dragon." He rose from the couch and strolled over to the nearby drinks cabinet to refresh his scotch. "The rumours are that he's got a corporate directorship with Huawei, of course nobody knows for certain because that kind of information isn't just lying around. He's got a penthouse in Beijing, and apparently a penthouse in Shanghai as well. The Chairman Suite at the Marina Bay Triad in Singapura, apparently his whenever he wants it." The patriarch paused to take a drink, then chuckled and shook his head. "Let's not forget the last time he visited the Venetian Aòmén, since you brought it up earlier. He initially dropped fifty thousand yuan at blackjack and didn't blink an eye. Wound up walking away with two hundred and fifty thousand. Your cousin Martin was convinced that he'd been counting cards, but we weren't about to ban the President's son from our centrepiece casino. Especially when he'd booked the Aòmén Room for himself and his friends, as well as suites for all of them."

Daniel rolled his eyes. "So what you're saying is, 'Danny, go to Beijing and meet with Zhihao. Kowtow to him, beg him to give you an informal chat with his mother, and then live with whatever favours might be asked in return'."

Thomas paused in thought for a moment before nodding with a smirk. "Yes, that's pretty much exactly what I'm saying. Our family plays the system, he plays the system, and you play the system. We all know how it works. If playing along with Zhihao is the price for securing ourselves an exclusive license to operate online gambling out of Aòmén, then I say it is well worth paying."

"Easy for you to say, you're not the one abasing himself."

[Freistaat-Ostafrika]

17 September 2022, 21:30hrs [UTC+8]
Club ZAFT Beijing
Beijing, United Eastasian Republic

One of the more famous neighbourhoods in the Chaoyang District of Beijing, Sanlitun had a well-earned reputation as a 'party area' of the Eastasian capital. Originally the embassy area of Beijing, Sanlitun had experienced constant investment and evolution since the 1990s, and it was now renowned for having the most vibrant nightlife, the best shopping and daytime activity areas, and the largest selection of restaurants in Beijing. Saturday nights were a particularly busy time for the neighbourhood as Beijingers of various ages rubbed shoulders with foreign tourists and weekend visitors from elsewhere in the UER, seeking access to Sanlitun's establishments to let their hair down. The nightclubs of Sanlitun were numerous and varied, to say the least, with a large number of themed clubs; one of the most famous of the neighbourhood's themed clubs was Club ZAFT Beijing, the capital's branch of a nightclub chain that originated from the Nihonjin Socialist Republic (one of the constituent parts of the United Eastasian Republic). Club ZAFT was themed after one of the more popular mecha series to be released by the world-famous Nihonjin animation studios, and it had been so successful that there were branches in every major city of the UER. The club employees all dressed in costumes appropriate to organisations from the series, and while the more usual beverages were available within the club, there was also a wide selection of cocktails named after various characters from the series. Thanks to some previous experience and a check of various princeling watcher accounts, Daniel Margrave knew full well that if Yang Zhihao was going to be anywhere on a Saturday night, he would be at Club ZAFT Beijing, and so the future head of the Margrave family was en route to the club at that very moment. His black Qiantu K50 smoothly pulled into the valet parking area opposite the entrance of the establishment, and Daniel heard several whistles of appreciation from nearby clubgoers as he stepped out of his pride and joy. A slight self-satisfied smile crossed his lips as a uniformed valet approached, and Daniel casually handed him a one hundred yuan note along with the car keys, bringing an eager grin to the young Chinese man's face. As the vehicle was very carefully driven away to the VIP parking area, Daniel ran a hand over his hair before adjusting his jacket. Rather than dress up too obviously for the occasion, Daniel had opted for a black t-shirt, black jeans, and a black jacket. He crossed the road quickly and reached the entrance of Club ZAFT Beijing, a three-storey building decorated with large LED displays and with a long queue of clubgoers waiting in line for an opportunity to enter the establishment.

As he approached the main entrance of the club, Daniel elected to ignore the grumbling of certain clubgoers at the front of the queue, instead focusing on the two large uniformed bouncers who were controlling access to the venue. The grumbling grew louder as Daniel handed them both one hundred yuan and was promptly allowed in without having to wait, although it soon quietened down as the two hulking bouncers turned their stern gaze upon the queue. Daniel could feel the throb of the music through his body as he stepped onto the lower of the two public dance floors; the ground level was known as 'Earth', while the second public floor was called 'Low Orbit'. His previous experience of socialising with Seong-min meant that Daniel was easily able to navigate the throng of dancing clubgoers, quickly reaching the stars that led up to Low Orbit and then beyond that, the VIP floor. Named 'PLANT' after the orbital colonies in the series, the VIP floor was locked away behind two large windowed doors that were guarded by a bouncer clad in a military-style uniform. The bouncer took one look at Daniel as he approached and began tapping away on his tablet.

"Name?"

Daniel had, of course, thought ahead and booked himself a spot. "Daniel Margrave."

As Daniel had been through this procedure before, he quickly produced his driver's license to prove his identity. The bouncer inspected the license and then nodded. "Welcome to PLANT, Mister Margrave."

He then tapped a button on the touchscreen of the tablet that caused the doors to slide open and gestured for Daniel to enter. After tipping the bouncer with yet another hundred yuan note, Daniel nodded with a smile and strode inside. The VIP floor was immediately and more stylish than the lower two floors, with a muted purple decor that featured red, white, and blue flourishes. There were several comfortable couches and booths arranged to surround the dance floor and provide private spaces for the wealthier patrons, while an expansive bar ran along the entirety of the wall opposite the entrance. Daniel stood for a few moments, slightly bobbing his head in time with the dance-pop music as he scanned for his target. It only took a short time before he found him...and his entourage. The President's slender son was leaning back against the bar, his black hair styled with a right parting, wearing a white suit jacket and trousers with a mandarin-collared black shirt. He was clearly in mid-anecdote, speaking while animatedly gesturing with his hands, earning laughter from his fifteen compatriots.

Wonderful, he's got an audience, Daniel thought. While not all of the Tier One princelings appeared to be in attendance, there were certainly enough of them to make Zhihao bold enough to act however he wanted. Daniel's attention was then drawn to the individual who stood at Zhihao's right, dressed in a smart black suit. There's the boyfriend. While Cheol-jin seemed to be listening intently to Zhihao's tale, Daniel knew from experience that he would also be keeping an eye out for anybody who tried to approach the group, a holdover from his Marine days. Daniel slowly inhaled and then exhaled before beginning his approach, managing about seven steps before Cheol-jin locked his gaze on him. The ex-marine nudged Zhihao and nodded in Daniel's direction, causing not only Zhihao but also the rest of the princelings to turn their attention towards the Margrave heir.

Okay, let's get this done. Daniel continued approaching them, the princelings stepping aside so that he could come face-to-face with the clique's leader. Zhihao appeared relatively impassive as Daniel began to speak.

"Zhihao, may I-"

Daniel was cut off as Zhihao picked up his drink from the bar and threw the contents of the glass into Daniel's face, soaking his hair as well as the front of his outfit, eliciting a smirk from Cheol-jin in the process. The President's son then addressed the rest of his clique, gesturing towards Daniel with his right hand.

"So...who can tell me what's wrong with this current situation?"

He was immediately answered by Won Seong-min, the son of Premier Won and Zhihao's 'number two'. The twenty-nine-year-old's neck-length dyed silver hair was styled in a slightly wild side parting, and he wore a long untucked black-and-white patterned shirt with black trousers. Seong-min waved his arm around in the air as he responded, acting like a student in class in an attempt to be funny. "Oh, oh, I know!" He then lowered his arm and fixed Daniel with an almost pitiable look. "We have a Tier Three attempting to approach the Top Dragon, without any observance of protocol, and not even a gift."

Daniel sighed heavily. The things I do for my family. "My humble apologies, I forgot my place. Please allow me to pay for everybody's drinks this evening." A murmur of assent rippled through the princelings, ending with Zhihao giving a nonchalant shrug which was as close to acceptance as Daniel's offer was likely to receive. "May I please speak with you, Top Dragon?"

"Well, I'll need a new drink first. Don't even think of touching it." There was barely suppressed laughter from the princelings at Zhihao's little jibe regarding the Margrave family's past; while the family no longer spoke about it, word had still gotten to the right (or wrong) ears about their involvement in the assassination of a President of the then-Republic of Columbia, by poisoning no less. Zhihao turned to the nearest bartender, who had been staying close to the group due to their generous tips. "I'll have another Kira, thanks. This guy's paying. Oh, and if you've got a towel handy, I think he needs one."

The bartender smirked and handed over a towel, which was casually tossed over to Daniel, then expertly prepared the brightly coloured cocktail requested by Zhihao. After setting it down on the bar, he then took Daniel's request for another of the same, switching Zhihao's tab to Daniel's name before getting started. Meanwhile, Zhihao picked up his drink and turned to face Daniel once again, idly playing with the straw as he looked him up and down. Daniel then flinched as Zhiaho pretended to throw this drink at him, the assembled princelings chuckling as Daniel realised the fake-out. Once Daniel had received his own drink, Zhihao looked at him expectantly. "So, what brings you to my presence this evening, Danny Boy? Let me guess...you need a favour?"

Might as well be honest. "I'll level with you. My father asked me to come here to ask you to set up an informal chat with your mother."

Zhihao's eyes widened as most of the other princelings emitted a brief collective gasp. "Now what would your father want you to talk to my mother about then? Must be pretty important."

"It's about the Aòmén online gambling law."

"Ah." Zhihao nodded in understanding before turning to Cheol-jin, who also began nodding. Daniel couldn't help but notice that the rest of the princelings briefly joined in as well until Zhihao spoke once more. "I can understand that such a thing is undoubtedly very important to you and your family, but I fail to see why it's of any importance to me. My mother's time is particularly important, so I can't just bother her with anything."

If playing along with Zhihao is the price for securing ourselves an exclusive license to operate online gambling out of Aòmén, then I say it is well worth paying. Thomas Margrave's words sounded in Daniel's head, giving him an idea that would potentially not only secure his meeting with President Yang but might also pay his father back for putting him in this position in the first place. He took a drink of his Kira and did his best not to laugh to himself as he addressed Zhihao's point. "That is absolutely fair, Top Dragon. There is, however, something that I haven't had a chance to mention yet. Out of gratitude for your indulgence of our family's request, my father would like to offer you a directorship position with Margravia Resorts. I realise that it is a small token of appreciation, but it is the best that we could offer."

Zhihao's expression shifted to complete focus on Daniel as he sipped more of his cocktail through the straw. "You've stated that in front of all of these witnesses. No taking it back."

Daniel nodded. "No taking it back. The offer has been established."

Zhihao exchanged glances with Cheol-jin and Seong-min before nodding in response. "Accepted." He then grinned broadly at Daniel. "I can't, in good conscience, oppose the potential expansion of an enterprise owned by good Party members. Give me your number and I'll give you a call, I should be able to get you to see her sometime tomorrow. Make sure to bring any pertinent documents while you're at it."

"I'll make sure to do so. Thank you, Top Dragon. My family will remember your generosity." Daniel smiled as warmly as he could at Zhihao. So Dad, how's that for playing the system?

[Freistaat-Ostafrika]

18 September 2022, 14:00hrs [UTC+8]
Zhongnanhai, Beijing
United Eastasian Republic

Daniel Margrave had never expected to see the interior of the General Secretary's residence for himself, but here he was. Qinzheng Hall was located in the southern half of the Zhongnanhai complex and had been constructed in the late 17th century as the then-Emperor's primary living and working space in Zhongnanhai. Having undergone various upgrades and extensions over the centuries, Qinzheng Hall was now the primary living and working space for the General Secretary of the Eastasian Communist Party; as it was now the convention that the General Secretary adopted the Presidency of the United Eastasian Republic, this made Qinzheng the de facto Presidential residence. Essentially now a two-storey mansion in a classical Chinese architectural style, Qinzheng Hall provided the incumbent General Secretary with a level of comfort that seemed at odds with communist ideology, although in truth the United Eastasian Republic's commitment to actual communism had evaporated a long time ago. Officially the UER's socialist market economy represented a 'primary stage' of developing socialism, but in reality, it was unlikely that the massive Asian superpower would ever want to move away from such a system unless the rest of the planet adopted socialism, a concept that was laughable at best. The socialist market economy allowed the United Eastasian Republic to stand toe-to-toe with the major capitalist nations of the world economically, and the system led to the UER becoming one of the primary economic powers on the planet. The Eastasian branch of the Margrave family certainly had no issue with the socialist market economy, as being within it had allowed them to amass quite a portfolio of holdings as well as considerable wealth. Daniel was being escorted through Qinzheng Hall by a dark-suited functionary who had no appetite for small talk, simply conducting Daniel from the entrance to his appointment. Once they reached the private lounge of the residence, the aide gestured for Daniel to enter before heading off to carry out other duties; the Margrave heir subsequently strode into the well-appointed room to be greeted by President Yang...who, much to Daniel's surprise, was not alone. She was sharing an antique Imperial-era couch with her husband, Yang Jiawei; on an opposite couch, facing them across a similarly antique lacquered coffee table, sat Zhihao and Cheol-jin. Of the three additional attendees, Daniel was most surprised to see Yang Jiawei. Nine years younger than his wife, Jiawei had been a history lecturer at the University of Taipei before becoming the First Gentleman of the United Eastasian Republic; he was now involved in various initiatives such as the prevention of bullying in addition to being an informal advisor to his wife of twenty-five years. This wouldn't normally concern him at all, thought Daniel, as President Yang addressed him.

"Mister Margrave, welcome." She rose from her seat, dressed in a cream-coloured pantsuit and with her long dark brown hair pulled up into a rather strict and sensible-appearing style. "Please, take a seat. I believe that we have much to discuss."

"Thank you for seeing me at such short notice, General Secretary." Daniel crossed the room to occupy an armchair that President Yang had gestured towards. As he sat down, President Yang returned to her seat and then let out a sigh before speaking to Daniel with a tone that could best be described as disappointed.

"Mister Margrave, I agreed to this meeting so that I can educate you in certain protocols, both official and unofficial. I understand that you planned to obtain this meeting by offering my son a directorship with Margravia Resorts, now you must understand why that is completely inappropriate. Gambling is not permitted within the United Eastasian Republic, except for the autonomous territory of Aòmén. The son of the General Secretary therefore cannot be seen to endorse such an activity. I have spoken to witnesses who were present at your rather blatant attempt at bribery, to say that I am concerned by your conduct is something of an understatement."

Daniel glanced over at Zhihao, who answered the glance with a disapproving shake of his head. You little bastard. It dawned on Daniel that the 'Top Dragon' and his fellow Tier One princelings must have presented the situation to his parents in a completely different light, hence the dressing down that he was currently experiencing. He turned his attention to President Yang, clearing his throat. "General Secretary, I humbly apologise. The offer was meant as a demonstration of respect and appreciation, nothing more. You are of course correct, it would be inappropriate for your son to be involved in a gambling concern."

"Precisely. I am pleased to hear that you understand my point of view, Mister Margrave. Now then, this meeting was to be about the proposed online gambling law. I've spoken with Chief Executive Liao and I have explained the situation to him. We both agree that there is no reason for the Eastasian government to oppose such a law as it would only be applicable in Aòmén, so any Margrave-operated online gambling would only be accessible within Aòmén and other nations that allow you to operate. However, given how you attempted to lobby me about this law, both Chief Executive Liao and I agree that it will not be put before the Aòmén Legislative Assembly until next year." President Yang pursed her lips as she continued. "When you return to Aòmén, kindly explain to your father that your family cannot simply buy access to me. I will draw a line under this rare misstep by your family and put it behind us, but in future, do not try to overreach with your influence and do not overestimate yourselves. Am I understood?"

"Yes, General Secretary."

"Excellent." President Yang rose to her feet and extended her hand. "A pleasure to meet a member of the Margrave family, as always. Goodbye, Mister Margrave."

Daniel quickly got up and shook her hand, thankful that things had not gone any worse. "I appreciate you giving me some of your time, General Secretary. Goodbye." As he headed for the door, he shot a look at Zhihao, who responded with an incredibly insincere grin. Once Daniel had left the room and been met by another dark-suited functionary who would escort him out, President Yang turned her attention to her son.

"I'm glad that you reported his approach and the attempted bribe. We can't have you accepting directorships of just any concern or enterprise, you're the son of the General Secretary, after all. We'll find you something more suitable than Margravia Resorts. You should only be accepting directorships in 'national champions'." In the United Eastasian Republic, 'national champions' were designated state-owned enterprises that received high levels of protection, state financial support, political advice and governmental support for operating in foreign environments, as well as special rights of management autonomy, profit retention, and investment decisions. National champions also received assistance from the Eastasian government in brokering partnerships with foreign investors. "You're already on Huawei's board, so-"

"What about Eastasia Petrochemical Corporation?" Yang Jiawei spoke up, adjusting his black-rimmed spectacles. "A directorship with them would mean that Zhihao would never need another one with any other enterprise." He winked at his son, who grinned in response. Eastasia Petrochemical Corporation was a monolithic oil refining, gas and petrochemical conglomerate headquartered in Beijing, and a truly undisputed national champion. As well as being involved in the production of various petroleum products, including gasoline, diesel, jet fuel, kerosene, ethylene, synthetic fibres, synthetic rubber, synthetic resins, and chemical fertilizers, Eastasia Petrochemical Corporation was also the sole entity that explored reserves of crude oil and natural gas within the United Eastasian Republic. The conglomerate also produced several biofuels such as biodiesel and green jet fuel, from waste vegetable oil, as well as ethanol.

"Well...on one condition." President Yang cocked an eyebrow at Zhihao. "Whenever you visit Aòmén from now on, keep an eye on what you're eating and drinking. You know what that family's like."

"Oh, I wouldn't worry about them", Zhihao laughed. "If they did try to poison me, they'd have to find yet another country to take them in. Assuming that they survived long enough. So...is that a 'yes' on an EPC directorship then?"

"Yes, it is. However, it won't be until after the National Congress. I want to get Li Huizhong removed from the Central Committee and to get the 'Shining Superpower Doctrine' unveiled first, then we can get you your directorship."

[Freistaat-Ostafrika]

2 October 2022, 14:00hrs [UTC+8]
Great Hall of the People, Beijing
United Eastasian Republic

Located at the western edge of Tiananmen Square in the Eastasian capital, the Great Hall of the People covered some two million square feet of floor space, and was used for both legislative and ceremonial activities by the Eastasian government as well as the Eastasian Communist Party. Every year in March, the Great Hall hosted the Eastasian People's Political Consultative Conference and the National People's Congress, both bodies meeting for two to three weeks. The EPPCC was a body designed to advise and put forward proposals for political and social issues to government bodies, but in truth, it had no actual power, as it was essentially a show for the Eastasian Communist Party to appear to be consulting with other organisations in the UER, most of which were under the ECP's influence anyway. The National People's Congress was the 3,400-strong national legislature of the United Eastasian Republic, which was constitutionally the supreme state authority in the enormous Asian superpower, but the reality was far from that. As the National People's Congress only met for two to three weeks every year and the delegates were unpaid for their time (as they all held other full-time positions throughout the Republic's political and bureaucratic apparatus), most of the body's power was delegated to the Standing Committee, which consisted of about 170 full-time legislators who met in continuous bi-monthly sessions. Naturally, the Eastasian Communist Party controlled the nomination and election processes at all levels of the system, allowing it to ensure that the National People's Congress was totally loyal to the Party. A fact that escaped the notice of the vast majority of outsiders, and indeed more than a few Eastasian citizens, was that the ECP was not the only legal political party in the UER. There were in fact five other political parties that were represented in the National People's Congress: the Democracy and Science Forum, the Eastasian Democratic League, the Eastasian Association for Promoting Democracy, the Eastasian Peasants' and Workers' Democratic Party, and the Eastasian National Democratic Association. Of course, they were all extensions of the Eastasian Communist Party in one way or another, and they were primarily in existence to demonstrate a 'plurality of views agreeing on national unity'. It was rather telling that out of the 3,400 delegates of the National People's Congress, 3,059 represented the Eastasian Communist Party with the remaining 341 divided between the five other parties.

Today, however, the Great Hall of the People was hosting the National Congress of the Eastasian Communist Party. Held every five years, roughly 2,600 party delegates would be in attendance for the week-long event, which acted as the public venue for top-level leadership changes in the ECP and the formal event for changes to the Party's Constitution. As always, any leadership changes had already been decided upon behind closed doors, so the Congress was effectively a massive rubber stamp and public relations exercise. The Congress was not only the most important event in the Party's calendar but also the most important event in the calendar of the wider socialist and communist community, as the General Secretary of the ECP was the most significant communist leader on the planet. It was therefore no surprise that the leaders of the UER's affiliated nations were in attendance for the event: Grand Marshal Malik Ghazal of the Arab Socialist Federation, First Secretary Suman Dhawan of the Malayali People's Republic, President Francis Hoareau of the Republic of Seychelles, President Dinho Gwadabe of the Democratic Republic of Guinea, and Chairman Viliami Soakai of the Democratic People's Republic of Tonga. In a 'surprise special announcement', it was revealed by the Eastasian media that President Feliks Baibakov of the Republic of Azerbaijan was also in attendance, no doubt a signal to the world of the UER's continuing support for his regime. This particular Congress was of special significance to President Yang, as it would formalise the beginning of her second term in office while also giving her an eagerly-awaited opportunity to shape the Party in her own preferred image. The Congress was due to open with her delivering the all-important opening keynote speech, which would allow her to express her intended direction for the Party and the Republic for the next five years. Needless to say that it was going to be one of the most important speeches that she had ever delivered, although she would be delivering it to an extremely receptive and supportive audience.

The Great Auditorium of the Great Hall was the primary venue for the Congress, as it could simultaneously seat 10,000 individuals. The ceiling was decorated with a veritable galaxy of lights, with a large red star at the centre of the ceiling representing the Party, while a nearby pattern of water waves represented the Eastasian people. The Auditorium's facilities included audio-visual and other systems adaptable to a variety of meeting types and sizes, while a simultaneous interpretation system was also provided with a language booth. While there were only 2,600 delegates and the entourages of the attending national leaders in attendance, the Great Auditorium also played host to the mass of media representatives on hand to cover the important event, not just from the UER and its affiliates but from all around the world...with the notable exception of the Empire of Columbia. Due to the Columbians' distinct anti-communist rhetoric and policies, as well as their attempts to rival the UER, the Empire's media were never granted accreditation, either deliberately or through 'minor bureaucratic irregularities'. The attendees were seated in such a way to fill the front rows of every section of the Auditorium, leaving plenty of room behind them for the media to set up, while the attending national leaders were placed in the front row before the stage alongside the members of the Cabinet of Ministers; naturally, the Tier One princelings were seated right behind their parents. Just out of sight at offstage stage left, President Yang had a supportive chat with Jiawei and Zhihao before taking a deep breath and striding out into view, dressed in a stylish black pantsuit with her brunette hair worn down and a pair of black-rimmed spectacles firmly in place. She immediately received a standing ovation as she appeared, and she waved happily at the applauding mass of loyalists as she made her way to the podium which had been positioned downstage centre. Once she reached the podium, the General Secretary waited patiently for the ovation to finish, then held out her hands as she began her speech.

"Party delegates and honoured guests. Thank you for that most generous of greetings. It is my distinct honour to open the Twenty-First National Congress of the Eastasian Communist Party in this, the eighty-fifth year of the United Eastasian Republic.

"When I look back at the last five years, my first term in office, I look back with pride. The past five years have seen the United Eastasian Republic continue to develop an economy that is one of the most important economies on the planet. We have continued to build excellent relationships with international partners. The Eastasian people have continued to enjoy stability, security, and prosperity in their lives. The United Eastasian Republic is truly a force for the common good and common prosperity. We have our detractors, certainly, but we have far more friends than we have enemies. This provides us with a firm foundation upon which to build for the future, and it is this future that I wish to talk about at this time. I have a vision for the United Eastasian Republic's place in the world of the future, and I call that vision the 'Shining Superpower Doctrine'."

She paused as the attendees applauded, confident in the knowledge of exactly when they were scheduled to do so. For an event of such importance, the Eastasian Communist Party had no problem choreographing audience reactions to maximise appearances.

"What is the Shining Superpower Doctrine, I hear you ask? It is a set of principles by which the United Eastasian Republic will stride into the future. Domestically, we shall continue to develop our society along the lines of 'socialism with Eastasian characteristics', towards the goal of attaining an advanced socialist society. A society where our people live comfortable and prosperous lives. A society where we do not discriminate against any ethnicity, gender, sexuality, or personal belief. A society where love is free to flourish, regardless of its appearance. A society where we all work towards the betterment of one another. Now, I am aware that there are those in this world who point to us and declare that we are capitalist. That simply demonstrates a lack of understanding of the nuances of political thought. The United Eastasian Republic is socialist. Not capitalist, not any other type of 'ist'. I see a set of Core Socialist Values that we follow, and they shall be enshrined within the Shining Superpower Doctrine.

"There are eight such Core Socialist Values: Prosperity, Civility, Harmony, Equality, Justice, National Pride, Integrity, and Friendship. We always seek to bring Prosperity to the people. We always conduct ourselves with Civility. We always strive for Harmony in society. We always seek Equality for all. We always strive for Justice in our system. We always carry National Pride in our hearts. We always strive to demonstrate Integrity in our dealings with others. We always engage with the rest of the world in the spirit of Friendship. These eight Core Socialist Values already guide our way, and I wish to ensure that they continue to do so. No matter the adversity that we face, the Core Socialist Values shall see us through to our goals."

Another round of applause followed, allowing President Yang to take a drink of water before continuing.

"Internally, the Eastasian Communist Party must hold itself to the highest standards. We govern on behalf of the people. The people are the masters of the United Eastasian Republic, we are simply their representatives, and they have every right to demand representation by those who maintain high standards. Over the last five years, we have succeeded in rooting out corruption where it has attempted to set in. We cannot relax in that fight. The Eastasian Communist Party must never be beholden to enterprises of the socialist market economy, or from beyond our borders. The socialist market economy is the vehicle in which we engage with the wider world and bring prosperity to our people, it is our method for successfully engaging with those who have not yet developed into a form of socialism themselves. The socialist market economy must always serve the Party, and through serving the Party, serve the people. We should recognise our progress in the fight against corruption, but we must also recognise that continued vigilance is required to protect that progress."

Following the next round of applause, President Yang moved on to a different sphere of concern.

"Externally, we must continue to work with those who demonstrate themselves to be open to cooperation. Now, we all know that there is one nation in particular that we will never see eye to eye with, and that is not our fault. They have simply failed to realise what the rest of the world has realised, that the United Eastasian Republic is not some evil empire seeking world domination. We already have one of those on this planet, and that is already one too many." She gave a wry smirk as the attendees chuckled, knowing precisely which nation she was talking about. "The United Eastasian Republic enjoys respect and recognition on the world stage, and we will always reciprocate warmth in international relations. Greater things are achieved when nations work together than when nations compete and work alone. I see before me the Heads of State from the five nations that work most closely with the United Eastasian Republic, and I am always pleased to meet with comrades from other nations. Our nations are like a family. We follow socialism, we follow the same values, we seek the same things. Our cooperation benefits the people of all of our nations, and the Shining Superpower Doctrine shall recognise our family of socialist nations as being truly dear to the heart of our own nation. We are a family that chose one another, and a family like that can be one of the strongest forces on the planet."

More applause sounded as she then turned her attention to Feliks Baibakov, smiling broadly as she did so.

"We also have another friend of the Eastasian people in attendance. A young man whose life was turned upside down by political turmoil and ethnic strife. He lost his family and his nation, he almost lost his life. Despite all of that, he still answered the call of his ancestral homeland when they needed him. Under his still-brief administration, Azerbaijan is developing into a true nation of influence, despite the regular incursions of Armenian militias that seek to conduct ethnic cleansing against innocent Azeri citizens. His patience in trying to deal with the Armenian administration is truly remarkable. It is our honour to be working with him and others to try to stabilise the situation in the Caucasus, as it is obvious to all that he is a young man of tremendous vision and ambition for the future. We will continue to support him and his people, as they have become like a seventh member of our international family. Feliks Baibakov, you will always be a friend of ours, and we will always be friends of yours."

President Yang then applauded as Feliks rose to his feet and waved to the other attendees, receiving a standing ovation for doing so. There could not have been a clearer signal given that the United Eastasian Republic was involved with Azerbaijan for the long haul and that the Eastasian peacekeepers in the Caucasus were not going anywhere any time soon. Once Feliks took his seat once more, President Yang winked affectionately at him before continuing with her speech.

"Under the Shining Superpower Doctrine, the United Eastasian Republic will continue to work with other nations to develop greener technologies that will benefit the entire world. The transition to green technologies and renewable sources of energy is very much like the transition from capitalism to socialism. It takes time, and there are struggles along the way. However, it will ultimately be worth it. Through this green initiative and continued international cooperation with friends and partners, the United Eastasian Republic will strive to create a truly peaceful international environment between the Eastasian people and the other peoples of this world. The Shining Superpower Doctrine enshrines our ambition to be a shining example to the entire world. An example of tolerance, of mutual respect, of cooperation, of common prosperity. There is a leadership role in the world that could end up being filled by a nation that emphasises domination, intolerance, and the use of force. I say that we fill it instead, not out of a desire to dominate, but rather out of a desire to transform it from a leadership role into constructive cooperation and engagement between equals. The Shining Superpower Doctrine will keep the United Eastasian Republic on the road to common prosperity and an advanced socialist society. It provides us with the blueprint for true international cooperation and peaceful coexistence. Let us show the world how a truly great power should behave on the world stage, with responsibility and mutual respect for others.

"Thank you for listening."

President Yang bowed her head gratefully as the end of the speech earned her yet another standing ovation, one which grew even louder as her husband and son strode out onto the stage to join her. Now for the real business, she thought, as the Twenty-First National Congress of the Eastasian Communist Party truly got underway.

[Freistaat-Ostafrika]

6 October 2022, 18:00hrs [UTC+8]
Great Hall of the People, Beijing
United Eastasian Republic

The National Congress of the Eastasian Communist Party had seen a great deal of procedural and bureaucratic rigmarole over the first couple of days, as various speeches were made and votes held to legitimise what had already been decided in advance. Of course, as with many such grand showcases of political participation, there were extensive meetings taking place behind closed doors that involved decisions and events that were better addressed with as few participants as possible. One such meeting was about to take place, one which would have a considerable impact on events in a specific region of the planet. In a tastefully appointed meeting room that enjoyed a view of Tiananmen Square, a small number of influential individuals sat at a lacquered conference table to discuss matters of importance. Grand Marshal Malik Ghazal of the Arab Socialist Federation, First Secretary Suman Dhawan of the Malayali People's Republic, President Francis Hoareau of the Republic of Seychelles, President Dinho Gwadabe of the Democratic Republic of Guinea, and Chairman Viliami Soakai of the Democratic People's Republic of Tonga were sat along the two longer sides of the rectangular conference table, along with three Eastasian ministers: Minister of National Defense Song Min-jun, Minister of State Security Zhang Yong, and Minister for Foreign Affairs Huang Li. The eight of them rose from their seats as they were joined by the final three attendees: President Yang Mingshu, Premier Won Sang-jin, and President Feliks Baibakov. President Yang assumed her traditional place at the head of the table, with Premier Won taking a seat at her right-hand side. Feliks, naturally, took the seat at the opposite end of the table from President Yang. The Eastasian President peered over the rims of her spectacles at the other attendees before beginning.

"So, comrades, we are here to discuss the impending Azeri invasion of Armenia and the parts that our nations can play in supporting that effort. Azerbaijan must emerge victorious, not only from a domestic viewpoint but also from an international one. Feliks, why don't you go over the situation and your intentions once again?"

The young autocrat leaned forward, his face remarkably serious as he addressed the other national leaders. "As you're all aware, the fall of the Marimaian Federation led to the independence of various republics, most of which are based upon ethnic lines. Before I was invited to assume the Presidency of Azerbaijan, Armenian militias began crossing the newly-created border in an attempt to displace Azeri citizens in an attempt to unofficially open up border areas for their own ends. Where those citizens fought back, the outcome was bloody, to say the least. In response, Azeri militias began crossing into Armenia to enact reprisals. Since becoming President of Azerbaijan, I have managed to stop Azeri militias from crossing into Armenia, so they have been focused on fighting back against continued Armenian incursions. The administration in Yerevan is adamant that they have nothing to do with these militias, but in truth, it doesn't matter. They have failed to prevent their own people from carrying out these incursions.

"The presence of Eastasian peacekeepers has allowed the military of Azerbaijan to redeploy to the border regions with Armenia, allowing us to crack down even harder on the militias crossing the border. They are, however, still coming. I've made several public calls for Yerevan to take further action. Either they tried and failed, or they haven't tried. I've been President of Azerbaijan for almost five weeks now, and it's time for action. Once I return to Baku, the Azeri military will be given new orders. Then, the next time an Armenian militia attacks and then flees back across the border, our military will follow them. Once one of our units crosses that border, orders will be given to the rest for a total incursion into Armenia. Officially, it will be to disarm and disband the militias. Unofficially, it will be to remove Armenia as a threat. I've already discussed potential terms with my ministers that we would offer to Yerevan, depending on our level of success. Now, I will be blunt. Azerbaijan has to be the one that defeats Armenia. It has to be our military that scores the victory. Both republics are relying on military units formed under the Marimaian Federation, so equipment and organisation are going to be almost identical. What Azerbaijan requires is support.

"For most of you, that will simply involve diplomatic support. Grand Marshal Ghazal and President Yang have already pledged financial support from the ASF and the UER, and I am extremely thankful for that. What Azerbaijan will also require is support from Beijing in keeping other powers out of the fighting."

Minister Huang spoke up. "An approach to the UFN, perhaps?"

Feliks nodded, his trademark Cheshire Cat grin developing as he responded. "That would certainly go a long way towards helping. The United Federation of Nations is involved in Georgia, and Armenia is bordered by three nations: Azerbaijan, Georgia, and the UFN itself. If we could get the UFN to remain out of the fighting, then I would say that the Cottish would keep out of it as well. After all, it would have no effect on the republics that they have gained influence over. I hesitate to suggest this, but what if there was some financial offer made to the UFN regarding the potential cost of Armenian refugees?"

"That would be an interesting conversation, to say the least, but it's certainly worth a shot." Huang turned to address President Yang. "If we show that we're responsible and cooperative, then it would play into the Shining Superpower Doctrine."

"Indeed." President Yang nodded. "There's certainly no harm in trying. If the Cottish are content to not become involved and the UFN is accepting of our approach, then Columbia will find it extremely difficult to interfere. I would hope that even they would see sense and not prolong the conflict out of their oppressively dogmatic anti-communism, especially if the other regional actors have no desire to see them involved." She then returned her attention to Feliks. "Is there anything else that we might be able to assist with?"

"Well, there is something. I'd prefer to not have to bomb too much of Armenia if at all possible, not just because it would do a lot more damage than necessary but we'll likely need our air force to intercept Armenian aircraft. However, it would still be an advantage to be able to strike from the air as much as possible, so my defence minister suggested that we look to acquire large quantities of drones. It'll give us an advantage, but it would still be the Azeri military operating them."

Minister Song made a noise that sounded like approval before speaking. "That's an excellent suggestion. We manufacture some of the best military drones in the world, and it's not that difficult to train operators. It would allow Azerbaijan to conduct more precise air strikes without having to invest in new aircraft that would require pilot training, and we could deliver them in large numbers with relative ease."

President Yang offered a smile at that insight. "Then we shall start shipping drones to Azerbaijan. The Eastasian Ministry of Foreign Affairs will communicate with the United Federation of Nations and attempt to liaise regarding 'potential upcoming situations', and we shall continue to provide the financial assistance that we promised."

Feliks grinned happily. "Then, once Armenia has been dealt with, Azerbaijan shall graduate from a 'friend of your family' to being 'part of the family'."