MAIN MAP: ISTOLOA & ITS FORMER COLONIES
Red dots represent capital cities, names given below. Dark grey are played countries. Light grey is new claim territory, not part of this RP.
A BRIEF HISTORY OF ISTOLOA & ITS FORMER COLONIES
Istoloa's formation as a modern country did not come suddenly, the name Istoloa first being used to describe a common nation in the late 14th century C.E. Its capital, Loçelea, has a much longer history, extending into antiquity but entering the early modern age as a republic in 1031 C.E. It shared the land that became the Istoloan heartland with other cities, which suffered from the same servitude during the dark ages and the same freedoms when cities regained their political dominance. Thus, for more than 300 years Loçelea was just a city among many. But, with its budding debt-backed financial system, inclusive — yet oligarchical — republican institutions, and its large natural harbor's direct access to the sea, Loçelea slowly consolidated its role as the leading city of the Istoloan hills and plains, establishing the Istoloan Confederacy in 1387.
As the balance of power between the cities shifted toward Loçelea, the other cities began to resent it and in 1414 rebelled. The "Forty Years Social War" was fought until 1453, when Loçelea agreed to a power-sharing arrangement to maintain its leadership over the Istoloan cities. Forming the Istoloan Republic, Loçelea became the capital of a larger community represented in a two-house legislature — a popularly elected lower house and an aristocratic upper house whose members held their position for life. The republic was headed by a dorado, appointed by the upper house. Early on, the new Republic was shaped by its landed aristocracy, who had managed to acquire a disproportionate amount of power in the administration of Istoloa. The popular lower house gave power to the cities, but these had their elites who monopolized power as well and many were also among the landed aristocracy. Indeed, the sprawling mansions of the wealthy landowners came to line the main boulevards of great cities like Loçelea, providing them with summer homes to enjoy the big city. The Republic's shift to tyranny, thus, came as little surprise.
For hundreds of years, commerce had been Loçelea's and the other city's primary economic outlet. However, as a whole, Istoloa's economy was agrarian, and in ancient days it had known slavery. Oftentimes these slaves were from neighboring cities or villages, other times they were brought from long-off wars, and in some cases they were imported. By the end of antiquity, slavery as a practice began to die and in its place rose the serf. In some areas, the serf was less of a serf and perhaps even owned his own land. In others, the serf was such in the truest sense of the word. Sometimes one would be more accurate to call it slavery. But, slavery in its modern trappings did not come to Istoloa until it began to trade with the much wider world of western Greater Díenstad. At first, the expansion of the economic and political field came with innocent contacts, and perhaps the establishment of a small trade post. By the middle of the 16th century, however, these first contacts had grown into something more, and as Istoloa began to realize that there were benefits to political expansion and the opening of new markets it began to conquer. And with conquests returned slavery.
At the first, the import of overseas slaves came at a trickle. Throughout the 16th and 17th centuries, the peak years of imports could be measured in the hundreds of persons. Fueled by the expansion of acquired overseas markets and the resulting deep returns to agricultural scale, the demand for human labor boomed and slaves began arriving in the thousands per year by the mid-18th century. By the mid-19th century, millions of slaves worked the plantation fields from one corner of the nascent Istoloan empire to the other and they were imported from as far as modern-day Holy Panooly, Theohuanacu, and Safehaven.
Agricultural economies of scale and conquest gave the aristocracy the additional power it needed to acquire even an even more dominant political role in the country. In 1714, the then-dorado, Aguso Sinálo, declared himself emperor as Aguso I and the Republic turned Empire of Istoloa. Istoloa remained ruled by emperors until the abdication of Ferdinando III in 1927. By the end of the 19th century, the empire reached its maximum extent. It remained at this peak until the 1950s, even as it transitioned back into a republic of sorts. After the 1950s, until the late 1990s, a series of wars were fought instigating the excruciatingly slow and painful process of decolonization. Although the last of these independence wars ended in 1997, and since then three decades have passed, Istoloa and its former colonies remain in a geopolitical stranglehold defined by the struggle between the former master and the servants.
AN INTRODUCTION TO THE FORMER COLONIES
Ladero —
Capital: Lavença
One of three "Tarao countries," along with Sorofi and Irat, Ladero has become the most successful ex-colony of Istoloa. It is also one of the most fiercely independent ex-colonies, and its aggressive policies of "de-Istoloanization" have created friction with Istoloa since Ladero's independence in 1993. It holds its capital at Lavença, sitting on the glistening light blue waters of the Bay of Jurado.
Ladero officially earned its independence in 1991, the first of the three Tarao colonies to be recognized as independent during the Tarao Wars. A new democratic government based in Lavença was granted sovereignty status on August 23, 1991, after six months of heavy fighting between revolutionary forces and the small Istoloan garrison. A contentious, highly criticized decision made by President Ernando Pereço of Istoloa, the withdrawal of forces from Ladero allowed Istoloa to continue its long-term independence conflicts against Sorofi and Irat. Relations between Ladero and its former colonizer have normalized since the Peace of Tiribao, signed on November 11, 1997. Today, Ladero is one of Istoloa's largest trade partners and was the first Tarao country to join the Pan-Tarao Economic Union (PANTEU) in 2009.
With a population of 3.7 billion, Ladero is the strongest former colony of Istoloa. Economically, it is the only former colony to be within the same magnitude as Istoloa in terms of per capita income, marginal productivity, and trade volume.
Sorofi —
Capital: Barbaro
Sorofi earned its independence on 14 March 1997, after more than seven years of hard-fought war against an Istoloan counterinsurgency. Most of the country's surface area is rural and about 34 percent of its people live outside of the cities and towns, including much of Sorofi's immigrant population. The remaining 76 percent live the large coastal cities, the capital city of Barbaro, and the other large towns of the interior. Although the past two decades have been characterized by significant economic growth, Sorofi is considered a developing country with an average income of $21,000 USD.
Immigrants make up a significant part of Sorofi's population of 2.3 billion and culture. As the overseas slave market came to life in the 16th century, a separate slave market developed across the Tarao colonies. Rather than import slaves from central Greater Díenstad and settling them on great plantations, slaves imported into Sorofi came from the west. This practice gave way in most of the Tarao by the late 18th century, although survived in Sorofi until 1893 — when slavery was formally abolished throughout the empire. With its expansive fertile steppes, economies of scale have characterized Sorofi's agriculture and this was a strong force in favor of a continued tradition of slavery. While slavery is formally illegal today, immigrants continue to make up the bulk of the rural labor force, and the practice of funneling wages back into the farm by forcing laborers to live on the farm and use farm stores is widespread. Rural incomes remain very low, except for upper farm management and owners, most of whom live in the towns or cities. Crime and terrorism are common in rural Sorofi, especially in the southwest.
A unicameral legislature dominated by landowners and industrialists share power with a president, who acts as the executive. President Marbalo Tutto has been Sorofi's only president since 1998, after winning the first and only democratic elections for president in the country's history. Tutto was given a mandate for perpetual rule by the legislature, which passed the 'One Man, One Vision Act of 2001.' The country's judicial system has been accused of rampant corruption and human rights abuses.
Sorofi joined PANTEU in 2011.
Irat —
Capital: Teniza
The third of the Tarao countries, Irat is also the smallest, with a population of 1.4 billion. Its southern border is formed by the great Juntao River and much of it, especially the land closest to the close, is heavily marshland.
Historically, Irat was never a slave society, but rather a society with slaves. Slavery was practiced until the mid-18th century, by which time it had completely dissipated and was replaced by wage labor. Not characterized by large economies of scale to agriculture, due in part to the nature of the country's terrain, Irat instead employed its slaves as skilled laborers in the cities. These included blacksmiths, pottery makers, and other artisans. Over time, abolitionism gain paced as non-slave artisans found it difficult to compete against free labor, therefore lobbying the local colonial government to protect wage labor against the interests of slave owners. Therefore, slaves were a much more integrated part of society with respect to, for example, Sorofi. And the social transition away from slavery came quite organically.
Irat earned its independence on 2 February 1997. It joined PANTEU in early 2012.
Its government is composed of a bicameral legislature, an elected president who can run for two five-year terms, and an independent judicial system. Almost 91 percent of its population lives in cities or large towns, and over 75 percent live within the country's coastal provinces. With an average income of $31,000 USD, Irat has enjoyed a strong period of economic growth since its independence.
A cyberattack during the 2028 elections has brought attention to Irat and put into question the true purity of its democracy. President Junipero Lola, voted into power for the first time, has been accused of being a puppet of the Istoloan government.
Samarasta —
Capital: Tongolosi
Samarasta was inhabited by a patchwork of local kingdoms when Istoloa established its first trade post on the western tip, a town known as Forea. Forea was founded in 1516, after Istoloan merchants received permission from the local King Tarogox IV. After a century of meddling in local Samarastan affairs, the area was fully conquered and occupied over a series of wars between 1597 and 1621. In 1627, Samarasta was reorganized into a single territory belonging to the city of Istoloa. In 1715, it was once again reorganized as a territory of the Empire of Istoloa under Aguso I.
It has a population of 5.4 billion, very few of which can trace their ancestors to the original occupants of the land. Much of the indigenous population either died, was forced to flee eastward on the island, or were incorporated into a colonist elite involved in an expanding plantation economy. A trickle of hundreds of new slaves each year began to be imported from as far as Theohuanacu and Holy Panooly. By the late 17th century, hundreds had turned into thousands, and by the middle of the 19th century the Samarastan slave population was in the millions — in fact, over half of the population were slaves by as early as 1790. Because the overseas slave trade was the primary source of new slaves, mortality on the island was high, fertility was low, and slaves were never able to develop a strong local culture as these attempts were continuously washed out by the arrival of new slaves that spoke different languages and had different customs. If Irat was a society with slaves, Samarasta was a slave society, and one could see it by the ocean of chain gangs that spoke foreign tongues and believed in exotic gods. After the abolition of slavery in the empire, in 1893, much of this former slave population became tenet farmers and a new, unique "creoloso" culture developed that now defines the country.
In 1957, Samarasta entered into a violent period of political upheaval and military insurgency. A long war of independence was fought between 1957 and 1972, when its sovereignty was recognized by the Istoloan Republic. Samarasta's colonial elite retained power until 1989, when the first open democratic election was held. President Arujo Mandabi became Samarasta's first Creoloso president in 1990, winning the 1989 elections. Since the 1990s, much of the country's colonial population has emigrated to Istoloa, Fustera, or Tupenga.
The current president is Jurado Mabuto, who was first elected in 2017 to begin his first term in 2018. He is the first Samarastan president to serve more than two terms, currently on his fourth term. He is deeply anti-Istoloan and has created antagonism by being one of the forces behind the rising instability in Tupenga. The former colonial capital of Forea was renamed Tongolosi in 1973, after the conclusion of the Samarastan War of Independence.
Tupenga —
Capital: Crifoso
Tupenga followed a similar path to Samarasta, becoming the center of an enormous plantation economy that quickly expanded between the middle of the 16th and 18th centuries. Colonized a few decades later, the first trade entrepots were founded in the 1520s and 30s. Parts of the southern coastline were fully annexed by the early 17th century, but it wasn't until the late 17th century that much of the interior was subdued. Tupenga was not organized into a territory until 1721, when it was formally incorporated into the nascent Istoloan Empire under Aguso I.
Like Samarasta, Tupenga was a slave society until 1893. It remained a part of the empire, and later the republic, until 1981. A war of independence was fought between 1958 and 1981. More than 70,000 Istoloan soldiers died in counterinsurgency operations in Tupenga until the country's sovereignty was recognized by Istoloa. An Istoloan colonial elite managed to retain control of the country until 2001, when a civil war broke out and led to the deployment of Istoloan troops. The civil war raged until 2013, when a power-sharing agreement with the majority Creoloso populations was signed. However, fighting has persisted and since 2025 a low-intensity civil war has grown more and more violent. The Tupengan government has accused Samarasta of fomenting rebellion, including by arming and funding rebel groups.
Fustera —
Capital: Elani
Fustera is the largest of Istoloa's former colonies. Like Tupenga and Samarasta, it found its exploitation under the banner of the plantation economy and, consequently, imported large Panooly and Theohuanacan populations.
A war of independence began in Fustera much earlier than in the other Istoloan colonies. A plantation owner-led rebellion was sparked in 1891 after a series of unpopular trade policies designed to protect Istoloan manufacturers were implemented to the detriment of colonial agriculture. This first rebellion was easily quashed by 1893, but a second rebellion broke out in 1896 and lasted until 1903. A fourth rebellion, beginning in 1907, concluded with the Treaty of Migroso in 1913, which granted Fustera's local elites considerable autonomy. By 1927, Fustera had earned full sovereignty and this colonial elite-led regime has continued in power until present day. A number of insurgencies (1936–46, 1953–62, 1971–1977, 1992–2002, and 2007–24) were all eventually contained, but never extinguished and terrorism has been a part of Fusteran life since the first years of the 20th century.
Under Prime Minister Ton Elepao, who first came to power through democratic election in 2026 and is now serving his second term, has continued to defend Fustera's policy of racial apartheid. Creolosos are not permitted to vote, are restricted to certain places to live, and suffer from a variety of other rights abuses that condemn them into membership in a highly oppressed caste defined by ancestry and the color of one's skin.
FERMONERO'S 2013 COUP
At the turn of the 21st century, Istoloa seemed to enter a new stage in its long history. It had just lost the Tarao Wars and, with it, its last colonial possessions. The country had already been suffering from a long decline and the abdication of Ferdinando III did not bring sudden prosperity. The military was given power, a republic was pronounced, and elections announced. These elections proved a sham. The Istoloan Revolutionary People's Party (IRPP) did not lose an election between 1928 and 1988. It lost the presidential election of 1993 to the Democratic-Republican Party (DRP). In 1997, peace was signed with the Tarao colonies and democracy was in bloom.
The military did not revolt in 1993 only because of its poor progress in the Tarao Wars. Ladero had long won its struggle, and in Irat and Sorofi no means seemed sufficient to defeat an elusive but omnipresent enemy. With the country's reputation already in question over the loss of its overseas possessions, and now in tatters, the military was humbled into subservience to the people. And in Istoloa democracy most certainly meant the people. A wave of populism came over the nation, leading to the implementation of welfare and healthcare reform, a reduction in military spending, and tax reform designed to squeeze Istoloa's rich landowner and capitalist class of its wealth. The people were given healthcare, education, and support, but little more as the economy grew at first only to sag over a long period. In response, the people exceeded greater populism, leading to five consecutive presidential election victories for the DRP.
After the party's fifth consecutive victory, the Istoloan military launched a coup targeting the country's major cities on 15 August — two days after the initial revealing of the results. Loyal police forces were used in conjunction with rapidly deployed military columns to secure administrative buildings and crucial infrastructure. It was revealed that the DRP cabinet had fled to Safehaven on the 14, in full knowledge of the coup. A victorious military junta appointed its leader, Field Marshal Rodrigo Fremonero, as Emergency President of the Istoloan Republic on 22 August. Most of the DPR's policies were almost immediately reversed, including high income, property, and capital gains taxes, as well as the DPR's pension and healthcare reform programs. A "corruption reduction operation," otherwise an anti-communist purge, jailed most of the remaining local DRP leadership. The majority are now believed to be dead, although the Fremonero government has so far refused to publish any information regarding their status. Rodrigo Fremonero, now 73 years of age, remains in power today.
In 2019, following the commencement of the Havenic Civil War, the DRP Istoloan Government in Exile relocated to the Golden Throne. However, Fedala officially recognizes Fremonero's government in Loçelea as the only legitimate government of Istoloa.
THE SITUATION AT THE START OF THE RP
War between the Ordenite Reich and the Golden Throne, in Krasnova and the Killian Republic, has come to an end. While the war raged, a crisis stirred between Istoloa and one of its former colonies. Samarasta stands accused of inciting unrest in Tupenga. Tupenga has turned to Fustera, with which it has nurtured a burgeoning alliance, and together with Istoloa they have sought to pressure Samarasta into repudiating ties with revolutionary factions within Tupenga. The Golden Throne, which had been slowly growing its deployment to Kríerstatón Potthan, has taken advantage of the rift to expand its influence in western Greater Díenstad. As the war in the east winds to a close, a limited Macabéan naval squadron bringing with it 8,000 naval infantry anchor at Tongolosi. While Istoloa demures, Fustera seeks allies and turns to the Ordenite Reich, which may be licking its wounds after defeat but is looking for any opportunity to expand its own reach and contest Macabéan influence wherever it goes.
As the situation between Samarasta and Fustera heats up, the Tarao countries announce the abandonment of PANTEU. Citing growing authoritarianism and Istoloan chauvinism within the military government of that country, Ladero, Sorofi, and Irat form the Western Díenstadi Trade Agreement (WEDTAG). Hoping to enroll the Golden Throne into their defense, the WEDTAG countries extend an invitation into the trade agreement to the government of Fedor I. But, navigating the unknown waters of Istoloan politics, the Golden Throne has yet to respond and everyday Istoloa grows bolder. A military buildup is noted and the threat of a renewal of war between Istoloa and its former Tarao colonies grows ever bolder.
IMPORTANT POSTS & THREADS
Posts
Threads
POSSIBLE WAYS TO GET INVOLVED:
You aren't limited to these options, but I am a stickler for detail and like well-thought-out hooks that tie into the canon that I've taken time to develop and write. Because I can be somewhat of a pain in that sense, these options are here to make the entry process easier, organic, and if anything to give you inspiration for your own ideas.
Your intentions for supporting those countries can help you spin this idea into something unique to you. For example, you may want to support the Tarao countries to invade and annex Istoloa, or you may want to turn it into a vassal state, or you may not be looking to annex but rather to enforce peace. Maybe you're more interested in stopping another player from gaining influence, power, or new territories. Intentions can vary and I very much intend these RPs to be complicated by the oftentimes clashing intentions of the participants.
RULES
This is a "land grab" RP designed to facilitate RP while allowing members of GD to grow the size of their claim through RP.
NOT IN GD AND WANT TO ANNEX?
If you are outside of the region of GD, in the majority of cases, you cannot claim land on the region's map. You are still welcome to participate in the RP in other ways.
If you're new or are looking for a change, you can give GD a shot. Once you're in the region, telegram Mokastana with a map claim. You can make the main claim of up to 3 squares. New players are eligible to 2 additional squares, which must be an NPC (yes, you can invade and annex this NPC through RP). And given that this RP is an easy way to start getting involved, plus allows you to grow your claim beyond the initial 2+3 squares, it makes for a good opportunity to join.
Red dots represent capital cities, names given below. Dark grey are played countries. Light grey is new claim territory, not part of this RP.
A BRIEF HISTORY OF ISTOLOA & ITS FORMER COLONIES
Istoloa's formation as a modern country did not come suddenly, the name Istoloa first being used to describe a common nation in the late 14th century C.E. Its capital, Loçelea, has a much longer history, extending into antiquity but entering the early modern age as a republic in 1031 C.E. It shared the land that became the Istoloan heartland with other cities, which suffered from the same servitude during the dark ages and the same freedoms when cities regained their political dominance. Thus, for more than 300 years Loçelea was just a city among many. But, with its budding debt-backed financial system, inclusive — yet oligarchical — republican institutions, and its large natural harbor's direct access to the sea, Loçelea slowly consolidated its role as the leading city of the Istoloan hills and plains, establishing the Istoloan Confederacy in 1387.
As the balance of power between the cities shifted toward Loçelea, the other cities began to resent it and in 1414 rebelled. The "Forty Years Social War" was fought until 1453, when Loçelea agreed to a power-sharing arrangement to maintain its leadership over the Istoloan cities. Forming the Istoloan Republic, Loçelea became the capital of a larger community represented in a two-house legislature — a popularly elected lower house and an aristocratic upper house whose members held their position for life. The republic was headed by a dorado, appointed by the upper house. Early on, the new Republic was shaped by its landed aristocracy, who had managed to acquire a disproportionate amount of power in the administration of Istoloa. The popular lower house gave power to the cities, but these had their elites who monopolized power as well and many were also among the landed aristocracy. Indeed, the sprawling mansions of the wealthy landowners came to line the main boulevards of great cities like Loçelea, providing them with summer homes to enjoy the big city. The Republic's shift to tyranny, thus, came as little surprise.
For hundreds of years, commerce had been Loçelea's and the other city's primary economic outlet. However, as a whole, Istoloa's economy was agrarian, and in ancient days it had known slavery. Oftentimes these slaves were from neighboring cities or villages, other times they were brought from long-off wars, and in some cases they were imported. By the end of antiquity, slavery as a practice began to die and in its place rose the serf. In some areas, the serf was less of a serf and perhaps even owned his own land. In others, the serf was such in the truest sense of the word. Sometimes one would be more accurate to call it slavery. But, slavery in its modern trappings did not come to Istoloa until it began to trade with the much wider world of western Greater Díenstad. At first, the expansion of the economic and political field came with innocent contacts, and perhaps the establishment of a small trade post. By the middle of the 16th century, however, these first contacts had grown into something more, and as Istoloa began to realize that there were benefits to political expansion and the opening of new markets it began to conquer. And with conquests returned slavery.
At the first, the import of overseas slaves came at a trickle. Throughout the 16th and 17th centuries, the peak years of imports could be measured in the hundreds of persons. Fueled by the expansion of acquired overseas markets and the resulting deep returns to agricultural scale, the demand for human labor boomed and slaves began arriving in the thousands per year by the mid-18th century. By the mid-19th century, millions of slaves worked the plantation fields from one corner of the nascent Istoloan empire to the other and they were imported from as far as modern-day Holy Panooly, Theohuanacu, and Safehaven.
Agricultural economies of scale and conquest gave the aristocracy the additional power it needed to acquire even an even more dominant political role in the country. In 1714, the then-dorado, Aguso Sinálo, declared himself emperor as Aguso I and the Republic turned Empire of Istoloa. Istoloa remained ruled by emperors until the abdication of Ferdinando III in 1927. By the end of the 19th century, the empire reached its maximum extent. It remained at this peak until the 1950s, even as it transitioned back into a republic of sorts. After the 1950s, until the late 1990s, a series of wars were fought instigating the excruciatingly slow and painful process of decolonization. Although the last of these independence wars ended in 1997, and since then three decades have passed, Istoloa and its former colonies remain in a geopolitical stranglehold defined by the struggle between the former master and the servants.
AN INTRODUCTION TO THE FORMER COLONIES
Ladero —
Capital: Lavença
One of three "Tarao countries," along with Sorofi and Irat, Ladero has become the most successful ex-colony of Istoloa. It is also one of the most fiercely independent ex-colonies, and its aggressive policies of "de-Istoloanization" have created friction with Istoloa since Ladero's independence in 1993. It holds its capital at Lavença, sitting on the glistening light blue waters of the Bay of Jurado.
Ladero officially earned its independence in 1991, the first of the three Tarao colonies to be recognized as independent during the Tarao Wars. A new democratic government based in Lavença was granted sovereignty status on August 23, 1991, after six months of heavy fighting between revolutionary forces and the small Istoloan garrison. A contentious, highly criticized decision made by President Ernando Pereço of Istoloa, the withdrawal of forces from Ladero allowed Istoloa to continue its long-term independence conflicts against Sorofi and Irat. Relations between Ladero and its former colonizer have normalized since the Peace of Tiribao, signed on November 11, 1997. Today, Ladero is one of Istoloa's largest trade partners and was the first Tarao country to join the Pan-Tarao Economic Union (PANTEU) in 2009.
With a population of 3.7 billion, Ladero is the strongest former colony of Istoloa. Economically, it is the only former colony to be within the same magnitude as Istoloa in terms of per capita income, marginal productivity, and trade volume.
Sorofi —
Capital: Barbaro
Sorofi earned its independence on 14 March 1997, after more than seven years of hard-fought war against an Istoloan counterinsurgency. Most of the country's surface area is rural and about 34 percent of its people live outside of the cities and towns, including much of Sorofi's immigrant population. The remaining 76 percent live the large coastal cities, the capital city of Barbaro, and the other large towns of the interior. Although the past two decades have been characterized by significant economic growth, Sorofi is considered a developing country with an average income of $21,000 USD.
Immigrants make up a significant part of Sorofi's population of 2.3 billion and culture. As the overseas slave market came to life in the 16th century, a separate slave market developed across the Tarao colonies. Rather than import slaves from central Greater Díenstad and settling them on great plantations, slaves imported into Sorofi came from the west. This practice gave way in most of the Tarao by the late 18th century, although survived in Sorofi until 1893 — when slavery was formally abolished throughout the empire. With its expansive fertile steppes, economies of scale have characterized Sorofi's agriculture and this was a strong force in favor of a continued tradition of slavery. While slavery is formally illegal today, immigrants continue to make up the bulk of the rural labor force, and the practice of funneling wages back into the farm by forcing laborers to live on the farm and use farm stores is widespread. Rural incomes remain very low, except for upper farm management and owners, most of whom live in the towns or cities. Crime and terrorism are common in rural Sorofi, especially in the southwest.
A unicameral legislature dominated by landowners and industrialists share power with a president, who acts as the executive. President Marbalo Tutto has been Sorofi's only president since 1998, after winning the first and only democratic elections for president in the country's history. Tutto was given a mandate for perpetual rule by the legislature, which passed the 'One Man, One Vision Act of 2001.' The country's judicial system has been accused of rampant corruption and human rights abuses.
Sorofi joined PANTEU in 2011.
Irat —
Capital: Teniza
The third of the Tarao countries, Irat is also the smallest, with a population of 1.4 billion. Its southern border is formed by the great Juntao River and much of it, especially the land closest to the close, is heavily marshland.
Historically, Irat was never a slave society, but rather a society with slaves. Slavery was practiced until the mid-18th century, by which time it had completely dissipated and was replaced by wage labor. Not characterized by large economies of scale to agriculture, due in part to the nature of the country's terrain, Irat instead employed its slaves as skilled laborers in the cities. These included blacksmiths, pottery makers, and other artisans. Over time, abolitionism gain paced as non-slave artisans found it difficult to compete against free labor, therefore lobbying the local colonial government to protect wage labor against the interests of slave owners. Therefore, slaves were a much more integrated part of society with respect to, for example, Sorofi. And the social transition away from slavery came quite organically.
Irat earned its independence on 2 February 1997. It joined PANTEU in early 2012.
Its government is composed of a bicameral legislature, an elected president who can run for two five-year terms, and an independent judicial system. Almost 91 percent of its population lives in cities or large towns, and over 75 percent live within the country's coastal provinces. With an average income of $31,000 USD, Irat has enjoyed a strong period of economic growth since its independence.
A cyberattack during the 2028 elections has brought attention to Irat and put into question the true purity of its democracy. President Junipero Lola, voted into power for the first time, has been accused of being a puppet of the Istoloan government.
Samarasta —
Capital: Tongolosi
Samarasta was inhabited by a patchwork of local kingdoms when Istoloa established its first trade post on the western tip, a town known as Forea. Forea was founded in 1516, after Istoloan merchants received permission from the local King Tarogox IV. After a century of meddling in local Samarastan affairs, the area was fully conquered and occupied over a series of wars between 1597 and 1621. In 1627, Samarasta was reorganized into a single territory belonging to the city of Istoloa. In 1715, it was once again reorganized as a territory of the Empire of Istoloa under Aguso I.
It has a population of 5.4 billion, very few of which can trace their ancestors to the original occupants of the land. Much of the indigenous population either died, was forced to flee eastward on the island, or were incorporated into a colonist elite involved in an expanding plantation economy. A trickle of hundreds of new slaves each year began to be imported from as far as Theohuanacu and Holy Panooly. By the late 17th century, hundreds had turned into thousands, and by the middle of the 19th century the Samarastan slave population was in the millions — in fact, over half of the population were slaves by as early as 1790. Because the overseas slave trade was the primary source of new slaves, mortality on the island was high, fertility was low, and slaves were never able to develop a strong local culture as these attempts were continuously washed out by the arrival of new slaves that spoke different languages and had different customs. If Irat was a society with slaves, Samarasta was a slave society, and one could see it by the ocean of chain gangs that spoke foreign tongues and believed in exotic gods. After the abolition of slavery in the empire, in 1893, much of this former slave population became tenet farmers and a new, unique "creoloso" culture developed that now defines the country.
In 1957, Samarasta entered into a violent period of political upheaval and military insurgency. A long war of independence was fought between 1957 and 1972, when its sovereignty was recognized by the Istoloan Republic. Samarasta's colonial elite retained power until 1989, when the first open democratic election was held. President Arujo Mandabi became Samarasta's first Creoloso president in 1990, winning the 1989 elections. Since the 1990s, much of the country's colonial population has emigrated to Istoloa, Fustera, or Tupenga.
The current president is Jurado Mabuto, who was first elected in 2017 to begin his first term in 2018. He is the first Samarastan president to serve more than two terms, currently on his fourth term. He is deeply anti-Istoloan and has created antagonism by being one of the forces behind the rising instability in Tupenga. The former colonial capital of Forea was renamed Tongolosi in 1973, after the conclusion of the Samarastan War of Independence.
Tupenga —
Capital: Crifoso
Tupenga followed a similar path to Samarasta, becoming the center of an enormous plantation economy that quickly expanded between the middle of the 16th and 18th centuries. Colonized a few decades later, the first trade entrepots were founded in the 1520s and 30s. Parts of the southern coastline were fully annexed by the early 17th century, but it wasn't until the late 17th century that much of the interior was subdued. Tupenga was not organized into a territory until 1721, when it was formally incorporated into the nascent Istoloan Empire under Aguso I.
Like Samarasta, Tupenga was a slave society until 1893. It remained a part of the empire, and later the republic, until 1981. A war of independence was fought between 1958 and 1981. More than 70,000 Istoloan soldiers died in counterinsurgency operations in Tupenga until the country's sovereignty was recognized by Istoloa. An Istoloan colonial elite managed to retain control of the country until 2001, when a civil war broke out and led to the deployment of Istoloan troops. The civil war raged until 2013, when a power-sharing agreement with the majority Creoloso populations was signed. However, fighting has persisted and since 2025 a low-intensity civil war has grown more and more violent. The Tupengan government has accused Samarasta of fomenting rebellion, including by arming and funding rebel groups.
Fustera —
Capital: Elani
Fustera is the largest of Istoloa's former colonies. Like Tupenga and Samarasta, it found its exploitation under the banner of the plantation economy and, consequently, imported large Panooly and Theohuanacan populations.
A war of independence began in Fustera much earlier than in the other Istoloan colonies. A plantation owner-led rebellion was sparked in 1891 after a series of unpopular trade policies designed to protect Istoloan manufacturers were implemented to the detriment of colonial agriculture. This first rebellion was easily quashed by 1893, but a second rebellion broke out in 1896 and lasted until 1903. A fourth rebellion, beginning in 1907, concluded with the Treaty of Migroso in 1913, which granted Fustera's local elites considerable autonomy. By 1927, Fustera had earned full sovereignty and this colonial elite-led regime has continued in power until present day. A number of insurgencies (1936–46, 1953–62, 1971–1977, 1992–2002, and 2007–24) were all eventually contained, but never extinguished and terrorism has been a part of Fusteran life since the first years of the 20th century.
Under Prime Minister Ton Elepao, who first came to power through democratic election in 2026 and is now serving his second term, has continued to defend Fustera's policy of racial apartheid. Creolosos are not permitted to vote, are restricted to certain places to live, and suffer from a variety of other rights abuses that condemn them into membership in a highly oppressed caste defined by ancestry and the color of one's skin.
FERMONERO'S 2013 COUP
At the turn of the 21st century, Istoloa seemed to enter a new stage in its long history. It had just lost the Tarao Wars and, with it, its last colonial possessions. The country had already been suffering from a long decline and the abdication of Ferdinando III did not bring sudden prosperity. The military was given power, a republic was pronounced, and elections announced. These elections proved a sham. The Istoloan Revolutionary People's Party (IRPP) did not lose an election between 1928 and 1988. It lost the presidential election of 1993 to the Democratic-Republican Party (DRP). In 1997, peace was signed with the Tarao colonies and democracy was in bloom.
The military did not revolt in 1993 only because of its poor progress in the Tarao Wars. Ladero had long won its struggle, and in Irat and Sorofi no means seemed sufficient to defeat an elusive but omnipresent enemy. With the country's reputation already in question over the loss of its overseas possessions, and now in tatters, the military was humbled into subservience to the people. And in Istoloa democracy most certainly meant the people. A wave of populism came over the nation, leading to the implementation of welfare and healthcare reform, a reduction in military spending, and tax reform designed to squeeze Istoloa's rich landowner and capitalist class of its wealth. The people were given healthcare, education, and support, but little more as the economy grew at first only to sag over a long period. In response, the people exceeded greater populism, leading to five consecutive presidential election victories for the DRP.
After the party's fifth consecutive victory, the Istoloan military launched a coup targeting the country's major cities on 15 August — two days after the initial revealing of the results. Loyal police forces were used in conjunction with rapidly deployed military columns to secure administrative buildings and crucial infrastructure. It was revealed that the DRP cabinet had fled to Safehaven on the 14, in full knowledge of the coup. A victorious military junta appointed its leader, Field Marshal Rodrigo Fremonero, as Emergency President of the Istoloan Republic on 22 August. Most of the DPR's policies were almost immediately reversed, including high income, property, and capital gains taxes, as well as the DPR's pension and healthcare reform programs. A "corruption reduction operation," otherwise an anti-communist purge, jailed most of the remaining local DRP leadership. The majority are now believed to be dead, although the Fremonero government has so far refused to publish any information regarding their status. Rodrigo Fremonero, now 73 years of age, remains in power today.
In 2019, following the commencement of the Havenic Civil War, the DRP Istoloan Government in Exile relocated to the Golden Throne. However, Fedala officially recognizes Fremonero's government in Loçelea as the only legitimate government of Istoloa.
THE SITUATION AT THE START OF THE RP
War between the Ordenite Reich and the Golden Throne, in Krasnova and the Killian Republic, has come to an end. While the war raged, a crisis stirred between Istoloa and one of its former colonies. Samarasta stands accused of inciting unrest in Tupenga. Tupenga has turned to Fustera, with which it has nurtured a burgeoning alliance, and together with Istoloa they have sought to pressure Samarasta into repudiating ties with revolutionary factions within Tupenga. The Golden Throne, which had been slowly growing its deployment to Kríerstatón Potthan, has taken advantage of the rift to expand its influence in western Greater Díenstad. As the war in the east winds to a close, a limited Macabéan naval squadron bringing with it 8,000 naval infantry anchor at Tongolosi. While Istoloa demures, Fustera seeks allies and turns to the Ordenite Reich, which may be licking its wounds after defeat but is looking for any opportunity to expand its own reach and contest Macabéan influence wherever it goes.
As the situation between Samarasta and Fustera heats up, the Tarao countries announce the abandonment of PANTEU. Citing growing authoritarianism and Istoloan chauvinism within the military government of that country, Ladero, Sorofi, and Irat form the Western Díenstadi Trade Agreement (WEDTAG). Hoping to enroll the Golden Throne into their defense, the WEDTAG countries extend an invitation into the trade agreement to the government of Fedor I. But, navigating the unknown waters of Istoloan politics, the Golden Throne has yet to respond and everyday Istoloa grows bolder. A military buildup is noted and the threat of a renewal of war between Istoloa and its former Tarao colonies grows ever bolder.
IMPORTANT POSTS & THREADS
Posts
Threads
POSSIBLE WAYS TO GET INVOLVED:
You aren't limited to these options, but I am a stickler for detail and like well-thought-out hooks that tie into the canon that I've taken time to develop and write. Because I can be somewhat of a pain in that sense, these options are here to make the entry process easier, organic, and if anything to give you inspiration for your own ideas.
- Support Istoloa against the Tarao countries.
- Support the Tarao countries against Istoloa.
- Support or oppose one or another Tarao country, rather than all three at once.
- Align yourself with the apartheid regimes in Fustera and Tupenga.
- Align yourself against the apartheid regimes in Fusutera and Tupenga.
- Align yourself with the populist Creoloso government of Samarasta.
- Align yourself against the government of Samarasta.
- Oppose the growing influence of the Reich in Fustera.
- Oppose the growing influence of the Golden Throne in Samarasta.
- Grow your commercial interests in one or another country.
- Oppose the intervention of other RPers in one or another country.
Your intentions for supporting those countries can help you spin this idea into something unique to you. For example, you may want to support the Tarao countries to invade and annex Istoloa, or you may want to turn it into a vassal state, or you may not be looking to annex but rather to enforce peace. Maybe you're more interested in stopping another player from gaining influence, power, or new territories. Intentions can vary and I very much intend these RPs to be complicated by the oftentimes clashing intentions of the participants.
RULES
This is a "land grab" RP designed to facilitate RP while allowing members of GD to grow the size of their claim through RP.
- Members of GD can enter the RP to annex land belonging to Istoloa or its former colonies.
- RPers outside of GD may participate, but cannot annex.
- All annexations will have RPd opposition.
- No annexations can occur without RP.
- The annexations, and any other RPs within the umbrella of Istoloa and its former colonies, must build on the established history. What is in this OP is canon and cannot be overwritten without the OP's consent. The future, however, is yours to make.
NOT IN GD AND WANT TO ANNEX?
If you are outside of the region of GD, in the majority of cases, you cannot claim land on the region's map. You are still welcome to participate in the RP in other ways.
If you're new or are looking for a change, you can give GD a shot. Once you're in the region, telegram Mokastana with a map claim. You can make the main claim of up to 3 squares. New players are eligible to 2 additional squares, which must be an NPC (yes, you can invade and annex this NPC through RP). And given that this RP is an easy way to start getting involved, plus allows you to grow your claim beyond the initial 2+3 squares, it makes for a good opportunity to join.
