Civil War in Nchiyamengi

[Nchiyamengi]

(Image)
From: The Israeli Government
To: PCAOL and EP

---

We'd like to provide military resources and IDF advisors to support your nation in restoring the old government which ensured security and safety to the people. Our government is concerned about the treatment of Homosexuals and Minorities including the Jewish community if it exists. However we are willing to turn a blind eye to atrocities and war crimes in the name of the interests of The Jewish State. With permission we'd also like to send Mossad Operatives to collect intel.

The PCAOL inform you they are currently undergoing a leadership election, and that they will likely adopt the position of an opposition style party rather than a guerilla resistance force. Their acting leadership secretly sends you a message promising to destroy the message you sent them so that the Coalition does not learn of your plans.

The EP meanwhile accepts your offer of military aid, and vows to go on fighting until the Coalition is overthrown. They also state that they vow to protect the nation's small Jewish community. (OOC note: most of the nation's small Jewish community support the PLD and PSP. A few support the PPP, fewer still supporting the PNP and PCAOL).

[Nchiyamengi]

Thursday the 16th of March 2017:

Long time leader of the PCAOL MP Lucas Herrero has been in exile in Lyseria for some months now, having fled the nation along with Presidente Marcos Kampiya and many members of the cabinet and upper regime leadership. While he remained the official leader of the party, operations of the party in the nation were taken over by Martín Albañil, the deputy leader of the party and a close ally of Herrero.

After months in exile, Herrero has today declared his intention to stand down officially as party leader and his intention to live out the remainder of his life in Lyseria. The nearly 90 year old leader was expected to cede power soon, but he does leave a contestation on where the party will move now.

Martín Albañil is the de facto leader of the party, and has stated that he will politically oppose the Coalition government in elections (expected to take place later this year) and continue to campaign for the traditional party policies of white Lyserian Nationalism, ethnocentrism and anti-communism. Martín Albañil has also supported calls for the creation of an independent white Lyserian state to be named África Oriental Lyserio (after the old colonial name of Nchiyamengi) to be formed around a collection of mostly white farming villages in Mwinukomwamba Province. Albañil has been careful to avoid commenting on the proposals by white militants in the party who have proposed joining the EP in staging a violent military coup to overthrow the Coalition government.

The major proponent of this militant faction is Eugenio de la Tierra, a former farmer and white Lyserian militia leader who is currently operating alongside the EP in their guerrilla struggle against the Coalition. As such he is wanted for terrorism. His militant faction and guerrilla forces have already started calling themselves Los Lobos Blancos / The White Wolves. The group is mostly made up of old men and young boys however, and appears to be used more for raiding by the EP than for ambushes of and attacks on Coalition forces.

A final faction, the reformists, have proposed dropping the white nationalism of the party and campaigning simply for white / Lyserian minority rights. This group has limited widespread support however, and their are some signs it will split to join up with the PPP (despite this party being part of the Coalition).

[Lyseria]

Friday the 17th of March 2017:

Primer Ministro Martín Granjero has announced the Special Investigative Committee who will be officially reviewing the claims of war crimes and crimes against humanity made toward a number of the high ranking Nchiyamengian officials who were granted asylum in Lyseria under his predecessor, Primer Ministro María Ramos. The most notable of the accused is exiled former President Marcos Kampiya, seen as the rightful President by allies and called "the Butcher" and seen as a brutal dictator by his enemies.

The committee consists of the following 5 law makers:

Chaired by: Segundo Ministro Marcos Delgado (PNL)
Co-Chaired by: Ministro de Relaciones Exteriores Eduardo Trompeta (PC)
Co-Chaired by: Ministro del Justicia Lucas Techador (PC)
Co-Chaired by: Sombra Ministro de las Relaciones Exteriores Juan Torres (PT)
Co-Chaired by: Sombra Ministro de Justicia Francisca Pescador (PT)

[The Green Union]

A bill to classify the Ejército Patriótico (EP) as a dangerous extremist organization has been narrowly defeated in The Green Union’s parliament. This motion would have identified the EP the same as the GI and VR insurgent groups, allowing Green Union forces in Nchiyamengi to fully support the nation’s coalition government and take military action against the three insurgent groups.

The bill would have also mandated that Green Union troops in Nchiyamengi begin wearing the new national flag of Nchiyamengi in solidarity with the new Coalition government. This, too, will not happen. Green Union forces will continue to wear provincial flags and emblems associated with the military and militia units they are operating with.

In other news, The Green Union has pledged another 3,000 peacekeepers, drawn from the regular military, to the UN peacekeeping mission in Nchiyamengi. The forces are hoped to support local police forces in maintaining law and order, particularly in central Nchiyamengi and isolated as well as often unmapped villages which have been subject to some of the most savage raids of the civil war.

[Union of Kyrat]

"Please tell me the info, alright? I am not fighting the wrong side, no way I am fighting with Commies, they are the scum of the world, and you should concentrate on giving away the info instead of shoving your nose in business that's not yours." Said Oliver with anger.

The man laughed a little. "Bwana, what makes you think we are all Communists? I am a Busetsu first, a Nchiyamengian second, a leftist third. The party doesn't even push Communism any more. Not to mention we have liberals and rightist Njengis in our Coalition now too".

"Well I don't care! But, seriously mate, you have the oppritunity of your life! You will sit near King Min's throne and be his advisor! Of course if you will be a shitty one then he will fire you, no not execute, but fire you, anyways, you be with King Min and Duke Ajay Gahle! Seriously, Kyrat was once a dictatorship but now with Ajay pulling the strings, it's a populist utopia! And no, Ajay is not a king, he is just a duke, anyways...... I need you to cooperate, and second of all, do you want a cigarette? We got mint also." Said Oliver as he smiled.

[Nchiyamengi]

Sunday the 19th of March 2017:

GI terrorists attacked a series of mostly Njengi villages in Mwambaomawimbi in the early hours of this morning around 1am. In one case GI fighters ended up coming under fire from a group of EP insurgents hiding in one of the villages. Both groups fled after Coalition forces moved in.

Later in the day, at around 8am, GI terrorists attacked a church in Mjiwadhahabu, a force of 2 adults and 16 child soldiers starting by attacking the police guards outside the church. Military forces swiftly responded, killing all but one child soldier at the cost of 5 police and 3 soldiers, with another 7 police and 2 soldiers injured. 3 civilians were also killed in the crossfire, but all inside the church were saved by police presence at the doors and a well executed escape plan.

GI terrorists meanwhile raided villages in inland Mlimayamaisha Province, but the swift putting down of the terrorist attack in the city meant that they were forced to flee fairly quickly as soldiers moved in. They were none the less able to abduct approximately 60 women and children, kill 18 men, and steal a large amount of food and water.

[Nchiyamengi]

A bill to classify the Ejército Patriótico (EP) as a dangerous extremist organization has been narrowly defeated in The Green Union’s parliament. This motion would have identified the EP the same as the GI and VR insurgent groups, allowing Green Union forces in Nchiyamengi to fully support the nation’s coalition government and take military action against the three insurgent groups.

The bill would have also mandated that Green Union troops in Nchiyamengi begin wearing the new national flag of Nchiyamengi in solidarity with the new Coalition government. This, too, will not happen. Green Union forces will continue to wear provincial flags and emblems associated with the military and militia units they are operating with.

In other news, The Green Union has pledged another 3,000 peacekeepers, drawn from the regular military, to the UN peacekeeping mission in Nchiyamengi. The forces are hoped to support local police forces in maintaining law and order, particularly in central Nchiyamengi and isolated as well as often unmapped villages which have been subject to some of the most savage raids of the civil war.

OOC: Do you want some of your peackeepers to have been involved in fighting off GI terrorist attacks that occurred today? The coalition government may also start offering to evacuate people out of these areas, excluding farming communities who they will seek to provide additional protection for (to ensure food security).

[Nchiyamengi]

The man laughed a little. "Bwana, what makes you think we are all Communists? I am a Busetsu first, a Nchiyamengian second, a leftist third. The party doesn't even push Communism any more. Not to mention we have liberals and rightist Njengis in our Coalition now too".

"Well I don't care! But, seriously mate, you have the oppritunity of your life! You will sit near King Min's throne and be his advisor! Of course if you will be a shitty one then he will fire you, no not execute, but fire you, anyways, you be with King Min and Duke Ajay Gahle! Seriously, Kyrat was once a dictatorship but now with Ajay pulling the strings, it's a populist utopia! And no, Ajay is not a king, he is just a duke, anyways...... I need you to cooperate, and second of all, do you want a cigarette? We got mint also." Said Oliver as he smiled.

"Sure. I'll have another said the man". He smoked it slowly until it was a little stump of ash by his face.

"I guess I can tell you one or two things" he said with a shrug. "For one thing so far as I know the leaders in the Coalition don't like each other so much, what do you expect when you get a lib and a lesbian university professor in there with real military leaders am I right?" he said with a little chuckle.

"What else? Well they hate your Njengi friends back there, that is for sure. They want Mateo Njera alive I believe, although I'm sure they would be just as happy to see him dead. You got any food here? I'm feeling a little hungry, some meat would be nice".

[Nchiyamengi]

OOC: I will probably be incredibly busy until Thursday, will try post again by then.

[Union of Kyrat]

"Well I don't care! But, seriously mate, you have the oppritunity of your life! You will sit near King Min's throne and be his advisor! Of course if you will be a shitty one then he will fire you, no not execute, but fire you, anyways, you be with King Min and Duke Ajay Gahle! Seriously, Kyrat was once a dictatorship but now with Ajay pulling the strings, it's a populist utopia! And no, Ajay is not a king, he is just a duke, anyways...... I need you to cooperate, and second of all, do you want a cigarette? We got mint also." Said Oliver as he smiled.

"Sure. I'll have another said the man". He smoked it slowly until it was a little stump of ash by his face.

"I guess I can tell you one or two things" he said with a shrug. "For one thing so far as I know the leaders in the Coalition don't like each other so much, what do you expect when you get a lib and a lesbian university professor in there with real military leaders am I right?" he said with a little chuckle.

"What else? Well they hate your Njengi friends back there, that is for sure. They want Mateo Njera alive I believe, although I'm sure they would be just as happy to see him dead. You got any food here? I'm feeling a little hungry, some meat would be nice".

"Sure..... Tell the cook to make some good potatoes with salt and black pepper with some red meat and very good salty salad! Now run along!" Said Oliver to one recruit, he was looking like a Butestu, but it was unknown if he was Njengi Butestu or even West African, and after 30 minutes, they brought the food in a plate near him, and there was a knife and a fork, he was untied from his arms and sat next to the plate, very close to it, "Now, eat, the food can heal your wounds hehehe, but anyways, if you try anything stupid, I won't hesitate to beat your punk ass, alright?" Said Oliver as watched the man starting to eat.

[The Green Union]

OOC: Do you want some of your peackeepers to have been involved in fighting off GI terrorist attacks that occurred today? The coalition government may also start offering to evacuate people out of these areas, excluding farming communities who they will seek to provide additional protection for (to ensure food security).

OOC: Well, a standard UN peacekeeping mission would involve overseeing a peace deal, creating safe zones, and/or supporting local police to maintain order. The first will be impossible for now, but I would expect these evacuees would be transferred to IDP camp 'safe zones' and peacekeepers would be appreciated in this situation in keeping people safe.

IC: Today executives of the Markofighter Program have made a case to the Coalition government of Nchiyamengi for the sale of a small number of Markofighter F-56 light fighter aircraft over the next several years. The executives have said that the Nchiyamengian air force operating a small fleet of the F-56 is necessary for the conversion to a peacetime military. They claim the nature of Nchiyamengi’s current air force to be unsustainable, as it continues operating the over a hundred Sevevillian SG-80 fighters that were sold to the Kampiya Regime and remain in the nation to this day.

Also today, representatives of the Grünwald Trade Bloc have come to Nchiyamengi to visit Nyeupepwani province and meet with banana plantation owners in the province's east. The representatives aim to convince and assist a substantial number of plantations to band together in a fair trade collective to sell bananas to trade bloc consumer nations. Back in Grünwald it is quietly hoped that this will be the beginning of a fair trade system in Nchiyamengi, one that will be largely dependent on Green Union markets.

[Nchiyamengi]

"Sure. I'll have another said the man". He smoked it slowly until it was a little stump of ash by his face.

"I guess I can tell you one or two things" he said with a shrug. "For one thing so far as I know the leaders in the Coalition don't like each other so much, what do you expect when you get a lib and a lesbian university professor in there with real military leaders am I right?" he said with a little chuckle.

"What else? Well they hate your Njengi friends back there, that is for sure. They want Mateo Njera alive I believe, although I'm sure they would be just as happy to see him dead. You got any food here? I'm feeling a little hungry, some meat would be nice".

"Sure..... Tell the cook to make some good potatoes with salt and black pepper with some red meat and very good salty salad! Now run along!" Said Oliver to one recruit, he was looking like a Butestu, but it was unknown if he was Njengi Butestu or even West African, and after 30 minutes, they brought the food in a plate near him, and there was a knife and a fork, he was untied from his arms and sat next to the plate, very close to it, "Now, eat, the food can heal your wounds hehehe, but anyways, if you try anything stupid, I won't hesitate to beat your punk ass, alright?" Said Oliver as watched the man starting to eat.

The man ate, slowly and purposefully, eating the meat first, potatoes second and salad last. he ate every morsel on the plate and licked it clean and put it down. He asked for another cigarette. "So" he asked, "what now?'

[Nchiyamengi]

OOC: Do you want some of your peackeepers to have been involved in fighting off GI terrorist attacks that occurred today? The coalition government may also start offering to evacuate people out of these areas, excluding farming communities who they will seek to provide additional protection for (to ensure food security).

OOC: Well, a standard UN peacekeeping mission would involve overseeing a peace deal, creating safe zones, and/or supporting local police to maintain order. The first will be impossible for now, but I would expect these evacuees would be transferred to IDP camp 'safe zones' and peacekeepers would be appreciated in this situation in keeping people safe.

IC: Today executives of the Markofighter Program have made a case to the Coalition government of Nchiyamengi for the sale of a small number of Markofighter F-56 light fighter aircraft over the next several years. The executives have said that the Nchiyamengian air force operating a small fleet of the F-56 is necessary for the conversion to a peacetime military. They claim the nature of Nchiyamengi’s current air force to be unsustainable, as it continues operating the over a hundred Sevevillian SG-80 fighters that were sold to the Kampiya Regime and remain in the nation to this day.

Also today, representatives of the Grünwald Trade Bloc have come to Nchiyamengi to visit Nyeupepwani province and meet with banana plantation owners in the province's east. The representatives aim to convince and assist a substantial number of plantations to band together in a fair trade collective to sell bananas to trade bloc consumer nations. Back in Grünwald it is quietly hoped that this will be the beginning of a fair trade system in Nchiyamengi, one that will be largely dependent on Green Union markets.

Aircraft sales have gone ahead, with the coalition government noted for using a large amount of its available budget to fund a strong military in these turbulent times. Part of this includes pay increases to senior naval, airforce and infantry commanders (including former Kampiya regime commanders who switched sides after the regime's collapse or close to it), and a marginal rise in soldier wages funded mostly off the sale of diamonds from the mines that the then rebels had seized during the conflict, with the diamond and gold mines now beginning to open up again in earnest. It appears that the Coalition government is well aware of how important it is to keep the armed forces happy, as many observers beleive it was ultimately mass desertions to the rebels or the refusals of soldiers to fight due to pay delays, along with a loss of morale in the face of mass protests lost cities, that ultimately swung the war in the rebels favour.

Most banana plantation owners in Nyeupepwani province have met the representatives of the Grünwald Trade Bloc with little enthusiasm. The traditionalist Njengi province avoided much of the large scale destruction suffered in the other provinces, in many ways coming out the least scarred by the war. The wealthy Njengi plantation owners (many of them traditional landed nobility, although considered 'petty nobles' as compared to the cattle owning nobles) prefer to run their plantations as they have always done so,with poorer, younger Njengis and Busetsus working on them for relatively low wages, with plantation owners then often discussing amongst each other where to set prices (although some 'renegade' plantation owners, usually wealthy Njengi or Busetsu businessmen from 'commoner' background without a history of traditional nobility, sometimes challenge this by setting far higher or lower prices).

OOC: A far better place for the trade representatives to go to would be Maporomokodhoruba Province, although it is a far more dangerous province to operate in given ongoing insurgency and violence. The dominantly Busetsu province was a focal point of much of the violent fighting of the war, and many banana plantations were damaged or destroyed in the process. The rebel seizure of Puertoplátano, a coastal city famous for and named for its export of bananas, and the subsequent regime naval bombardment and blockade of the port left banana exports from the province nearly impossible, given the battles around the main port and violence overland. The Province is also noted for competition between the plantation owners, including a handful of traditionalist Njengi 'petty' landed nobility (far less so than in Nyeupepwani Province), ambitious Njengi businessmen from 'commoner' backgrounds, and a high number of Busetsu plantation owners (including traditional leaders, businessmen and a handful of communalists, who were viewed with great suspicion by the Kampiya regime as "potential communists").

Efforts to speed up the rebuilding of the port in Puertoplátano and offers for massive banana exports from Maporomokodhoruba Province (a highly competitive province) may work here.

That being said, the Coalition government is currently trying to rebuild the plantations and have them sell to stores inside Nchiyamengi to avoid a potential food shortage, and potentially even a famine, that had began to develop during the heart of the fighting of the civil war. The destruction of plantations and the cutting of road links means that many in the province and the country in general faced food insecurity and a certain level of malnourishment. Fortunately, the return to relative stability, and the relatively uninterrupted supply from Nyeupepwani Province meant that a full on famine was avoided.

[Nchiyamengi]

Wednesday the 22nd of March 2017:

Much Ado About Abortion:

Keep abortion illegal in most cases, but allow it in cases of rape, incest and where the mother's life is in danger. In such a way take a pro-life position, with room for undertstanding of extreme circumstances of the mother. Drafted by acting Minister of Health Dr Usam Yamarakiya, put into action by executive order by acting President, Presidente Antonio Hlayambinda.

This piece of legislation by the acting Coalition has faced opposition from both more conservative and more progressive voices, and from both inside and outside the Coalition itself.

Inside the coalition the rank and file of the FPRL, the MSI and the moderate and reformist factions of the PPP (including party leader Lucas Taiunyoya) supported this move as "a good compromise that upholds the sanctity of life, while being understanding of particular extreme situations faced by some mothers".

Within the Coalition, the liberal PLD, progressive PSP and moderate members of the FPRL took a far more pro-choice position, with the PSP and moderate members of the FPRL arguing in favour of extensive proper sex education, a massive program to promote the use of contraceptives in combating HIV/Aids, STDs and unwanted pregnancies, and both parties calling for public hospital and clinics to provide "free, safe abortions at the request of the woman up to 13 weeks into her pregnancy, with abortion to be legal between 13 and 20 weeks only if (a) the mother's own physical or mental health is at stake, (b) the baby will have severe mental or physical abnormalities, (c) the mother is pregnant because of incest, (d) the mother is pregnant because of rape, or (e) the mother is of the personal opinion that her economic or social situation is sufficient reason for the termination of pregnancy. If the mother is more than 20 weeks pregnant, she can get the abortion only if her or the fetus' life is in danger or there are likely to be serious birth defects". This position was determined by looking at South African abortion law as a general guide.

A more staunchly pro-life stance was taken by a Christian (particularly Evangelical) and Muslim fundamentalists in the FPRL and the MSI, as well as by the traditionalist faction of the PPP, who argued that any abortion was an act of murder and must not be allowed, irregardless of rape, incest or danger to the life of the mother.

Outside of the Coalition, the far right PNP and PCAOL also pushed this hardline stance of maintaining the total illegality of abortion, regardless of rape, incest of the mother's life being in danger (as it was under the Kampiya regime).

This issue is expected to come up as one in the eventual democratic elections.

[Yellowoak]

This is the Leader of the Allied States of Yellowoak sending a message to all major leaders of each party. My people and I see your people suffering, this was has divided families and caused much destruction in your country. This is why I plead on behalf of the people of Yellowoak that you allow us to work on a purely humanitarian mission to give your people food and medicine. If we are accepted, we will send 500 soldiers that are there only to distribute food and medicine to the people. We also ask that we have a runway or any landing strip open to land our C-130 supply planes safely. Again the people plead you allow help from Yellowoak.

Solaris-Elected Leader of the Allied States of Yellowoak

[Nchiyamengi]

This is the Leader of the Allied States of Yellowoak sending a message to all major leaders of each party. My people and I see your people suffering, this was has divided families and caused much destruction in your country. This is why I plead on behalf of the people of Yellowoak that you allow us to work on a purely humanitarian mission to give your people food and medicine. If we are accepted, we will send 500 soldiers that are there only to distribute food and medicine to the people. We also ask that we have a runway or any landing strip open to land our C-130 supply planes safely. Again the people plead you allow help from Yellowoak.

Solaris-Elected Leader of the Allied States of Yellowoak

Classification: Level 3: Medium

To the honourable Solaris, Elected Leader of the Allied States of Yellowoak

We thank you for the generous offer to bring in food and medical supplies. These supplies would serve well to aid the many people displaced by this violent civil war and now seeking refuge in our nation's cities.

We would suggest that such planes land at the recently constructed temporary military airbase outside Puertoplátano in Maporomokodhoruba Province. This area would be well situated to distribute food and medical supplies to the influx of displaced people who have arrived here, and to address slight food shortages experienced in the province due to the destruction and damaging of some of the province's agriculture.

We look forward to working with you now and in the future.

Antonio Hlayambinda
Acting President

Muhammad Bondaro
Acting Vice President

Ahmed Ibrahim
Acting Minister of Interior

Miguel Tapyaro
Acting Minister of Foreign Relations

[Nchiyamengi]

Thursday the 23rd of March 2017:

Acting Minister of Labour Isaac Mandapyari has stated that he believes that the government measure to allow abortion in cases of rape, incest and when the mother's life is in danger, while keeping abortion illegal in most cases, is a "good compromise that defends the sanctity of innocent life, while also making considerations for those women who find themselves faced with extreme circumstances.

The influential figure and unofficial leader of the far left Marxist-Leninist wing of the FPRL had not commented on the issue yet, and some expected him to take a more hardline pro-life stance against abortion under all circumstances. Indeed some conservative union leaders, including prominent figures in the overwhelmingly male Sindicato Nacional Mineros (SNM) {National Union of Miners} and the Sindicato Nacional de Constructores (SNC) {National Union of Builders} have attacked Mandapyari for his statement, calling it a betrayal of "a true Christian defence of the sanctity of life". They were joined in this statement from the rurally focused and diversely gendered Sindicato Nacional de Leñadores (Sin Límites) {National Union of Loggers (Limitless)}

Union leaders and figures in the dominantly female Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores Agrícolas (Sin Trabas) {National Union of Farmworkers (Without Trammels - Unhindred)}, Sin Abuso {No Abuse - the national union of cooks, cleaners, gardeners, waitrons and domestic workers}, Sin Miedo {Without Fear - the national union of doctors, nurses, ambulance drivers and other medical staff}, Sindicato Nacional de los Trabajadores Textiles (SINATT) {National Union of Texile Workers}, Alianza de Trabajadores Minoristas (ATM) {Alliance of Retail Workers} and Alianza de Maestros para Orientación y Respuestas (AMOR) {Alliance of Teachers for Orientation and Responses} meanwhile have cheered on the move, although some had hoped and pushed for a more pro-choice position.

Union leaders and figures with the more gender diverse Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores Metalúrgicos (SNTM) {National Union of Metalworkers}, Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores de Fábrica (SNTF) {National Union of Factory Workers} and Sindicato Nacional de Pescadores (Sin Persecución) {National Union of Fishermen (Without Persecution)} have not given a firm comment either way.

The recently formed Unidos Defensores Armados Dedicados (UNIDAD) {Union of Dedicated Armed Defenders}, not strictly a worker union but more a group open to soldiers, officers and military veterans to "respectfully forward suggestions on pay, work hours, veteran aid and other military conditions", has denied to comment on the matter.

[Nchiyamengi]

Friday the 24th of March 2017:

A Question Of Faith:
Officially change the National Religion from Roman Catholicism to Christianity and Islam. Drafted by acting Minister of Religion Rev. Pedro Musambayanda and Minister of Religious Minorities Imam Muhammad Amzani, put into action by executive order by acting President, Presidente Antonio Hlayambinda.

The move has brought the praise of many Anglicans, Pentecostals and other Christians, while being generally accepted by the country's majority of Roman Catholics. The move also brought happiness from the majority of the Muslim community. The timing of the deal is expected to also serve to help shore up the steadily tightening alliance of the FPRL and the MSI, while also winning back more hardline conservative Pentecostal Christians and Sunni Muslims who were opposed to the recent legalisation of abortion in cases of rape, incest and when the mother's life is in danger (with these individuals wanting to keep abortion illegal in all circumstances).

The move has brought the ire of both more progressive / liberal and more hardline conservative sectarian groups however.

Both the mainstream PLD and PSP have argued that no religion should be the official one of the nation, and have pushed for a more clear separation between church and state. This more was also supported by a scattering of Atheists and moderate Christian amongst the ranks of the FPRL. This position was also generally taken up by the nation's very small religious minorities, including by Hindus, Jews, Buddhists and those following African Traditional Religions.

Meanwhile the PPP has objected to the change, stating that they believe that "While reaching out and including the broad scope of the church that is Christianity is a good consolatory move, the inclusion of Islam as an official national religion in a time when Radical Islamic terrorist attacks are a weekly occurrence is neither palatable nor wise".

The PNP and PCAOL went even further, calling Islam "a violent cult based on the suppression of women and the crushing of those who fail to submit", comments that drew criticism from many Muslims (reformers, moderates and conservatives).

The EP has stated that "once we regain power and drive out the terrorists rats of the coalition, we will restore Roman Catholicism as the one true official national religion, with Christianity as a whole held in a position of high esteem". The group also likened Islam to a mental disease, continuing to make them despised amongst Muslims, while appealing to Christian extremists. A proposal is currently being considered to brand the group a "Christian fundamentalist terrorist group".

A handful of hardliners in the MSI pushed to have Islam named the sole national religion, but were easily defeated in their democratic efforts.

It is expected the Islamic Fundamentalist terrorist group the GI with oppose the more and go on with their fight to establish a Wahhabist Sunni Islamic Theocracy.

The hardline Communist Christian Fundamentalist group, the VR has already stated its opposition to the move, arguing that "Christianity is the one true faith" and calling Islam a "death cult" and Muslims as "enemies of God and of the World who must be completely and totally exterminated".Two mosques in Ciudadelapalma were attacked on short notice. The attack was made up entirely by child soldiers however and was clearly rushed, with 27 of them killed and 4 captured. 8 civilians, 2 police and 1 soldier were killed in the battle, but the poor organisation of the attack prevented the child soldiers getting inside either mosque and allowed most civilians time to flee. 21 civilians, 7 police and 3 soldiers were also injured in the attack.

[Nchiyamengi]

Sunday the 26th of March 2017:

Today a force of 2 adult GI terrorists and 21 child soldiers attacked a Sunday market in Mjiwadhahabu. The force, which attacked from multiple directions, killed around 90 civilians and injured many more. Police, peacekeepers and soldiers moved in and were able to kill all but 5 of the child soldiers, who they took alive. The divided up group proved less effective outnumbered by police and soldiers, but 3 police, 2 soldiers and 1 Kadulean Peacekeeper were killed, and several more police, soldiers and peacekeepers were injured in the battle. The attack appears to be a response to the decision to make Christianity and Islam joint national religions, with the GI still pushing to overthrow the Coalition Government and establish an Islamic Theocracy.

In a separate attack around the same time in the capital of Puertazul a lone GI terrorist has hijacked a truck, killed the driver, and then proceeded to drive it through several people before crashing it into a small church. The terrorist appears to have been badly injured on impact, and fired a gun wildly before shooting and killing himself as police closed in. 14 civilians, including the truck driver who was hijacked, were killed in the attack. A further 29 civilians and 1 policeman were injured.

At the same time as both of these attacks, GI fighters raided some of the (few remaining) Busetsu villages in inland Mlimayamaisha Province. The force killed men and kidnapped women and children as well as making off with supplies. The buildings and especially the small chapels of the villages were also set alight. The forces fled as soldiers moved in.

Unprecedented numbers of the rural population have fled to the relative safety of Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camps on the outskirts of the major cities, where police, soldiers and peacekeepers are seeking to protect the populace and emergency medical and food aid is provided (albeit with significant stress to the relevant departments). These latest attacks are expected to mark some of the last movements of the rural population to the IDP camps by the cities. The hope is not only to prevent deaths (by ensuring quick police and soldier response times over shorter distances), but also to "cut off the oxygen relied upon by the destructive fire that is terrorist insurgency", essentially to make it more difficult for these groups to successfully raid food and medical supplies.

Some isolated hardline Busetsu villages have apparently disbanded and joined up with the VR for protection, with the same true of the hardline isolated Njengi and the EP. The GI however do not have this advantage, with most Muslims (who are overwhelmingly located in the cities anyway) viewing them as extremists, with most flocking to the MSI. More and more the GI appears to be reliant on its child soldiers, throwing them into its battles, raids and terrorist attacks rather than its dwindling number of more experienced adult fighters.

[The Green Union]

Aircraft sales have gone ahead, with the coalition government noted for using a large amount of its available budget to fund a strong military in these turbulent times. Part of this includes pay increases to senior naval, airforce and infantry commanders (including former Kampiya regime commanders who switched sides after the regime's collapse or close to it), and a marginal rise in soldier wages funded mostly off the sale of diamonds from the mines that the then rebels had seized during the conflict, with the diamond and gold mines now beginning to open up again in earnest. It appears that the Coalition government is well aware of how important it is to keep the armed forces happy, as many observers beleive it was ultimately mass desertions to the rebels or the refusals of soldiers to fight due to pay delays, along with a loss of morale in the face of mass protests lost cities, that ultimately swung the war in the rebels favour.

Most banana plantation owners in Nyeupepwani province have met the representatives of the Grünwald Trade Bloc with little enthusiasm. The traditionalist Njengi province avoided much of the large scale destruction suffered in the other provinces, in many ways coming out the least scarred by the war. The wealthy Njengi plantation owners (many of them traditional landed nobility, although considered 'petty nobles' as compared to the cattle owning nobles) prefer to run their plantations as they have always done so,with poorer, younger Njengis and Busetsus working on them for relatively low wages, with plantation owners then often discussing amongst each other where to set prices (although some 'renegade' plantation owners, usually wealthy Njengi or Busetsu businessmen from 'commoner' background without a history of traditional nobility, sometimes challenge this by setting far higher or lower prices).

OOC: A far better place for the trade representatives to go to would be Maporomokodhoruba Province, although it is a far more dangerous province to operate in given ongoing insurgency and violence. The dominantly Busetsu province was a focal point of much of the violent fighting of the war, and many banana plantations were damaged or destroyed in the process. The rebel seizure of Puertoplátano, a coastal city famous for and named for its export of bananas, and the subsequent regime naval bombardment and blockade of the port left banana exports from the province nearly impossible, given the battles around the main port and violence overland. The Province is also noted for competition between the plantation owners, including a handful of traditionalist Njengi 'petty' landed nobility (far less so than in Nyeupepwani Province), ambitious Njengi businessmen from 'commoner' backgrounds, and a high number of Busetsu plantation owners (including traditional leaders, businessmen and a handful of communalists, who were viewed with great suspicion by the Kampiya regime as "potential communists").

Efforts to speed up the rebuilding of the port in Puertoplátano and offers for massive banana exports from Maporomokodhoruba Province (a highly competitive province) may work here.

That being said, the Coalition government is currently trying to rebuild the plantations and have them sell to stores inside Nchiyamengi to avoid a potential food shortage, and potentially even a famine, that had began to develop during the heart of the fighting of the civil war. The destruction of plantations and the cutting of road links means that many in the province and the country in general faced food insecurity and a certain level of malnourishment. Fortunately, the return to relative stability, and the relatively uninterrupted supply from Nyeupepwani Province meant that a full on famine was avoided.

OOC: I hope you don’t mind my asking, but for the sake of my bookkeeping and world building would aircraft operating in the Nchiyamengian air force have any specific designation? I noticed you gave Nchiyamengian ships the designation RNS (Royal Njengi Ship?). Would aircraft have the same thing, like the Canadian forces' CF-18?

IC: The failure of the Grünwald Trade Bloc strategy to find a substantial toehold in Nchiyamengian primary industry by attempting to gather the nation’s undamaged plantations has been attributed to a poor understanding of local culture and microhistories. Now, however, the hopes of immediate profits from a pre-established Nchiyamengian banana collective have been dispelled. The crisp-suited, overprivileged ‘competition makers’ back in Grünwald are settling in for a long grind.

It is now apparent that the banana plantation owners who will be the most interested in developing fair trade ‘cooperative’ plantations will be those poorer ‘commoner’ owners, those who have had their plantations devastated by the war, and those who simply lack the bargaining power to get substantive prices for their products. In the face of these realizations, as well as the large presence of Green Union humanitarian aid in Puertoplátano, has prompted a redirection of negotiations to plantation owners in Maporomokodhoruba province. Appeals have been made, particularly to Buetsu communalist leaders, to band together into large fair trade cooperatives. A meeting of Maporomokodhoruba plantation owners has been requested in the port city of Puertoplátano. The meeting has been declared some days after representatives from Grünwald released a report compiled from the results of meetings with banana plantation owners, mostly from struggling and war-scarred Buetsu plantations, during which plantation owners were promised an overseas market and favourable market prices for their bananas in the trade bloc, more bargaining power for large plantation cooperatives, and an easy way to export their products through a reubilt Puertoplátano should they join the Grünwald Trade Bloc.

A publicity campaign has also been started, making the claim to the public in Maporomokodhoruba province that living and working conditions will be massively improved for workers in plantations which join together in a GTB cooperative.

[The Green Union]

The GU's parliament today released a report stating that Green Union peacekeepers have created a presence for themselves in fourteen previously uncharted villages in inland Nchiyamengi, in addition to every city and large town in the country and dozens of 'at risk' villages in Maporomokodhoruba province. The peacekeepers' mandate has been described as ensuring law and order in place of a Nchiyamengian police presence, and providing protection against raids from GI and VR insurgents.

Parliament has stated that it expects peacekeepers may become engaged in combat with insurgents, and that in such cases combat with the GI, VR, or even EP will be considered preferable to allowing these groups to have their way with civilians under peacekeeper protection.

Green Union peacekeepers secure an uncharted village in western Mwambaomawimbi province ahead of humanitarian aid.

[Nchiyamengi]

Aircraft sales have gone ahead, with the coalition government noted for using a large amount of its available budget to fund a strong military in these turbulent times. Part of this includes pay increases to senior naval, airforce and infantry commanders (including former Kampiya regime commanders who switched sides after the regime's collapse or close to it), and a marginal rise in soldier wages funded mostly off the sale of diamonds from the mines that the then rebels had seized during the conflict, with the diamond and gold mines now beginning to open up again in earnest. It appears that the Coalition government is well aware of how important it is to keep the armed forces happy, as many observers beleive it was ultimately mass desertions to the rebels or the refusals of soldiers to fight due to pay delays, along with a loss of morale in the face of mass protests lost cities, that ultimately swung the war in the rebels favour.

Most banana plantation owners in Nyeupepwani province have met the representatives of the Grünwald Trade Bloc with little enthusiasm. The traditionalist Njengi province avoided much of the large scale destruction suffered in the other provinces, in many ways coming out the least scarred by the war. The wealthy Njengi plantation owners (many of them traditional landed nobility, although considered 'petty nobles' as compared to the cattle owning nobles) prefer to run their plantations as they have always done so,with poorer, younger Njengis and Busetsus working on them for relatively low wages, with plantation owners then often discussing amongst each other where to set prices (although some 'renegade' plantation owners, usually wealthy Njengi or Busetsu businessmen from 'commoner' background without a history of traditional nobility, sometimes challenge this by setting far higher or lower prices).

OOC: A far better place for the trade representatives to go to would be Maporomokodhoruba Province, although it is a far more dangerous province to operate in given ongoing insurgency and violence. The dominantly Busetsu province was a focal point of much of the violent fighting of the war, and many banana plantations were damaged or destroyed in the process. The rebel seizure of Puertoplátano, a coastal city famous for and named for its export of bananas, and the subsequent regime naval bombardment and blockade of the port left banana exports from the province nearly impossible, given the battles around the main port and violence overland. The Province is also noted for competition between the plantation owners, including a handful of traditionalist Njengi 'petty' landed nobility (far less so than in Nyeupepwani Province), ambitious Njengi businessmen from 'commoner' backgrounds, and a high number of Busetsu plantation owners (including traditional leaders, businessmen and a handful of communalists, who were viewed with great suspicion by the Kampiya regime as "potential communists").

Efforts to speed up the rebuilding of the port in Puertoplátano and offers for massive banana exports from Maporomokodhoruba Province (a highly competitive province) may work here.

That being said, the Coalition government is currently trying to rebuild the plantations and have them sell to stores inside Nchiyamengi to avoid a potential food shortage, and potentially even a famine, that had began to develop during the heart of the fighting of the civil war. The destruction of plantations and the cutting of road links means that many in the province and the country in general faced food insecurity and a certain level of malnourishment. Fortunately, the return to relative stability, and the relatively uninterrupted supply from Nyeupepwani Province meant that a full on famine was avoided.

OOC: I hope you don’t mind my asking, but for the sake of my bookkeeping and world building would aircraft operating in the Nchiyamengian air force have any specific designation? I noticed you gave Nchiyamengian ships the designation RNS (Royal Njengi Ship?). Would aircraft have the same thing, like the Canadian forces' CF-18?

IC: The failure of the Grünwald Trade Bloc strategy to find a substantial toehold in Nchiyamengian primary industry by attempting to gather the nation’s undamaged plantations has been attributed to a poor understanding of local culture and microhistories. Now, however, the hopes of immediate profits from a pre-established Nchiyamengian banana collective have been dispelled. The crisp-suited, overprivileged ‘competition makers’ back in Grünwald are settling in for a long grind.

It is now apparent that the banana plantation owners who will be the most interested in developing fair trade ‘cooperative’ plantations will be those poorer ‘commoner’ owners, those who have had their plantations devastated by the war, and those who simply lack the bargaining power to get substantive prices for their products. In the face of these realizations, as well as the large presence of Green Union humanitarian aid in Puertoplátano, has prompted a redirection of negotiations to plantation owners in Maporomokodhoruba province. Appeals have been made, particularly to Buetsu communalist leaders, to band together into large fair trade cooperatives. A meeting of Maporomokodhoruba plantation owners has been requested in the port city of Puertoplátano. The meeting has been declared some days after representatives from Grünwald released a report compiled from the results of meetings with banana plantation owners, mostly from struggling and war-scarred Buetsu plantations, during which plantation owners were promised an overseas market and favourable market prices for their bananas in the trade bloc, more bargaining power for large plantation cooperatives, and an easy way to export their products through a reubilt Puertoplátano should they join the Grünwald Trade Bloc.

A publicity campaign has also been started, making the claim to the public in Maporomokodhoruba province that living and working conditions will be massively improved for workers in plantations which join together in a GTB cooperative.

OOC: RNS stands for Republic of Nchiyamengi Ship, although in hindsight that should be RNB (República de Nchiyamegi Buque).

During the 1st Nchiyamengi Civil War, UP rebel aircraft were marked with a white logo of a flaming torch and their respective number, while the Communist one party state government of the FPRL were marked with a red raised fist logo and their respective number. After the UP rebels won the war (and destroyed or captured all enemy planes) they marked all planes with the white logo of a flaming torch, their number and RNA (República de Nchiyamegi Avión - Republic of Nchiyamengi Plane). After the recent takeover by the Coalition government the white logo of a flaming torch was started to be replaced by a red star, but the respective numbers and RNA have remained for now.

IC: A number of Busetsu plantation owners in Maporomokodhoruba Province, and a handful of 'commoner' Njengi ones, have expressed interest in forming a trade collective to sell their produce in a more joint fashion and to help one another out, allowing working machinery and labourers from some to work at those plantations that came out less damaged, and allowing surplus machinery and workers to be used from those where the plantations were damaged more. Those with widespread destruction are being looked into as room for fresh expansion, with the land slowly being bought up by other plantation owners, with the former owners often being offered to stay on as local managers. The group are still more interested in selling locally than internationally however due to the local situation of food security still stabilising and a small government subsidy from the recently formed Ministry of Agriculture and Land Reform being allocated so long as they sell 95% of their produce locally (with plans to lower this to 80% within the foreseeable future, once the food security situation stabilises, and to drop it down to 60% once there is a clear return to normalcy).

[Nchiyamengi]

Monday the 27th of March 2017:

In the early hours of the morning, just past midnight, rumblings started at Universidad de Mpolebonde (UM) as a crowd of about 200 made up predominantly by black female students started demanding that the university management prosecute a group of male students, local police, soldiers and residents for rape and sexual assault allegedly committed before, during and after the Civil War. A list of 16 names was released anonymously on social media naming the alleged perpetrators.

Protestors were reportedly indecisive of what action to take, with hardliners arguing that the accused be rounded up and placed under citizen arrest by the crowd being met with more pressure from more wary protestors (made more cautious from experience of police brutality), who instead dampened the protest down to simply going around the campus singing in the early dark hours of the morning.

The move has drawn some attention at other universities and amongst other circles, with several women's rights groups now pushing for more to be done about the staggering allegations of rape and sexual assault allegedly committed before, during and after the Civil War. Around 67 names (including the original 16) have now been brought forward nationally, including several police and former regime soldiers, and a number of former rebel soldiers now serving in the Armed Forces loyal to the Coalition government.

Amongst these names are also names that appear may be being put forward for more political purposes, with exiled former President Marcos Kampiya, current acting President Antonio Hlayambinda, insurgent leader Mateo Njera and current leader of the PPP and acting Minister of Industry Lucas Taiunyoya all named by anonymous sources.

[Nchiyamengi]

Thursday the 30th of March 2017:

Two major strikes have broken out in Nchiyamengi today, one in the rural areas and one in urban areas. These strikes follow demands by worker unions to business owners being flatly rejected at a management level. During the Kampiya Regime trade unions under very strict rules and regulations gained legality in 1993 (having been illegal prior to this), but all those which "facilitated illegal strike activity" were banned. As such most big unions were banned and only a handful of 'toothless' ones remained. With both the Civil War and the rise of the Coalition Government, formerly underground major trade unions have come forth to the surface and have started making demands on behalf of workers. Business interests are still rather opposed to them however.

In rural areas many farmworkers (particularly on the banana plantations) with Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores Agrícolas (Sin Trabas) {National Union of Farmworkers (Without Trammels - Unhindred)} have gone on strike, blocking fellow workers from working. Their demands are:

1) The immediate setting of a minimum wage for all workers at 150 Tajis an hour (the equivalent of about $3.37 and hour) for all workers (currently varied, but set as low as 5 Tajis an hour - about $0.12).
2) The immediate altering to work hours as follows - 7:30am to 12:00 - Midday (4 and a half hours) and then again from 1pm to 4:30pm (remaining 3 and an half hours), granting time for lunch. {The current policy is usually work from 7am to 12:30pm (Midday) and then from 1:00pm to 5:00pm - a 9 and a half hour working day)
3) The immediate inclusion of overtime pay for any overtime work, such that work from 7:00am to 7:30am be granted 75 Tajis, and work from 4:30pm to 5:00pm be granted 75 Tajis.
4) The immediate end to outsourcing work and hiring part time workers - all workers must be full time.
5) The immediate end to any obligation to work on weekends (Saturday and Sunday) or public holidays (including Christmas and New Year).
6) The immediate implementation that any work on weekends (Saturday and Sunday) or public holidays (including Christmas and New Year) be granted pay of a minimum of 400 Tajis an hour (about $9.00).
7) The immediate ability for workers to have every right to use any bathroom, dining or rest facilities on the work premises (excluding the private property of the farmhouse).
8.) The immediate end to workers being obliged to "pay back" owners for damages not caused by their own fault (such as tractors not working or causing damages due to prior damages and external malfunctions.
9) The immediate intergration of a system whererby a worker must be given three written notices of three separate complaints before they can be fired, and the ability for workers to appeal dismissal to their union.
10) The immediate establishment of 6 months fully paid maternity leave for mothers, in order to give mothers adequate time with to raise their children.
11) The immediate establishment of an anonymous support system for workers to bring forward cases of intimidation, harassment, sexual harassment, assault or rape by fellow workers, overseers or owners.
12) The immediate firing of any overseer who attempts to or succeeds in intimidating, harassing, assaulting, beating or raping any worker.
13) Criminal charges to be brought against any worker, overseer or owner who attempts to or succeeds in assaulting or raping any worker.
[Added Later:]
14) No one shall be arrested for taking part with, supporting, aiding or associating with any strike. Any and all protestors arrested during the course of the protest must be released immediately and all criminal charges must be dropped against them.
15) No worker shall be fired for taking part with, supporting, aiding or associating with any strike, and any and all workers already fired from their positions due to these reasons shall be immediately re-employed.

In urban areas, fast food workers (kitchen staff, cleaners and waitrons) with the major Nchiyamengian fast food joint Kupikwa Nyama have gone on strike and are blocking access to their fast food joints around the nation for both customers and those workers who have decided not to join the strike. The protestors are part of the trade union Sin Abuso {No Abuse - the national union of cooks, cleaners, gardeners, waitrons and domestic workers}, and the group are appealing to fellow union workers to join the strike. Their demands are:

1) The immediate setting of a minimum wage for all workers at 200 Tajis an hour (the equivalent of about $4.50 and hour) for all workers (currently varied, but set as low as 10 Tajis an hour - about $0.23).
2) The immediate altering of the 8 hour shift system to be as follows - 7:30am to 3:30pm and 3:15pm to 11:15pm (currently 7:00am to 4:00pm and 3:30pm to Midnight).
3) The immediate ability to claim one free meal valued 100 Tajis (the equivalent of about $2.25) for every worker during a shift.
4) The immediate end of workers being obliged to work shifts following one another (7:00am to Midnight or 3:30pm to Midnight and then 7:00am to 4:00pm the next day).
5) The immediate altering to workers only being obliged to do 5 shifts a week (currently set at 7), with the ability for overtime pay for those who do more.
6) The immediate change to make all shifts on Weekends (Saturdays and Sundays) and Public Holidays (including Christmas and New Years) to have to be double pay at a minimum (400 Tajis - about $9.00 an hour).
7) The immediate end to the 10 shift unpaid training sessions before workers qualify for pay.
8.) The immediate end of worker's having to pay for their own uniforms, and being obliged to at least two uniforms for reason of hygiene.
9) The immediate ability for workers to have every right to use any bathroom facilities on the work premises.
10) The immediate end to workers being obliged to "pay back" owners for wastages and damages not caused by their own fault but due to faulty equipment (such as warm beverages wasted due to malfunctioning fridges, incorrect smoothies wasted due to malfunctioning smoothie machines and cold, undercooked or overcooked food due malfunctioning ovens, etc., and broken glasses, cutlery and crockery due to malfunction washers).
11) The immediate end to delivery staff being obliged to cover costs of meals delivered cold due to no fault of their own (such as traffic, bad weather conditions or violent conflict).
12) The immediate pay of overtime for day shift workers arriving 30 minutes early and night shift workers leaving 30 minutes later to the purpose of cleaning.
13) The immediate intergration of a system whererby a worker must be given three written notices of three separate complaints before they can be fired, and the ability for workers to appeal dismissal to their union.
14) The immediate establishment of 6 months fully paid maternity leave for mothers, in order to give mothers adequate time with to raise their children.
15) The immediate establishment of an anonymous support system for workers to bring forward cases of intimidation, harassment, sexual harassment, assault or rape by fellow staff, managers or customers.
16) The immediate ability for workers to refuse to serve customers who attempt to or actively intimidate, harass, assault or rape them, and the ability to request said customer be removed from the premise.
17) The immediate firing of any manager who attempts to or succeeds in intimidating, harassing, assaulting or raping any worker.
18) Criminal charges to be brought against any worker, customer or manager who attempts to or succeeds in assaulting or raping any worker.
[Added Later:]
19) No one shall be arrested for taking part with, supporting, aiding or associating with any strike. Any and all protestors arrested during the course of the protest must be released immediately and all criminal charges must be dropped against them.
20) No worker shall be fired for taking part with, supporting, aiding or associating with any strike, and any and all workers already fired from their positions due to these reasons shall be immediately re-employed.

[Nchiyamengi]

Thursday the 30th of March 2017:

Police and private security have moved in to "remove illegal protestors who are illegally occupying private property" in both the fast food restaurants in urban areas and farms in rural areas. Some military forces have even been seen mobilising in the rural areas. Both groups have been ordered to "immediately vacate the private premises and allow those workers willing to still do their work to carry on doing so without being harassed".