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All Lions Drown in Oil [Earth II]

A staging-point for declarations of war and other major diplomatic events. [In character]
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Freistaat-Ostafrika
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Corporate Police State

All Lions Drown in Oil [Earth II]

Postby Freistaat-Ostafrika » Fri Nov 09, 2018 8:36 am

(OOC: Yes, I do own the Margraves in a different RP group)

3 October 2018 - 09:30hrs [UTC+3]
OAG Headquarters
Dar es Salaam, Freistaat Ostafrika

"So we are in agreement then?"

Präsident Friedrich Luxenberg looked around the conference table at the other members of the Aufsichtsrat, all of whom nodded their approval. The 'Supervisory Board' of the Ostafrikanische Gesellschaft (OAG) were half an hour into their weekly Wednesday meeting and their current point of discussion focused upon the Kingdom of Travancore, a client state of the OAG's crafted nation known as Freistaat Ostafrika. Situated on the southern tip of the Indian subcontinent, Travancore had been a model client state for decades and had played an important role in the acquisition of the OAG's second client state, the Unified Arab Sultanate. Travancore's ruler, Maharajah Rama Varma VII, had personally intervened to convince Sultan Ibrahim al-Said of the benefits of becoming more closely aligned with Ostafrika; the UAS also made substantial use of migrant labour from Travancore so Rama Varma VII had been able to appeal to Ibrahim in economic terms as well as political terms. The Sultanate was now well into the process of integrating into the Ostafrikanische Freihandelszone, the free trade zone which existed purely as a method for the OAG to exert influence over their client states while gaining free access to goods and services that Ostafrika itself did not provide. As a result of this, the Aufsichtsrat believed that Rama Varma VII and the Kingdom of Travancore deserved some form of reward for their loyalty and assistance in securing the Sultanate.

"A unanimous decision then. Freistaat Ostafrika shall seize the Lakshadweep Islands and then hand them over to Travancore's administration. We shall also recognise Travancore's claim over the independent municipality of Mahé and support any military action that they take to reassert their authority. Next item on the agenda concerns our continuing negotiations with the Shoshanga Kingdom and King Manukosi III. We have sought control over that southern state for years and I understand that we may have hit yet another potential roadblock as of late. Bernhard, would you care to enlighten us?"

As the Aufsichtsrat member who oversaw both the Department of External Relations and the Department of Internal Relations, Bernhard Oberholzer received more detailed weekly reports than the brief overviews delivered to Präsident Luxenberg. He paused for a moment before addressing the question.

"Unfortunately that is correct, Herr Präsident. As you are all aware, one of our major natural gas operations is located off our southern coast, on the border region with the Shoshanga Kingdom. Our geologists have long suspected that the kingdom possesses natural gas reserves off their own coastline so we have included the possibility of developing their gas reserves for them as part of our negotiating strategy, basically that we can make them wealthy if they join us." Oberholzer let out a heavy sigh. "King Manukosi III's hesitation regarding our offer appears to have paid off for him. The Shoshanga Kingdom has received a rival offer to explore and develop potential gas reserves, and this offer does not involve becoming an autonomous region of a larger nation. According to the Department of External Relations, it looks very likely that he will take the rival offer."

Präsident Luxenberg's displeasure was clear to see. "Who is it?"

"The Margrave Oil Company."


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3 October 2018 - 20:00hrs [UTC+8]
Margravia Estate, Zhuhai
Guangdong Province, Nanfang Republic

A nation of just over nine hundred and eighty-eight million people, the Nanfang Republic was an economic powerhouse in Asia. The republic was founded in 1859 after the overthrow of the much-maligned Liu dynasty, who had led their Great Yue Kingdom into an ill-fated war and subsequently lost the island province of Hainan to the then-Republic of Layarteb. The subsequent Nanfang Republic became increasingly authoritarian after an attempted Liu Restoration in the 1880s and that style of government had continued to the modern day. According to the Nanfang constitution, a president was elected for a six year term with no limit on the number of terms that they could serve. The public elected delegates to the National Electoral Commission (NEC) which was charged with electing a president, but the requirements for candidacy were so stringent that only one candidate could ever be presented to the NEC for election. This single candidate was invariably the incumbent president, except in situations where the incumbent had died or was demonstrably unfit to remain in office. The office of President possessed sweeping powers which could allow the incumbent to suspend constitutional freedoms and rule by decree if necessary. This was often unnecessary as the office also had the power to appoint one-third of the members of the National Assembly, enabling an incumbent president to stack the National Assembly with supporters and and ensure a majority for their political party. This had resulted in the continued dominance of the Constitutional Democrat Party since 1909, to the point where the other political parties had become glorified puppets of the CDP. The current incumbent, President Yang Mingshu, was the first female to hold the office in the Republic's history and had come to power in the 2005 election at the age of forty-three. Now aged fifty-six and in her third term as President, Yang Mingshu had earned an excellent reputation due to her domestic economic policy and her desire to see the Nanfang Republic take a more active role on the global stage. Her more global outlook chimed particularly well with the ambitions of one of the Republic's most influential powers.

Originally from the Republic of Layarteb, the Margrave family had arrived in the Great Yue Kingdom in 1795, having departed from the Republic of Layarteb for reasons which were no longer discussed by the family. They established themselves in the then-capital of Guangzhou as tea merchants, demonstrating their genuine talent for commerce as well as an ability to discern exactly which officials to bribe and when to bribe them. In 1824 the Margraves married into the Liao merchant family who were based in the autonomous port city of Oumún (OOC: RL Macau), a trading port which was less respectable than Guangzhou and as a result they came into contact with all manner of criminals, slave traders, and gamblers. In 1840 the Oumún authorities legalised gambling within the city's territory and the subsequent licensing system saw over 200 gambling houses paying 'gambling rent' to the Oumún authorities, with several of these gambling houses having been acquired by the Margraves during various ventures. While the 'Tea War' with the Republic of Layarteb did cause some issues for the family as the monarchy began to promote anti-foreigner sentiments, the Margraves were able to weather the storm thanks to their ties to the Liao and the assistance of their less-than-reputable friends in Oumún and Hēunggóng (OOC: RL Hong Kong). After the kingdom's defeat in 1855 and the loss of Hainan, the demonstrated weakness of the monarchy led to breakdowns in civil order and the eventual revolution in 1859 which founded the Nanfang Republic. The Margraves and the Liao used the four years of instability to cement their influence and take over several other 'foreign-owned' businesses that could not call upon the sort of local protection that the Margraves possessed; the Margraves invariably married into the families who owned the companies that they were taking over, performing both a corporate and familial takeover. The Margrave marriage ties to the Liao and the growing family wealth assisted them in gaining Nanfang citizenship as the constitutional framework of the new republic took shape, and the family's influence continued to expand as they built upon their commercial enterprises. The movement of the nation's capital from Guangzhou to Nanjing in 1911 had inadvertantly strengthened the Margrave and Liao positions as the Liao had neatly stepped in to fill the newly-created position of Governor of Guangdong province.

The extended family was now a genuine force in both the economy and the political life of the Nanfang Republic. The Liao had become a political dynasty in Guangdong Province, Oumún and Hēunggóng, frequently holding governorships of all three territories while growing wealthy from the gambling industry of Oumún. The Liao owned the vast majority of the casinos and other gambling venues in Oumún, and their political clout allowed them to effectively block any foreign gaming companies who did not provide the customary kickbacks or share percentages. As gambling was illegal throughout the rest of the Republic, Oumún was popular with the wealthy as they could indulge in 'seedy activities' in the territory; the continued seedy reputation of Oumún actually played to the advantage of the Liao as it was almost expected that the territory might be corrupt to some degree. Meanwhile, the still-primarily Caucasian Margraves had become a corporate dynasty with few equals. Quick to innovate and with a defined killer instinct, the Margraves had forged a multinational conglomerate over the decades simply known as 'Margrave Holdings'. The umbrella of Margrave Holdings covered several major Nanfang corporations such as the Shenzhen Media Group, the telecoms giant Huawei, and the technology giant Tencent. The Margrave Tea Company continued to do a brisk business after diversifying into more general food and beverages, but the family's favourite corporate entity was the Margrave Oil Company. Founded in the 1950s, the MOC had now become the primary oil and gas extractor within the Republic's territory while expanding its talons into several nations along western Africa. The MOC were well-known for not discriminating about styles of government as they would do business with anyone willing to let them get on with it. While it was potentially interesting that certain elected governments in Africa had been overthrown after considering the nationalisation of their oil and gas reserves, the Nanfang public did not really care what was happening in a poorer nation thousands of miles away. The Nanfang government cared slightly more, but that was because they viewed MOC-supported governments as better potential partners in terms of trade. Yang Mingshu had adopted this particular viewpoint and saw the Margrave Oil Company as an unofficial ally in her foreign policy aims.

This evening saw a 'special family meeting' called for those Margraves who wielded the greatest influence, or were destined to do so, in the clan's corporate empire. The venue for this meeting was the family's primary southern residence, the 'Margravia' estate, although calling it an estate was rather understating matters. Located northwest of the city of Zhuhai in Guangdong Province, the 1.4 square kilometre site featured a palace complex in the region's architectural style, adorned with statues of mythical dogs, dragons, and other creatures of regional significance. Surrounded by high walls while guarded by a state-of-the-art security system and a veritable battalion of highly trained and heavily armed security personnel, the Margravia estate was a location only accessed with explicit permission. While many members of the family resided in their own homes around the Nanfang Republic, the estate was the place where important family business was conducted. Milestone birthdays were celebrated here, weddings were conducted, and a memorial garden honoured every single member of the family who had passed away; if possible, the bodies of deceased Margraves were transported to the estate and given either a ceremonial family burial or cremation depending upon on their stated wishes.

Five stylish black limousines passed through the checkpoint at the main gate of the estate, every single driver providing identification and reporting which family members he was ferrying around. This was the manner of arrival for Thomas Margrave and his four younger brothers: Bentley, Crispin, Piers, and Spencer. While all five were married, tonight's meeting did not require the attendance of their wives. The arrival of a golden sports car roaring into the paved parking area confirmed the attendance of Lysander Margrave, Thomas's twenty-six year old eldest son and the future anointed heir to the empire, along with his husband Darui Liao-Margrave. Darui was twenty-seven years old and a fourth cousin to Lysander; the pair received invitations to all manner of high-profile celebrity events due to their considerable follower base on social media as well as their family name. Lysander was the future anointed heir due to being Thomas's eldest son, as Thomas himself was the current anointed heir due to being the eldest son of the family's current patriarch. Alexander Margrave was a seventy-two year old of patrician bearing who had overseen the family's expansion for the past three decades, demonstrating great skill in identifying markets and industries which could yield potential profit. He spent most of his days at the Margravia estate, receiving updates from the various tentacles of the corporate empire and plotting future investments. It was Alexander who had convened tonight's meeting, and none of those invited would dare refuse to attend. It spoke volumes about Alexander that all seven invitees were dressed in identical black business suits with white mandarin-collar shirts.

The seven Margrave males were escorted through the richly-decorated corridors of the main residential palace by an immaculately dressed servant who they all recognised as Hostewick, the family butler. The same age as Alexander, Hostewick had been a constant presence throughout the formative years of Thomas and his brothers, and they found it hard to consider what the family would be like without him. They eventually reached the intricately-carved wooden double doors of the palace's family conference room, at which point Hostewick pressed the intercom which was set on the wall next to the doors.

"They have arrived, sir."

The double doors began to open inwards as a button was pressed within the conference room, at which point Hostewick bowed slightly to the seven Margraves before excusing himself. Once the doors were fully open, they entered the room. The walls were decorated in colourful paintings and reliefs depicting regional landscapes while intricate designs were carved into the solid wood of the ceiling. The most dominant feature was the large black conference table with accompanying red and gold high-back armchairs, all carved from local woods in the style of regional royalty. At the head of the table sat Alexander, dressed in a black business suit with a black mandarin-collar shirt; a wry smile formed as he regarded his sons, grandson, and grandson-in-law.

"Don't just stand there, we have business to discuss."

The seven quickly made their way to the conference table and began to take seats. Thomas took the seat to his father's immediate right, but Bentley earned Alexander's harsh gaze when he took the seat to his immediate left.

"Not there. Sit next to Thomas, that seat is for Lysander this time."

Some shuffling of positions followed, resulting in Thomas and his brothers on one side of the table while Lysander and Darui sat at the opposite side. Once all seven were correctly seated, Alexander began.

"Who can tell me, what was the setback that we experienced four months ago?"

He cast his discerning eye over his relatives as he awaited a response, instantly turning to face Lysander as the young Margrave spoke. "The Unified Arab Sultanate?"

"Good." Alexander briefly pointed at Lysander before continuing. "The Unified Arab Sultanate was to be the Margrave Oil Company's first Middle East venture. We had been talking to members of their civil service about the potential for doing business with the UAS, then Sultan Taimur abdicated and Ibrahim took over. We then stopped being of interest because of the issues between the United Federation of Nations and Freistaat Ostafrika, and eventually Ibrahim threw in his lot with the Ostafrikans. The Ostafrikanische Gesellschaft strayed into our business. It is now time to dissuade them from doing so again."

Thomas cleared his throat. "So that's why we've moved up the timetable in the Shoshanga Kingdom."

"Exactly. The OAG stole the Sultanate from us, we shall steal Shoshanga from them. It is time for those upstart Teutonic barbarians to learn a valuable lesson." Alexander leaned forward in his chair as he continued. "If they fail to learn the lesson then we shall find a new lesson to teach them. They may have their own nation and their pet monarchies, but they are still a corporation. We do not lose to rival corporations."
Last edited by Freistaat-Ostafrika on Wed Jan 02, 2019 12:42 pm, edited 1 time in total.

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Corporate Police State

Postby Freistaat-Ostafrika » Wed Nov 14, 2018 5:06 pm

5 October 2018 - 10:39hrs [UTC+1]
Aso Rock Villa
Abuja, Republic of Nigeria

Sometimes referred to as the 'Giant of Africa', much to the irritation of Freistaat Ostafrika and the OAG, the Republic of Nigeria was a multinational state with over two hundred and fifty ethnic groups residing within its borders. As each ethnic group spoke their own particular language it had been decided at the republic's founding that the state required a single language to conduct official business, and so English was spoken by the majority of the population in addition to their own ethnic tongue. The nation had experienced civil wars, corrupt democracy, and coups throughout its history so while it possessed abundant natural resources and a population of some one hundred and ninety million people, Nigeria's economy had only really began to experience stable growth since 2003 when the military intervened to overthrow the administration of Aloma Kutigi, a self-professed 'man of the people' who espoused ideas of nationalising the lucrative oil and gas industries of Nigeria. Due to the Margrave Oil Company's dominance of the Nigerian oil and gas industries since 1967 it was widely suspected that the military had acted on behalf of the corporation, potentially to protect Margrave investments in Nigeria but more likely to protect the ten billion dollars that the Margrave corporate empire annually gifted to the Nigerian Armed Forces through a variety of 'military charities'. As the annual military budget was the equivalent of a mere two billion dollars, it was easy to see why the Nigerian military had no desire to see the Margrave Oil Company leave the nation. Due to the iron grip of the military regime, known as the National Administration Directorate, Nigeria had recently experienced a peaceful transition of power following the death of President Domkat Ogomudia by natural causes in May 2018; the new President had been a somewhat unexpected choice as the post was now held by the thirty-two year old Zakari Akinrinade. A charismatic firebrand with a shrewd sense of pragmatism, Akinrinade had been embraced by Nigeria's substantial youth population and he also commanded the loyalty of the elite Armed Forces Special Forces (AFSF), of which he had been a member for the past seven years. He was also on first name terms with Liang Shuo, Managing Director of the Margrave Oil Company's Nigerian operations. As such, Akinrinade was the most powerful Margrave ally in Africa and this meant that he deserved to be informed about the Margrave challenge to the OAG's ambitions.

Liang Shuo was so familiar with Aso Rock Villa that the guards simply waved him in when he arrived; all he had to do was wind down the rear window of his limousine to show his face and entry would be granted. Located in the Asokoro District of the Nigerian capital, the Presidential residence was actually more of a Presidential complex. Consisting of the main Presidential Villa, the State House Conference Center, State House Annexe, and the Akinola Aguda House (residence of the Vice-President), Aso Rock Villa was the most protected site in the entire nation. Liang Shuo's ability to visit pretty much whenever he wished spoke volumes about the MOC's influence within Nigeria and was actually one of the less obvious displays of the corporation's power; in the oil-rich Niger Delta region of the nation, there were entire towns on the MOC payroll while the company's oil well compounds were practically independent fiefdoms where trespassers were either beaten or shot without hesitation. After being waved through the guard checkpoint at the main entrance to the complex, Liang's limousine crossed the expansive courtyard and came to a halt in front of the main villa, at which point the rear door of the limousine opened and Liang stepped out. Forty years old and dressed in a dark blue business suit with shortly-styled black hair, Liang had climbed the corporate ranks with relative ease, helped along by the fact that he was a cousin of the Liao family and therefore technically part of the ever-extending Margrave family. As he approached the entrance to the Presidential Villa, a member of the villa staff met him with an obsequious smile and escorted him to the President's office.

President Akinrinade was diligently working inside the efficiently-sized cream-decorated Presidential office, sat in a plush cream armchair at the white semi-circular desk which dominated the room. The alcove behind him featured three richly-brown wall panels as well as a carved ornament of the Nigerian Presidential seal, while on the other side of the desk from him were four cream armchairs in the same style as the one that he occupied. Dressed in a simplified version of the Nigerian military uniform in desert camouflage colours with closely-shaved black hair and neatly-styled facial hair, Akinrinade was reading recent reports from various government ministries when there was a knock at the door.

"Come in."

A member of staff opened the door and then stepped aside to allow Liang entry. "Liang Shuo, Your Excellency."

Akinrinade looked up with a grin and nodded to the staff member, who pulled the door closed to leave the pair alone. Liang smirked and gestured at the papers in front of the President. "Hard at work?"

"It can wait." Akinrinade rose from his seat and stepped from behind his desk before walking over and shaking Liang's hand in a firm display of camaraderie. "So what brings you here this morning, Shuo? Not every day that I get a visit from a true friend of Nigeria."

Liang chuckled as the pair headed to the desk, Akinrinade retaking his seat behind it while Liang occupied a seat directly facing him. "Well, it's more of a heads-up than anything else. New MOC operations in Africa and their potential political impact."

Akinrinade cocked his head quizzically. "What are you guys up to now?"

"We're on the verge of signing a deal with King Manukosi III for gas exploration and development in the Shoshanga Kingdom-"

Akinrinade raised a hand and cut Liang off as he could instantly see what was coming. "So Freistaat Ostafrika are probably going to throw an almighty fit over it. Everyone in Africa knows that they want Shoshanga, I say screw that. Given the option between bowing and scraping before the OAG or doing business with the MOC, I'll go Margrave every time. As would the Kingdom of Orungu and the Republic of Ndongo, the Margrave Oil Company pays well and actually lets us get on with being our own nations. Not like the ever-absorbing blob of Ostafrika. I take it that Orungu and Ndongo are also being notified?"

Liang nodded. "Of course. Ndongo, Nigeria, and Orungu are our partners here in Africa so it would be remiss of us to proceed without telling you all. We're not completely sure about how the OAG are going to respond but at least this way our African partners can be prepared for them to do something."

"Depending on how this plays out, it could present opportunities for us as well. If Manukosi III signs the deal and Ostafrika start posturing, Nigeria would be willing to provide troops for any 'peacekeeping' required on the Shoshanga-Ostafrika border. I'm willing to bet that Ndongo would contribute to something like that as well, they hate those bastards." Akinrinade smirked. "Only if Ostafrika does something provocative, obviously."

Liang smiled at that prospect. "Obviously."


---------------------------------------



5 October 2018 - 17:05hrs [UTC+8]
House of the Tree Penthouse
Shenzhen, Guangdong Province
Nanfang Republic

As the Nanfang Republic's leading technology hub and home to the Ping An Finance Centre (the second tallest building in the Republic), Shenzhen was truly a city on the cutting edge of 'fashionable'. It was perhaps no surprise then that Lysander Margrave and Darui Liao-Margrave shunned the more traditional high-end residential areas of Guangzhou, Oumún, and Hēunggóng in favour of the far more modern and chic Shenzhen. Their residence was a penthouse which occupied the forty-eighth and forty-ninth floors of a seven-year old Margrave-owned residential tower, and the penthouse was known as the 'House of the Tree' due to the architectural inclusion of a tree planted in the entrance area of the penthouse on the forty-eighth floor. With an outdoor swimming pool and patio area on the forty-eighth floor, the penthouse could best be described as 'ultra-modern' with stunning views of the surrounding city from both floors due to a substantial area of the exterior being comprised of wall-sized window. The young married couple enjoyed a considerably high profile not just because of their family names but also due to their professions. While Lysander sat as a board director for several of the newer Margrave corporations, Darui had established himself as a model and song artist who enjoyed spokesperson deals with several Margrave-owned concerns. Although Darui's profession was a departure from the Liao family's traditional political and commercial spheres of influence in Oumún and Hēunggóng, he certainly had some talent in his chosen field and he was clearly contributing to the extended family's operations, albeit in a less conventional manner than most. The pair were also prolific users of social media, proving to be the most media-savvy members of the Margrave family and building a solid fanbase of young people who eagerly devoured every update and photo uploaded to the couple's accounts.

"Come on Sandy, we can't be late."

Lysander smirked at the insistent tone in Darui's voice and deliberately slowed down the process of getting changed into his tuxedo. The pair were in the master bedroom, getting ready for the night's festivities as Darui had been nominated for the 'Best Male Artist' award at the Tencent Music Awards, being held this year at the Shenzhen Bay Sports Center. While the venue was not a great distance from their penthouse and the event was not due to begin for almost another three hours, Darui wanted to get there with enough time for them to walk along the red carpet and be interviewed by various media correspondants before socialising with other nominees and celebrities. Darui was already dressed and had taken mere moments to smooth his short black hair into his usual style, but unfortunately Lysander was being Lysander and was taking his time for the simple fun of seeing Darui getting agitated. He picked up his black bow tie from the dresser and slipped it underneath his shirt collar before turning to Darui and gesturing to the untied accessory.

"Can you? I can never get these things sorted."

Darui shook his head slightly and tutted as he walked over and began deftly tying the bow tie while Lysander raised his head slightly. "How has someone so rich survived without ever tying a bow tie?"

Lysander giggled at the question. "I've always had someone else to do it for me, that's why. Besides, you're so good at it that I didn't want to rob you of the opportunity to show your skill."

Darui smirked and continued his task, patting the centre of the bow tie when it was completed. "How's that?"

Lysander turned to inspect the bow tie in the mirror. "Perfect. Just like me."

Darui laughed before wrapping his arms around Lysander from behind and leaning forward to plant a gentle kiss on his cheek, then rested his chin on Lysander's shoulder. "Never change, Sandy." He then let go of him and gave him a playful tap on the ass. "Now finish getting dressed."

"Yes sir."

Darui responded to Lysander's irreverent tone with a wink before picking up Lysander's tuxedo jacket and holding it as he slipped it on. After spending a few more minutes on his shoulder-length black locks, Lysander turned and held his arms out as if he were presenting himself for inspection. "Do I meet with sir's approval?"

"You're a knockout, Sandy."

Lysander grinned and shrugged. "Of course I am. Quick selfie before we go?"
Last edited by Freistaat-Ostafrika on Sun Feb 24, 2019 10:25 am, edited 1 time in total.

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Postby Freistaat-Ostafrika » Sun Nov 25, 2018 1:56 pm

12 October 2018 - 13:30hrs [UTC+2]
Palace of the Red Point
Maputo, Shoshanga Kingdom

Named after its location in the capital city of Maputo, the Palace of the Red Point was rather more modern than some may have expected for a royal palace. Constructed in 1975 after a fire gutted the previous royal residence, Red Point had an appearance closer to that of a government ministry building than a palace, but that was because the monarch who built it was not one for show and display. Nonetheless the palace provided a comfortable lifestyle for the ruling Nxumalo dynasty of Shoshanga, with Manukosi III being the twelfth king of the dynasty to rule over the nation. The Nxumalo dynasty had long been an issue for the OAG and their expansionist plans because they simply refused to accept the idea of an overlord; time and again the Ostafrikans had come to them with offers of wealth and power, and they had been refused every single time. The Margrave Oil Company had succeeded where the OAG had failed because they did not come to the Shoshanga Kingdom with offers of wealth conditional on Manukosi III accepting their authority, instead they had come to Manukosi III and explained what they could do for him and his kingdom if he was willing to work with them. The key term being 'work with'. Manukosi III had proven to be far more receptive to the idea of a partnership with a corporation based in eastern Asia than the idea of accepting the rule of a neighbouring corporate-controlled state, and he had been even more interested in the potential deal when it was hinted that signing with the Margrave Oil Company could help to improve relations with the Nanfang Republic, thus providing the Shoshanga Kingdom with a strong friend that could frustrate the OAG's ambitions.

It was this reasoning that had led to Manukosi III holding a press conference alongside Fang Wen, the MOC's negotiator in the deal with Shoshanga and the intended Managing Director of MOC operations in the kingdom. It was company practise to send an intended national Managing Director to conduct negotiations with the government of the nation that they were earmarked for, as it built up a rapport ahead of the commencement of official operations; considering that the MOC primarily did business with autocrats and dictators, a personal rapport with the incumbent ruler was a great advantage. The fifty-two year old Fang Wen had found some elements of common ground with the fifty-nine year old King Manukosi III as they shared an interest in amateur archaeology, and Manukosi was keen to learn more about the culture of the Nanfang Republic due to his intention to court them as an ally. Both, it seemed, also had every intention of impeding the OAG's expansion. While Manukosi had obvious reasons for this, Fang Wen's intentions revolved around the fact that the OAG were viewed as the Margrave Oil Company's prime competitor in Africa and the situation involving the Unified Arab Sultanate had become common knowledge among the MOC's upper management, fostering a rather petty and retaliatory attitude towards the OAG. As a result both men had been keen to publicly announce the official signing of the deal as a way to flaunt it in the faces of the Ostafrikans.

Correspondents from a wide variety of media were gathered together in the Conference Hall of the palace, a fairly large room with hardwood flooring, light wood-effect walls, and a gleaming white ceiling which featured several large glistening chandeliers. The press seating was positioned before a raised stage upon which was a long table covered in an intricately designed white-and-gold coloured cloth. A large highback chair and a smaller chair had been positioned at the table, the larger chair being an obvious replica of the rather understated Shoshanga throne. At precisely 13:30hrs King Manukosi III and Fang Wen entered the Conference Hall through a side door, walking alongside each other with beaming smiles and apparently sharing a joke as the clean-shaven pair laughed for a moment before stepping up onto the stage and taking their seats. Fang Wen was dressed in a black business suit, his short black hair neatly coiffed and his spectacles firmly positioned on the bridge of his nose; King Manukosi III wore a black cutaway coat and trousers which were both embroidered with gold-coloured thread, with a matching kufi hat. Manukosi settled comfortably into his chair before addressing the gathered journalists.

"Representatives of the media, welcome to the Palace of the Red Point. It is a rare occasion for me to allow journalists inside my palace but this is an occasion of importance for my kingdom and my people, so I wanted to have it preserved for posterity by your organisations. As you may or may not be aware, the past couple of years have seen growing interest in the possibility of exploitable natural gas fields off the Shoshangan coast. I am greatly pleased to announce that the Margrave Oil Company have now come forward and presented an extremely generous deal to the Shoshanga Kingdom, a deal that should secure my kingdom's future and create a foundation for our future endeavours. They will receive exclusive rights over exploration and exploitation of any and all natural gas fields, as well as any oil, within the territory and Exclusive Economic Zone of the Shoshanga Kingdom. In return, the Margrave Oil Company have agreed to build schools and hospitals in the kingdom's most deprived areas. The MOC will also invest in the Shoshanga Kingdom's infrastructure, improving our roads and our rail network, and they will also assist us in upgrading Maputo International Airport so that we can enjoy greater connectivity with the rest of the world. The MOC have proven themselves to be a good friend to African nations and the Shoshanga Kingdom welcomes them with open arms. Fang Wen, would you like to say a few words?"

Fang Wen smiled and nodded at King Manukosi before speaking. "Thank you, Your Majesty. It is truly an honour for the Margrave Oil Company to add the Shoshanga Kingdom to the number of our African partners, we enjoy an excellent relationship with the peoples of Africa and we hope to continue to build on that relationship. It has always been Margrave Oil Company policy and practise to reciprocate. A national government that respects us is in turn respected by us. The Shoshanga Kingdom are opening their doors to us exclusively and that is why it is only right to show them our gratitude. As the incoming Managing Director of MOC operations in the Shoshanga Kingdom, I will oversee the corporation's efforts to repay King Manukosi III and the wonderful Shoshangan people for their hospitality. The Margrave Oil Company have always believed that our operations should not just benefit us, they should also benefit the nation hosting those operations. Our operations also send the message that the Shoshanga Kingdom is open for business for corporations that show the proper respect, and I believe that it will only be a matter of time before additional corporations step forward to work with the indomitable Shoshangan people."


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12 October 2018 - 14:45hrs [UTC+3]
OAG Headquarters
Dar es Salaam, Freistaat Ostafrika

Präsident Luxenberg sat at his ornate mahogany desk with his hands clasped in front of him, scowling as he watched the broadcast from the Shoshanga Kingdom on the sprawling 100" high-definition screen which dominated the wall opposite the desk. Stood besides him was his deputy, Vizepräsident Bertram Denker, who adjusted his glasses with a degree of nervousness as the pair listened to the warm platitudes being exchanged by Manukosi and Fang Wen on camera. While the OAG maintained strict controls over broadcast media within Freistaat Ostafrika so that the general populace received what the OAG wanted them to receive, the higher echelons of the company had access to foreign broadcast media, ostensibly to allow them to monitor foreign media for potential anti-Ostafrikan campaigns that they could respond to accordingly. In fact they usually watched foreign broadcast media because it was something different to the traditional Ostafrikan programming.

"By 'additional corporations', he means the rest of the Margrave corporate empire. It's what they did in Nigeria, Ndongo, and Orungu. The Margrave Oil Company opens the door and the rest follow through. They've got it down to a fine art. Once they get themselves settled into Shoshanga, they'll never leave and we'll have lost it."

Denker mumbled slightly as he began speak. "It's unfortunate to say the least Herr Präsident, but we can't stop the Shoshangans from signing with the Margraves. The Margraves might call in the Nanfang Republic and we would be hard-pressed to match that."

"The Ostafrikanische Gesellschaft have had the odds against us in the past and we have emerged triumphant, Bertram. No-one expected a private merchant company with mercenaries to carve out a successful nation-state but that is precisely what the OAG did. Besides, we have friends too."

Denker furrowed his brow. "With all due respect to the Unified Arab Sultanate and the Kingdom of Travancore, they would be like leaves in a hurricane if the Nanfang Republic flexed their economic muscle on the side of the Margraves. Perhaps it would be better to focus on the friends we already have rather than the enemy that we have not yet created?"

Luxenberg nodded slowly. "Move ahead with rewarding Travancore and integrating the UAS into the Freihandelzone? Of course we shall do that. We cannot just let this go without a response though, Bertram. The Margraves know that Shoshanga is in our backyard and they have courted them all the same. King Manukosi has done this deliberately to frustrate us. If we do nothing then it sends a signal to others that we will not act in these situations, and that would see other powers pursuing the UAS and Travancore. I shall call an emergency meeting of the Aufsichstrat for this evening so that we can decide what our appropriate response shall be."

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Freistaat-Ostafrika
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Corporate Police State

Postby Freistaat-Ostafrika » Tue Dec 04, 2018 2:44 pm

15 October 2018 - 20:30hrs [UTC+8]
Margravia Estate, Zhuhai
Guangdong Province, Nanfang Republic

"Sanctions. Ridiculous."

Alexander Margrave tossed the day's copy of the Shenzhen Daily onto the conference table and cast a discerning eye at those who sat with him. Upon receiving word that Freistaat Ostafrika was imposing sanctions on the Margrave family and their companies for 'reasons of national security', Alexander had summoned his five sons to the estate, as well as Lysander and Darui. It was not so much a council of war, rather a council of retaliation as the Margraves would never allow such an action to go unanswered. Alexander's five sons sat to his right organised by age while Lysander sat to his left with Darui immediately next to him down the table. Crispin spoke up with a particular polite manner as his position as Alexander's third son meant that he was 'outranked' by most of those in the room.

"Ridiculous as it may be, father, it is their right to impose sanctions on anyone they wish. Evidently they really don't appreciate us signing the deal with the Shoshanga Kingdom."

Alexander turned a withering glare on him. "It is the act of a spoiled child, raging against someone who dared to befriend someone that they wished to have all to themselves. Of course it completely misses the point that Shoshanga was unwilling to be that close with them but then jealousy never shows any true logic. So, we have the OAG attempting to harm our business. How do we respond?"

Bentley raised his hand. "Use our influence with President Yang to have the Nanfang Republic impose sanctions on Ostafrika?"

"Possible, but remember that she would have to have a good reason of her own to do that. Anyone else?"

Lysander shifted in his seat before speaking. "What about the rest of their free trade zone? Are they imposing sanctions as well?"

Alexander moved in his chair to look at his grandson. "Not as yet."

Lysander furrowed his brow thoughtfully. "We've taken the Shoshanga Kingdom out of their hands. Could we undermine their free trade zone somehow? Rather than striking at them directly we could weaken them in another fashion."

Alexander nodded and leaned forward, deciding to try to test Lysander's imagination. "More specifically?"

"Well.....what if...." Lysander paused for a moment before his eyes lit up. "What if the Nanfang Republic were to court the Kingdom of Travancore? The Republic could provide Travancore with far greater economic opportunities and greater military protection. Although they would have to do something significant for Travancore to even consider breaking with Ostafrika."

The Margrave patriarch wagged his finger approvingly at Lysander. "Smart. That would be a long-term goal, as you say the Nanfang Republic would need to do something significant. I do however believe that President Yang would be far more interested in gaining Travancore as an ally than she would be in imposing sanctions on Ostafrika, so she would be far more likely to run with the idea. Any other ideas?"

Lysander was the first to respond to the follow-up question, beating his uncle Piers to the punch. "Would our existing African friends be able to do anything to help us?"

Alexander almost smiled as he turned to his sons. "He really does take after his grandfather. Perhaps some diplomatic protest, diplomats expelled or something of that nature. Just a friendly reminder to the OAG that we have influence in Africa, just as they do. I will personally speak to the leaders of Nigeria, Ndongo, and Orungu to remind them of the fact that their nations are practically part of the family and that family members help each other out."


-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------



17 October 2018 - 09:30hrs [UTC+3]
OAG Headquarters
Dar es Salaam, Freistaat Ostafrika

The weekly Wednesday meeting of the Aufsichstrat had been rather positive in its tone thus far. Although the OAG had been unhappy to receive diplomatic rebukes from three African nations in response to their declared sanctions against the Margrave corporate empire, it had not exactly been a surprise as the three nations all had strong ties to the Margrave family of companies. As far as the Aufsichstrat were concerned, they had retaliated against the Margraves for 'stealing' the Shoshanga Kingdom with very little in the way of a further response. While the leadership of the OAG were of the mind that they could eventually drive the Margrave Oil Company out of Shoshanga and then claim the kingdom for Ostafrika at long last, they had more immediate plans to attend to.

"Moving onto military business, I understand that our task force is about to depart for the Lakshadweep Islands?"

Stefan Farkas nodded in response to Präsident Luxenberg's question. As the Aufsichstrat member who oversaw the Ostafrikan Department of Defense, Farkas not only received reports regarding the readiness and composition of the armed forces but also details regarding military production, as the Ostafrikan armed forces controlled the nation's armaments manufacturing. In this particular instance he would be addressing the implementation of the Aufsichstrat's 'rewarding' of the Kingdom of Travancore by enforcing the kingdom's claims upon neighbouring territories.

"Indeed, Herr Präsident. The islands have a total population of approximately sixty-six thousand with roughly a fifth of that number residing in the capital of Kavaratti. They used to pay tribute to the Kingdom of Travancore in return for their independence but they have fallen rather heavily into arrears as of late, Rama Varma VII has been patient with them but enough really is enough. We are sending the amphibious assault ship Donner with two Tanganyika-class destroyers and three Marienthal-class frigates to the Lakshadweep Islands, carrying forty amphibious APCs as well as four hundred and fifty marines to conduct occupation and 'restoration of order'. The Donner also carries sixteen Seelöwe tactical transport helicopters, in short the task force should make fast work of any potential resistance. We estimate the securing of all important points within two days, more than likely it will take less than that."

Luxenberg 'hmmed' at that estimate. "Then our forces receive the new governor as appointed by Travancore, and remain on the islands until the transition is complete. It does sound as though we may be deploying far more than we need to but at the end of the day, it will demonstrate just how seriously we deal with situations like this. What about the city-state of Mahé?"

Farkas smirked slightly. "Roughly forty-two thousand people in total, Herr Präsident. As I understand from discussions with Herr Oberholzer, Travancore will issue a formal declaration to both Lakshadweep and Mahé once our task force arrives in-theatre, requesting that they unite with the Malayali homeland. Travancore, Lakshadweep, and Mahé pretty much comprise the entirety of the Malayali people aside from those who work overseas in the Unified Arab Sultanate so Rama Varma VII will be the first Maharajah to rule over the entirety of the Malayali homeland for more than a century. That will undoubtedly boost his prestige as a monarch, and foreign powers will have less reason to complain because he has shown himself to be a rather benevolent ruler. Lakshadweep and Mahé will certainly benefit from his enlightened rule, even if they don't realise it yet."

"So there's every chance that Lakshadweep and Mahé may see our task force and simply surrender?"

Farkas nodded once again. "Precisely, neither state possesses much of a defensive capability so at worst our marines could find the entire operation to be a live-fire training exercise. At best, both states surrender as there is no real way for them to successfully resist. The Travancore military could undoubtedly handle the entire situation on their own, but if they did it then the operation would not be Ostafrika rewarding Travancore."

"Excellent news, Stefan. It will be interesting to see the Nanfang response to this operation, as I am certain that it will be scrutinised by them in light of our recent interactions with the Margraves." Luxenberg gestured towards Bernhard Oberholzer. "Bernhard, it is possible that there could be some concern expressed from Nanjing about all of this. Perhaps we could develop some beneficial spin on the operation in advance? That way we can explain to the Nanfang government that the situation is rather complex and that we stepped in to ensure a rapid resolution. It will probably be difficult for them to fully grasp the complexities of Malayali ethnic politics, of course we would need to phrase it far more politely than that."

Oberholzer laughed heartily. "As you say, Herr Präsident."
Last edited by Freistaat-Ostafrika on Wed Jan 02, 2019 12:44 pm, edited 2 times in total.

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Layarteb
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Moralistic Democracy

Postby Layarteb » Sun Dec 16, 2018 1:06 pm



• • • † • • •



Friday, October 19th, 2018 | 23:00 hrs [UTC+8]

Xiuying District, Haikou City, Hainan | Haikou Port
20° 2' 22" N, 110° 16' 55" E






Fai Hsiung stood in his shirtsleeves looking out of the floor-to-ceiling window of his penthouse apartment some twenty stories above ground. The top four floors of this massive building belonged to him in what was one of the largest residences on the island. He had a view of all four directions and a floorplan that was over 70,000 ft² with a value of approximately §285 million, by current real estate standards. The penthouse boasted an indoor pool, a billiards room, nine bedrooms and fourteen bathrooms, a 500 ft² kitchen, a dining room capable of seating forty people, and most importantly, access to a helipad on the roof. The building itself was just nine years old and Hsiung owned the entire building, along with fourteen others throughout the city, each one catering to the wealthy. He owned a lot of other things in Haikou and Hainan-proper that made the price tag of allocating four floors to his personal home a mere drop in the bucket. The man's gross income was somewhere around §5 billion per year.

Hsiung was fifty-four years old and divorced, having had three children - all girls - with his ex-wife. She was living in Miami with those children, all of it paid for by Hsiung. Their divorce had been quiet and arranged in a backroom in some lawyer's office. She agreed to keep her mouth shut on his business dealings and he agreed to pay her §5 million per year above living expenses. It was, in some ways, the smoothest divorce in history and for all of her blustering, his ex-wife had no intention of breaking the deal lest she find herself not only implicated in shady business dealings but also headless and at the bottom of a harbor somewhere. With her out of the way, Hsiung was free to indulge in a life of his choosing. He regularly flew onboard his private jet to Oumún (Macau) for two purposes: women and gambling. The man was an addict to craps, roulette, and Baccarat and he was pretty good too. This year alone, he'd made a net profit thus far of §8.29 million. When he won well, he'd take in the company of some easy-to-arrange women and then he'd fly back home, fighting a hangover with some concoction his grandmother used to make for him when he was ill, which included coconut water and some mint leaves.

This evening, Hsiung was standing in his bedroom, looking down at the port. A young woman half his age stirred in the bed behind him, her clothes strewn all over the floor. She was his favorite girlfriend of which he had at least five and she knew what he did, they all did, which was why they were with him. He doted on them and they didn't care that he had other women because so long as they kept quiet, they lived a life out of the poverty and the slums of Haikou city.

Haikou had been a major trading port when the Layartebians first took over the island in 1855 as part of the peace agreement ending the Second Tea War. The three-year war had not gone well for the Republic and in the end, they'd been forced to vie for peace, keeping Hainan, which was under Layartebian control. This led the Republic into a quiet treaty with the Margraves, a family which had drawn the ire of the Layartebians when they'd been implicated in the assassination of President Vincent Hardy in November 1774. The family had been forced to flee the Republic lest they face prosecution and ruination. They'd found their way to the Great Yue Kingdom and they'd amassed tremendous influence and power over the years. For the Republic, the Margraves' crimes could be forgiven and forgotten in exchange for the removal of the Yue Dynasty, which they were happy to oblige. Nanfang was the result and the Republic of Layarteb got what it had wanted from the Yue Dynasty, keeping Hainan in the process.

Hainan, like Ceylon, existed as a major hub for Layartebian trade in the Far East but unlike Ceylon, Hainan was all too easily influenced by the gangs across the strait. As Hainan grew and expanded over time, the gangs and the syndicates dug deeper and deeper. The most influential of all the gangs was the Liao family, whose triad was known as the Howling Devil-Tigers. Hsiung ran his own triad organization but they were affiliated with and allied to the Liao family. It was how he'd amassed so much power in the first place, especially in Haikou.

Shortly after the Republic of Layarteb formally annexed Hainan, it had been set up as a Special Economic Zone, which meant that it would flourish as a trade haven. In the early 1900s, as Layartebian immigration flooded to the island, it was established as a Special Cultural Zone as well, which meant that Hainan could establish special laws protective of its own cultural norms. It was given the status of republic in 1928 and from there, it was given domestic autonomy. The local government became entangled with the corruption of the triad organizations and as a result, Hainan existed as it did today, a seedy and otherwise disreputable location.

There were resorts, beaches, and holiday destinations but these were secluded and kept distant from the dregs of Haikou and the rest of the island's natives. Haikou was the kind of city that only the most adventurous travelers entered and solely because they wanted to indulge in illicit activities. The all-pervasive eye of the Layartebian Ministry of Justice lacked the kind of influence and power required to turn Haikou around but that was how Haikou wanted it. Haikou served the Empire as much as it served the rest of the world. It was a place for intelligence operations and backroom deals that were impossible anywhere else within the borders of the Empire and most importantly, it was "home turf" too. Hsiung facilitated plenty of those clandestine meetings.

Why Hsiung's attention was focused on the port was because a container ship had just arrived. On that ship were nine containers destined for travel into the Nanfang Republic, all of them owned by him and carrying illicit goods. Apart from owning buildings, Hsiung also owned an import-export and logistics company that provided container and transportation services. Over 95% of their business was legitimate and on the books but it was that 5% that provided the most profit. His trucks would pick up those containers and drive them across the 28-kilometer-long Qiongzhou Bridge-Tunnel to the other side of the strait. What the Liao and the Margraves did with the containers from there wasn't his problem since his job was only to transport them. Owning such services made Hsiung's worth that much higher to the triad organizations throughout the region.

Turning around from the window, he eyed his girlfriend in bed. Her eyes were open but the covers drawn up to her shoulders. He wasn't concerned about privacy chiefly because the windows that had been installed were of a special kind. Unlike regular one-way glass, these windows came with a special dimming mechanism that made it impossible to see into no matter how bright the light was on the inside and how dark the light was on the outside. "What has your attention over there?" She asked, her voice gentle and quiet. She moved a little letting her shoulders come free of the silk covers. There, the lavender spaghetti straps of her nightgown came visible. Hsiung like that particular piece of lingerie, which was why she wore it.

"I just enjoy watching things that is all. I thought you had fallen asleep."

"No,"
she smirked, "who can sleep? I want more." Hsiung smiled and unbuttoned his shirt, climbing into bed beside her. In the distance behind them, cranes began to offload the containers and the truck drivers he employed were lined up, ready to take their cargo abroad. They would have little issue getting through the customs station on either side of the border since Hsiung had his tentacles on the station here and the Liao's on the station on the other side. All that was needed now was simply the completion of the prearranged transaction.



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Freistaat-Ostafrika
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Posts: 280
Founded: Apr 10, 2018
Corporate Police State

Postby Freistaat-Ostafrika » Fri Dec 21, 2018 7:19 pm

20 October 2018 - 15:30hrs [UTC+8]
Palace of the Republic
Nanjing, Nanfang Republic

The Ostafrikan task force dispatched for the Lakshadweep Islands would require approximately six days to reach their target once they left Dar es Salaam, during which time they would undoubtedly be visible to anyone with decent satellite capability. Now two days into their journey and travelling at a speed of 18 knots, the task force had been clearly identified by Nanfang observation satellites and the government in Nanjing were intrigued to say the least. The Nanfang government had kept a close eye on the developing issues between the OAG and the Margrave corporate empire but had thus far steered clear of intervention. While the Margrave Oil Company had the strength and influence to decide the fate of governments in certain African nations, the Margrave family were well aware that the Nanfang government was far stronger and far more stable; besides, the Nanfang government was already friendly towards the family. Interplay between the Nanfang government and the Margraves was built upon mutual respect with the pair viewing each other as allies more than anything, so the Margraves had stopped short of asking Nanjing to intervene on their behalf because thus far Nanjing had nothing to truly gain from doing so. With the identification of the Ostafrikan naval force moving through the Indian Ocean, Nanjing had decided to take a even keener interest in what was going on. Corporate feuding was one thing, but potential aggression by a nation-state was quite another. So President Yang Mingshu had requested that Alexander Margrave meet with her at the Palace of the Republic in Nanjing to discuss the current situation and its developments. The residence of every President of the Nanfang Republic since 1911 when the capital was moved from Guangzhou to Nanjing, the Palace of the Republic covered more than 90,000 square meters and was primarily comprised of three 'sections': the West Garden, the East Garden, and the Central Axis. The Central Axis featured several buildings including the official reception hall and a museum dedicated to past Nanfang Presidents, but the most important building in the complex was Zichao House, the six-storey home of incumbent Presidents. The walled grounds surrounding the palace complex had regular patrols from the Nanfang Republican Guard, the elite military unit which protected sites of 'special significance to the Republic'.

Alexander's armoured limousine passed through the main gates without incident after his driver proffered the requisite identification to the guard post which greeted every visitor to the Palace, then the vehicle drove across the plaza towards the entrance to the palace complex, passing a statue of the Republic's first President along the way. Zhang Guoliang had been an officer in the Royal Army, holding the rank of Captain General when the Tea War ended and he harboured a great deal of resentment towards the monarchy for what he viewed as their botched handling of the entire situation with the Republic of Layarteb. A former bandit and member of the Tiandihui fraternal organisation, Zhang threw in his lot with the nascent republican movement and provided both leadership and manpower to the anti-monarchists, eventually becoming so popular that there was no real alternative as the first President of the newly-declared Republic. Alexander always found it rather interesting that Zhang was a former bandit who became President as the same nation had allowed the Margraves to cast off their own less-than-respectable past to become one of the most influential families on the planet. As far as the Margraves were concerned, the Nanfang Republic was truly a land of opportunity for those ready and willing to take advantage of it. Alexander was greeted by a dark-suited functionary as he exited the limousine and was then escorted along the walking route to Zichao House, passing various other aides and employees until finally reaching the most significant building of the complex. The escorting functionary led Alexander through the corridors of Zichao House until they reached the private lounge of the President; the aide then gestured for Alexander to enter before heading off to carry out other duties, so the Margrave patriarch strode into the well-appointed room to be greeted by President Yang, who rose from her seat and offered a nod of acknowledgement.

"Mister Margrave."

Alexander returned the nod. "Madam President." While Alexander stood 6'3" and wore his preferred black business suit with a black mandarin-collar shirt, his short blond hair neatly styled as always, President Yang stood 5'4", dressed in a cream-coloured pantsuit and with her long dark brown hair pulled up into a rather strict and sensible-appearing style. The pair sat on antique Yue-era couches facing each other across a similarly antique lacquered coffee table before President Yang gestured to the blue-and-white porcelain tea service on the table.

"Tea?"

Alexander nodded and leaned forward. "Allow me."

After Alexander poured some tea for himself and President Yang, the pair took a moment to sip at their beverages before the leader of the Nanfang Republic spoke once more.

"Thank you for coming to see me this afternoon, I realise that you must have a great deal going on at the moment. While my government has been content to allow you to handle your issues with the Ostafrikanische Gesellschaft in your own way, recent intelligence has caused me to question whether it may be time for the Nanfang Republic to take a more active role. Put simply, there is an Ostafrikan naval task force traversing the Indian Ocean as we speak. We do not yet know what their destination may be but our analysts are suggesting that they may be enroute to the Kingdom of Travancore. Ordinarily we would not see any particular reason to question Ostafrikan naval movements but this is not an ordinary time, given that they are imposing sanctions on several companies based in the Nanfang Republic.

"I have to wonder if they are finally moving against the independent states that Travancore claim as their rightful territory, it would explain their need for a task force to head in that direction. If that is indeed their objective then we have no real issue with such a 'unification' as it were, but I would like to know what your response would be."

Alexander smirked slightly. "My response?"

"Any response from your family would be at your behest, so I'm curious to know what to expect."

"We would have no objection if that does turn out to be the task force's mission. If I may be so bold though Madam President, no matter what the task force's mission might be, it may present an opportunity for the Nanfang Republic to increase its own international influence. The Shoshanga Kingdom will undoubtedly be concerned about Ostafrikan military action being conducted so soon after Shoshanga signing their deal with the Margrave Oil Company, and they will probably seek a strong friend."

President Yang chuckled. "I imagine that they were told that your family could facilitate such a friendship for them. I could certainly see the merit in such a friendship for the Nanfang Republic as our companies would gain greater access to their mineral resources, and I suspect that the Shoshangan military would be interested in acquiring Nanfang military technology." She paused for a moment as a wry smile crossed her face. "Why do I sense that a strong friendship between the Nanfang Republic and the Shoshanga Kingdom would somehow play into some greater Margrave scheme?"

"You mean something like the Nanfang Republic establishing itself as an even more terrifying rival for the OAG in Africa than we are? Potentially then leading to the Nanfang Republic supplanting Ostafrika as the influence behind Travancore and the Unified Arab Sultanate?" Alexander sipped at his tea. "You are certainly one of the more imaginative leaders that I've dealt with over the decades, Madam President."

"A fervent imagination is a necessity in order to keep up with the intrigues of your family, Mister Margrave. If you do have some elaborate game of xiangqi planned that involves this nation then I would remind you that such a game would be best played cooperatively. In the vein of cooperation, I can tell you that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs shall be issuing an already-planned declaration this afternoon regarding Ostafrikan sanctions on your family's companies. I think that you will find it to be sufficiently supportive of your family, we refrained from issuing one immediately as we wanted to observe developments in Africa before stepping in."


----------------------------------------------------



Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Nanfang Republic
Official Declaration from the Minister of Foreign Affairs




On the fifteenth of October of this year, the Government of Freistaat Ostafrika announced the imposition of sanctions upon the subsidiary corporations of Margrave Holdings as well as upon Margrave Holdings itself. The official explanation provided was that the sanctions were necessary for reasons of national security. The Government of the Nanfang Republic decided to take a measured approach to the situation in the hopes that the matter could be quickly resolved by the Margrave family and the Ostafrikanische Gesellschaft, but more recent events have merited our official response.

The Nanfang Republic takes great offense at the implication that corporate entities registered and headquartered within our nation would provide national security concerns for other states. The constituent corporations of Margrave Holdings are well-known and well-trusted employers within the Nanfang Republic, and they provide excellent service in their respective markets. Several of them hold long-standing government contracts with the Nanfang Republic and have proven to be reliable partners at all times. We wholeheartedly reject the idea that these companies would risk damaging their own reputations by posing a threat to the national security of a state.

The Government of the Nanfang Republic hereby requests that the Government of Freistaat Ostafrika publish the evidence upon which these sanctions are based. Should this request be refused then we shall examine all avenues of response to these sanctions against respected Nanfang corporations, including but not limited to reciprocal sanctions upon the Ostafrikanische Gesellschaft and all subsidiaries.


Huang Li
Minister of Foreign Affairs


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Last edited by Freistaat-Ostafrika on Tue Jan 29, 2019 7:02 pm, edited 2 times in total.

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Freistaat-Ostafrika
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Corporate Police State

Postby Freistaat-Ostafrika » Sun Jan 06, 2019 12:47 pm

22 October 2018 - 09:30hrs [UTC+3]
OAG Headquarters
Dar es Salaam, Freistaat Ostafrika

"Apologies for yet another emergency meeting of the Aufsichstrat, gentlemen. I do however believe that this particular situation calls for it. On Saturday, the Nanfang Republic released a statement requesting our evidence of the national security risks posed by the Margrave family's companies. If they do not receive this evidence then there is a possibility that Nanjing will respond with sanctions against us in retaliation for the sanctions we placed on the Margrave corporate empire. You have all had the weekend to consider the situation and so we are here to discuss our next move."

Präsident Luxenberg looked around the conference table at the rest of the Aufsichstrat, the other eight individuals appearing to be less than happy at the prospect of such a significant economy hitting them with sanctions. While Ostafrika would undoubtedly manage to continue on under such circumstances, the impact on trade would be a hefty blow to the corporate state's economy and therefore on the OAG itself. Although OAG shares were not readily available for public purchase, they did still exist and the considerable dividend paid out to shareholders was viewed as a sign of the OAG's prestige; if the dividend had to be reduced or even withheld, then it would make the company look less stable and that would have a similar effect to a national government appearing to be less than stable. Vizepräsident Bertram Denker raised his hand and received Luxenberg's acknowledgement to speak.

"Herr Präsident, is it true that the Kingdom of Travancore and the Unified Arab Sultanate still haven't followed our lead in applying sanctions to the Margraves?"

All eyes turned on Bernhard Oberholzer, who fidgeted slightly before responding. "I have spoken to our representatives in Trivandrum and Muscat about this, and the news is not ideal. Maharajah Rama Varma VII appears to be taking the position that the impending unification of the Malayali people is of primary concern at present, once the Lakshadweep Islands and Mahé are under Travancore's rule then he will address the issue of sanctions. Apparently he is concerned that the Nanfang Republic may try to intervene on behalf of Lakshadweep and Mahé if Travancore were to antagonise Nanjing.

"In regard to the UAS, Sultan Ibrahim is currently experiencing some non-compliance from his Royal Advisory Council. As I am certain we all remember, Sultan Ibrahim required some assistance in convincing the emirs of the UAS that developing closer ties with us was in the Sultanate's best interest. The Council's apparent irritation at our inability to deliver Bahrain and Qatar to the UAS was overcome through some shuttle diplomacy involving Maharajah Rama Varma VII and numerous meetings with our ambassador in Muscat, and so they agreed to apply for membership of our free trade zone. From what we have been told, there has been concern expressed about our failing to deliver Bahrain and Qatar being followed by a request to sanction the Margrave corporations, while in the opinions of several on the Council we have yet to actually do anything of significance to engender such loyalty. In other words, the Royal Advisory Council want to sit on the fence and see how things develop. There is some gossip that members of the Sultanate's civil service had been in talks with the Margrave Oil Company, but Sultan Taimur's abdication and Sultan Ibrahim's subsequent alignment with us torpedoed those talks. If that is true then the non-compliance could be down to the Sultanate's civil service whispering in the ears of the emirs."

Luxenberg scowled. "I can somewhat understand the Maharajah's position but it sounds as though Sultan Ibrahim might require some assistance to guide his government in the right direction. Perhaps some gentle persuasion by the Ostafrikan forces stationed within the Sultanate?"

Denker raised his hand once more and swallowed with evident nerves as Luxenberg turned his attention to him. "With all due respect Herr Präsident, if we did that then we might push the discontent emirs into some form of action of their own. Consider how we would fare if, for example, the Royal Advisory Council put Sultan Ibrahim in protective custody and asked for assistance from the Nanfang Republic. Unlikely, but more of a possibility if we flex our muscles too eagerly. Perhaps we should wait until after Travancore have taken possession of Lakshadweep and Mahé before we start planning anything concrete? That way, the Maharajah will have the opportunity to address the issue of sanctions from a greater position of strength and we will have reinforced the loyalty of Travancore by demonstrating just how greatly we value them. We may also then be able to have the task force stop at Muscat on their way home as a goodwill visit; in the interim, the Department of State Security might wish to uncover which civil servants within the Sultanate could be responsible for the Council's current attitude."

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Freistaat-Ostafrika
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Founded: Apr 10, 2018
Corporate Police State

Postby Freistaat-Ostafrika » Sat Jan 19, 2019 4:15 pm

25 October 2018 - 15:00hrs [UTC +5:30]
Kuthiramalika Palace
Thiruvananthapuram, Kingdom of Travancore

After receiving a communication from the Ostafrikan naval task force stating that they were close to arriving at their destination point just outside Lakshadweep's territorial waters, the Travancore government proceeded with the next phase of the plan that had been agreed between themselves and the OAG. At precisely 15:00hrs local time, all broadcast media in the kingdom switched to a live address from Kuthiramalika Palace which featured Maharajah Rama Varma VII in the throne room of the official royal residence. The throne room was rather understated by the standards of other monarchies but then the Hindu monarchy was not overly fond of display; with teakwood and rosewood walls, the throne room featured a sunken square section of the floor which was lined with comfortable wooden benches on three sides, while the fourth side's sole piece of furniture was a throne which could easily be mistaken as a dining chair in other nations. Rama Varma VII sat upright upon the simple throne, dressed in a white cotton suit which combined elements of traditional Malayali design as well as 'Western' influences, his facial hair styled into its usual separated moustache and small goatee while his shoulder-length and slightly shaggy dark hair was hanging loosely as always. The twenty-six year old monarch clasped his hands together and settled them on his lap as he began to speak.

"Citizens of Travancore, peoples of the world. I am addressing you this afternoon on a matter of both importance and urgency. As my people are aware, the Kingdom of Travancore is the largest nation of the Malayali people in the world. Over ninety percent of Malayali people worldwide reside within Travancore's borders. There are Malayali communities within other nations but there are only three states with a Malayali majority population. These are the Kingdom of Travancore, the State of Mahé, and the Lakshadweep Islands. In previous times Mahé and Lakshadweep paid tribute to Travancore in return for self-governance but this tribute has gone unpaid for several years now. Given these turbulent times in international politics it is in the best interests of the Malayali people to have our homeland united once again so that we can face the future as one. Our friends in Freistaat Ostafrika agree that the Malayali people deserve to be one nation once again and that is why I am here to address the administrations of both Lakshadweep and Mahé.

"The Kingdom of Travancore hereby issues the following request to Lakshadweep and Mahé. Return home. Rejoin the Kingdom of Travancore so that the Malayali people can once again have a united homeland. Once united, our people can work together to protect Malayali culture and truly be a leading light in Asia."

Rama Varma VII paused for a moment, adopting a more severe expression before he continued.

"If Mahé and Lakshadweep refuse to rejoin the Kingdom of Travancore and unite the homeland of the Malayali people once more, then the correct decision shall be made for them. If we do not receive a response to our request within twenty-four hours then we shall take that as a rejection of our request and a rejection of the Malayali people's right to live within one united nation, and action shall be taken accordingly. To the citizens of Mahé and Lakshadweep, I offer the following pledge. You will not be harmed, you will not be the target of any military action, and you will not suffer as a result of any intransigence by your governments. Those who deny our people the right to be united, they are the ones who shall be the target of action. It is my hope that action will not be required, however. I hope that the administrations of Mahé and Lakshadweep will allow our people to once again be a united people, that they will peacefully accede to our request and that the Malayali people can once again stand proud with our own unified nation.

"Thank you."

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

25 October 2018 - 20:00hrs [UTC+8]
Palace of the Republic
Nanjing, Nanfang Republic

"So what are the initial findings of your analysis of the impact upon our economy if we were to impose sanctions on Freistaat Ostafrika?"

President Yang Mingshu cast an inquisitive eye over Finance Minister Ma Zhen and Commerce Minister Lin Jian as she waited for a response to her question. In anticipation of the OAG not providing sufficient reason for their sanctions on the Margrave corporate empire and therefore the Nanfang Republic potentially responding with their own comprehensive sanctions against Freistaat Ostafrika, President Yang had ordered the Ministry of Commerce and the Ministry of Finance to analyse trade between the two states and then report on the potential harm of such a move. While President Yang wished to assist the Margraves if she could, she would not do so if it would risk the economy of the Nanfang Republic. The announcement by Maharajah Rama Varma VII had now added some degree of urgency to the report as Nanjing would undoubtedly need to show some form of response to the situation, and it would be particularly helpful to have such information available. Ma Zhen quickly tapped a few times on the screen of the tablet that he held, a prime example of the Margrave links with the Nanfang government as Huawei held the contracts to supply tablets and smartphones for all government ministries. Aged sixty-two with a very 'bureaucratic' left parting hairstyle and steel-rimmed spectacles, Ma Zhen gave a deferential nod to President Yang as he spoke.

"Madam President, initial analysis shows that any initial impact upon our economy could be offset by increasing trade with other African nations. Coffee, cashews, and diamonds are our primary imports from Ostafrika but we can turn to the Shoshanga Kingdom and the Republic of Ndongo for those particular commodities. Admittedly it would take some time to switch over but I am certain that the Margrave family could assist in that process, given their...influence...in those nations."

"What of goods imported by Ostafrika?"

Lin Jian now took over the report. Aged thirty years old, she was the youngest Commerce Minister ever appointed in the Nanfang Republic but she had demonstrated clear ability as well as a knack for diplomacy. With her long brown hair worn in a sensible 'bun' style, she was often jokingly referred as 'Little Yang' for her similarity in style to the President.

"Madam President, we estimate that sanctions against Ostafrika would hit their middle and wealthier classes hardest. While they produce various consumer goods themselves, Ostafrika tends to import more intricate consumer goods from us such as smartphones, tablets, and similar electronics like the 'Z+' gaming console. it is our initial finding that while sanctions would undoubtedly hurt at first for Ostafrika, they could probably find other nations willing to continue trading with them. Equally, we should be able to make up any shortfalls in imports by increasing trade links with other African nations. Ultimately things would balance out for both nations. Given this potential outcome, would you like us to expand our analysis to possible sanctions against the Kingdom of Travancore and the Unified Arab Sultanate?"

"Not at this time, no. It is my hope that we might avoid sanctions against them in the interest of future relations." President Yang then turned her attention to Zhang Yong, the fifty-nine year old Minister for State Security. Yet another bearer of the bureaucratic left parting, Zhang Yong was best described as the sort of person that no-one ever really notice of unless he spoke, undoubtedly an interesting attribute for the head of the Nanfang Republic's intelligence and security agency. President Yang folded her arms rather gracefully before she addressed him.

"Minister Zhang, tell me something. If the Ministry of State Security were to be tasked with action against Freistaat Ostafrika, which courses of action would you envisage as most effective?"

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Layarteb
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Posts: 8416
Founded: Antiquity
Moralistic Democracy

Postby Layarteb » Tue Jan 29, 2019 7:43 pm



• • • † • • •



Thursday, October 25th, 2018 | 08:30 hrs [UTC-5]

Layarteb City, New York | Fortress of Comhghall
40° 41' 28" N, 74° 0' 58" W






It had been four hours since Rama Varma VII had given his speech from the Travancore throne about reuniting Mahé and Lakshadweep and the Empire, even the world, had been quiet thus far. In the Empire's defense, the message had been made at 04:30 and though it was noted by the duty officer in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and his counterparts in Defense and Intelligence, that was as far as it went. The Empire had only basic relations with Mahé and Lakshadweep, not because of any misgivings but rather because they were microstates with few needs. The Empire maintained its relations with both micronations via the Kingdom of Travancore and so there was little to do beyond accept what was happening.

In the Emperor's office, the topic had come up very early on in the meeting, chiefly because it was a low priority issue and getting through those first was ideal. This would allow the principals to focus more on the issues that mattered. "What do we make of this Travancore announcement?" The Emperor asked those assembled.

"It's of little to no bearing on us sir," answered Minister Fisher of Foreign Affairs, "and for all intents and purposes, it is a minor distraction - if even this - from the larger matter at hand between the OAG and the Margraves. The OAG is certainly backing the move by Travancore and that is more than sufficient for us to leave ourselves out of it."

"That larger matter at hand,"
began Minister Hill of Commerce, "is going to present a major complication in our relations between both nations. The OAG will be looking to us to take sides and we know Nanfang might want us to have some input. We maintain strong relations with both groups and we have no stake in this squabble sir."

"We do not,"
said the Emperor, "that much is clear. If we let Manchurian Global run amok we might have a stake in this but we keep them in check for just these reasons. The Margrave family is the wealthiest family on this planet with their hands in everything, especially the government in Nanjing. OAG is a corporation so large it has its own state. This is not an area we want to tread. Timothy, I want a statement making it clear that the Empire sees these squabbles as counterproductive to the global economy as a whole. We urge both sides to settle their differences without the need for punitive sanctions that could present problems for third-party entities. What do the Margraves own here?"

"Quite a few entities sir,"
answered Minister Hill, "they have independent holdings and subsidiaries of their main holdings in Nanfang."

"Right, Timothy add to this that the Empire rejects the call for sanctions against Margrave companies based within the Empire as that would be tantamount to placing sanctions on the Empire herself. The Empire is not a nation that believes much in sanctions due to their limited effectiveness and propensity for collateral damage. Therefore, the Empire shall not act against any Margrave-owned companies here unless they are found to be violating Layartebian, and we must stress this point, law."

"Yes sir, we'll have it drafted by this evening."

"Very good, now does this clear the agenda item?"
Heads nodded and the Emperor sought to continue.



• • • † • • •


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-The United Federation of Nations-
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Posts: 137
Founded: Apr 10, 2018
Ex-Nation

Postby -The United Federation of Nations- » Sat Feb 02, 2019 1:33 pm

Sub-Commander William Rutledge, UDF
USS Mount Rainier FFG-135
Gulf of Aden
Thursday 18th October 2018, 1500hrs Local Time


The Peak-Class guided missile frigate, USS Mount Rainier, was crushing in the Gulf of Aden as part of Task Force 41, the United Federation’s deployment in support of the multinational anti-piracy operations in the area, when she received her new orders. By and large it was a boring and frustration posting, if important, as the pirates tended not to attack ships steaming along in company of a warship, and more often than not those ships that they did attack were (deliberately) far enough away from naval patrols that it was far too late by the time help arrived. It was not to say that the work of Mount Rainier, and the other ships in her Task Force weren’t doing important valuable work; the attacks that they had deterred could never truly be calculated, but rather than it felt like they weren’t doing an awful lot simply cruising alongside merchantmen for weeks on end. Sub-Commander William Rutledge, the ship’s commanding officer who, under the United Defence Force’s unified rank structure held a rank equivalent to that of a ‘Commander’ in most other navies, had been working hard over the past weeks to keep his crew motivated and aware of the value of their works.

It was not easy, however, but officers as high as FEDNAVCOM (Federal Naval Command) were doing their level best to highlight the critical role played by Task Force 41, and the other commerce protection groups. Indeed, there was talk of a specific medal to be awarded to those officers and ratings that had conducted commerce protection patrols, much as there was in ballistic missile submarines. After all, the United Federation of Nations relied upon trade, not just internationally but between its own member nations spread out as they were across the globe, and protecting that trade was a key duty of the Federal Navy, and the wider UDF Fleet family. The good news, however, was that Mount Rainier was due to be relieved on-station by the USS Humboldt, as she was due to return to UDF Naval Station Bahrain for a maintenance period, and some much-needed leave time for the crew. The Humboldt was due the following morning where they would exchange passing honours before heading off on their respective duties.

That had been the plan, anyway.

Sub-Commander Rutledge had been in his cabin, reviewing the performance reviews of his officers that his Executive Officer had been compiling over the last few weeks, when the internal telephone handset on the bulkhead began to ring incessantly, demanding an answer.

“Commanding Officer,” Rutledge said simply.

“Communications Officer, Sir,” Lieutenant (SG) Samuel Montoya replied promptly. “I’ve got Commander, 4th Fleet for you.”

“Route it down here,” Rutledge frowned, his interest piqued. “Marshal Frasier, Sir.”

A few moments later the voice of Marshal James Frasier, the Commander of the 4th Fleet of the Federal Navy. The 4th Fleet was responsible for all naval activities in the Persian Gulf, Indian Ocean and Red Sea area of operations, and had been stood up following Bahrain and Qatar joining the Federation as member-nation. Previously, operations in this part of the world had been the responsibility of the 3rd Fleet, which concerned itself with the Mediterranean, whenever they were required, which had not been often. With two member-nation now in the theatre the Federal Navy had decided it needed a dedicated command.

“Sub-Commander Rutledge, I’ve got new orders for you; a short time ago a reconnaissance satellite operated by UDF Intelligence, tasked with watching the major Ostafrikan naval base at Dar Es Salaam observed a Ostafrikan task group depart from the base,”
Marshal Frasier replied without preamble, known as he was for his to-the-point nature. “The task group set a course approximately north north east, with a predicted destination being somewhere in the Indian subcontinent… now this may just be in support of their client states in the area, but it may be more.”

“What is the composition of the group, Sir?” Rutledge queried.

“UDF Intelligence’s analysts are calling it one assault ship, with two destroyers and three frigates running escort, it’s the amphibious ship that’s raising questions at UDF Command,” Frasier replied after a moment. “Their course takes them to the Indian Subcontinent, but there’s every chance it could alter course for the Persian Gulf, as the advance landing force for an attempt to take Qatar or Bahrain.”

Rutledge nodded thoughtfully; the United Federation of Nations did not have any hostile intentions towards the Ostafrikans, indeed as a point of policy and philosophy the UFN did not have any hostile attentions against any other nation-state. However, after the tensions around Qatar and Bahrain, and after the United Arab Sultanate became an Ostafrikan client-state, it was only prudent for the Federation, and the United Defence Force, to treat the Ostafrikans with a degree of suspicion and to keep a careful eye on them. That was the reason that UDF Intelligence had been tasking an expensive reconnaissance satellite to keep an eye on one of their main naval bases. However, now that the naval group was on the move tracking it by satellite would not be as simple, and it would be far easier for the Ostafrikans to break contract if they altered course between overflights. As such, getting a warship on the tail of the group, to shadow at a close but ‘respectful’ distance, was a no-brainer of a decision by UDF Command. A single frigate was, obviously, grossly outgunned by a force of that size but her purpose wasn’t to engage, rather it was simply to follow and keep tabs on the group so that if it turned towards Federation territory in the Persian Gulf then UDF Command would know soonest.

“We’re to shadow the group, Sir?” Rutledge asked, almost rhetorically.

“That’s correct, we’ll keep track of them for as long as possible and feed you updates, but your Navigation Officer should be able to plot an intercept course based on their current track,” Frasier affirmed. “I’m sure I don’t need to say this to an officer of your calibre, but for the record your orders are to shadow only, you will not engage without specific orders from me, or unless you’re fired upon.”

“Understood, Sir,” Rutledge said simply. “We’ll get underway immediately.“

Sub-Commander William Rutledge, UDF
USS Mount Rainier FFG-135
Indian Ocean
Thursday 25rd October 2018, 1500hrs Local Time


Sub-Commander Rutledge pinched the bridge of his nose as he looked out from the bridge of his ship across the sea to where he could see the outermost ship of the escort group around the Ostafrikan naval group. The Mount Rainier had made her unofficial rendezvous with her targets a few days previously and had shadowed them ever since. They had exchanged pleasantries upon initial contact but then the Federation frigate had settled into a shadowing position just inside visual range of the group; far enough away to be ‘respectful’ but close enough to make clear that the UDF was aware of the Ostafrikan activities and that they were keeping an eye on them. There had been no issues in the following few days, the Mount Rainier had kept its distance and the Ostafrikan task group had not (overtly) objected to their presence. They might not have been tremendously happy about it, but it was international waters and as much as the Ostafrikans were entitled to their right to transit peacefully (or whatever they were up to) so did the Federation… and if that peaceful transit happened to have them shadowing the Ostafrikans then it was, technically, a fortunate happenstance.

That being said, Rutledge had been fully aware of the potential for the Ostafrikans to turn and engage him. If they were intending to alter course at the last minute and take themselves into the Persian Gulf then it stood to reason that they knew that they would have to engage the UDF, and as such taking out the frigate shadowing them would be the first order of business. As such the Mount Rainier had been at condition two readiness for the duration; a step down from general quarters in that it allowed the crew to get proper rest and substance, but still at a heightened readiness state. This had been hard on the crew, but after weeks of boredom and monotony it hadn’t had quite as bad an effect as Rutledge had feared, indeed the majority of his crew appeared to be relishing the change of pace, and the chance to be doing something ‘important’.

It was shortly after quarter past the hour when news reached the Mount Rainier about their part in a far larger, and more sinister, operation than they had truly been expecting. The handset on the station in front of Rutledge’s command chair buzzed, and the quartermaster of the watch crossed to answer it before turning to the Sub-Commander and handing him the phone.

“Commo has a relay from 4th Fleet, Sir,” The Quartermaster reported.

Rutledge nodded and accepted the handset.

“Marshal Frasier, Sir.”

“Sub-Commander Rutledge,” Frasier replied crisply. “Have you heard anything from UDF Intelligence?”

“No sir,” Rutledge frowned. “Has something happened?”

“Good I got to you first; Ostafrika’s tame Maharajah has just gone on national television within the Kingdom of Travancore, and revealed that there is to be an attempt to acquire Lakshadweep and Mahé, by force if they do not surrender without a fight,” Frasier explained grimly. “Given the heading those ships are on it stands to reason that the Ostafrikan group is intended to launch an amphibious assault to take both the territories by force if needs be, sounds like some quid pro quo for one of their client states.”

Rutledge was silent for a moment. Truth be told he had expected it to be a routine deployment, some form of training exercise with the Maharajah’s own military forces, rather than anything else. Instead it was the vanguard of expansionism, at best, and Ostafrika flexing its muscles, at worst. Although it went against everything that Rutledge believed in he hoped that the locals surrendered without a fight, he knew from intelligence briefings that they had no chance of withstanding any sort of military offensive, much less one the size that an amphibious group like the one he was shadowing could provide.

“Do you want me to stop them, Sir,” Rutledge asked finally, ignoring the fact he was outnumbered and outgunned.

“Unfortunately, no, we have no existing relationship with either state, and without that, or any direct request for protection, I suspect the appetite for intervention in the Federation Council on this matter will be slim to none,” Frasier replied heavily, and Rutledge could hear the regret. “I expect the President and the Council will have some form of response to all of this, possibly sanctions, but I doubt there’ll be military action… that being said, I’ve ordered Task Force 43 to move to a position in the Arabian Sea.”

Rutledge nodded to himself; Task Force 43 was the 4th Fleet's quick response squadron, consisting of a heavy cruiser, two destroyers and four frigates, it was specifically designed to respond to regional events such as this, even if its likelihood of actually being committed to action was slim.

“Understood,” Rutledge said flatly. “What do you want Mount Rainier to do?”


“As much as this may turn out to be something or a morbid order, I want you to observe,” Frasier answered after a moment of silence and more obvious regret. “We need someone to keep contact with the group and directly observe… that someone is you.”

Understood, Sir,” Rutledge repeated.

“Good, I’ll keep you informed of any developments,” Frasier said simply. “4th Fleet, Out.”

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Freistaat-Ostafrika
Envoy
 
Posts: 280
Founded: Apr 10, 2018
Corporate Police State

Postby Freistaat-Ostafrika » Tue Feb 05, 2019 1:22 pm

26 October 2018 - 10:00hrs [UTC +5:30]
Kuthiramalika Palace
Thiruvananthapuram, Kingdom of Travancore

The previous day's ultimatum by Maharajah Rama Varma VII had initially been greeted with surprise in the Lakshadweep capital of Kavaratti and the city-state of Mahé, and the surprise had turned to concern when they realised that an Ostafrikan naval task force had arrived in the region, slowing down and staying just outside Lakshadweep's territorial waters as the vessels began to gradually make their way towards Travancore in an obvious demonstration of strength. A flurry of communication had followed between Kavaratti and Mahé as the two microstates scrambled to discuss their options; in truth, their options were incredibly limited. The Foreign Office of Travancore were therefore unsurprised and rather pleased when they received word at 02:30hrs on 26 October that both the First Minister of Lakshadweep and the Governor of Mahé wished to visit Kuthiramalika Palace to personally meet with Rama Varma VII with the intention of ending the brewing crisis. Both elected to fly via private aircraft to the Travancore capital to expedite matters as a business jet would take less than an hour to reach Thiruvananthapuram from either Kavaratti or Mahé; Governor Purushothaman of Mahé was the first to arrive, with First Minister Selvaraj of Lakshadweep arriving about half an hour later. Each state leader was greeted at Trivandrum International Airport by a small delegation of Travancore officials who promptly dispatched them via police-escorted car to Kuthiramalika Palace, where they would be met by Rama Varma VII and Prime Minister Bhajan Panachayil. Although Freistaat Ostafrika were providing overt military intimidation to support the Maharajah's position, it had been decided that Finanzberater Gerhard Fischer would stay away from the discussions in an attempt to 'leave it to the Malayali people'. Admittedly there was not a great deal to discuss. Rama Varma VII reiterated his request to have Lakshadweep and Mahé reintegrate into the Kingdom of Travancore so that the Malayali homeland would once again be a unified state, arguing that such a move would not only strengthen the Malayali people as a whole but it would also prevent 'aggressive colonial powers' from taking the territories and forever putting reunification out of reach. Purushothaman and Selvaraj were also guaranteed the position of District Magistrate over their respective territories once they were brought back under royal control, in an attempt to appeal to them on a more personal level by not forcing them out of a position of influence.

It was left to Prime Minister Panachayil to lay out the alternative and be the 'bad cop' in the meeting. Refusing to reintegrate with the Kingdom of Travancore would result in the Lakshadweep Islands being invaded by the Ostafrikan task force which was currently skirting the microstate's territorial waters. First Minister Selvaraj would be arrested and charged with treason against the Kingdom of Travancore, while Mahé would then have one final opportunity to reintegrate or they would be next on the target list. The message was that compliance would lead to reward while non-compliance would lead to punishment. Neither microstate would stand much of a chance, if any at all, against the Ostafrikan task force which was now in the region, so there was essentially only one option on the table.

This was the reason why all broadcast media in the Kingdom of Travancore abandoned their usual programming at 10:00hrs on the morning of October 26th, nineteen hours after the Maharajah's ultimatum had first been issued forth. Emanating from the throne room of Kuthiramalika Palace just as the previous broadcast had done, this time Rama Varma VII was not alone as Governor Purushothaman sat on the closest bench to the Maharajah's left while First Minister Selvaraj sat on the bench closest to Rama Varma VII's right. The young monarch issued a warm smile as he began to address the viewers of the broadcast.

"Citizens of Travancore, peoples of the world. Nineteen hours ago I issued a request to the State of Mahé and the Lakshadweep Islands on behalf of the Kingdom of Travancore, a request for reunification. I did so in the belief that the Malayali people should be united under one nation so that we may present a united front on the world stage during these rapidly-shifting times in international politics. I was greatly heartened by the fact that both Governor Purushothaman of Mahé and First Minister Selvaraj of Lakshadweep responded by personally coming here to discuss the matter with me in person, as it demonstrated just how seriously they viewed the idea of reunification. We have had several hours of frank, honest, and productive dialogue, and I am overjoyed to be able to announce that both Governor Purushothaman and First Minister Selvaraj agree with me on the need for the Malayali people to once again be as one. They have been in contact with the resident administrations of their territories to relay the result of our discussions and it is now my privilege to reveal that result to the wider world.

"Effective immediately, both the State of Mahé and the Lakshadweep Islands are renouncing their assertion of independence. Governor Purushothaman and First Minister Selvaraj have both signed declarations in support of that fact. Mahé and Lakshadweep shall henceforth become the fifteenth and sixteenth districts of the Kingdom of Travancore respectively, while Governor Purushothaman and First Minister Selvaraj shall remain in administration with the position of District Magistrate. They were, after all, chosen as administrators by their people and I intend to respect that choice. While there are still processes to follow in order to achieve full and seamless reintegration, those processes shall begin immediately."

The Maharajah exchanged respectful nods with his two newest District Magistrates before once again addressing the viewing audience.

"Now that the Malayali people have a united homeland once more, we can engage the international community with the confidence that comes with being a united people. While our voice may not be the loudest, it carries the wisdom of a rich and vibrant culture. I am certain that there is much that we can teach others, and much that we could possibly learn. It is my hope that other nations will understand and accept the Malayali people's desire for unity, this is not the beginning of a campaign of conquest but simply bringing our people back under one flag. The Kingdom of Travancore harbours no ambition over any other territories."

----------------------------------------------------


26 October 2018 - 11:30hrs [UTC+4]
Zabeel Palace
Dubai, Unified Arab Sultanate

While Muscat was the capital of the Unified Arab Sultanate due to being the capital of the ruling Al Said dynasty which had formed the UAS, the city of Dubai came in as a very close 'second city'. The capital of the Emirate of Dubai and home to a population almost twice that of Muscat, Dubai had seen its development kickstarted by oil and gas revenue but the city of some three million people was now better known for trade, tourism, aviation, real estate, and financial services. It was also well known for being the home of the 2,722 ft-tall Burj Arabia skyscraper which towered over the rest of the city as a monument to Dubai's progress and wealth, as well as the Palm Jumeirah artificial archipelago which was the site of numerous luxurious hotels, boutiques, and restaurants. The Al Maktoum dynasty had ruled the Emirate of Dubai since 1833 and were one of the three most powerful families in the Sultanate alongside the Al Said dynasty and the Al Nahyan dynasty which ruled the Emirate of Abu Dhabi; the Al Maktoum residence of Zabeel Palace reflected their status within the UAS, a gleaming white and gold palace complex built in the 'Modern Islamic' architectural style. The immaculately landscaped grounds were currently being used as an open air discussion forum by the thirty-seven year old Emir Rashid Al Maktoum, who was meeting with the seventy year old Murad bin Zayed Al Nahyan, the Emir of Abu Dhabi, and Murad's fifty-seven year old son Khalil bin Zayed Al Nahyan. The three influential individuals had decided to meet in the wake of the Travancore situation as the Sultanate had been given no advance warning by Ostafrika about it, instead they had received a courtesy call from Maharajah Rama Varma VII before he made his initial declaration calling for Malayali reunification. Murad and Khalil had arrived in Dubai in order to observe the unfolding developments in the comfort of Rashid's hospitality, finding it interesting that Sultan Ibrahim had not deemed it necessary to call a meeting of the Royal Advisory Council to discuss any potential Sultanate response. Now that Rama Varma VII had announced that Mahé and Lakshadweep had surrendered, the three individuals were contemplating the current political climate in the region.

"I don't know about you, my friends, but I am beginning to believe that we were sold a very poor deal."

Murad and his son nodded politely as Rashid expressed his sentiments in a location where they were certain to be unheard by the 'wrong people'. "First we were told that Ostafrika could help us bring Bahrain and Qatar in the UAS, that did not happen. Then we were convinced to allow Ostafrikan forces into our nation because they would help to protect us from the UFN and the terrorists in Yemen. While it is true that we have not been targeted since those forces arrived, this does not mean that they are responsible for us not being targeted. I could equally claim that the grass we are currently walking on is responsible for keeping the UFN at bay. Then we were told that if the UAS were to join the Ostafrikan free trade zone, we would all become wealthier with greater influence and our nation would become stronger. Personally, I do not feel wealthier or more influential as a result of our application. We are currently integrating into the zone and I cannot say that we are experiencing any significant benefits thus far. We have Ostafrikan soldiers and Ostafrikan aircraft within our borders, Ostafrikan naval vessels using our port facilities, and we are integrating into Ostafrika's free trade zone.

"Yet since we agreed all of this, the Kingdom of Travancore are the ones to have made territorial gains. I have no animosity towards Rama Varma VII in that regard, I can certainly empathise with his desire to see his people united. It just galls me that Ostafrika failed to support our claims on Bahrain and Qatar, but they have no issue supporting Travancore's claims over two much smaller and weaker states. We are also being expected to follow Ostafrika's lead in imposing sanctions on the Margrave family's corporations. Let's be honest, the only reason we went with Ostafrika over the Margraves was because of Bahrain and Qatar. Can either of you say that you would've gone with Ostafrika if you knew then what you know now? I certainly wouldn't have done so. If the OAG don't back down soon, I fear for what might happen. What happens if we follow Dar es Salaam's lead and impose sanctions on companies headquartered in the Nanfang Republic? We do a lot more trade with the Republic than Ostafrika does, what if Nanjing tried sanctions on us? Even the Empire of Layarteb have come out against the Ostafrikan sanctions and they rarely get involved in such things."

Khalil chimed in. "At the moment the Council are delaying the sanctions, but how long before our beloved Ostafrikan-educated Sultan sides with the holders of his leash? He went to school with them, he prefers them because they flatter his ego while we then appear troublesome because we're looking out for the Sultanate's best interests rather than Ostafrika's."

Rashid nodded vigorously. "Exactly, exactly. Now, certain members of the civil service who examined the whole free trade zone agreement believe that we might be able to withdraw from it through some creative interpretation of the text, but we'd need Sultan Ibrahim on board for that. Nevermind needing some way to deflect the subsequent response from Dar es Salaam. I suggest that we continue to stall on the idea of sanctions against the Margraves, the rest of the Royal Advisory Council should have no problem with that. There are some avenues that I wish to explore while we continue to keep options open."

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Postby Freistaat-Ostafrika » Sat Feb 09, 2019 3:01 pm

27 October 2018 - 18:00hrs [UTC +8]
Great Hall of the Republic
Nanjing, Nanfang Republic

As a legislative body, the National Assembly of the Nanfang Republic was impressive albeit rather skewed. The Assembly was comprised of three hundred and thirty-eight delegates: eighteen provincial representatives, two hundred and seven prefectural representatives, and one hundred and thirteen representatives appointed by the President of the Republic via party lists. In practise this all but guaranteed a majority for the incumbent political party, which since 1909 had been the Constitutional Democrat Party. The CDP counted several luminaries of the Nanfang Republic throughout their history and had played a leading role in the shape of the Republic since their ascension to power. Sun Yat-sen had been the first CDP President and was viewed as the 'Father of the Modern Republic' as he had moved the capital from Guangzhou to Nanjing in 1911, as well as reforming the political system into what it was today. His successor Chiang Kai-shek had overseen the industrial and technological advancement of the Nanfang Republic, while his close ties with the Margrave and Liao families gave them the opportunity to act with practical impunity; it was during this time that the Margraves truly catapulted themselves from a regional power into a national one as President Chiang granted them the concessions which created the Margrave Oil Company. Yang Mingshu was now following in the footsteps of these two titans of the CDP as she prepared to address the National Assembly on a growing situation which could cement the Nanfang Republic as a true 'great power'.

The Great Hall of the Republic was the seat of the National Assembly, constructed in 1913 out of reinforced concrete. There was no grand showy architecture on the exterior of the building, simply red framing around the windows and doors to provide some colour to break up the almost-monolithic grey of the concrete. The interior of the Great Hall differed greatly from the exterior however, as cornices, doors and windows, canopies and hallways were all decorated with simplified traditional patterns. The actual hall itself was fully air conditioned, featuring three hundred and thirty-eight seats arranged in a a multi-tiered semicircular platform facing a central stage and rostrum in the front of the hall, all equipped with automatic voting systems and translation devices. A further seven hundred seats were part of the overlooking gallery on the second floor, also fitted with translation devices; these seven hundred seats were primarily used by the media and visiting dignitaries. As there had been much talk regarding President Yang's imminent address that evening, the gallery was packed with security-cleared media as well as government ministers and various prominent Nanfang citizens including Alexander Margrave, as President Yang's address would be of particular relevance to him and his family's interests. As the time turned to 18:00hrs, the President of the Nanfang Republic strode purposefully across the stage to the rostrum, receiving a standing ovation from the National Assembly delegates and those in the gallery. With her hair pulled up in its usual sensible style, wearing a black pantsuit and with a pair of stylish spectacles perched on her nose, President Yang took her place at the rostrum and waited patiently until the applause faded into silence and her audience took their seats.

"Thank you for your kind greeting. Representatives of the National Assembly, government ministers, members of the media, distinguished guests. I am here this evening to address you and the citizens of the Nanfang Republic on a serious matter which requires action on our behalf. As you are all undoubtedly aware, the nation of Freistaat Ostafrika recently imposed sanctions upon Margrave Holdings and its subsidiaries due to what they call 'matters of national security'. I believe that it is safe to say that virtually all of us here in the Nanfang Republic either own a product or use a service provided by a corporate holding of the Margrave family. The Margrave family and their businesses are an important part of our economy and are also an important partner for our government. Their roots in our nation stretch back to before the founding of the Nanfang Republic in 1859. They have been citizens of the Republic since the beginning, and they are living proof of the inclusive nature of our nation as Nanfang citizenship is not dependent on a person's ethnic background. My government and I were understandably surprised to hear the claims of the Margraves being a threat to Ostafrika's national security, so we requested that the Ostafrikan authorities provide us with the evidence to support their claims. It has now been one week, and we have received nothing.

"After discussing the matter with Alexander Margrave, who we have here with us this evening-" President Yang gestured to Alexander in the gallery, resulting in applause from the rest of the attendees as the Margrave patriarch offered a respectful nod in response, "we have determined that there is no such national security threat. The imposition of sanctions came swiftly after the Shoshanga Kingdom signed a deal with the Margrave Oil Company with regard to natural gas exploration. That is why Ostafrika has imposed sanctions, because the Shoshanga Kingdom chose to deal with the Margrave Oil Company rather than their Ostafrikan neighbours. It would appear that the leadership of the Ostafrikanische Gesellschaft are motivated by pettiness in this move. I have given a great deal of thought to the best way of handling this situation. By imposing sanctions on Margrave Holdings and its subsidiaries, they are imposing sanctions on corporations of the Nanfang Republic. By slandering them with claims of being a national security threat, they are slandering corporations of the Nanfang Republic. The Empire of Layarteb responded with a statement, and I quote, 'rejecting the call for sanctions against Margrave companies based within the Empire as that would be tantamount to placing sanctions on the Empire herself'. What Ostafrika has done is tantamount to not only imposing sanctions on the Nanfang Republic, but slandering us as well. This calls for a response."

She paused and sipped at a glass of water as the attendees all applauded loudly, then continued. "The Nanfang Republic will demonstrate once again that we are the more enlightened nation in all of this. We gave Ostafrika time and opportunity, and they ignored it. We now give them one final opportunity to demonstrate that we have tried to solve this amicably. Freistaat Ostafrika has twenty-four hours to lift the sanctions imposed upon the companies of the Margrave family. I have consulted with several other national leaders who are sympathetic to our position, so I can announce that failure to comply will result in comprehensive sanctions imposed upon Freistaat Ostafrika by the Nanfang Republic, the Republic of Nigeria, the Kingdom of Orungu, the Republic of Ndongo, and the Shoshanga Kingdom. A message must be sent to Präsident Friedrich Luxenberg that Freistaat Ostafrika and the Ostafrikanische Gesellschaft cannot avoid the consequences of their actions."

More applause followed before President Yang spoke again. "There is an element of hope in all this, however. The Unified Arab Sultanate and the Kingdom of Travancore have yet to follow Ostafrika's lead in imposing sanctions upon the Margrave family's corporations. Evidently Sultan Ibrahim al-Said and Maharajah Rama Varma VII are more sensible and practical than their 'friends'. The Nanfang Republic has no quarrel with either the UAS or Travancore, and I would ask that both nations do their best to convince the Ostafrikanische Gesellschaft leadership that lifting the sanctions is in the best interest of all sides. If Ostafrika will not listen, then I might advise the Unified Arab Sultanate and the Kingdom of Travancore to seek out friends who respect their opinion and wish to establish a truly harmonious relationship with them. I, for one, would like to congratulate the Malayali people on the reunification of their homeland. I know that I speak for all of us here when I say that the Nanfang Republic looks forward to engaging with the Kingdom of Travancore in accordance with the wishes expressed in Maharajah Rama Varma VII's speech."

She cast her gaze around the hall and nodded as she received yet more applause in response to her speech.

"The Nanfang Republic has granted one final opportunity for Freistaat Ostafrika to abort their current course of action and return to the realm of reason. If they fail to do so, then the consequences are clear. If sanctions are imposed and the Ostafrikan leadership respond with further escalation through some form of retaliation, the Nanfang Republic and our friends will not hesitate to respond. We have given them every opportunity to see sense. If punishment becomes necessary, then we shall not shrink from our duty."

President Yang adopted a defiant expression as the attendees rose to their feet to give her a standing ovation, the gauntlet firmly thrown down to Dar es Salaam.

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Postby Freistaat-Ostafrika » Tue Feb 26, 2019 3:48 pm

28 October 2018 - 21:00hrs [UTC +8]
House of the Tree Penthouse
Shenzhen, Guangdong Province
Nanfang Republic

Despite the final twenty-four hour warning issued by Nanjing, Freistaat Ostafrika continued to maintain their sanctions on the corporate holdings of the Margrave family. What had initially been a reaction to the Margrave Oil Company's success in courting the Shoshanga Kingdom had now become a major diplomatic situation between two influential nations, and the OAG's Aufsichstrat had no intention of backing down. After all, the OAG had established Ostafrika and created a regional power in the Indian Ocean in spite of what conventional wisdom had said would be possible. As far as the Aufsichstrat was concerned, the OAG and Ostafrika had proven the nay-sayers wrong in the past and they would do so once again, garnering additional prestige and influence in the process. This situation was not quite on the same level as the OAG's previous 'victories over the odds', however. They were not facing inclement weather or hostile neighbouring tribes who lacked technological parity with the Ostafrikans and could therefore be worn down over time. Instead they faced the Margrave family, a clan which had been involved in the assassination of a Layartebian President and survived. A family which had relocated to a foreign land and patiently rebuilt themselves, amassing enough influence in their new homeland that their former homeland actually forgave their sins in return for their assistance. On the grand chess board of the current 'sanctions crisis' the Margraves had a greater number of advantages in their favour than the OAG. The Nanfang Republic and President Yang Mingshu practically made the match into a two-on-one, as President Yang and the Asian powerhouse were more than capable of playing the game against the OAG on their own bu here they were playing alongside their Margrave friends. The four African governments who were allied to the Margraves knew that siding with them in this situation would not only result in rewards such as payoffs and continued political support, it would endear them to the Nanfang Republic and open up potential new avenues for arms deals and military cooperation as well as increased trade. Meanwhile, the OAG's two client states were not towing the party line in any particularly meaningful way. The Unified Arab Sultanate's government seemed intent on frustrating their own Sultan as a pushback against Ostafrikan calls for the UAS to join the sanctions against the Margraves, while the Kingdom of Travancore remained silent on the issue now that they were riding high on their reunification with Lakshadweep and Mahé. When the time reached 18:00hrs [UTC +8] on 28 October, the twenty-four hours were up and President Yang proved to be a woman of her word. Sweeping sanctions were brought into effect against the OAG and all of its subsidiaries, which in practise meant the vast majority of the Ostafrikan economy. As promised the sanctions from the Nanfang Republic were quickly followed by similar sanctions being brought against the OAG and Ostafrika by the Republic of Nigeria, the Kingdom of Orungu, the Republic of Ndongo, and the Shoshanga Kingdom. In addition the government in Nanjing issued a clear warning to Dar es Salaam that any form of military response against any of those four African nations would result in military action against Ostafrikan forces.

Three hours later, Lysander Margrave stood gazing out of the glass walls of the House of the Tree Penthouse, idly sipping at some champagne while the bright lights of Shenzhen occupied his field of vision. However, as he was rather deep in thought the city's shimmering colours were not registering as vividly as they usually might have. Darui stepped up next to him clutching his own champagne, smirking slightly to himself as he noticed Lysander's thoughtful expression before leaning closer and clinking his glass against his husband's to get his attention. Darui beamed as Lysander turned his head to face him.

"Million yuan for your thoughts? I know you'd never share them for just one."

"Very funny. I've been trying to think what Grandfather is going to do now that Ostafrika is under sanctions from our friends, Alexander Margrave is not the sort of person who would simply leave things at that. As these sanctions begin to bite there'll be blood in the water, and the Margrave shark will come out to feast. That shark never feasts without a plan though. Working to have the Unified Arab Sultanate and the Kingdom of Travancore break away from the OAG's influence, that's a given. Accomplishing that would give the Margrave Oil Company another shot at securing the reserves of the UAS. Long-term though, that's what I'm trying to figure out. What's his endgame?"

Darui screwed his face up slightly as he considered the question himself. "Well, the UAS and Travancore would probably end up floating into the Nanfang Republic's orbit as Nanjing could become their new patron, one which would be extremely hands-off in political and economic terms. That would then result in, what, six states entering the Nanfang Republic's sphere of influence? Nigeria, Orungu, Ndongo, Shoshanga, Travancore, and the UAS. That would be quite a coup for President Yang, such a foreign policy success would secure her position for life."

"Hmm, I was thinking more along the lines of what Grandfather intends for Ostafrika and the OAG. He's not the sort of person to just leave a potential enemy backed into a corner, no matter how weakened they might be."

"Regime change?"

Lysander chuckled lightly. "That would be one hell of a regime change, it would involve undoing all of the tangled threads of the OAG throughout Ostafrika. Unless you're talking corporate regime change of course, companies change management and direction all the time. That would still be one hell of an undertaking though, we'd need shares in the OAG and a potential new Präsident before we could even really get started. Then we'd need support from other shareholders or the support of the majority of the board of directors, depending on what their corporate law is like and how the company itself is structured."

Darui smirked. "Surely then, it's a good thing to be part of the most formidable corporate family on the planet. Takeovers and corporate espionage are like second nature to the Margraves, it's in the blood. The OAG might be an old and massive corporation but they're still a corporation. If I had to back either a corporate entity which built itself through oppression and force, or a corporate entity which built itself through politics and espionage, I know which one I'd go for."

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Postby Freistaat-Ostafrika » Sat Mar 16, 2019 10:59 am

4 November 2018 - 20:00hrs [UTC +4]
Zabeel Palace
Dubai, Unified Arab Sultanate

"Thank you for coming here this evening, my friends. There has been some movement on the most important matter facing our nation and I wished to inform you of it in person to avoid any potential surveillance."

Emir Murad bin Zayed Al Nahyan of Abu Dhabi and his son Khalil both nodded respectfully in response to the words spoken by Emir Rashid Al Maktoum of Dubai. The two had come to visit Rashid's residence in Dubai once again as it was now eight days since the imposition of sanctions against Freistaat Ostafrika and the OAG by the Nanfang Republic and a number of other nations; Rashid had hinted something about a 'development' in his message to them but had refrained from expanding on that in case anyone from the more pro-OAG elements of the Sultanate's elite had started monitoring them. During their previous meeting in Dubai, Rashid had hinted that there were 'other avenues' that he wished to explore while the Sultanate's Royal Advisory Council continued to stall on the idea of sanctions against the Margrave family's corporate holdings, and by the way he was talking it sounded as if these other avenues may have led somewhere. The three of them sat in one of Zabeel Palace's opulent lounges, comfortably settled in plush white armchairs which all had mahogany side tables next to them so that beverages could be easily positioned within reach. Rashid sipped at his orange juice before continuing.

"I have been in contact with Alexander Margrave."

The two Abu Dhabian nobles shifted in their seats and it was evident that their attention had been captured even more completely than previously. "We won't ask how, but we will ask what he had to say." Khalil leaned forward even more. "If there is some form of offer from the Margraves then the rest of the Royal Advisory Council might be receptive to more than simply stalling."

"Put simply, our conversation was very constructive. He recognises that the Margrave Oil Company lost out to the OAG because of Sultan Ibrahim's ascent to the throne and the fact that Ostafrika were going to help us gain control of Bahrain and Qatar. He also recognises that there are those of us who, knowing what we do now, would prefer to cast off Ostafrika and instead return to the relationship that was planned with the Margrave family. The Sultanate's continued stalling with regard to sanctions against the Margraves has led him to make us an offer as he sees the potential for the UAS to step away from the OAG with some degree of assistance.

"Mister Margrave has informed me that if the Royal Advisory Council were to carry out a palace coup against Sultan Ibrahim, the Nanfang Republic and several African nations can be guaranteed to provide official diplomatic recognition for any new government which arises from such a coup. He will also make available to us a currently unspecified amount of money for the purposes of ensuring the cooperation of those we would need on our side if we are to carry out a palace coup, as well as the services of African mercenaries if we think that we may require them in order to put such a plan into action."

Murad looked rather pensive as he listened. "What would Mister Margrave want in return for all this?"

"That's very simple. Part of what he would want will have already been accomplished, namely the Unified Arab Sultanate splitting from Ostafrika's free trade zone and instead entering the friendly orbit of the Nanfang Republic and the Margrave family. As for the rest, I think it is quite clear what he would want. The Margrave Oil Company acquiring forty-nine percent of the National Oil and Gas Corporation and the pursuit of the sort of relationship that many of us were envisioning with the Margraves."

Khalil nodded slowly. "The Margrave corporate empire using the UAS as a gateway into the Middle East. All of that corporate investment flowing in with preferential consultancy payments for all concerned. Once the Margraves open us as a gateway, the rest of the Nanfang Republic's corporations would likely follow. We already trade with them and we have some regional headquarters positioned here, but imagine how things would proceed. Nanfang military technology, the facilities currently used by Ostafrika could be turned over to the Republic. Nanfang Republic forces positioned to strike against Al-Shams if they attempt to cross the border from Yemen. We could host a major Nanfang naval base, I imagine that they would love to have such a facility in the Indian Ocean. Although we currently have the agreement in principle with Ostafrika to construct the new Joint Logistics Support Base at Duqm, the Nanfang Republic could easily step in and assume Ostafrika's side of the project."

Rashid smiled slightly. "Don't forget Africa. Although the Margrave corporations have entrenched interests in several African nations, we could easily gain better access to agricultural land and the like. We could acquire agricultural land across Africa and thereby solve any potential food security issues, nevermind the possible increase in agricultural trade with the Nanfang Republic. Aside from the issue of the Ostafrikan presence in our nation, the major hurdle I can see is that we don't really have an alternative ruler to take the throne if we depose Sultan Ibrahim."

Murad chimed in at that point. "Perhaps, considering the debacle that we find ourselves in at the moment, it may be time to forget about a Unified Arab Sultanate. If the Emirs were to overthrow the Sultan, it may become more appropriate to consider our nation as the Unified Arab Emirates."

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Postby Freistaat-Ostafrika » Fri Apr 05, 2019 3:38 pm

21 November 2018 - 07:00hrs [UTC +8]
Nanfang News Agency Broadcast
Nanfang Republic

"Our leading story this morning is the developing political situation within the Unified Arab Sultanate. According to latest reports, Sultan Ibrahim al-Said was taken into protective custody yesterday evening by the nation's Royal Advisory Council due to apparent concerns regarding a potential foreign policy direction. Sources have stated that the Royal Advisory Council are opposed to the idea of joining Freistaat Ostafrika in placing sanctions against Margrave Holdings and its associated corporations, as they believed that doing so would lead to the UAS being placed under sanctions by the international coalition that includes the Nanfang Republic. The Royal Advisory Council's appointed spokesperson, Emir Rashid Al Maktoum, announced in a televised address that the Council would be reviewing the nation's relationship with Freistaat Ostafrika as a result of the sanctions situation and a request was made for all Ostafrikan military personnel to temporarily leave the UAS in order to allow for the Council to reach a decision without a sense of intimidation.

"Initial international reaction to the UAS political situation has been directed primarily towards the Ostafrikan government. The Republic of Nigeria, the Kingdom of Orungu, the Republic of Ndongo, and the Shoshanga Kingdom have all called for Ostafrika to respect the request of the Royal Advisory Council and withdraw their military personnel, expressing solidarity with the Unified Arab Sultanate's right to self-determination. The Ostafrikan government has yet to provide a response to the request. The Kingdom of Travancore have expressed their hope that the situation will be resolved peacefully, while our own government has called for a calm and measured approach from all sides in the matter."

The male newscaster then turned to a bespectacled older man sat next to him.

"I have with me this morning Professor Ming Hai, Head of the School of Foreign Studies at Nanjing University. Professor, thank you for being here this morning to discuss this development."

The professor nodded. "Thank you for having me."

"Professor, what do you make of the current situation involving the Unified Arab Sultanate?"

"Well, it is not as much of a surprise as some might believe. The UAS has not really seen much from their alignment with the Ostafrikans, if you remember it was just under six months ago that Sultan Ibrahim led the nation into a closer relationship with Freistaat Ostafrika. In that time the Ostafrikans have gained contracts for military hardware, the lease on Thumrait air base, access to the Duqm Port complex, and naturally access to the Sultanate's considerable oil reserves. If we're honest, Muscat has seen very little in return. If anything I'm surprised that it's taken them this long to move. What is of interest is that the Kingdom of Travancore has not spoken out against the move by the Royal Advisory Council. Your viewers might remember that Maharajah Rama Varma VII wasted little time in supporting Ostafrika and the UAS in their spat with the United Federation of Nations back in June. In my opinion, Travancore's rather neutral response to this current situation suggests that they may be waiting to see what happens next before deciding on a more concrete course of action."

The newscaster clasped his hands together. "In your opinion Professor, what might happen next?"

"I suspect one of two possibilities. The first possibility is that Ostafrika refuses to withdraw military personnel from the UAS and attempts to put down the Royal Advisory Council. That course of action could easily lead to numerous casualties and potentially guide the Sultanate's population into violent reprisal against what they may see as an 'occupying force'. Such a development could prove destabilising for the region as the Al-Shams terrorist group would undoubtedly seek to expand out of Yemen and into the UAS. If the Unified Arab Sultanate fell to Al-Shams then that organisation would gain access to substantial potential revenues, although the group's expansion could also result in a bloody war between themselves and Ostafrika for control of the UAS. Either way, there would undoubtedly be a greater commitment to the region from nations such as the Empire of Layarteb in response to Al-Shams growing stronger and bolder, and greater foreign involvement would only harden attitudes among the Sultanate's population.

"The second possibility is that Ostafrika agrees to the Royal Advisory Council's request. There are a considerable number of nations currently imposing sanctions upon Ostafrika and that number could grow if Ostafrika ends up destabilising the Indian Ocean region through careless action. The withdrawal of Ostafrikan military personnel would allow the Royal Advisory Council to discuss their next steps with relative freedom, although the military withdrawal may also embolden Al-Shams. Therefore the Council would need to implement some plan of action to help deter Al-Shams. In those circumstances, the UAS would end up deciding their own future and they might choose to align themselves with any of a number of nations."

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Postby -The United Federation of Nations- » Thu Apr 11, 2019 1:38 am

Sub-Commander William Rutledge, UDF
UDF Mina Salman
The Kingdom of Bahrain, United Federation of Nations
Wednesday 21st November 2018, 0900hrs Local Time


Sub-Commander Rutledge looked up at the large complex, built in the local style, that had been built for the United Defence Force in record time to serve as its regional headquarters. UDF Mina Salman, which also contained the Mina Salman Naval Station, was home to the UDF Eastern Sector Headquarters, which had been stood-up at much the same time as the 4th Fleet to be responsible for all Federation military activity east of the Suez Canal and west of the Pacific, most notably for the defence of the Kingdom of Bahrain and the Emirate of Qatar, the Federation’s two newest member states. It had been built by the UDF Corps of Engineers, and the purpose of such a rapid-build was to make the UDFs, and thereby the Federations, commitment to the defence of all its members loud and clear. The example of the Defence of Malta was several decades past by now, and there had been some concern in UDF Command that there were those (naming no names, of course) that might have forgotten that particular lesson of the Federation’s resolve, and other messages would have to be sent, not the least was a purpose-build facility being constructed to ensure the UDF’s ability to defend the sector.

Rutledge and the Mount Rainer had returned to Bahrain after several long weeks observing the situation with he the Ostafrikan amphibious group and the subsequent annexation. Both Bahrain and Qatar had been particularly vocal in condemning the move, and in underlining how good a decision it had been to sign-up with the Federation, for many in both governments and among the general populous of the two new member-states this was a vindication of their fears that Ostafrika would have provided its military strength to the Unified Arab Sultanate and overseen their invasion. The Federation Council had largely kept out of the matter, at least initially, allowing its newest member-states to express themselves, as was their right, however there had been an increasing sentiment within the Council that some sort of message had to be sent to Ostafrika, and its vassals. It had, of course, been the Federation Councillor for Qatar, seconded by the Councillor for Bahrain, that had proposed the imposition of sanctions against Travancore, specifically, and Ostafrika as a whole.

There had been some concerns in adding Ostafrika, given that they had not been directly involved, but the majority had won out, although the announcement had emphasised the connection via the Ostafrikan free trade zone, and that had Ostafrika wanted to stop it happening they would have been able to… not to mention their military deployment to the area. The way the Federation saw it was that the Ostafrikans were destabilising the region… a region that the Federation newly had a vested interest in keeping stable. The sanctions had been something of a light touch, in the end, designed to send a message rather than have any deep or long-lasting impact, indeed the Federation Department of Commerce had judged that the would be an irritant to the OAG and other major bodies within Ostafrika, more than anything else. In short, the Federation Council was keeping its cards close to its chest and keeping its options open should the situation develop further.

Which, of course, it had.

The Mount Rainer had found itself compelled to man battle stations late the previous evening as they were transiting past the Unified Arab Sultanate. News had reached them of the detention of the Sultan by the Royal Advisory Council, and there was concern within the UDF Eastern Sector that unrest was very possible within the UAS, which would threaten to destabilise the entire Gulf. As a result, what had been intended to be several days of shore leave for the Mount Rainer had been changed into a short stop to refuel and resupply before putting back to sea. Indeed, only Rutledge and a few logistics officers would leave the ship in the few hours they would be alongside, and only then because Rutledge had been summoned to Eastern Sector HQ to attend a major briefing of all senior commanding officers; that is the commanding officers of warships, or the equivalent ground or air unit. Clearly whatever was going on in the UAS had the senior Eastern Sector officers attention to say the least, and it was obvious that there was some sort of response in the works.

Rutledge was crossing the atrium when he crossed paths with Marshal Frasier and his aide; the two men shook hands before continuing on their way towards the main briefing room; a lecture-theatre type space designed to hold large briefings of this sort. Rutledge settled into a seat alongside his fellow commanding officers, exchanging pleasantries with his friends and acquaintances, whilst Frasier made his way down to the front where the other Marshal officers were gathered around Senior Marshal Gabriella Sloane, the Sector Commander, was conducting a whispered conference with her key commanders. Silence descended over the room as Senior. Marshal Sloane stepped towards the centre of the semi-circle in front of the seats.

“Good morning, ladies and gentlemen; as you’ve no doubt all heard Sultan Ibrahim al-Said of the Unified Arab Sultanate was detained by the Sultanate’s Royal Advisory Council late last night… they’re calling it ‘protective custody’ but it has every indication of being a palace coup by the Emirs, who look like they’re none too happy with the Ostafrika situation,” Sloan explained without preamble. “The Sultanate has been on the giving end of every interaction between them and the Ostafrikans, who’ve got military bases, military contracts and economic boons, whilst the Sultanate itself has got precious little out of the arrangement… in short its hardly surprising the Emirs aren’t too happy with the situation.”

Sloane paused and glanced around.

“Strategic analysts at UDF Tactical have identified two of the most likely outcomes; the first is that the Ostafrikans comply with the demands of the Emirs, and withdraw their troops, the second is that they refuse, as the Chief of UDF Operations believes is more likely, at which point there is a violent confrontation which Ostafrika will obviously win,” Sloane continued. “Either way, the entire situation within the Sultanate will be severely destabilised, and with it the rest of the Gulf and the wider region, most concerning is the potential for Al-Shams to gain strength, influence or outright territory in the Sultanate, and I have it on very good authority that there will be a Federation military response.”


Rutledge, and many of his colleagues, nodded their understanding of Senior Marshal Sloane’s words. The United Federation of Nations, and its military and intelligence arms, were deeply involved in the fight against international terrorism; they might not be as in-your-face about it as the Empire of Layarteb could be, on occasion, but then the Federation had a vey different style than most other nation-states in how it conducted its foreign and security policy. It did the former with compassion and dignity for mutual gain, and did the latter quietly, professionally and with a minimum of fuss. However, the Federation now had a direct territorial concern in the Persian Gulf, and if Al-Shams were to gain a foothold then the Federation would have to take proactive, highly visible action. The irony that that could mean propping up a regime that they had spent the last year in stark opposition to was not lost on anyone in the room, and yet in many respects the Sultanate had made their choice. They, like Bahrain and Qatar, could have applied for Federation membership and avoided this entire situation, and benefited from the symbiotic relationship between the member-states of the United Federation.

“For the moment, however, we’re going to assume a ready posture to respond to whatever happens next; it goes without saying that a major Ostafrikan military operation in the Sultanate will destabilise the entire Gulf, and we need to maintain a visible, stabilising presence against exactly that if we’re to keep a handle on the situation as it develops,” Sloane continued. “As such, all available ships are to move to key flash points, chokepoints and other important positions that will be in your individual orders, our squadrons are to conduct extensive air sovereignty patrols over the region and all ground units are to mobilise for potential operations; if anything is going to kick off in the Sultanate they need to be aware that if they do anything that risks bringing Al-Shams to power we [i]will[/i[ take action.”

There was an undercurrent of surprised whispering in the room; that was the most decisive confirmation of a Federation military response if a red line was crossed since the Malta Crisis, and everyone in the room knew how that had ended; with Federation military forces being deployed to combat aggression against the small Federation member-state in the middle of the Mediterranean. To put the situation on the same level as that was a surprise, especially given the precedent that the Malta Campaign had set. Moreover, there was no way that a Senior Marshal of the United Defence Force would be repeating that commitment, to her commanders at that who would be at the point of the spear on all this, if it had not been approved by the Federation Council. Indeed, glancing down at the briefing pack in front of him, Rutledge confirmed his suspicions that the Department of the Exterior had already send warnings to both the Sultanate’s Royal Advisory Council, and the Ostafrikan Foreign Ministry, that the Federation would not tolerate a destabilisation of the Persian Gulf that would enable Al-Shams, and that the warnings had emphasised the Federation’s commitment to that goal.

“It’s going to be a fast-moving, rapidly-changing environment out there people, and I’m not going to hamstring you by insisting that you run all engagement decisions by me; I trust you all, so if you feel that your command, or any civilian group, is at risk you have authorisation to engage as you deem appropriate, within standard rules of engagement,” Sloane said firmly. “That being said, our purpose out there is to keep an eye on the situation, to be visible and to make sure that whoever wants to start a war knows that we’re there, we’re watching and that we will hold them to account and enforce the warnings that the Exterior Department has issued to them this morning… we’re not there to start a war.”
Last edited by -The United Federation of Nations- on Thu Apr 11, 2019 1:40 am, edited 1 time in total.

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Layarteb
Powerbroker
 
Posts: 8416
Founded: Antiquity
Moralistic Democracy

Postby Layarteb » Sat Apr 20, 2019 7:43 pm



• • • † • • •



Tuesday, November 20th, 2018 | 20:00 hrs [UTC-5]

Layarteb City, New York | Fortress of Comhghall
40° 41' 28" N, 74° 0' 58" W






News out of the Unified Arab Sultanate had come when the citizens of the Nanfang Republic were waking up but as citizens of the Empire were just settling down for their evening routines. Breaking news flashed across news channels and internet websites that the Sultan of the UAS, Ibrahim al-Said, had been taken into "protective custody" by the country's Royal Advisory Council over allegations of "foreign direction." Layartebians, as a whole, weren't fazed much by the announcement. The Empire's relations with the UAS were cordial and cooperative but insofar as major allies went, the UAS was not one. They were aligned to Freistaat Ostafrika, hardly an enemy of the Empire but hardly the Realm of Cotland either. The Empire and FO cooperated on much and there was certainly a healthy rivalry between the two nations but the Empire and FO had an unwritten agreement not to trounce on one another's sphere of influence. This meant, in short, that FO would not make any attempts to act against Ceylon and the Empire would stay out of southeastern Africa and the Persian Gulf. The exception was Yemen, which FO was more than happy to leave to the Layartebians.

Layartebian military presence in the region was at something of a low. Layartebian drones and strike aircraft continued to operate from Socotra and all of the elements of the Empire's war against Al-Shams were present but since April, when IRON BUTTERFLY had been launched, piracy by Al-Shams had dropped significantly. The death of Hakeem Nijad Atiyeh and the destruction of an entire contingent of pirates and Al-Shams jihadists had muted the need for a sizeable, naval task force in the region. As such, the Empire was operating only a single command vessel and a guided-missile destroyer and neither had done anything but sail on patrols over the past few months. The vessels' only port visits had been to Socotra, where supplies were taken on and some sailors allowed off to visit the facilities on Socotra for a few hours.

The "coup" came as a complete and total surprise to the Empire and the Emperor, who'd happened to be in his office when the breaking news was announced, was flabbergasted that he hadn't been informed of any trouble or impending doom in the UAS. He'd placed an immediate phone call to Minister Flores in Intelligence but she didn't have any answers for him at the time. Now she was calling back on the secure line. The Emperor, picked up the phone on his desk, inserted a cryptography card into the slot, and waited for the call to connect.

"Sir, we're still in the dark."

"How are we in the dark? Our entire intelligence apparatus spends more time, effort, money, and resources monitoring that region than we do any other, single locality in the world."

"Sir, our efforts are directed at Yemen and at Al-Shams. Al-Shams has virtually no presence in the UAS so we have a minimal effort there except beyond what we normally allocate for nation-states that are not overtly hostile to us or our foreign policies."

"Very well, what do we know?"

"Sultan Ibrahim has been removed from power and it likely has a lot to do with the general tension between him and the RAC. There were, rather there are, emirs on the council who never quite got over the loss of Bahrain and Qatar to the UFN. The sting that FO, OAG, and the UAS felt went those nations ran to the UFN was overt and obvious. We suspect that the call for the FO to remove its military forces is going to cause a lot of issues in Dar-es Salaam. They're not likely to comply, citing the threat of Al-Shams."

"Is Al-Shams moving into Oman a real threat?"

"It is and it isn't sir, it depends how you look at the situation. The conditions in Oman are not conducive to Al-Shams establishing a major presence and furthermore, the border between Yemen and Oman is not territory that is friendly or receptive to Al-Shams. In fact sir, our latest estimate puts virtually no Al-Shams presence along the border area. Al-Shams is more likely to march north than they are east."

"Be it as it may that it is for show, we must take this very seriously. Anything that could give Al-Shams a leg up in the region cannot be ignored."

"Of course not sir but I am saying that the threat is low. The bigger threat is how FO is going to react to this and furthermore, how their client states will act. It is going to be exacerbated by the very strong presence of the Margraves in this entire matter, which means the hand of the Nanfang Republic."

"This is precisely why we will never allow Manchurian Global to run amok!"
The Emperor said with punch in his voice. "I want to be kept apprised on the situation and get us some on-the-ground intelligence right away!"

"Yes sir."


The Emperor hung up the phone and sat back in his chair. There was no threat to Layartebian interests in the region and Minister Flores was right in that Al-Shams was unlikely to seize advantage over the situation. They lacked the capabilities to affect the situation outside of the areas they controlled. Still, any instability in that region was not music to the Empire's ears. It was the FO's sphere of influence though and their job to handle. The Emperor didn't care much how they handled it, so long as it didn't given power to Al-Shams or a similarly-minded bunch of crazies.



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Freistaat-Ostafrika
Envoy
 
Posts: 280
Founded: Apr 10, 2018
Corporate Police State

Postby Freistaat-Ostafrika » Wed May 08, 2019 6:37 am

22 November 2018 - 14:00hrs [UTC +1]
Palácio da Nação
Cidade Imperial, Grande Império do Zaire

While Freistaat Ostafrika and the Margrave-aligned Shoshanga Kingdom dominated the eastern coast of Africa, the Margrave-aligned Republic of Nigeria, Kingdom of Orungu, and Republic of Ndongo dominated the western coast of the continent. Nestled between them in the so-called 'Heart of Africa' sat the sprawling former Portuguese colony now known as the 'Grande Império do Zaire', the 'Grand Empire of Zaire', or 'Zaire' as most people called it for simplicity's sake. Named after the Portuguese name for the mighty Congo River, Zaire's independence from Portugal saw very little change in the style of governance as the former colonial bureacracy allied with the assimilados, Africans who had 'reached a level of civilisation that qualified them for full citizenship' under previous colonial laws. The assimilados did not want to lose their position and neither did those Portuguese who remained in Zaire after independence, so both groups worked together to form a power base which was stronger and far more extensive than any other in the now-former colony; as this alliance grew more comfortable and entrenched it was able to stifle the development of any potential rival power base. Due to a great deal of romanticism about the colonial era, the bureaucracy and the assimilados fell back on tried-and-tested methods of ruling the vast territory. The now-former viceroy, Afonso Dourado, commanded a great deal of respect due to his effective administration during the final period of colonial rule as well as his pivotal role in building the alliance between the assimilados and the predominantly white bureaucracy; as a result he was installed as a new monarch for the new nation, with the title of Imperador (Emperor). Imperador Afonso I renamed the capital city as 'Cidade Imperial' (Imperial City; RL Kinshasa) and used the existing colonial administrative framework to create the new imperial government. Zaire developed on the labour of the indigenous peoples, often conscripted into large public works projects and so-called 'vital industries', in particular mining. The empire gained a great deal of wealth from extracting its mineral wealth over the decades, and this led to the 1987 invasion of Zambia by Imperador Santiago I in an attempt to gain control of that state's considerable copper reserves and other mineral resources. The conflict lasted ten years and ended with Zambia's annexation by the 'Grand Empire', which had taken another five years to finish off guerilla actions and finally secure the newly-conquered territory.

In truth, Zaire seemed to exist primarily to provide the Imperial House of Dourado and their loyal supporters with an opulent lifestyle and a land to call their own, so the economy was organised in such a way to guarantee a healthy income for them. Agriculture was the largest sector of the Zairian economy, with farms and plantations producing a wide variety of both food crops and cash crops. All agricultural produce was bought by the Corporação Agrícola do Zaire or CAZ, which then handled the export and/or internal distribution of agricultural produce depending on its ultimate destination. Similarly, the mining sector was monopolised by the Corporação Mineira Zaire, or CMZ. CMZ operated mining complexes across Zaire which extracted minerals such as cobalt, coltan, copper, diamonds, gold, lithium, nickel, tantalum, tin, and uranium; CMZ also operated metallurgical plants and other refining operations which turned the extracted minerals into much more commercial versions of themselves. Zaire generated virtually all of its electricity through solar farms and various hydroelectric installations; thanks to the abundant sunlight and numerous sites for hydroeletric generation, the Grand Empire was actually an exporter of electricity to neighbouring nations. Despite this abundance of power, only seventeen percent of the population actually had regular access to electricity. Unsurprisingly this seventeen percent was comprised of the regime, their loyalists, and the major industries. The vast majority of the empire's subjects lived in poverty, a fact best demonstrated by the imperial capital. Boasting a population of roughly thirteen million people, Cidade Imperial was supposedly the shining jewel of the Grand Empire of Zaire, a capital city to be admired by all who visited her. Unfortunately that ideal was considerably further from reality than the imperial family would like. Alternately nicknamed 'The Beautiful' or 'The Dustbin' depending on who was describing the city, Cidade Imperial enjoyed an average temperature of 78°F throughout the year as well as an average relative humidity of 80%. While there were residential and commercial areas which catered to the wealthier citizens of Cidade Imperial, the city also played host to sprawling slums where the poorest citizens dwelled in crushing poverty. The slums were regularly patrolled but not by the capital's notoriously brutal police force; instead the slums were handled by elements of the Força Pública, the regime's even more brutal counter-insurgency force and gendarmerie. While the wealthy of the capital often bemoaned the ugliness of the slum areas, they actually relied upon the slums for cheap labour in the capital's factories and sweatshops. These same wealthy 'Imperialos' also had no problem exploiting the roughly twenty thousand street children of Cidade Imperial, viewing them as disposable labour because the slums would always breed more of them. All they had to do was send trucks to the slums every morning to pick up the required number of workers for the day and they would find sufficient numbers of workers every single time. In distinct contrast to the slums was the gleaming and expansive Palácio da Nação, the primary imperial residence which sat on the south bank of the Congo River. Guarded by two companies of the elite Guarda Imperial, the Palácio da Nação was a monument to the imperial family's excess, as was Afonso I's massive mausoleum located on the approach to the palace.

As news of the coup in the Unified Arab Sultanate continued to make its way around the world, the current occupant of the so-called 'Leopard Throne' was discussing the situation with the immediate members of the House of Dourado. Imperador Adalberto I was fifty-nine years old with stylish silver-grey hair and was wearing a simple white shirt with black trousers as he conversed with his wife and son in the private lounge of the palace. Imperatrix Elisabete's brown hair framed her face as she sat comfortably on a plush sofa in a dark blue blouse and skirt while Príncipe Florêncio sat next to his mother with his legs crossed at the knee, wearing a white shirt with white trousers and his neck-length wavy brown mane tucked behind his ears.

"So the Arabs are revolting against the Ostafrikans, four African nations have put sanctions on Ostafrika, the Nanfang Republic have put sanctions on Ostafrika, other nations seem to be lining up to put sanctions on Ostafrika. We need to decide how Zaire will proceed. Ultimately we have three options. The first is to do nothing. Keep trading with Ostafrika and the Nanfang Republic, stay neutral and wait to see what happens. The second option is to offer support for Ostafrika, they gave their tacit support to our annexation of Zambia so it would be returning the favour. Unfortunately doing so would put us at direct loggerheads with the rest of our neighbours as well as the Nanfang Republic. Nanjing is a major export partner of ours so it would be best to avoid any issues with them."

Florêncio spoke up. "I'm guessing that the third option is completely siding with Nanjing."

Adalberto nodded. "Indeed, but I wouldn't do so without a good reason. Ndongo, Nigeria, Orungu, and Shoshanga have all sided with the Nanfang Republic because of their ties to the Margraves. The Margrave Oil Company calls the shots in three of those nations and Shoshanga undoubtedly does not want to jeopardise a potentially lucrative relationship with the MOC. Under the circumstances I wouldn't be surprised if the Margraves are somehow involved in the Arab coup. If, and it is an 'if' at this point, I choose to commit Zaire to the Nanfang side in this then we could be of considerable assistance. If we embargo Ostafrika then they can't import electricity from us, not the end of the world for them but it would be inconvenient for them. Then there are all of the other goods and services involved in our trade with them, of course. Also imagine how they would react if Zairian forces began building up on the border. They're trying to handle an increasing number of sanctions as well as an uprising in their newest 'friendly' state, having our military deploying to the border would put them under even more pressure.

"As I say though, not without a good reason. I see no reason to commit ourselves to anything unless it is guaranteed to benefit us."

Elisabete gave her husband a questioning look. "How do we get such a guarantee? This situation seems to change quite frequently."

The Imperador 'hmmed' for a moment. "We get it from the Margraves." He held his hands up apologetically as his wife and son both sighed loudly. "I am aware that they've spread their influence in Africa at our expense and that most of our neighbours are in their pocket. That might work to our advantage in this situation. We can offer to intervene on Nanjing's side in all this, but in return we ask for them to ensure no interference from our neighbours if we should wish to expand our territory, for example. Perhaps have them throw their weight behind increased trade and investment between Zaire and the Nanfang Republic. The Margraves are business people so why not make a deal with them?"

Florêncio scowled. "They're snakes, that's why. They would never lower themselves to meet with us here, so why-"

"That's why you're going to visit the Nanfang Republic."

The twenty-four year old prince shook his head. "You have to be joking. I don't want to have to deal with Lysander Margrave, there aren't enough hours in my life for that much smugness. Send someone else."

Adalberto smiled in an attempt to win him over. "Lysander Margrave wouldn't have the authority to make such a deal, only Alexander Margrave would. I'll arrange the meeting, you go out there and negotiate. It'll be good experience for you, when you become Imperador you'll have to deal with people you're not especially fond of. Use every advantage possible to get Zaire a good deal, if they aren't interested then we'll approach the OAG to make a deal instead."

Florêncio smirked slightly at that. "I'll be sure to mention that possibility. Very well, I'll go. I won't let them get our assistance cheaply, if they want our help then they'll have to pay for it. I'll take Ntambwa with me for backup."

"Do you think you'd need him?"

The prince grinned at his mother. "If we encounter Lysander Margrave, Ntambwa can wipe any smug superiority off his face."

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Freistaat-Ostafrika
Envoy
 
Posts: 280
Founded: Apr 10, 2018
Corporate Police State

Postby Freistaat-Ostafrika » Mon May 13, 2019 3:26 pm

26 November 2018 - 09:00hrs [UTC +8]
Margravia Estate, Zhuhai
Guangdong Province, Nanfang Republic

Principe Florêncio was still rather unhappy about being the one to travel to the Nanfang Republic in order to talk business with the Margraves, even as he was now being escorted through the corridors of the Margravia estate's main residential palace. Two things reassured him, however. The first was the presence of his imposing 6'4" bodyguard Ntambwa who was dressed in a stylish black suit with tinted shades, his dark hair closely cropped while his beard and moustache were neatly trimmed. Ntambwa was truly an example of 'strong and silent', barely speaking and more than able of manhandling just about anyone that the young prince directed him towards. The second reassurance was that Freistaat Ostafrika had released an official response to the UAS situation while Florêncio had been en route to the Nanfang Republic. The OAG had made it abundantly clear that they did not intend to remove their military presence from the Unified Arab Sultanate as they believed that Al-Shams would take it as a signal to begin a campaign in the midst of the Sultanate's tumultuous political situation. They had also stated that they would not interfere in the 'internal workings of the Sultanate's government', but very few observers believed that such a pledge would last. In fact it was almost expected that Ostafrikan forces would find or invent some pretext to abandon that pledge, allowing them to put down the Royal Advisory Council and re-install Sultan Ibrahim as an absolute monarch with their explicit backing. If Ostafrikan forces weren't going anywhere as it stood then an unexpected Zairian intervention might cause a rethink by Dar es Salaam, but of course Imperador Adalberto had made abundantly clear to his son that such an intervention would have a price attached to it.

Eventually the Margrave family butler Hostewick brought Florêncio and Ntambwa to the selected venue for the meeting, announcing their arrival via the intercom and receiving permission to escort them inside. The family reception room was a smaller and more private space than the official reception room; while the official reception room was grand and boldy colourful to demonstrate the Margrave wealth and potentially intimidate visitors, the family reception room was designed for comfort. Of course this did not mean that the family reception room was not lavishly decorated, it was simply not as lavishly decorated as the more public equivalent. The family reception room was decorated primarily in white with sections of intricately inlaid rosewood panelling on the walls, a large red and gold carpet covering the entirety of the floor, and a large ornate white-and-gold light fixture hanging from the centre of the ceiling. A number of couches and armchairs were positioned in a semi-circle at the centre of the room, all identical and made from rosewood with white upholstery and a rosewood side table located on both sides of every couch and armchair. The arrangement meant that the occupant of any seat could face the far wall, where a large ornate decorated rosewood screen provided the backdrop for a larger and higher-backed chair which had a side table on each side, more ornately carved than the rest. Alexander Margrave occupied this more central seat, dressed in a black Zhongshan suit and appearing as if he were holding court. Upon seeing Florêncio and Ntambwa enter, Alexander gestured to the couch immediately in his line of vision. Florêncio took the offered seat, smoothing down the front of his black business suit as he did so while Ntambwa took up a position standing behind the couch, directly behind his prince. Hostewick poured tea for Alexander and Florêncio before excusing himself, and once the butler had left the room Alexander gestured towards Ntambwa.

"Doesn't he sit?"

Florêncio shook his head. "Not often, no. Mister Margrave, my father Imperador Adalberto of the Grande Império do Zaire sends his warmest regards and thanks you for agreeing to this meeting."

"I'm sure he does. There's no need to play at pleasantries with me, Your Highness. Our families have not always seen eye-to-eye, the Dourados are not overly fond of the Margrave Oil Company's African influence and we are not overly fond of the fact that you've always refused to deal with the MOC. Now that Freistaat Ostafrika is under sanctions from our friends and the Unified Arab Sultanate has experienced a shift in their political landscape, all of a sudden the Imperial House of Dourado want to have a meeting with us." Alexander leaned forward. "It is blindingly obvious that you're not here for a social call."

Florêncio gave a rather insincere smile in response to Alexander's bluntness. "Very true, Mister Margrave. We've watched the development of this whole situation with interest and in truth, not all of it came as a surprise to us. The OAG responding as they did when the MOC signed that deal with the Shoshanga Kingdom, that was typically Ostafrikan. Your African friends and the Nanfang Republic imposing reciprocal sanctions, we didn't think that they'd be so quick about it but we figured it might happen. I suppose it's a demonstration just how much they value Margrave friendship. The UAS and Travancore dragging their feet, that was an interesting development. Now the UAS is experiencing some political turmoil. I would say that it is blindingly obvious that you and your family are involved in that." Florêncio sat back on the couch and crossed his legs at the knee. "Unfortunately of course, the Ostafrikans are refusing to remove their forces from the UAS and the sanctions aren't biting as deeply as perhaps you might have hoped. There is a great deal of pressure being exerted on the OAG and they are simply refusing to bend. One wonders how much more pressure it would take to make them bend or perhaps even break."

Alexander took a sip of tea before raising an eyebrow as he regarded the young royal. "Could it be that we are rapidly approaching the reason for this meeting being requested, Your Highness? Allow me to guess. Your father smells blood in the water but Ostafrika is still very much alive and kicking. Zaire will offer to join those aligned against Freistaat Ostafrika but you won't do it for free."

"Your reputation doesn't do you justice, Mister Margrave."

"Nor does yours. I always regarded your family as opportunistic but I didn't realise just how deeply that opportunistic streak ran. It's certainly true that Zaire would be capable of considerable contribution, and I am therefore very interested to discover what it is you want in return."

Florêncio smiled and idly tucked some of his hair behind his ear. "That does rather depend on what you have planned for after all this is finished. It would be no good for Zaire to promise action if our promised payment is unobtainable."

Alexander narrowed his eyes. "You want me to reveal my intentions for Ostafrika and the OAG. What's to stop you going to Dar es Salaam with such information?"

"Our opportunistic streak, what else? Betraying you and revealing such information to the OAG would net us considerably less than if we conspire with you. We certainly could assault Orungu and Ndongo with the express intention of destroying the MOC's infrastructure in those nations, costing you millions if not billions in repair and rebuilding costs. If we did that though, we would end up at war with those two nations as well as Nigeria and quite possibly the Shoshanga Kingdom. Such a war would probably see Ostafrika wade in on our side with the intention of annexing Shoshanga. Who knows how such a war would turn out, but it would be extremely costly to the MOC. Not just because the cost of repairs and rebuilding, but there would also be difficulties in continuing normal operations. I don't think that either of us would want to see such a widespread war in Africa, would we? If, however, Zaire aligns with the anti-Ostafrika group that is developing, then we don't end up in a long protracted war that ends up ruining all of us. Does that put your mind at ease, Mister Margrave?"

Alexander's eyes remained narrowed while a slight smile formed. "I hope your father doesn't die any time soon, you're going to be a difficult one to manage. Very well. My ultimate intention is to conduct the largest corporate takeover in history. Tearing down Freistaat Ostafrika would mean releasing any number of smaller African states which have been held in check by the OAG; once that orderly influence is removed it would result in numerous civil wars, ethnic wars, and who knows what else. Instead I want to see the UAS and Travancore split away from OAG influence and brought into Nanjing's orbit as independent nations, then the Ostafrikanische Gesellschaft will be all alone and ripe for takeover. Especially if they're experiencing difficulties."

Florêncio tapped his chin. "Interesting. That would require you to replace Präsident Luxenberg, but of course you'd need some way of acquiring OAG shares or at least the support of those with OAG shares before that becomes an option. My father intended for me to sell you Zaire's cooperation in the sanctions and potentially a military build-up on our border with Ostafrika, but I think there might be a better way for us to get involved. The way I see it, you need someone on the inside. Someone to open a way into the OAG. You'll never accomplish that yourself, you've openly become their enemy. Zaire has never had any real issues with Ostafrika, we're both white-controlled states in Africa and we trade quite readily. The Imperial House of Dourado and the Margraves don't really get along so the OAG wouldn't necessarily think that we were conspiring against them."

"You want to play the good friend standing behind them before you knife them in the back."

"Something like that. The OAG is in need of a friend at this time, Zaire could sell our friendship to them. OAG shares would be a fair price, I think. While you and your band of allies continue putting the pressure on them, we could identify potential collaborators who would be required to manage the OAG once your takeover plan succeeds. The Imperial House of Dourado could undermine from within while you apply pressure from without."

Alexander let out an amused snort. "What's to stop you from being such good friends to us when it's all over?"

Florêncio grinned at the question. "What stops us is the price you pay for our true friendship. A seat on the Aufsichstrat of the OAG for definite, we also keep any shares acquired in the course of all this and we receive additional shares once the OAG has been taken over. The value and number of those additional shares shall be negotiated as part of the takeover process. New trade and business agreements with the Nanfang Republic including arms deals, I'm sure that President Yang will listen if you whisper in her ear. Agreement on our respective spheres of influence within Africa and mutual consultation prior to any significant movements in Africa. Oh, and no sanctions against us for being friendly with Ostafrika in the meantime."

Alexander sat thoughtfully for a few moments. "Done. The Imperial House of Dourado gains access and opens the gates, the Margraves step through. Then Freistaat Ostafrika continues under new management with both families enjoying the profits. Now, what are you going to tell the Ostafrikans if they should find out about you meeting with me?"

Florêncio shrugged. "Simple really. You requested a meeting with us so that you could attempt to bribe Zaire into joining your side. I came here to hear you out but in the end, the Imperial House of Dourado found it far too insulting to be bribed by your family."

The Margrave patriarch chuckled. "I can see why they'd accept that version of events. While you're here, I'd be interested to hear Zaire's hypothetical response to a hypothetical request from the UAS for the Nanfang Republic to deploy troops to their nation. Since the Ostafrikans aren't planning on leaving, a Nanfang presence on the ground might dissuade them from ousting the Royal Advisory Council."

"In such a hypothetical situation, Zaire would counsel our Ostafrikan neighbours to demonstrate restraint and great care. If an actual war broke out, Zaire wouldn't bet on Ostafrika emerging victorious against the Nanfang Republic."
Last edited by Freistaat-Ostafrika on Mon May 13, 2019 3:29 pm, edited 1 time in total.

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Freistaat-Ostafrika
Envoy
 
Posts: 280
Founded: Apr 10, 2018
Corporate Police State

Postby Freistaat-Ostafrika » Wed May 22, 2019 3:07 pm

30 November 2018 - 09:30hrs [UTC+3]
OAG Headquarters
Dar es Salaam, Freistaat Ostafrika

"Very well then gentlemen, how do we respond to this?"

To say that Präsident Luxenberg was not in the best of moods was something of an understatement. The Aufsichstrat of the OAG had felt it necessary to hold an emergency Friday meeting due to the latest development in the continuing state of affairs involving Freistaat Ostafrika, as their refusal to withdraw forces from the Unified Arab Sultanate had provoked a response from the Gulf state's Royal Advisory Council. A response that was suspiciously identical to the 'hypothetical' development that Alexander Margrave had discussed with Principe Florêncio a mere four days prior. The Royal Advisory Council had issued a formal request to the Nanfang Republic, asking for the massive Asian power to deploy forces of their own to the UAS in a peacekeeping effort. The Council had stated in their request that they wished for Nanfang forces to act as 'guarantors of the Sultanate's sovereignty', an attempted veiling of the Sultanate's apparent opinion that Ostafrikan forces were not such guarantors. Given the current political climate between the Nanfang Republic and Freistaat Ostafrika, it was no surprise that Nanjing had agreed to the request 'in the interests of preserving the ideals of national sovereignty'. With the Republic's known efficiency in military matters and their thoroughly modern command structure, the Aufsichstrat expected that Nanfang forces would be in the UAS within three days at most. While Ostafrika were certainly a regional power without a doubt, the Aufsichstrat were acutely aware of the fact that they could not take any real action against a Nanfang deployment to the UAS because the Nanfang Republic would certainly respond with crushing force.

Stefan Farkas, the Aufsichstrat member who oversaw Ostafrika's military matters, grimaced as Luxenberg turned his attention to him.

"Herr Präsident, the best response we can offer is to keep our current forces in the UAS. Regrettably they will be unable to do anything aside from continuing to patrol the Sultanate-Yemeni border to prevent potential Al-Shams crossings. If our troops were to attempt to impede Nanfang forces then things could get incredibly ugly. The Royal Advisory Council will be acutely aware of that fact, I hate to admit it but it's a very cunning move on their part."

Luxenberg scowled. "More than likely it's a very cunning move that was suggested by the Margraves. Bernhard, where are we at with Travancore? Why is the Maharajah playing things so carefully? All we've heard from him in official statements is that Travancore hopes for a peaceful resolution to this coup."

Bernhard Oberholzer shifted uncomfortably in his seat. "Herr Präsident, Maharajah Rama Varma VII has explained that there is very little that the Kingdom of Travancore can do in this situation, and in all fairness he does have a point. There are hundreds of thousands of Travancore-born migrant workers in the UAS and so he has his concerns about speaking out too loudly, for fear of inadvertantly sparking some kind of backlash against his own people."

Luxenberg rolled his eyes. "Please tell me that such an excuse hasn't been accepted as a legitimate cause for inaction."

"Herr Präsident, we cannot simply force Rama Varma VII into action. Attempting to do so could result in Travancore requesting the deployment of Nanfang forces, now that the Sultanate has set that precedent." Oberholzer sighed heavily. "Besides, Travancore is still in the process of incorporating the Lakshadweep Islands and Mahé. Travancore is not a particularly large nation, Rama Varma VII could well be trying to insulate himself and his kingdom from the potential of the Nanfang Republic steamrolling Travancore in the blink of an eye. Openly supporting Ostafrika during our issues with the United Federation of Nations was one thing, the UFN homeland is across the Pacific from Asia and they wouldn't invade anywhere based on speeches so Travancore was safe. The Nanfang Republic is only a couple of hours away by air, they could land transports full of troops and effect a seizure of Travancore's strategic locations before a week passed."

"Do we have any good news?"

"Well, the Layartebians have yet to join the sanctions and we don't believe that they will, so that's a positive. We've also received an enquiry from our neighbours in Zaire, apparently they would like to have Príncipe Florêncio pay us a visit to discuss 'matters of mutual interest'."

Luxenberg raised an eyebrow at Oberholzer's mention of Zaire. "Have the Department of External Relations extend an invitation to Príncipe Florêncio then. If he wishes to discuss matters of mutual interests then I'll hear him out." A slight smile developed as he continued. "Who knows, perhaps there's someone who doesn't want to punish us for standing up for ourselves."

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Postby Freistaat-Ostafrika » Tue Jun 04, 2019 8:01 am

7 December 2018 - 14:55hrs [UTC+3]
OAG Headquarters
Dar es Salaam, Freistaat Ostafrika

With five minutes to go before the start of his scheduled meeting with Príncipe Florêncio, Präsident Luxenberg emerged from his office to greet his guest. A warm smile displayed across his face, Luxenberg extended his hand to the Zairian prince who had been in the office's waiting room for the past five minutes; the wait had not been caused by any disrespect on the part of the Ostafrikan Präsident, it was simply a case of timekeeping.

"Your Highness, it is a distinct pleasure to meet you once again. We last spoke at the Central African Trade Summit in Cidade Imperial back in January, you demonstrated a keen grasp of trade matters as I recall."

Florêncio shook Luxenberg's hand and smiled as sincerely as he could. "Yes, of course I remember it. I'm thankful that you were able to find an opening in your schedule for this meeting, I understand that you have quite a lot going on at the moment."

"That is certainly true, Your Highness. Please come into my office."

Florêncio paused momentarily. "I hope you won't mind if my bodyguard joins us. Ntambwa swore an oath to protect me and he takes it very seriously." He smirked slightly. "It was obvious that he took it seriously because it was one of the few times I've ever heard him speak."

Luxenberg nodded. "Of course, of course. We are all friends here and I have no problem speaking in front of him."

Once the three of them had entered Luxenberg’s office, the OAG Präsident closed the door and gestured towards his desk. “Take a seat please, Your Highness. Would you like anything to drink? Tea, coffee, water, anything of that nature?”

"Tea will be fine, thank you."

In an attempt to curry some degree of favour with the prince, Luxenberg crossed the office to the drinks station and began preparing the tea himself. With most of the rest of the world seemingly lining up to punish Ostafrika for their recent activities, Luxenberg recognised the need to maintain a good relationship with Ostafrika's Zairian neighbours. Once the tea had been poured Luxenberg placed it before Florêncio, taking care to not appear to be looking at Ntambwa, who was stood stoically at Florêncio's right side. Luxenberg then fetched his own coffee and took his seat at his desk, smiling broadly as he began to speak.

"So Your Highness, it was stated that you wished to visit us in order to discuss 'matters of mutual interest'. Am I to assume that this refers to the current situation involving Ostafrika and a seemingly growing number of nations?"

Florêncio gave a slight smile in response. "That is correct, Herr Luxenberg. I think that you should be aware that I was recently invited to the Nanfang Republic by Alexander Margrave himself, to discuss the possibility of Zaire joining the numbers against you. Zaire refused because we do not follow the Margraves as some of our neighbours appear to."

"That's very reassuring, Your Highness. Does this mean that Zaire will be aligning with Ostafrika in this state of affairs?"

"In all honesty Herr Luxenberg, Zaire is going to attempt to act as an impartial mediator." Florêncio took a sip of tea. The truth of the matter was that while he had promised to help Alexander Margrave take over the OAG, Florêncio had absolutely no intention of following through on it. Zaire stood to gain more concrete rewards from some mild machinations targeted at the nations involved in this sanctions affair, rather than an agreement made with a non-politician, albeit a rather influential one. "During my discussions with Alexander Margrave, I was able to discern the ultimate intentions of the Margrave family in relation to Ostafrika and the OAG. The Imperial House of Dourado would be rather interested in thwarting their ambitions for your corporation and by extension your state."

Luxenberg sat back and tented his fingers. "So what are they planning for us?"

"Apparently they intend to cleave away the Unified Arab Sultanate and the Kingdom of Travancore from your influence, then worm their way into the corporate structure of the OAG and attempt a corporate takeover. In short, they wish to add the OAG to their list of corporate holdings. Having spent some time considering recent developments, I believe that there may be a way for Ostafrika to emerge somewhat unscathed and far more independent than the Margraves intend."

"Which way would this be, Your Highness?"

"Call for talks. They obviously think that Ostafrika and the OAG would rather break than bend, so throw them a curveball."

Luxenberg scowled slightly. "The OAG did not build our empire by bending, Your Highness. We built it through strength of will."

Florêncio did nothing to hide his amusement at that statement. "Of course, Herr Luxenberg. With respect though, you've never been put against this much pressure before. You're not dealing with some errant tribal leader with inferior forces to your own. You're dealing with a massive Asian power and their attendant African friends. Tell me, if things go south in the UAS and Ostafrikan forces engage Nanfang forces, what do you see as the realistic outcome? If you stand your ground, beat your chest, and refuse to budge then the Margraves will eventually win. If you cut your losses and surprise them with a peace offering, they end up on the backfoot and they'll start feeling the pressure to accept your offer. It's not a perfect situation but it could allow the OAG to continue administering Ostafrika without the Margraves calling all of the shots."

"So what exactly are you suggesting, Your Highness?"

"Contact Nanjing and tell them that you want an end to the sanctions, and that you want to participate in a conference to resolve the issues that have arisen as a result of the current situation. Tell them that you're willing to put the sovereignty of the UAS and Travancore on the table." Florêncio held his hands up as he saw the distaste on Luxenberg's face. "It may be the price you have to pay in the end. Have Zaire invited to the conference as well as the African clients of the Margraves, you could even suggest Zaire as the host nation for the conference. Ultimately go with wherever Nanjing wants to go, provided they agree to the talks in the first place."

"What then? We hand away the UAS and Travancore in order to be left alone? That will be very difficult to swallow."

"I realise that Herr Luxenberg, but would you prefer to see the Margraves take over the OAG? You'd be out of a job faster than you could sneeze. Anyway, once you've put the UAS and Travancore on the table, you can make it even more difficult for the Margraves. Offer shares in the OAG to all of those national leaders present as well as the Margraves. Nothing too extravagant, perhaps each one could receive enough shares for about five hundred thousand dollars in dividends? If you give them a vested interest in Ostafrika's economic growth and success, then they may not be in such a hurry to see Ostafrika fall to the Margraves. It would then be up to them whether they kept the shares for themselves, as the African rulers undoubtedly would, or used them as a basis for some form of charity, or whatever else they might have in mind."

Luxenberg regarded Florêncio with a discerning eye. The Zairian prince was suggesting a course of action that would be anathema for the OAG and Freistaat Ostafrika under normal circumstances, so much so that no-one on the Aufsichstrat would have ever considered it to be an option. There was some degree of logic to it, however. The Unified Arab Sultanate was drifting away from Ostafrikan influence and Travancore was proving to be rather unhelpful given the current circumstances; by giving them the option to break cleanly and peacefully from Ostafrika, it could be argued that the OAG were simply carrying out a 'downsizing plan'. In addition, giving out OAG shares in the manner described by Florêncio could give the corporate behemoth some respite by effectively buying off the opposition. There were quite a few questions in Luxenberg's mind about this scheme however.

"What would Zaire get from this? With all due respect Your Highness, I doubt that you're doing all of this out of the goodness of your heart."

Florêncio grinned. "Shares in the OAG would be nice. Something to recognise our steadfast friendship in your time of need and our willingness to help you resolve your troubles. We could've easily imposed sanctions and joined the group against you but we didn't. If the conference idea comes to pass then you'd be giving Zaire the same amount of shares as the other attendees, but you could always tweak the noses of the Margrave family by giving us more in advance." He paused for a moment. "If you would prefer, Zaire could be the ones to contact Nanjing instead. We could explain that we've held discussions with our Ostafrikan neighbours and that we believe there to be a way out of the current issues between the two of you. That way, you save face by not being the ones actively approaching the Nanfang Republic and we earn those extra shares."

Luxenberg sat thoughtfully for a few moments. "It's certainly an interesting idea, Your Highness. I shall take it under advisement and present it as an option to the Aufsichstrat at the earliest convenience. In the meantime, rest assured that we deeply appreciate Zaire's continuing friendship during this difficult period."

"Of course, I completely understand. Should the Aufsichstrat agree to the idea, please contact me and I shall approach Nanjing with the idea of the conference."

In Florêncio's mind, he was already considering what to say to the Nanfang government in order to extract some form of benefit for the Grande Império do Zaire. He had come to the realisation that Zaire might be able to obtain almost everything that Alexander Margrave had agreed to give them, but by bypassing the Margraves rather than handing them Ostafrika. Florêncio had no problem with the Margraves getting their talons into the Unified Arab Sultanate but Ostafrika and the OAG were another matter entirely. The Zairian prince was confident that by helping the various parties reach a very public accord, Zaire could profit greatly and thwart a massive Margrave victory in Africa at the same time. In his mind, the Margraves needed to be reminded that there were other families in the world who could play the 'Great Game'. It would certainly raise the ire of Alexander Margrave, but he may find it difficult to enact reprisals against Zaire if the government in Nanjing viewed such a prospect as damaging. This would all hinge on the Aufsichstrat agreeing to the proposal of course.

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Postby Freistaat-Ostafrika » Sun Jun 09, 2019 1:18 pm

16 December 2018 - 13:00hrs [UTC+8]
Palace of the Republic
Nanjing, Nanfang Republic

It would not be unreasonable to state that Príncipe Florêncio had never visited so many foreign nations in such a short time period before, as he now found himself visiting President Yang Mingshu of the Nanfang Republic as part of Zaire's initiative to resolve the ongoing dispute between Freistaat Ostafrika and the Nanfang Republic. Admittedly the initiative was actually borne primarily out of Zairian self-interest with an element of foiling the Margrave family's ambitions for Ostafrika. Florêncio had greatly impressed Imperador Adalberto with the way that he was genuinely 'using every advantage possible to get a good deal', and Adalberto was therefore completely behind his son's machinations. The Aufsichstrat of the OAG had discussed the prince's suggested course of action at their Wednesday meeting on December 12th and voted to allow him to approach the government in Nanjing regarding a potential conference to resolve the continuing situation, and the Nanfang government had accepted Florêncio's request for a meeting with President Yang at the earliest convenience. President Yang had been rather intrigued to learn that the Zairian royal family were apparently attempting to help resolve things and so she was more than happy to receive Florêncio within a matter of days after his official request. Florêncio had naturally been accompanied by the imposing Ntambwa as he was politely escorted through the corridors of Zichao House by a besuited palace functionary, who accompanied the pair to the door of the private Presidential lounge within the six-storey official residence. A polite knock was greeted with a command to enter, at which point the functionary opened the door inwards and bowed respectfully to Florêncio before going about his business once more. Florêncio stepped into the lounge and was greeted with a polite nod from the fifty-six year old female President, who rose from her seat on an antique Yeu-era couch to greet him.

"It is a pleasure to meet you at long last, Your Highness. You appear to have been rather busy as of late. You visit Alexander Margrave, then you come to me with the apparent permission of Ostafrika. I admit to some curiosity about what you have to say."

The twenty-four year old prince returned the nod and smiled. "A pleasure to meet you as well, Madam President. I hope that you will find what I have to say to be of great interest."

"I am sure that I will. Please take a seat, your bodyguard is of course free to stay if you so wish." She smirked slightly as she gestured towards the antique couch which was positioned opposite her own seat. "You will forgive me but I spoke with Mister Margrave about you, so I could have an idea of what you would be like. He mentioned your bodyguard."

Florêncio took his seat while Ntambwa settled into position at his master's right side, hands clasped behind his back. President Yang seemed rather amused by this but refrained from passing comment, instead pouring two cups of tea with the blue-and-white porcelain tea service situated on the lacqured coffee table positioned between the two couches. She carefully set one cup in front of Florêncio and then lifted her own cup and saucer to take a small sip before speaking.

"So I understand that you are here in an attempt to mediate between Freistaat Ostafrika and the Nanfang Republic's group of affiliates. It would be most gratifiying to reach an amicable resolution but I do have my doubts."

Florêncio nodded understandingly. "Given the current climate between both sides I don't blame you for your doubts, Madam President. I do however believe that a resolution is achievable with the assistance of a third party, one which wishes to see both sides prosper."

President Yang smiled ever-so-slightly. "Zaire being that impartial third party? Forgive me Your Highness, but Alexander Margrave told me that you two had come to some form of agreement and that does not suggest impartiality on your part."

"After giving the matter some thought I concluded that a peaceful resolution would be hindered if Mister Margrave continued on his current trajectory. He seeks control of the Ostafrikanische Gesellschaft and therefore Margrave control of Freistaat Ostafrika, I would suggest that he could be convinced to settle for less than that."

"You could certainly try to convince him but I have my reservations about your success in such an endeavour, Your Highness."

Florêncio smirked. "Quite rightly too, Madam President. I do however believe that he could be convinced if the Nanfang Republic were to accept a proposed outcome. It would be rather difficult for the Margrave family to continue without the tacit support of your government. Would you like to hear the OAG's proposal?"

"Very well."

"They propose ending the sanctions on the Margrave family's corporate holdings, in return the Nanfang Republic and your associated nations will end the sanctions on Freistaat Ostafrika. The Aufsichstrat will also cooperate with the Unified Arab Sultanate's requests and give them the freedom to decide upon their future government, if this means that the UAS wishes to withdraw from the OAG's free trade zone then so be it. The Kingdom of Travancore will also be given the opportunity to choose their own path. Finally, the governments of the Nanfang Republic and your associated nations will be given enough shares in the OAG to provide approximately five hundred thousand dollars in dividends. That income will be up to individual governments to decide what to do with; the Margrave family will receive the same amount of shares, as will the Imperial House of Dourado, the government of the UAS, and the Kingdom of Travancore. This would give the UAS and Travancore more shares than the rest of us because their leaders already received shares for affiliating with the OAG. These new shares, I believe, are meant as a form of compensation."

President Yang sipped at her tea once again. "Compensation, and an attempt to invest our nations in the future of Freistaat Ostafrika. If Ostafrika's economy grows then the share dividends potentially grow, and we could achieve such growth by doing more business with Dar es Salaam. It would also make Alexander Margrave's ambitions rather unachievable as he would be unable to convince so many governments to allow his family to gain sole control of a resource such as Freistaat Ostafrika."

"Precisely. The proposal also presents an unprecedented opportunity for the Nanfang Republic, as your government could gain the UAS and Travancore as independent allied states."

"What of Zaire? Forgive me Your Highness, but I do not quite believe that you are doing this simply from the good of your heart."

Florêncio grinned and nodded. "Quite right, Madam President. The OAG are planning to give us additional shares in thanks for our efforts to resolve the situation. We are rather hoping that the Nanfang Republic might see your way to forging new trade and business agreements with Zaire out of gratitude, including arms deals if possible."

President Yang directed a discerning look at the young prince. "In return for economic stability and working to resolve this state of affairs? I think that we can agree to that. The Nanfang Republic has never had any issues with Zaire and we would welcome the opportunity to increase our investments with our African friends." She paused momentarily. "What about Alexander Margrave's reaction to all this?"

"Oh, I'm sure he'll be furious. At first. Hopefully he'll come to see that the Margraves will have more than enough opportunities if the UAS and Travancore open up to them. Although his family might not get everything they desire, at least they will get something."

"Very true. So I take it that you would like Cidade Imperial to be the site of this proposed 'settlement conference'?"

Florêncio pulled a slight face at the suggestion. "Zaire will indeed host the conference if that is agreeable to everyone, unless there is somewhere more preferable. We would be content to be mere attendees."

"Hmm. Might I suggest Singapura then? All attendees would have to travel in order to attend, and I'm sure that the Singapuran government would be happy to host such an occasion. Of course they may request a seat at the conference themselves. Would the OAG be prepared to give Singapura shares in their corporate behemoth?"

"Most likely, it would bring yet another influence into the mix and increase the possibility of a successful conclusion."

President Yang smiled warmly at that. "Splendid. I shall contact Singapura and then put them in touch with yourself and the OAG. In the interests of reaching a positive accord, I shall also inform Alexander Margrave of the conference. Easier for me to give him the bad news since he is a citizen under my administration."

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Postby Freistaat-Ostafrika » Wed Jun 12, 2019 5:57 pm

4 January 2019 - 13:00hrs [UTC+8]
Marina Bay Trinity
Singapura, Singapura Raya

The Southeast Asian state of Singapura Raya had enjoyed an interesting journey to its current status. Its origins lay with the Johor Sultanate, a tributary state of the Great Yue Kingdom. The Yue had acquired the port of Temasek from Johor in 1759 and turned it into a free port in the hopes of attracting additional trade through it, and Temasek soon began to grow under the auspicies of its Yue governor; it was soon renamed 'Singapura', or 'Lion City'. Political instability in Johor during the late 18th and early 19th centuries eventually led to Singapura extending its reach throughout Johor's territory until it finally became the centre of power in the now-former Sultanate in 1818. The resultant state became known as 'Singapura Raya', or 'Greater Singapura'. A succession of relatively 'hands-off' governors allowed Singapura Raya to thrive until the overthrow of the Liu dynasty in 1859, at which point monarchist remnants fled the former Yue Kingdom for Singapura, fleeing via Taiwan to the southern state where they managed to seize control of the administration. The Liu loyalists remained in control of Singapura Raya until 1887, when the attempted Liu Restoration failed to overthrow the Nanfang Republic and the Republic responded by sending a force south to 'restore order'. Nanfang forces were assisted by local Malayan elites who had resented the imposition of the loyalist rule, as they had attempted to conscript the Singapuran population into their service out of a belief that the Malayans should serve their rightful monarch without question. Once the Liu remnants had been defeated, the Nanfang Republic gave Singapura Raya their independence in 1892. While Singapura Raya remained dedicated to free flowing trade and wealth, the state's political system quickly began to ape that of the Nanfang Republic. Now often referred to as 'Little Nanfang', Singapura Raya was home to just over thirty-eight million people and possessed the exact same political system as the Nanfang Republic. Singapura's Constitutional Democrat Party dominated the politcal system just as the CDP did in the Nanfang Republic, and the two parties held annual joint conferences to discuss matters of mutual interest. The only visible difference between the two parties was the leadership. The Nanfang Republic was of course helmed by President Yang Mingshu, fifty-six years old and the first female President in the Republic's history, currently serving her third term. In contrast, Singapura Raya was led by President Najwan Wakiman, a forty-four year old Malayan male who was less than a year into his first term of office.

There was a much darker element to the Singapuran CDP compared to their Nanfang counterparts though, as they had close ties to Singapura Raya's major criminal organisation. The Thrashing Dragons triad had considerable influence throughout the state's political and business realms while completely dominating the underworld, demonstrating no concern for race as its membership was comprised of Singapurans of every ethnicity. Singapura Raya's stance on free trade and regulation meant that the state's banks were ideal for money laundering, while Singapura itself played host to illicit 'pleasure houses' and 'narcotics establishments' as the Thrashing Dragons refused to use base terms such as 'brothel' or 'drug den' due to the wealth of the capital's population. The head of the Thrashing Dragons was known as the 'Xuanlong', or 'Black Dragon', and it was tradition for each new leader to symbolically renounce their given name in favour of their title, being referred to 'Xuanlong' from that moment on. The Xuanlong enjoyed a comfortable lifestyle to say the least as they had two residences available just within Singapura itself; the quiet Atbara House located near the Singapura Botanic Gardens, and the six hundred square metre Chairman Suite at the thoroughly modern Marina Bay Trinity. The Marina Bay Trinity was a massive integrated resort owned by the Thrashing Dragons through various fronts and dummy corporations, consisting of three 55-storey towers topped by a single cantilevered platform, the platform hosting a 1,120ft SkyPark and a 490ft infinity swimming pool. It was because of the sheer range and quality of the amenities available at the Trinity that it had been selected as the site of the conference between Freistaat Ostafrika, the Nanfang Republic, and several other nations including Zaire. President Wakiman had of course chosen not to inform any of the visiting heads of state and government that they would be staying in accommodation owned by a criminal organisation, particularly as he had a feeling that the Xuanlong would probably choose to be in residence at the Trinity due to the conference. Not that he would know for certain as he had never actually met the current Xuanlong.

Much of the previous day had consisted of leaders arriving at the Trinity with various media crews covering the event, filming arrivals, taking photographs, and conducting short interviews. Präsident Friedrich Luxenberg was in attendance for Freistaat Ostafrika along with Generaldirektor Leopold Eschenbach, as they believed that having both the head of the Aufsichstrat and the head of the Vorstand in attendance would demonstrate to the other nations just how serious the OAG was about this conference. Príncipe Florêncio was the representative for the Grande Império do Zaire as Imperador Adalberto preferred for his son to take the credit for his own machinations, as it was after all Florêncio who had brought this conference about. President Yang Mingshu represented the Nanfang Republic and was being thoroughly fêted everywhere she went due to the relationship between the Republic and Singapura Raya, which was of course being represented by President Wakiman as it had been decided to have Singapura Raya join the conference that they were hosting. Alexander Margrave would be attending as the whole dispute had started over his family's corporate holdings, and he would be joined by Lysander Margrave and Darui Liao-Margrave as Alexander wanted his grandson to get a taste of dealing with such important individuals. Maharajah Rama Varma VII cut a very relaxed figure as he attended on behalf of the Kingdom of Travancore, while Emir Rashid Al Maktoum would be representing the Royal Advisory Council of the Unified Arab Sultanate. Also in attendance were the leaders of the Margrave-friendly African states: President Zakari Akinrinade of Nigeria, King Manukosi III of Shoshanga, President Abilio Muteka of Ndongo, and King Avonowanga II of Orungu. Now that the various attendees had been given plenty of time to rest and prepare, the conference would begin at 13:00hrs.


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The representatives filed into the Hibiscus ballroom which had been converted into a conference room for the event, most chatting amongst themselves as they reached the large conference table which was covered with a stylish bronze-coloured tablecloth. Each place setting featured a comfortable chair upholstered in the same colour as the tablecloth, as well as a microphone, several bottles of water, and a translator earpiece as the Trinity prided itself on anticipating every eventuality. The seating plan had positioned Präsident Luxenberg directly opposite President Yang, with the more 'neutral' Príncipe Florêncio and President Wakiman either side of the Ostafrikans to provide something of a barrier between the two OAG representatives and other leaders. Once the leaders had taken their seats, President Wakiman stood and addressed the conference.

"It is my distinct honour to welcome so many dignitaries to Singapura Raya, particularly given the reason for your presence. Over the past few months there has been a great deal of animosity involving nations represented here today and it is my hope that we can reach a mutually acceptable conclusion to this animosity. Perhaps in doing so, we can begin to establish a better understanding of one another and build a prosperous relationship with one another. I now invite Präsident Friedrich Luxenberg of Freistaat Ostafrika to speak."

Luxenberg nodded appreciatively and leaned forward to speak into his microphone.

"Thank you President Wakiman, both for your generous hospitality and your setting of a conciliatory tone to begin this conference. This meeting would not have been possible without the efforts of Príncipe Florêncio of Zaire, who has met with the key individuals involved in this current situation and helped to bring us together with the aim of ending our current dispute. I think we should all show our appreciation to him for his efforts."

The gathered individuals all offered applause towards Príncipe Florêncio, although Alexander Margrave did not seem as enthusiastic as the others. Luxenberg then continued.

"Almost three months ago, Freistaat Ostafrika placed sanctions on Margrave Holdings in response to what we viewed as a threat to our national security. It has become clearer over these past few weeks that the threat may well have been overstated by our intelligence agencies." Luxenberg did not enjoy placing the blame on the Department of State Security but it was the easiest course of action, particularly as others would find it difficult to prove otherwise. It helped that Generaldirektor Eschenbach was sat next to him and nodded in agreement to his statement.

"We intend to hold a full inquiry into the source of the intelligence that led our agencies to advise us in the way that they did, so that this cannot happen again. Freistaat Ostafrika and the Ostafrikanische Gesellschaft wish to see an end to the sanctions and an end to the animosity between us and other nations represented here today. To that end, we will terminate the current sanctions against Margrave Holdings. We hope that this will be sufficient to see the sanctions ended against us, as they were imposed in response to our own sanctions against the Margraves."

He paused to take a drink of water.

"We also intend to address the ongoing situation within the Unified Arab Sultanate. The UAS has demonstrated a clear intention to re-evaluate their current government and their nation's stance towards Freistaat Ostafrika. Freistaat Ostafrika have always regarded ourselves as friends to the UAS and we were concerned about their status with regard to Al-Shams, which is why we did not remove our forces from their nation. In light of the fact that the Nanfang Republic now has forces stationed in the UAS, we are willing to redeploy our forces away from the Sultanate. If the UAS wishes for Freistaat Ostafrika to assist their rumoured internal reorganisation in any way then we will be more than willing to offer such assistance, but we will not interfere if we are not requested to do so. Freistaat Ostafrika would also wish to extend an offer to the Kingdom of Travancore at this time. If Maharajah Rama Varma VII wishes for a renegotiation of our current relationship then Freistaat Ostafrika is willing to enter into those renegotiations in good faith."

Luxenberg then cast his gaze around the table before continuing.

"We recognise that despite it being down to faulty intelligence, Freistaat Ostafrika has caused disturbances and brought you some degree of trouble. Therefore we wish to make an offer of compensation. After consultation with the Aufsichstrat and confirmation from the Vorstand of the Ostafrikanische Gesellschaft, we would like to make an offer of shares in the Ostafrikanische Gesellschaft. Each nation represented at this conference is hereby offered shares which would, under current conditions, pay an annual dividend of five hundred thousand dollars. It would be entirely up to the discretion of the national leaders and their governments to decide what to do with such a dividend. We will also extend this offer of shares to the Margrave family as they were the intended target of our sanctions. Five hundred thousand dollars may not seem like much but keep in mind that this is an annual dividend, and it may increase depending on Freistaat Ostafrika's economic performance."

Alexander Margrave scoffed loudly. "Yes, and it may just as easily decrease depending on your economic performance. By giving us shares in your corporate government, you are attempting to ensure your own future because we would be given a vested interest in increasing business with you. It is a poor attempt at bribery."

Luxenberg raised an eyebrow. "You may call it that if you wish, Herr Margrave. I think that others at this conference would agree that five hundred thousand dollars a year, with the potential of increasing, is fair compensation for close to three months of trade disruption between us. With the greatest of respect, if Margrave Holdings decide not to do business with Freistaat Ostafrika then there are other corporate entities that we can do business with, but not if the nations that they reside in have us under sanctions. Freistaat Ostafrika wishes nothing more than to put this ugly incident behind us and move into the future. As we do so, we will create many opportunities for companies based in the nations represented around this table. We would even go so far as to offer favoured status for companies from the nations around this table, so we would select them above others. That increases trade, it increases the value and strength of your companies, it increases the value and strength of our economy, and it therefore increases the value of your yearly dividends. We are willing to accept that mistakes were made and offer compensation for those mistakes. Freistaat Ostafrika can present an opportunity for all of you as a result of that.

"Africa teems with natural resources, it is one of the reasons why I suspect that the Margrave Oil Company has such a heavy presence there. Africa also teems with opportunity. The Ostafrikanische Gesellschaft seized that opportunity over a century ago but there is still more to find. We offer the opportunity for all of us to enjoy prosperity together. As we prosper, you reap rewards. If you work with us to prosper, then you help yourselves to reap greater rewards. If we prosper together then it may lead to cooperation in other ways in the future. For now though, let us put this ugly situation behind us and return to normalised trade. Singapura Raya, our honoured hosts, they know the benefits of trade. It has made them what they are. Freistaat Ostafrika is offering a path back to stability and certainty. Let us walk down it together."

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Corporate Police State

Postby Freistaat-Ostafrika » Thu Jun 13, 2019 8:23 am

4 January 2019 - 15:20hrs [UTC+8]
Marina Bay Trinity
Singapura, Singapura Raya

"Faulty intelligence indeed. Who do they think they are fooling with such a transparent excuse?"

Alexander Margrave made himself some coffee with the complimentary coffee machine in the Sands Suite before crossing the living room to look out at the stunning view of the Marina Bay Gardens. The conference was having a two hour recess so that all parties could reflect on what had been offered by Präsident Luxenberg, who had continued to speak at length regarding the 'potential for greater prosperity' if the conference attendees worked together, so Alexander had returned to his suite accompanied by Lysander and Darui. The young couple had their own accommodation in the form of a City View Orchid Suite but they had both sensed that they would not be returning there until the evening at the earliest. The pair sat on a comfortable cream-coloured couch while Alexander continued.

"A few more months and we could have had them. Instead the Dourados weasel their way into the situation, opportunistic vermin that they are, and meddle in our affairs. That prince of theirs is trouble personified, just waiting for his crown. Any possibility of the Margrave family taking over the Ostafrikanische Gesellschaft evaporated as soon as this damned conference was suggested."

"What if we paid our African friends one million dollars a year to buy their shares from them?"

Alexander turned to look at Lysander and his scowl softened slightly. "Smart boy. Unfortunately the OAG aren't going to be stupid enough to offer up enough shares to make an impact on the control of their own corporation. Their economy is worth approximately two trillion dollars, they're offering a current dividend of five million dollars a year in total to the attendees of this conference. On its own such an offer would be laughed at, but they're combining it with the opportunity to set free the Unified Arab Sultanate and the Kingdom of Travancore. President Yang's eyes almost lit up when she heard that particular proposal. Unless..."

"Unless what, Grandfather?"

"Unless we take this as a much longer game than initially intended. Something that Príncipe Florêncio said to me about infiltrating the OAG, he had initially promised that Zaire would act as our 'man on the inside' to identify potential allies within the corporate structure. These proposed shares wouldn't give us any control but they would give us an excuse to send a Margrave to Freistaat Ostafrika as a 'business liaison'. We could then buy the shares of our African allies as you suggested and we would also have someone in Ostafrika, making connections and potentially laying the foundation for future moves. It may not happen in my lifetime but perhaps the possibility of the family taking over the Ostafrikanische Gesellschaft is not as out of reach as I first thought." He smiled at Lysander and Darui. "I'm glad I brought you two along, you always have something to contribute."

Darui cleared his throat. "Is there a possibility to get more shares out of the OAG than they've suggested? Their actions slandered the Margrave name by suggesting that the family posed some sort of national security risk. We could suggest that we deserve additional shares as compensation for their attempt to damage the impeccable Margrave reputation."

Alexander chuckled at that suggestion. "I'm almost tempted to cut Lysander's father out of the family succession so that you two can take over once I'm gone. It's a good suggestion, the accusation went worldwide and it could be argued that we were therefore inconvenienced more than the national governments attending this conference. Why should the likes of Zaire and Singapura Raya be given the same amount of shares as the Margrave family when they were not affected? We'll ask for double, so enough shares for one million dollars in dividends. I have no doubt that our African friends will support such a request. That way we'll have our foot in the door of the OAG and we'll also be able to conclude the deal with the Unified Arab Sultanate that was scuppered by Ostafrika's interference."

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Postby Freistaat-Ostafrika » Fri Jun 14, 2019 11:42 am

4 January 2019 - 17:00hrs [UTC+8]
Marina Bay Trinity
Singapura, Singapura Raya

With the two hour recess finished, the conference attendees returned to the Hibiscus ballroom to formally address the offer tabled by Freistaat Ostafrika. Once everyone had taken their seats, Alexander Margrave was invited to speak first due to the fact that his family and their corporate holdings had been the direct target of the Ostafrikan sanctions.

"Assembled delegates, I have taken some time to discuss the Ostafrikan offer with my grandson and his husband. The three of us agree that while we certainly wish to see an end to the current sanctions situation, we find it rather erroneous for nations such as the Grande Império do Zaire and Singapura Raya to receive equal 'compensation' to the Margrave family. Our family name has been openly slandered by the Ostafrikanische Gesellschaft and our corporate holdings have been accused of posing a threat to Ostafrika's national security. It is all well and good for them to state that faulty intelligence was to blame for this, but the Margrave family deserve a public apology from the Ostafrikanische Gesellschaft for the lies that they stated about us. We also believe that it is not unreasonable to expect additional compensation compared to the other parties around this table. We would regard adequate compensation as consisting of sufficient OAG shares to pay out an annual dividend of one million dollars, so in other words double what every other represented party at this conference is receiving. Some of you might believe that to be excessive, but I can assure you that we have a valid legal basis for such a request."

He sipped some water before continuing.

"The OAG accused us of threatening their national security in front of the entire world. They announced to the entire world that they were imposing sanctions upon our corporate holdings due to the threat we posed to their national security. Präsident Luxenberg has admitted that this accusation was based on false information, yet the accusation still stands and has yet to be officially revoked. Any legal proceedings that we might wish to launch against the OAG would be certain to find in our favour. Given the damage inflicted upon our business reputation by these accusations, I see it as perfectly reasonable to request a public apology and the amount of OAG shares that I have already described. We are the truly injured party in all this, yet Präsident Luxenberg apparently believes that we are merely entitled to the same amount of compensation as nations who have not had their reputations dragged through the mud. The Margrave family will accept the compensation that we are rightfully due, no less."

The leaders of the Margrave-affiliated African states all murmured their assent to the request, nodding as Alexander Margrave finished speaking. Präsident Luxenberg furrowed his brow before turning to Generaldirektor Eschenbach, who was sat at his right. The two Ostafrikans conferred for a few moments before Luxenberg turned back to face the other attendees.

"Mister Margrave has a valid point. The idea of this conference is to reach amicable and mutually acceptable resolutions to the issues that have arisen between us. Freistaat Ostafrika and the Ostafrikanische Gesellschaft know better than most of those attending just how important it is to maintain an excellent corporate reputation, and we are therefore more than willing to issue a public apology to the Margrave family and their corporate holdings. We shall also agree to the additional share award for the Margrave family, Mister Margrave is indeed correct that they have been more aggrieved by this situation than most."

In truth Luxenberg despised the fact that he had to make such statements, but given the circumstances he had little choice. If this would blunt the ambitions of the Margraves towards the OAG then it would be worth the short-term embarrassment. Besides, the Margraves did not have to know that the Imperial House of Dourado were also receiving more shares than any of the other attendees due to their assistance and advice; as those additional shares had been given to them before the conference, there was no need to declare them to anyone. He looked across at Alexander Margrave, who seemed rather pleased with himself as he replied.

"Präsident Luxenberg has demonstrated humility and a willingness to compromise here today. The Margrave family will graciously accept the apology and additional shares, we hope to see all of this unpleasant business put behind us. As Präsident Luxenberg stated earlier, there is opportunity for joint prosperity if we were to work together."

President Wakiman stepped into the conversation as Alexander Margrave finished speaking. "It is indeed heartening to see that we are resolving issues. Now, I believe that Emir Rashid Al Maktoum would like to discuss the offer to withdraw Ostafrikan forces from the Unified Arab Sultanate and the subsequent potential for the Sultanate's internal reorganisation."

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

4 January 2019 - 19:20hrs [UTC+8]
Marina Bay Trinity
Singapura, Singapura Raya

Príncipe Florêncio yawned slightly as he opened the door to his Orchid Suite, feeling rather pleased with himself. The discussions had ended for the day and it appeared that Freistaat Ostafrika had taken his advice in bending rather than breaking. Zaire were set to benefit rather well from the resolution of the current dispute as they were not only gaining the same amount of OAG shares in total as the Margrave family, a fact that was being conveniently omitted from all discussions, but they were also going to be entering into further business deals with both Ostafrika and the Nanfang Republic, as promised by Präsident Luxenberg and President Yang. Thwarting Margrave ambitions against the OAG was simply icing on the cake.

As he entered the living room area of his suite, Florêncio stopped in his tracks while Ntambwa stepped forward in a protective move. Reclining on the couch was a young man of 'Nanfang' descent, dressed in a baggy white long-sleeved top and a pair of black jeans, his black hair swept back and a large pair of round-framed spectacles perched on his nose, complete with a chain to keep his spectacles from falling too far if they slipped off. He tapped at his smartphone for a few more moments before realising that Florêncio and Ntambwa were staring at him, at which point he looked up and beamed eagerly.

"Your Highness!"

Florêncio glowered at the stranger. "Who are you, and what the hell are you doing in my suite?!"

The individual rolled his eyes and swung his legs down from the couch so that he could stand up. "To answer your first question, they call me Beibeilong. It means 'Baby Dragon'. You can call me BeBe. To answer your second question, this isn't really your suite. My big brother controls the organisation that owns this place so it's more my suite than yours. Although I'm in a much nicer and larger suite upstairs, and you have paid to use this one, so I guess we can say it's yours at the moment."

"That didn't answer my second question. What are you doing in here?"

BeBe giggled and stepped closer, then took a step back as Ntambwa blocked his way. "You can call off your guard dog, Your Highness. I'm just here to extend an invitation." He grinned as Ntambwa stepped back at Florêncio's command. "He's so well-trained. Anyway, my big brother would be greatly honoured if you were to make his acquaintance before you leave Singapura. He believes that our organisation and your proud empire could do a lot of profitable business together. He's staying in the Chairman Suite, please feel free to drop by any time apart from between 23:00hrs and 07:00hrs. I won't take up any more of your precious time." BeBe stepped closer, and as he approached Florêncio could see the subtle eye shadow and lip gloss that the young man was wearing. "My big brother is all business so he won't take up too much of your time if you decide to accept his invitation, we think there's a fortune to be made in cooperation with you. What's the harm in just having a chat?" He then pointed at the suite's door. "I'll show myself out."

-------------------------------------------------


As BeBe casually sauntered down the corridor towards the elevator, the doors chimed open. Lysander and Darui stepped out, chatting away as they began to head for their own suite, until they were interrupted by an enthusiastic yell.

"Oh my God! You're Darui Liao-Margrave! I love your music, can I get a selfie with you please?"

Darui turned and smiled politely as BeBe headed towards them. "Sure thing."

After excitedly posing for a selfie with Darui, BeBe began to enthuse about his personal favourites of Darui's songs as he took a step back and pressed the button for the elevator. After a few seconds the doors chimed open, and BeBe couldn't resist one last comment as he went to step into the elevator and instead leaned against the door frame to stop the doors from closing.

"If you're looking for some defcon-level fun, come up to the Chairman Suite and ask for BeBe. I've got my own bedroom in there and no-one will disturb us, no matter how loud we get." He giggled and winked at Darui before gesturing dismissively towards Lysander. "Don't bring Master Margrave though, he looks about as fun as an unexpected root canal. If you manage to escape him, I'll make you forget your honeymoon."

Before Lysander could respond, BeBe slipped into the elevator with a wickedly gleeful laugh and quickly hit the button to close the doors. Instead Lysander turned his attention to Darui, who was stood with a somewhat flustered expression on his face.

"What the hell was that?"

Darui turned to his husband and shrugged. "I guess my Singapuran fans are a bit less reserved than my Nanfang fans...maybe? I mean it's flattering-"

"I'd stop right there before you get yourself in trouble."
Last edited by Freistaat-Ostafrika on Fri Jun 14, 2019 11:43 am, edited 1 time in total.

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