Buildings set to fire during the riots
Twenty-five years ago this week four St. Louis policemen - all white, were acquitted of savagely beating Bouna Traoré, a black man. The beating was caught on camera by bystanders, which was broadcasted across the nation.
Fury over the acquittal - in a city fractured along religious and racial lines, what people often described as "sitting on a powder keg", spread into the streets, resulting in five days of rioting in St. Louis and in the death of 25 people. This was not only the first major racial riots since 1963 but also the first violent incident to result in more than 20 deaths since the uprising of 1967.
The response over the verdict was divided on racial lines in banlieues (suburbs) of St. Louis. According to a survey conducted by the University of St. Louis - only 5% of black respondents believed that justice was served, while 78% of white respondents replied in the affirmative.
A year earlier, in 1995, Traoré - who was on parole for robbery, was stopped for driving under influence. He was ordered out of the car and beaten with batons for 15 minutes. The video showed a dozen officers standing by and commenting - not one of them dared to raise a voice against this horrendous act. The video went, in what was one of the earliest instances of "going viral" in the late 1990s - the start of the internet era. The video was shared across websites and displayed by news channels across the country. The police brutality remained a topic of discussion for the ensuing few weeks.
A year later, in 1996, a large crowd (approximately 500) armed with sticks, batons, holding rocks, and even carrying firearms- a fundamental right of Mizia citizens, consisting mainly of blacks from the surrounding banlieues stood in front of a heavily barricaded courthouse guarded by not more than 100 officers of the St. Louis Police Department - mainly whites residing in more niche suburbs. The police was unarmed, according to instructions from the Municipal Commissioner for Public Peace and Security, who wanted to "diffuse" the building up tensions in the black majority community and display a more "humane face" of the police. This was to prove a costly mistake.
No sooner were the acquittals announced - by a 10 member jury, consisting of 9 whites and 1 black, the crowd attempted to break through the barricade. Stoning and firing started as judges and jury members were escorted out of the courthouse. Reinforcements were called for but proved too late for two officers who were killed. What followed was five days of the worst instance of "revenge" by police force, who were to be later held complicit in rioting and "differential racial attitude", according to the 'First Justice Commission' set up to investigate the role of police. The police could hold off the increasingly violent protestors for not more than three hours before they rampaged and destroyed the courthouse building. Lambert Simon, former Municipal Commissioner for Public Peace and Security, blamed the policy of 'restrain' and 'defensive not offensive' attitude with 'no arrests whatsoever' adopted by the police at that time. Gunther Jo, Professor of Criminology at the University of Euskania blames this outbreak on the policy of 'less than restrictive gun ownership'. He points to the fact that many protestors were armed before a 'relatively, less lethally armed police'. They rampaged for more than 20 minutes before being brought under control by reinforcements of the police force.
Meanwhile, disturbances amounting to riots and 'disruption of public order' were reported from banlieues surrounding St. Louis. Situated at distances from 50 to 100 km from the city centre, these suburbs are administered by highly autonomous 'Communal Councils' and 'Municipal Councils'. The police and law and order are responsibilities of these autonomous bodies. Causes of the five-day rioting, are 'inherent in the socio-economic problems' faced by these areas, opines Gunther Jo. It was not a riot in response to the Traoré verdict, but a manifestation of violence inherent in the banlieues which are mainly inhabited by two of the most downtrodden ethnicities in Mizialand - the Blacks and the largely migrant Muslim community. Unemployment rates hover more than 50%, with youth unemployment exceeding 60%. Excluded from the 'Special Economic Zone (SEZ)' of St. Louis, the industrial jobs created during the post-war economic boom of the 1930s contributed to the emergence of a middle class in St. Louis proper, and not in sparsely populated suburbs which were granted autonomy in the 1980s. In the 1980s, a wave of immigrants, mainly guest workers, occupied the low paying job structure vacated by the emerging middle class which moved over to the job in the service sector. Lack of skilling and restrictive naturalisation coupled with missing integration policies and discrimination faced in the 'white majority areas' forced the migrants to move to sparsely populated outlying suburbs. As Mizialand transitioned to a postindustrial economy, job losses and lack of relevant skills contributed to the problem of 'structural unemployment' among the second generation of migrant. Simply put, jobs are there, but skills are not. The ensuing fear and anger, argues Gunther Jo, erupted in the form of the most violent riots seen by Mizialand since the uprisings of the 1960s.
However, A M Fischer at the International Institute of Social Studies, argues that the riot was a 'brewing confrontation between the Muslims and the Blacks' exacerbated by criminal gangs. Gangs in St. Louis are primarily divided along neighbourhood and ethnic lines. Law enforcement estimates that more than 200 gangs operate in and around St. Louis with over 20,000 members. According to Dr. Fishcer, the reason for the conflict was worsening race relations between the Muslims and the Blacks. Muslims owned around 65% of commercial establishments in the banlieues worst affected by the riots. 'Delegations' from Muslim shop owner associations had met government officials, and even sent a letter to Her Majesty complaining against the constant threat faced by them in the form of violent armed robberies often perpetuated by 'the blacks' and a lack of police response in this regard forcing them to adopt 'self defence measures' in form of weapons and heightened security in and around their shops. The association blamed the blacks of crimes and the police of taking no action. Consequently, criminal gangs, alleges Fischer, emerged to arm rioters with weapons which were used in violent confrontation between Muslims and Blacks. For Fischer, the riot was 'an armed confrontation between Muslims and Blacks' and the role of Traoré verdict had been exaggerated. Violence was brewing, the verdict was a spark. A riot was soon to happen in this 'powdered keg'.
Had that been so, why did the rioters then attack whites? Fischer answers that the 'myth of whites being attacked' was a 'hand in glove propaganda' of the police department and the newspapers, both run by a white majority leadership. Following the death of two police officers, the Representation of the People Act (the basis of local government autonomy) was revoked in the affected areas, placing the police directly under the control of Her Majesty's Government. The police, according to the First Justice Commission, was complicit in riots, taking but few steps to stop the spread of violence and even propagating it in some places. Few whites were attacked, simply because a few lived in the areas affected by the riot. The police and the media exaggerated the reports of whites being attacked to gain the approval of a white majority in favour of the ensuing brutalities. Public floggings, reminiscent of medieval times, were reported. Police opened fire and killed an unidentified number of rioters with impunity. Arbitrary arrests and detention became the order of the day. Rioting entered its third day and showed no signs of subsiding. Her Majesty's Government, now running the administration of the affected areas, ordered armed forces on the 4th day and rioting was controlled by the fifth day. The government estimated 35 deaths and 1,890 injuries. Other sources estimate 230 - 250 deaths and 3,000 -3,500 injuries. Nearly 10,000 rioters and looters were arrested. Daily life stood still: schools and offices were closed, mail delivery stopped, and a curfew remained for the next month. The RPA was restored after fresh elections held in late 1997. Life slowly returned to normalcy.
The Traoré verdict was overturned by a higher court, and two of the four officers accused of brutality were sentenced to 30 months in prison. The other two officers were fired by the St. Louis Police Department.
Societal tensions still remain. Issues such as police brutality and racial profiling are as evident now as they were then. "Ain't nothing changed but the year it is," says Professor Gunther Jo.