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Invitations [IC, Nova/Lamoni]

A staging-point for declarations of war and other major diplomatic events. [In character]
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Novikov
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Founded: Feb 13, 2005
Ex-Nation

Invitations [IC, Nova/Lamoni]

Postby Novikov » Sun Nov 27, 2011 11:41 pm

Novikovian Home Office
Zvolen, Novikov


“The Undersecretary will see you now.”

A slender, raven-haired woman smiled softly, watching as five men rose from their seats, adjusting the lapels of their high-breasted suit coats. Their stiff, drab black suits looked coarse and decidedly behind-the-times, giving the men a provincial look, like some unimportant rural politicians. While they collected their briefcases, or hastily finished cigarettes, a few words were exchanged. To most ears, the hushed voices would have been no more than murmurs, but Ms. Karpaiskaya, a skilled interpreter and personal aide to Undersecretary of State Yefretorov, recognized their speech as some form of Novojénsk. For a moment she wondered if they were Czechzens, glancing down at her clipboard, but their names were unfamiliar and there were no accompanying notes as to the cause for their meeting. An instant later, she became aware of their eyes on her, briefcases and papers in hand, anxiously awaiting their audience with a member of the Oceanian Government. With another pleasant smile she turned, motioning them forward.

“If you will follow me right this way…”

The group was led down a narrow hallway, Ms. Karpinskaya’s heels clicking on the finely polished wooden floor. At the end of the hall, she stopped, lightly knocking before opening the door to the Undersecretary’s personal office. Standing aside, she pointed the men through.

One by one they filed past, into the office. Inside, they found the young Undersecretary standing behind his heavily-built red pine desk. As the last man crowded into the small room, they could hear his assistant’s footsteps disappear back down the hall, leaving them in relative privacy. For a moment, no one spoke, the visitors glancing tersely at each other, unsure how to begin. Finally, the Undersecretary spoke.

“I am glad you have come. Gentlemen, how can I help you?”

A tall man stepped forward from the crowd, extending a leathery hand as he introduced himself in thickly accented Czech. “My name is Mstislav Bielobogov. Perhaps you have heard of me?”

Across the desk, Undersecretary Yefretorov’s eyes widened with recognition. Bielobogov was a name which all Novikovians recognized. Everyone knew of St. Gennady of Oslany and his death at the hands of the pagan King Bielobog in the 16th Century, and of his descendants’ defeat of the Novikovian “White Crusade” of 1763. For five hundred years, the name had been synonymous with Bielostrov, an isolated and backwards nation to Novikov’s north – one of the last holdouts of Paganism against the Orthodox Church. To this day, the Bielobogov family dominated their small island nation as both its political and religious leaders. Mstislav was himself an important member of the King’s Council.

After a moment, Yefretorov regained his composure. In fluent Novojénsk, although of the Novikovian dialect, he returned the introduction. “Slavny Bieli, Counselor Bielobogov! I must say I am surprised to meet you here. I believe the name I was given was Pan Alakaev.”

The tall man smiled, leaning in close. “It was a convenient name. I wished this meet to be as discrete as possible. You see, this is not an official visit.”

Yefretorov withdrew his hand, frowning in thought while he sized up the visitor and his purpose. “A personal visit then? Surely no Novikovian has been so fortunate.”

This brought a polite chuckle from Counselor Bielobogov, but his face remained stern and serious. “It is true, our people have had their differences. In a way, this is what I have come to speak to you about. I have a proposal for you.”

He nodded, and one of the other men closed the door to the office. All five crowded around the desk. Intrigued by the conspiratorial air, Yefretorov leaned in to hear the Counselor whisper.

“We wish to give you Bielostrov…”

For half an hour the five men spoke. Bielostrov was in turmoil, they claimed. The economy – never strong – was faltering and the people lived in abject poverty. The nation’s rigid social structure which bound the lower classes to the village, or mir, had for generations been breeding unrest against the monarchy’s taxes and appropriations, and against noble privilege. The state was inefficient and corrupt, scarcely able to provide electricity or an education to half its people. Many of these facts Yefretorov knew to be true from his periodic briefings on his country’s northern neighbor.

Bielobogov claimed to represent a sizable faction within his government which was convinced that the current monarch was incapable of meeting these challenges. He was isolated from the people and blind to their suffering. Furthermore, he was a staunch traditionalist, and opposed to all manner of foreign influence – particularly by Novikov, which he viewed as the traditional enemy of his people. This self imposed isolation was a burden on the nation, and prevented Bielostrov from modernizing, leaving the nation poor and defenseless. The monarch, Counselor Bielobogov’s own nephew Jaromir VII, had to be disposed in order to save Bielostrov from ruin.

Bielobogov knew that a union with her Slavic neighbors had always been a dream for Novikov – indeed this was one of the platforms of the Novikovian Nationalist Party (NNSP), a member of Novikov’s ruling coalition in Parliament. This is why he wished to enlist Novikovian help in saving his country. He was not like the young King Jaromir VII, he explained. He could see past the historic conflicts and religious differences. Joining with Novikov meant security, modernization, and liberalization for his country.

For this reason, Bielobogov had come to request Novikovian support, and possibly Novikovian troops, to help him overthrow the monarchy. If the Novikovian Government provided him with such support, he promised to bind Bielostrov to the Novikov’s federal system along the same model a Czechzenia. He would allow for Novikovian military bases in the region – long coveted because of their strategic position along the northerly shipping lanes – open Bielostrov’s markets to Novikovian goods, and provide tax revenue as any other province.

To show his seriousness, he presented Yefretorov with an outline of his proposal, signed by Bielobogov himself, as well as several other regional officials. He also provided the Novikovians with a signed list of what he claimed were 1.500 members of the bureaucracy, military, and intelligentsia who would support such an overthrow. He promised popular support, and a quick coup, if only he were given enough support. Didn’t Yefretorov see how much both their countries stood to gain from such an agreement?

Through all of this, Yefretorov remained mostly silent. He was not sure if he trusted Bielobogov, although he did admire the frankness of the proposal. Still, it was an interesting offer. He accepted the documents, promising to keep them safe, and thanked the men for their time, suggesting that they might meet again after he had time to speak with the Premier. Reluctantly, the five men were show to the door. They were unaccustomed to the politics of a democracy, and apparently had hoped for an immediate answer. Still, after a gracious round of thanks, the delegation filed out of the office and left, promising to return in a week’s time.

As soon as he was alone again, Undersecretary Yefretorov closed the door of his office and began to hurriedly call his superiors and various other contacts within the Novikovian and Oceanian governments. Afterall, it was an interesting proposal.

[OOC: Sleepy. Writer's block. Here's the first part for ya, Lamoni. The rest will be up tomorrow morning. I gotta sleep first.]
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A member of the United Kingdom of Oceania and Nova
Host of the First International Chess Tournament.
Economic: 8.25 Left
Social: 3.03 Libertarian
CoP I (3rd), CoH XLIII (3rd) & XLVI (2nd), WCQ LI-LV

Gardez-vous d’écouter cet imposteur; vous ětes perdus, si vous oubliez que les fruits sont à tous, et que la terre n’est à personne.

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Lamoni
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Inoffensive Centrist Democracy

Postby Lamoni » Mon Nov 28, 2011 1:38 am

DL/Damiran island of Delos

Being part of the Delian League, it was inevitable that a nation would have eyes in the region of Nova, and it would be logical to see at least some of them at the DLHQ on the island of Delos. Like any other prudent nation, Lamoni had intelligence agents combing through the intelligence reports coming through the island of Delos. Certainly they looked for threats to the DL, but more importantly, they looked for threats to the Lamonian nation, the people, or the nation's interests. Lately, more reports had been coming in about Novikov. Sometimes that could be rationalized simply by the fact that Novikov was part of Oceania, other times, it was specifically about Novikov itself.

All in all, it was sometimes one of those one-liners that got caught up in intelligence reports that would later have such an impact on the lives of millions; or in the case of Lamoni, billions. One line in particular noted that an undersecretary in Novikov had had a meeting with some people from Bielostrov. Not that the LIA Captain that read the report would ever realize the significance of what she was reading. Captain Zedan properly filed the report, including her notes on the information, and there the information would sit, waiting for however much or little further handing that it would get in the DL's intelligence files.

Lamoni had wanted lands in the region of Nova for some time, and was ever watchful for opportunities to claim some land of their own there. So far, the search for a way to obtain such lands had not proven fruitful, and even as the intelligence report was filed, it still did not seem likely.
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Novikov
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Ex-Nation

Postby Novikov » Sun Dec 04, 2011 12:26 am

Gabivkovo Square
Central Poldi’sk, Novikov
Three Weeks Later


“How easy it is to start a war!” Ivan VasilyevichYefretorov muttered to himself as he looked out in amazement from the steps of Novikov’s 400-year old Parliamentary Hall. Across the broad square, a tall double-gate of pristine red-brick looked out on Národa Ulice, the broad central boulevard of Novikov’s capitol city. The point where the boulevard entered the square was flanked by elegant brick-buildings, many windowed, with high roofs of green-copper. Between these buildings and the steps of Parliament, a great throng of people had gathered to hear Novikovian Premier Ladislav Kopecky address the nation.

The heavy wooden doors of Parliament swung open, and hush descended on the crowd. From the Parliament building strode the Premier, flanked by Alicia Cermak, Secretary of State for Novikov, and Radovan Noskovic, the leader of Súzvuk, Novikov’s leading political party. A smattering of other officials and MPs followed, representing most Novikovian parties, making a strong show of unity. Súzvuk and the NNSP had leapt onboard the Bielostrovian’s proposal almost as soon as it had left Yefretorov’s office. Both parties had been surging in the polls, and their unconditional support for intervention in Bielostrov had been enough to force other minority parties to give at least tacit consent for the measure. Only the small Czechzen Nationalist Party (CzNSP) had opposed the measure.

The group approached the podium, and an excited bubbling of voices rose from the crowd. Amid the flash of photographers, the Premier stepped forward. He raised a hand, and the murmurs stopped. He reached into the breast of his jacket and placed his speech on the podium. Then, straightening himself up to full height, he began to speak.

Bratrstvo Slovanů…” Slavic Brotherhood. He gave a small nod to his left, where Noskovic stood, surrounded by Súzvuk and NNSP officials – members of the conservative ruling coalition in Novikov. The words had been a popular slogan of the NNSP in the last election, and it seemed odd that the Kopecy, a Liberálný Demokrat, would begin in such a way. After a brief pause to let the words sink in, he continued.

“We often hear these words, but we seldom consider their true meaning. For hundreds of years, these words have been a dear to all Novikovians. A fervent belief in these words drew the first immigrants to our great nation. And it was continued faith in Bratrstvo Slovanů which has allowed our nation to grow into a great multi-ethnic federation of peoples, diverse, but united in a common goal of creating a just and peaceful future for themselves and their posterity.

“But, I ask you all, is this dream now only reserved for our proud citizens? Or is Bratrstvo Slovanů an ideal which transcends borders, one which all Slavs, free and oppressed, across the globe, hold in their hearts? In recent years, our sense of brotherhood has become little more than a petty call for national unity as we have struggled in great trials against those whom we would not call our brothers. Remember that it was not always so. During the last years of the Empire, Bratrstvo Slovanů became the calling of thousands of missionaries, who braved no lesser trials to bring the good news to their Slavic brothers. And at the founding of our republic, Bratrstvo Slovanů was once a call to accept foreigners into our midst, with justice and compassion. Years later, it was the call for our republic to spread its freedoms to the oppressed peoples of Czechzenia and to fairly and respectfully unite with them in a our great federation.” Here he paused to give a nod to the only two Czechzen MPs both from the Populist SPL, who smiled back awkwardly. Twenty years later, and this was still a touchy subject for Czechzens. “And our faith in Bratrstvo Slovanů allowed our nation to survive the great conflict with Azazia without descending into factionalism, anarchy, and chaos.

“Will we continue to guard these words selfishly, convinced that we here are the only peoples worthy of the dream we have labored so hard to achieve. Or will we continue, as our forefathers once did, to strive and struggle to expand this dream, so that all our brothers may share in our bliss? I, for one, will not sit idly by, and I beseech all true-hearted Novikovians to be of this same mind.”

For a moment, the Premier paused, holding himself upright, both hands set firmly on the podium as he gaze out across the crowd. There was an undercurrent of excited whispers, and from somewhere in the mass of people came scattered shouts of, “Bratrstvo Slovanů!” and “Súzvuk! – Unison!” Cameras flashed near the podium, and members of the press scribbled excitedly.

“Today, a bare thousand kilometers from our shores, there live millions of our Slavic brothers in virtual enslavement, under the rule of a tyrannical monarch who does nothing but leech off of those he should serve. Their tongue is our tongue. Their faith was once the faith of this land. We share a common ancestry, and common tradition. Who could claim to be our brothers, if not them?

“I speak of course of the Bělostrové. The peoples of our great nation are so close to them. Yet their lives are radically different. They share none of the rights or freedoms which we hold dear. They had had no share in our prosperity. Bielostrov is a nation of impoverished millions, held as thralls of the outdated and unjust Mir system; as system in which the average citizen is denied to leave their village or their assigned profession. It is a nation in which thousands of men and women can be moved and traded as chattel to a handful of petty and corrupt boyars and nobles. Over half the nation’s people live without access to electricity or running water, and without hope of education or advancement.

“This system is rigidly enforced by a corrupt state, led by Králi Jaromir Bielobogov VII. The state continues to use torture and summary execution to enforce its will. It tolerates no dissent, and has banned all political parties. The people live in constant fear of the secret police and their informants. The press are purveyors of state-propaganda and lies.

“This government is supported by the Bielostrovian church, which has elevated the monarch to god-like status, and the church is used to justify the state’s continued abuse of power and the enslavement of millions. There is no freedom of conscience, and deviation from the state religion is a crime punishable by death. In all ways, this state of affairs flies in the face of our own belief in liberty and equality for all men.”

“Will we allow our nation to sit idly by, while millions languish in thralldom and despair? No! That is not our way. We are are a people willing to fight and sacrifice for the lives of strangers, and most certainly the lives of our kin. This has been the duty and purpose of our great nation. And it is likewise the duty and purpose of this government.”

“In this spirit, the Novikovian Government gives the following ultimatum to the Beliostrovian Government:

1) The immediate and unconditional abdication of Králi Jaromir Bielobogov VII, and the institution of democratic government.
2) The promise of elections, open to all Bělostrové, regardless of gender, creed, or social class, under international oversight to ensure the enfranchisement of all
citizens.
3) The immediate release of all political prisoners, and of all prisoners of conscience currently held by the Bielostrovian State.
4) The immediate end of the Mir system and the granting of freedom of movement, freedom of occupation, and freedom from forced relocation to all citizens.
5) The immediate end of the state ban on political parties.
6) Complete freedom of religion to all citizens.
7) An immediate end to summary arrests and executions, and to the secret police.
8) Complete freedom of speech, and of the press, and an end to state propaganda.

“If these terms are not accepted by the government of Králi Jaromir VII within ten days’ time, the Novikovian Government will have no choice but to intervene on behalf of all Bělostrové in order to secure them these rights.”
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A member of the United Kingdom of Oceania and Nova
Host of the First International Chess Tournament.
Economic: 8.25 Left
Social: 3.03 Libertarian
CoP I (3rd), CoH XLIII (3rd) & XLVI (2nd), WCQ LI-LV

Gardez-vous d’écouter cet imposteur; vous ětes perdus, si vous oubliez que les fruits sont à tous, et que la terre n’est à personne.

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Lamoni
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Inoffensive Centrist Democracy

Postby Lamoni » Sun Dec 04, 2011 11:13 pm

Delos

The Novikovian ultimatum had even been picked up on the isle of Delos, and again, it was a Lamonian who picked up the broadcast. Making a tape of the broadcast in accordance to procedure, no one noticed when a copy was sent to the Lamonian officer-in-charge of all of the Lamonian personnel on Delos. From there, a satellite transmission sent the data on it's way to the Lamonian mainland.

Lamoni

Watching the broadcast in the Presidential Palace, President Stinson sighed. He knew that he would have to make a statement about the situation. Stinson looked at one of his aides. "Might as well get this over with. Get the press together, and i'll issue a statement on the matter. Also, send instructions to the Navy to send a carrier battlegroup to the Bielostrov/Novikov maritime border."

Later

Upon entering the press room and making it to the podium, the President saw all of the familiar media teams were there, and looking curious as to why he'd just called them to a press conference.

"Fellow Lamonian citizens, I know that you question why i've called this press conference, but foreign events have forced my hand. In the region of Nova, the government of Novikov has issued an ultimatum to the government of Beliostrov. The ultimatum demands reforms that seem worthy of praise on the surface, have a dark undertone. You do not enforce democracy on someone from afar, democracy has to come from the people who live in a given society.

What does Novikov's ultimatum state that they will do if the King of Beliostrov does not comply with their demands? Novikov has threatened to invade Beliostrov. Rather than help the people of the islands of Beliostrov to obtain democracy on their own, they seek to waltz into the place, and introduce it by force, likely making the islands part of Novikov in the process. I thereby have the responsibility of putting Novikov on notice that unless they drop their threat of military action against Beliostrov in five days time, that the Free Republic will put in place a naval blockade on the naval border between the two countries. Thank you, and long live the Free Republic!"

Departing from the press room, Stinson saw that some members of the press were stunned by the developments, while others were throwing out questions like there was no tomorrow.

"Mr. President, why are we helping some small group of islands in Nova? Mr. President will this mean armed conflict with Novikov? Mr. President, what are... Mr. President! Mr. President! Mr. President!" With the door shut behind him, Stinson knew that his comments on the situation would be shown world-wide before the hour was even out.
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Resides in Greater Dienstad. (Former) Mayor of Equilism.
I'm a Senior N&I RP Mentor. Questions? TG me!
Licana on the M-21A2 MBT: "Well, it is one of the most badass tanks on NS."


Vortiaganica: Lamoni I understand fully, of course. The two (Lamoni & Lyras) are more inseparable than the Clinton family and politics.


Triplebaconation: Lamoni commands a quiet respect that carries its own authority. He is the Mandela of NS.

Part of the Meow family in Gameplay, and a GORRAM GAME MOD! My TGs are NOT for Mod Stuff.

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The State of Monavia
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Father Knows Best State

Postby The State of Monavia » Mon Dec 05, 2011 10:43 pm

OOC:

I am entering this thread as an interested party, specifically a Delian League member. Monavia will not necessarily be holding itself to a standard of Ixanian-style neutrality in this affair. Sparks (and bullets) may end up flying soon enough. I admit that this is not my best writing, but it opens up Monavia's presence in the thread.

I am using the day after Novikov posted for the second time (December 18) as the IC starting date for my post. I am relying on a time zone map put together on the “NS World Map” thread to ascertain time zone differences. I will be putting the meeting of the Royal Cabinet and the deployment of naval forces into my next post when I have an opportunity to write one.




IC:

The United Kingdom of Oceania was regarded by Monavians as an extra-Novan power that desired more than the simple foothold of Novikov in the region. The exact things its government desired and the extent of its plans were rarely cause for speculation, however, because the interests of the United Kingdom did not seem to even remotely intersect with those of the Monavian Empire and its allies.

As usual, the Monavian government chose not to show its hand. It played the card game of global geopolitics with reserve when nothing extraordinary was happening and then acted with boldness whenever an opportunity arose for lasting gains to be won. The United Kingdom generally played by a different set of rules. The rationale behind the way in which its government ran it made perfect sense to many Monavians, but one curious thing about them made it possible to discern where their interests lay.

Oceanians, especially Novikovians, had increased their influence and presence in Nova. Outwardly, they were perceived to be coldly indifferent towards Monavia, despite having some ethnic similarities, and at worst they seemed like a reluctant neighbor which viewed western Nova with apathy and perhaps even a slight degree of disdain. In truth, this opinion was not wholly inaccurate, but it failed to capture the fullness of Novikovian opinions towards Monavia. Novikov viewed the Fegosian Union as an aggressive organization, and Monavia’s membership therein did not do anything to improve Novikovian perceptions of Monavian foreign policy.

It was on this geopolitical stage that a series of events unfolded and drew together the interests of nations.




December 18, AD 2011
9:00 A.M. Chalcedon Local Time (CLT)


Chalcedon
Capital District
Imperial Federation of the Monavian Empire
Northwest Nova


A light snow had fallen on the Monavian capital during the previous night, covering rooftops with white sheets of powdery flakes that began to melt as soon as the sun poked its rays through gaps that were forming in the clouds overhead. The winter weather was unusually mild during the day, but during the previous night it had followed its normal course, dropping snow and temperatures just enough to leave chills in any building that had inadequate insulation. The morning of December 18 fell on the Sunday before Christmas, a time when traffic had to contend with natural inconveniences, not the least of which was the sheets of ice that formed on the roads from time to time. Snowplows had been clearing the streets of snow and other obstructions assembled by the weather in order to make way for motor vehicles to move freely throughout the city, and luckily for their operators there was no ice that had to be forcibly pried up, a job that left the pavement worse for wear if not done properly.

Because it was a Sunday morning, the roads of Chalcedon were heavy with traffic, most of which consisted of churchgoers on their way to liturgies and masses being celebrated all over the city. Groundskeepers at public buildings were already shoveling snow out of walkways and the ones working at churches were especially busy. Though Chalcedon, like most of the Monavian Empire’s cities, was heavily Christianized, its population was not wholly engaged in worship on that morning. The most notable examples of this fact came in the form of the Empire’s 27,000,000 Muslims, 7,300,000 Buddhists, and 3,860,000 Jews. For them, Sunday was simply another day of the week, a day on which they could go about working and earn an honest living by their own merits.

Plodding through wave after wave of street traffic was a luxury car that appeared by all accounts to be the property of some businessperson, but in reality it was an unmarked police car. Behind it was a market police car with its lights flashing brightly in the still morning air, but its sirens remained silent as it passed through the streets. Behind this car was an FSS van and a van carrying half a section of the Royal Guard. Following this van was a black limousine with gold fittings which bore seven passengers in its rear. The royal family, like the 375,000,000 other Monavian Christians who regularly attended Sunday services, was on its way to the Patriarchal Cathedral of St. Andrew to attend Sunday services, which usually began at ten o’clock.

At nine-thirty the royal motorcade pulled up to the cathedral grounds, arriving in front of the west entrance to its square forecourt. The forecourt was a colonnade resembling a cloister, and was constructed immediately in front of the cathedral's towering western elevation. The walls of the building had been dusted with snow and its golden domes were topped with white piles resembling thin sheets of cake frosting. The chauffer driving the limousine waited for two FSS officers to open up the rear doors and escort the king and queen into the cathedral with their five children. They trudged upon the wet pavement and ascended the front steps while making considerable efforts not to appear uncomfortable in the chilly weather. A guard pulled on one of the arched bronze doors that were set into the center portal in order to open it and admit the royal family entry into the building and then pulled it shut behind them. The heavy metal slab ground noisily on its hinges, which had become encrusted with ice and snow, and had to be wrested shut with a loud clap in order to be closed properly.

It was nine-forty when the seven royals and their guards had finally taken their seats towards the front of the nave. They were oblivious to the saber-rattling going on in a country that was five time zones away from Chalcedon, they were too busy watching acolytes vest the patriarch and assist in conducting the service, too busy leaving worldly cares locked outside the heavy bronze doors of the cathedral. The placid interior atmosphere could not have been more different from the potential chaos that could engulf Beilostrov. Here, in the Lord’s temple, the faithful read hymnals in lieu of casualty reports. Here they saw the flickering of candles in place of the flashing of artillery fire. Clergymen, not heavily armed soldiers, walked in processions. They carried crosses and fans aloft, not rifles and machine guns.

The Liturgy was completed shortly after noon, only a short time after Premier Kopecky had finished delivering his ultimatum in Poldi’sk. He had proclaimed the ideals of ethnic brotherhood while threatening his neighbors with military destruction if they did not acquiesce to his demands. While some Monavians, especially economists and sociologists, were aware of the existence of the Mir system, they saw no reason why anyone should interfere with it from outside. To them, King Jaromir was but another authoritarian leader who was interested only in preserving the status quo of internal Beilostrovian politics, whatever the cost. Perhaps he was a thug by the standards of more clement and enlightened leaders, but for all they knew, King Jaromir’s policies might have been grounded in legitimate, defensible reasons! What did it matter to Monavians if the Beilostrovian Králi used his government’s coercive apparatus against dissenters? Was not the preservation of freedom in Monavia what mattered to Monavians?

After His Holiness the Patriarch had finished serving the Liturgy and the faithful had begun filing out of the cathedral, the royal family and their guards were escorted out through the front doors to their limousine and were driven away in relative comfort. Temperatures in Chalcedon usually plunged down to ten degrees Fahrenheit at night in mid-December and only reached thirty by mid-morning, so the present temperature of sixty degrees with wind chills of forty was quite remarkable.




12:27 P.M. Chalcedon Local Time (CLT)

Royal Residence
Chalcedon
Capital District
Imperial Federation of the Monavian Empire
Northwest Nova


At 12:05 that afternoon, a red two-seat coupe bearing a government courier departed from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Building, whipping up snow under its tires as it sped away. The driver of the coupe, a red-haired, thirty-one-year-old woman with a light complexion, skillfully rounded several corners and regularly exceeded speed limits in a number of locations, had no concerns for the issue of getting traffic tickets. The flags mounted on the front fenders and special registry marks on her license places allowed her to obtain some leeway with the law in order to complete state duties, and it was because of this that she cut a thirty minute trip down to twenty-two minutes. At 12:27, she drove through the west gate of the Royal Residence and parked in front of the west portico.

The courier stuffed her keys in her pocket, grabbed a slim aluminum case that sat on the seat adjacent to her, and locked it to her wrist with an unusual set of manacles she kept inside a small drawer built into the dashboard. Exiting the vehicle with the case in hand, she took two steps before stopping, changing her mind, and slipping back inside. To the guards posted at the front doors, sheltered from the snow, sleet, rain, and all things but the cold wind by the portico above, she appeared to have forgotten something. They did not notice her unlocking the manacle and stowing it back inside the drawer. I’m carrying a message here, not transferring currency! I must be out of my mind this morning, she mused. Wait, it’s afternoon! She nearly cursed her restless mind as she walked up the steps.

A light breeze, which from time to time had sprung up throughout the morning, and which inconvenienced the city’s inhabitants with an unpleasant wind chill that caused momentary twenty degree temperature drops, blew some snowflakes into the courier’s curly, shoulder-length hair and sprinkled more particles of snow all over her burgundy uniform. While momentarily surprised by the gust, which shook thin, wispy tree branches and caused the flags on her car to flutter with audibility, her composure remained undisturbed. With a thin frown, she picked up her pace from where she left off and presented a letter of entry to the guards, who promptly directed her forward into the west gallery, a rectangular room only a few paces away from the antechamber of the queen’s office.

After turning to her left and arriving at the antechamber, she was admitted by the valet standing at the entrance. “The queen should be here any minute,” said the valet.

“Good. It is an urgent message after all.”




December 18, AD 2011
12:31 P.M. Chalcedon Local Time (CLT)


Office of the Queen
First floor, Royal Residence
Chalcedon
Capital District
Imperial Federation of the Monavian Empire
Northwest Nova


Her Holy Imperial Majesty Elizabeth VI was not interested in making a catwalk out of her retreat into the palace. Upon leaving her limousine with her family she hastily ran up the front steps of the palace, taking them two at a time, before leaping towards the doors in a display of her ever-persistent vitality. She still played many games of tennis when she had the chance, and frequently rode horses around the country when it was warmer. Fencing was her husband’s athletic hobby, and while he dabbled in horticulture from time to time, she actually held an academic degree in the field.

After arriving in her office, which was located on the first floor of the building, she went to her office. Passing by the valet, who offered her a fluid bow, she slipped inside and closed the doubled doors of the antechamber behind her. It was only then that she noticed the courier seated to the right of the doors against the antechamber’s north wall. The snowflakes had melted into droplets of water on her oval face and gave her the appearance of having been sprayed with holy water in church, even though she had been working at the Ministry all morning.

“Your Imperial Majesty,” the courier intoned with her usual formality, “I was sent from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs with an urgent message.”

“What sort of message, Karina?” asked the queen. Karina was a regular who appeared several times a week, and like most of the couriers and the servants, the queen took the time to learn the name of each in order to make her work easier. Shouting “You there!” at a crowd was not all that effective in her experience, let alone ladylike.

“What sort of message?” asked the queen.

“I don’t know. It’s marked ‘urgent’ on the front,” Karina explained, “It also states on the outside that it was dispatched this morning.”

“Please give it to me.”

Karina unlocked the case and produced a cream-colored envelope from her pocket and handed it over. “That’s all there is.”

“Thank you. I will open this in my office.”

“The pleasure of service is all mine, Your Majesty,” The courier offered a brief bow before departing from the antechamber.

After arriving in her office, which was located on the first floor of the building, she closed the doubled doors of the antechamber in front of it and then closed her office doors. Setting the envelope down on her desk, she unlocked the top drawer, which contained several letter openers, and withdrew one with a particularly sharp edge. Violenly slashing open the envelope with a single motion, she set down the letter opener and extracted a single sheet of paper, folded in half. She dropped the empty envelope on top of her desk, where it limply plopped on the surface like a gutted fish. She unfolded the message contained inside, finding it to be very short.

MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS
IMPERIAL FEDERATION OF THE MONAVIAN EMPIRE


Your Holy Imperial Majesty:

This morning the Premier of Novikov issued an ultimatum to the government of Beilostrov. It contains a total of eight provisions, the first of which demands that Králi Jaromir VII abdicate immediately and hand over his government to democrats.

It is the recommendation of the Ministry that an emergency meeting of the Royal Cabinet be convened tomorrow morning to address this issue.

Sincerely,

Antonio Augustovich Cinna
Secretary to the Chairman of the Monavian Foreign Relations Council


No sooner had the queen finished reading the letter that she hurriedly skimmed it over another time. War is coming to Nova, she sighed, and we had better be ready.




December 19, AD 2011
8:00 A.M. Chalcedon Local Time (CLT)


Cabinet Chamber
First floor, Royal Residence
Chalcedon
Capital District
Imperial Federation of the Monavian Empire
Northwest Nova


The dawn light appeared cold and pale, tinged with white and pale blue, as clouds blocked out parts of the sun. It would not snow until midday, but already the partially overcast sky was presenting commuters elsewhere in the city with something about which to complain, and perhaps even a few excuses for tardiness to offer to their employers, or worse yet, their customers.

An extraordinary meeting of the Royal Cabinet had been scheduled for eight-thirty A.M. on the morning of December 19. In preparation for the meeting, the Cabinet Chamber had been cleaned earlier in the morning and a fire lit in its fireplace in order to increase its internal temperature while providing the room with a more welcoming ambience. The fire had been lit at six o’clock and stoked for more than an hour and a half, by which time it had warmed up the room considerably and was allowed to burn itself out over the next hour.

Minister of Defense Carl Blake was the first to arrive at the palace, stopping to the north of the east entrance and leaving his car in the hands of royal valets and security. The morning was still warmer than usual, at thirty-three degrees Fahrenheit, but nonetheless cold enough for Minister Blake to feel cool in his three-piece woolen suit. Blake ascended the exterior staircase on the east side of the building and passed under the portico covering the east entrance, receiving salutes and faint grins from the guards standing on either side. After entering the east gallery and turning to his right, he pushed open one of the doubled doors on the south side of the chamber and shut it behind him. The room was comfortable; the pile of coals inside the fireplace was still radiating some heat but no tendrils of flame remained, having died out ten minutes before he even arrived.

It was now eight-fifteen, and the other ministers were still on their way to the palace. Weighty business was about to be considered.
Last edited by The State of Monavia on Sun Dec 11, 2011 6:57 pm, edited 2 times in total.
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Novikov
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Founded: Feb 13, 2005
Ex-Nation

Postby Novikov » Sat Dec 17, 2011 11:07 pm

Nob’grod, Bielostrov

It took almost six hours for the Novikovian ultimatum to reach Jaromir’s court in Bielostrov. Neither nation maintained an embassy within the other – in fact there had been no diplomatic contact between the states in almost twenty years - and Novikovian radio and news had been banned within the small island nation. Ultimately, a copy of Premier Kopecky’s speech found its way into the hands of a small Bielostrovian state news team in Yafor, and was forwarded with all haste to the capitol.

The information set the small capitol city into a flurry of activity. As soon as the ultimatum reached Grand Prince Bogdan, head of the Bielostrovian Intelligence Service, he summoned an emergency meeting of the king’s court and advisors and, on his authority, own authority, placed those troops in the city on alert. The king himself was away from the capitol, on religious pilgrimage to Ch’ternogolva* in preparation for the upcoming solstice, but messages were swiftly sent to warn him of the crisis.

Lights burned late into the night around Prabitel’dvor, the capitol’s central government district. The nation was remarkably decentralized, and even in emergencies it took some time for various officials to arrive from the outlying districts. Finally, at nearly midnight, Krali Jaromir’s caravan came speeding through the city, the royal family’s modern Mercedes Benz instantly recognizable in a city of old Czechzen-built Ladas. As the bells of Bazhne Bielbogoba, the great tower built by Krali Bielbogov I in the 18th century, sounded the new day the king’s motorcade arrived in the center of the square, and was hurried up the stairs and through the near-empty halls of his palace to a waiting conference room. Councilor Zvezdan, cousin and chief religious advisor to the king, trailed quickly behind.

Nearly two-dozen mostly older, bearded men were clustered into the conference room, their heavy starched suit coats and uniforms making them look as though they had sprung out of a black-and-white photograph from the 60’s. Yet they appeared strikingly modern compared to the devout young Krali and his companion in their traditional Bielostrivian tunics, long-sleeved and made of heavy wool fabric. Jaromir was a tall, pale and gaunt-looking young man, black haired with a scrappy new beard, the very image of youthful inexperience. Councilor Zvezdan was shorter and tanned, but had the same lanky youthful figure, his eyes sharp and bright with his religious devotion. Though young, they commanded the attention and respect of all in the room. As they entered, everyone stood, bowing heads low and solemnly greeting their sovereign. “Slavny Bieli!

Jaromir gave a casual nod in recognition, glancing over at the young Zvezdan, the only man whose head remained unbowed. A few greetings were exchanged, many of the various councilors being relatives of the king. When his eyes fell on one empty seat, the king frowned, asking, “And where is my beloved uncle Mstislav? I had hoped to see him here.”

A well-dressed aide stepped forward from the back of the room, lowering his head as he faced the King. “Councilor Mstislav begs your majesty’s forgiveness. He has taken ill and is recovering at his home in Yezhron’selo. He remains your loyal servant and has sent me in his stead, to apprise him of what is discussed.”

Jaromir nodded, a serious look on his face. “Tomorrow I will sacrifice for his health.” He was graciously thanked by the aide, who then slipped back to the corner of the room, watching as the older councilors eyed Grand Prince Bogdan, who seemed unsure how to begin. The kings eyes fell on him, and for a moment there was a terse silence. Then, with brashness characteristic of youth, he abruptly blurted out, “Out with it! What abomination have the Nievieraci, the infidels, declared now?”

The king was quickly made aware of the Novikovian demands. His initial reaction was to proudly reject all demands. In this, he was supported by Councilor Zvezdan and several other conservative advisors, as well as his military advisors. They were of the opinion that the ultimatum was nothing more than the pretext for an invasion of their nation. A smaller group of liberal advisors, led by Dragan Viestopolg, Rector of the National University of Bielostrov, also advocated rejecting the ultimatum in order to preserve the king’s status, but recommended making some concessions. A conciliatory gesture would go far in winning over international support for Bielostrov, in the case that the Novikovians did decide to attack, and some of the Novikovian demands did strike at serious social problems plaguing the country.

On this point, most of the moderate advisors agreed. Slowly, against the objections of Councilor Zvedzan, discussion moved towards what concessions the king should grant. All agreed that the absolute power of the monarchy and the faith should remain inviolate, but the disagreed over the specific concessions to be granted. Rector Viestopolg argued adamantly for a reform of the Mir system, and for freedom of religion, but was drown out by Councilor Zvezdan, close to the king’s ear. After three hours of earnest debate, only the vaguest of outlines had been agreed upon. The king would authorize the formation of an elected Council of Deputies, which would be able to pass legislation subject to the approval of the king and his chosen Council of Ministers. Suffrage would be granted to all citizens, but public office would still only be available to members of the nobility or other landowners. The king would declare an end to all restrictions on movement, and would promise to reduce limits on free speech and permit foreign journalists into the country. Freedom of conscience would be granted to any Bielostrovians who wished to convert, but the state would continue to publically fund traditional religious institutions. The king would also pledge modest investments in education, healthcare, and infrastructure.

It was decided that Jaromir should not formally reject the Novikovian ultimatum. To do so would invite retaliation. If the Novikovians were content to allow Bielostrov ten days to prepare, so be it. It would allow the military some time to prepare, and give the government a chance to rally international support to their cause. On the importance of this latter issue, the king’s military advisors were clear. They could resist for a season, but alone, Bielostrov was in the end helpless against the force which could be brought against them.

As the sun was peeking over the eastern horizon, the King finally took his leave. He would rest for a while, and make the announcement tomorrow, and copies of the proclamation would be posted in ever Mir and Selo in the country. While he rested, however, Bielostrov’s relatively small diplomatic section began to frantically contact foreign press agencies – mostly Yaforite – to begin spreading news of the king’s plan, and of his request for, “international mediation of this conflict.”

---
Far from Prabitel’dvor, on the outskirts of Nob’grod itself, dozens of scattered villages were nestled into the hillsides along the roads and rails leading into the capitol. These mir were typically fiefs to the many counselors and nobles which frequented the capitol. Owing to their proximity to the city itself, man had been developed by their various influential lords, sometimes with whole populations pressed into labor in a particular new industry. Here, one could more easily find reliable water and electricity, and lights burned throughout the night, in stark contrast to dark countryside villages, and the occasional automobile could be seen plying their dirt roads.

In one such mir, the clamor of machinery echoed into the night. The tiny village of Krasen’dol, some 30 km south of Nob’gorod was part of Councilor Mstislav Bielbogov’s scattered holdings, and in he and his father before him had chosen this area to build a great paper mill and printing press, giving them a virtual monopoly on state contracts. Of the 5.000-some residents of the fief, over 3.000 worked in one of these two industries, and tonight over 500 of them were toiling long into the night, printing something which would change their country profoundly.

It was no state document, although it bore the proper seals of the monarchy and the faith. It had been written by Councilor Mstislav alone, in secret. The pamphlet, a bare four pages long, bore the radical title, “Na Dzhyachi Mirov” – To the Thousands of the Mir. It was a radical denunciation of monarchy and nobility, blaming them and the corrupt mir system for the corruption, poverty, and lack of opportunity which plagued the people. He declared that all men were free, and owed no allegiance to the corrupt state. In colorful, religious metaphor it explained how the people must rise up and purge the nation of its corrupt rulers, summoning the image of great Svantieb’**, who turns his cold black face of death on the world, only to have it be reborn under the light of his white face into a new spring, and summer, and harvest. Only through the death of the old order could a glorious new nation be born, and the people must fight alongside any who would aide them, even infidels, to achieve this dream. The Councilor had even signed the document in his own name, publicly breaking with the monarchy.

It was a tremendous gamble, but to Mstislav, the cards seemed stacked in his favor. He had the support of the Novikovians – traditionally the greatest military power in the region. He had but to survive one, perhaps two weeks before they toppled frail little Jaromir. If he could do that, this document would give him all the political clout he would need to win himself a leading position in the new order.

Late in the night, just an hour before dawn, the presses stopped their work. Quickly, bundles of the pamphlets were hurried out of the village by horse and automobile. Many were sent north, to the capitol itself, while others were taken to the surrounding communities. From there, a few loyal followers of Mstislav’s faction would go by train to the countryside in a vast canvasing campaign. By the solstice celebrations in three days the document would be everywhere, and tens of thousands of ordinary Bielostrovians would be exposed to it during the public rituals and celebrations happening across the nation. Nothing could stop it, or so Mstislav Bielobogov had wagered. He could only pray he was right…

* Ch’ternogolva, lit. “the four-heads” is a cluster of four mountain peaks in the interior or Bielostrov, revered by all Bielostrovians as a site of great religious significance, raised out of the supreme-deity Svantieb’ (also called Bieli) in his image.

** [size=85]Svantieb’ is the Bielostrovian supreme-deity, analogous to Svantevit, but with a much greater domain, including the sun, moon, seasons, harvest, warfare, life and death. Svantieb’ is also the deity credited with the creation of the islands of Bielostrov.
Last edited by Novikov on Thu Jan 12, 2012 8:47 pm, edited 5 times in total.
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Lamoni
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Inoffensive Centrist Democracy

Postby Lamoni » Sun Dec 18, 2011 2:26 am

It didn't take long for the Lamonians on Delos to hear Jaromir's plea for someone to mediate the conflict, via the Yaforite media. Before an hour had passed, the information had been sent back to Lamoni, and a statement had been sent to the Yaforite media outlets responsible for breaking the story on Jaromir's plea, with a note to forward it on to Bielostrov, if possible. Hopefully, that would allow the message to reach Krali Jaromir himself. The message also included the direct phone number to President Stinson's office, which would allow direct contact between the two leaders, if the Beilostrovians had access to an international phone system, which was not something to be taken for granted, given how the message had been broadcast so far.


Office of the President of the Free Republic of Lamoni

To: Krali Jaromir, Bielostrov

Greetings Krali Jaromir!

We have heard of your plea for someone to mediate in the dispute between Beilostrov and Novikov, and we would like to volunteer for the duty. With your permission, we would also like to place military forces on your islands in order to provide a defense, just in case Novikovian military forces decide to attack while any possible talks are ongoing. You can find a provisional list of the military units that we would like to send at the end of this message. It is your choice, if you wish our military assistance as well as diplomatic, we will provide it, making you a protectorate of the Free Republic of Lamoni, if you request it. Lamoni is not in the business of occupying smaller nations, and any military units which we place on your soil would leave, upon your request.

If you desire to contact me directly, my office's phone number is: 9-220-555-5555. I will be waiting for your reply.

In reference to the military forces stated above, we would like to send:

2x Mechanized Infantry Division
1x Armored Division
1x Air Defense Division
4x Aerospace Brigade
1x CVBG

Please let us know if this is acceptable to you.

Signed,

Andrew Stinson
President
Free Republic of Lamoni


In the meantime, the Lamonian Military units involved were given "prepare to move" orders, in case all or any of them were ordered to Bielostrov. LIA was using all of it's resources to get as much information on Novikov and Bielostrov as they possibly could, especially in regards of what each was capable of, militarily. Even lesser military equipment could be deadly, if you had a lot more of it than your opponent did, and this was looking to be the case, as the initial results were showing Novikov to have a larger, and possibly more proficient military force than Bielostrov did, based on recon satellite imaging that had so far been done by Synthetic Aperture Radar sats. These cheap-ish recon sats could function in conditions where optical satellites could not, and their SAR radar signals were very hard to jam.
Last edited by Lamoni on Sun Dec 18, 2011 2:27 am, edited 1 time in total.
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The State of Monavia
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Father Knows Best State

Postby The State of Monavia » Mon Dec 19, 2011 2:32 pm

OOC:

This takes place before the Beilostrovian government formally declined compliance with the ultimatum or provisions thereof.

EDIT (December 30,2011): I found a typo, fixed it, and added more information.

EDIT (February 1, 2012): I found more typos while reading through this post and others in order to remember what my characters were doing.




IC:

December 19, AD 2011
8:15 A.M. Chalcedon Local Time (CLT)


Cabinet Chamber
First floor, Royal Residence
Chalcedon
Capital District
Imperial Federation of the Monavian Empire
Northwest Nova


Minister Blake did not need to wait for long to see other ministers show up. After the passage of but one minute, the Minister of Labor, a short man named Cameron Putlin, strode into the room and took a seat adjacent to Minister Blake.

“I heard that there’s an ‘emergency’ meeting happening here, though I see no emergency!” joked the young minister. Putlin was only thirty-nine years old, a full twenty-three years younger than Blake and far less experienced. Minister Blake had occupied his office for nine years, whereas Putln had only been appointed in February 2011.

“You’re right about the observed lack of urgency. Perhaps the others were subjected to a traffic jam!” Minister Blake did not mind playing Putlin’s game of matching wits and humors while the others were still arriving.

Minister Putlin scratched at his thinning head of hair for a moment as if to produce a theatrical effect while he thought of an answer to Minister Blake’s foolery. “You can always count on Minister Livermore to show up early,” he responded with obvious sarcasm. The subject of Putlin’s jest was noted for being the last one to arrive at most meetings, partly due to the fact that Ministry of National Security was one of the newest ministries established in Monavia and was built on land farther away from the palace than other ministry buildings.

The clock sitting atop the mantelpiece indicated a time of 8:17 when Minister of Justice Nicholas Ellsworth entered and sat across from the pair. Doffing his white fedora with a flamboyance that was not common for a sixty-nine-year-old like him, he offered the other two ministers with a wide smile. “It looks like a small private party here,” he said.

“Don’t be such a wisecrack, Minister,” Blake dryly replied. “This is one of those extraordinary meetings that forces me to rearrange my schedule. For goodness sakes I received less than a day’s notice.”

Minister Ellsworth rubbed his mostly bald head. What little remained of his once brown hair was now white with age, and the bare dome above his circlet of white hair easily reflected the light coming in from the windows. Frowning, Ellsworth brushed aside Blake’s complaint. “You have to clear your schedule for one meeting while I have to persuade thirty senators to approve sending almost 2,000 FUPF officers to Zaheran. I had to compromise with them by cutting the Ministry’s request by close to 400. It’s a mess over there, a real mess.”

“Let’s not have this discussion become too heated,” interjected Minister of the Interior Milan Alexandrov. “The FUPF matter is probably not what is being brought up. Besides, the Zaheranis can handle most of their own problems.”

“Right you are,” Minister Putlin replied. “Those Zaherani police can deal with organized crime quite effectively.”

“No, they have been assembling an army of officers from all across the Union to deal with a city inhabited by thousands of merciless narcotics producers and worse things. The city of Anspach is little better than a warzone when the gangs decide to settle their disagreements by force,” argued Ellsworth.

At this point the four were joined by His Holy Imperial Majesty, who promptly slid his lean frame into a chair at the head of the table and scanned the room with his beady hazel eyes. “Good morning Ministers. I take it that the others will be arriving soon?” It was a rhetorical question that served only to add some genuine tension to the otherwise sterile atmosphere of the chamber.

“As Your Imperial Majesty knows, emergency meetings called on such short notice are not particularly convenient for anyone,” said Blake. “At any rate, we should see them coming in about now.”

It was eight-twenty when the Queen entered and sat at her husband’s side. By then another three ministers entered the room and the Treasurer of the Monavian Empire, Agatha Stockton, took her seat. By eight-thirty there were fourteen ministers, the Prime Minister, Treasurer, and the Queen and King of Monavia seated at the table. As was habitual for her at cabinet meetings, the queen would count down the last few moments on her watch before opening it with the harsh rapping of a wooden gavel on a striker she placed at her end of the table.

“Ministers, you have been called to assemble here to offer your counsel regarding political tensions arising between the Oceanian Home Country of Novikov and its neighbor, a smaller country called Bielostrov.” At this point she passed out a stack of dossiers compiled during the previous night by the MNIA. The documents contained therein detailed the terms of the ultimatum announced by the Premier of Novikov and data on both Novikov and Bielostrov, as well as a transcript of President Stinson’s official statement.

It took about a quarter of an hour for all of the Ministers to read through most of the information in the dossiers. At this point there was ample discussion of the matter, but the default Monavian policies regarding unsolicited interventions would be applied as needed—with some notable exceptions.




11:41 A.M. Chalcedon Local Time (CLT)

Office of Frank Carter
Fifth floor, Ministry of Foreign Affairs Building
Chalcedon, Monavia


Minister Carter was tasked with informing the Novikovian government of what the Monavian government’s position was regarding the situation developing between the former and the government of Bielostrov. He wrote out the letter on crisp, white Ministry stationery and prepared three copies, one of which was to be physically sent to Novikov, another of which was to be faxed, and a third one was to be stored in the Ministry’s archives.

Image


December 19, 2011

Mr. Premier:

It has come to the attention of my office that the Novikovian government, in the form of the office of the Premiership, has recently made an official statement regarding relations between the Novikovian state and the Bielostrovian state. This address was broadcasted on major international news channels and a recording of it was forwarded to my office in Chalcedon where I reviewed a transcript of it this morning.

After making careful considerations of the interests of the parties involved and the concerns you voiced regarding the people of Bielostrov, my government in general and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in particular have found reasons to become concerned over the intentions stated in your address and wishes that I state these concerns and their implications.

The brotherhood of the Slav peoples of Novikov is a laudable and commendable objective which would be good to attain, and the bonds of brotherhood among the Slavs are shared by many Monavians who possess similar lines of familial descent. To dismiss this goal without affording it ample consideration would be prejudicial at best, and the mongering of prejudices is not within the scope of my office. My government certainly has no intention of prejudicing the claims of the Novikovian state against those of the Bielostrovian state, but the recent declaration of intents you delivered yesterday have forced me to reconsider the light in which these interests, which unfortunately appear to be conflicting at the present time, can be fairly viewed.

The Bielostrovian state has existed for hundreds of years, undisturbed and by all means minding its own business within the international community with even more restraint than my own country. Its people have managed to establish an economy and society in line with their cultural and political principles without external coercion, expressed or implied, and have, by all appearances, striven to maintain peaceful (if quiet) relations between its government and yours. Obviously this peaceful arrangement seems rather “brotherly,” even if the Slavs of Novikov and the Slavs of Bielostrov are estranged by geography and introversion on the latter group’s part. What further unity, save for political unity by means of the merger of Novikov with Bielostrov, could possibly take place?

If anything stated in your public declaration can be described as divisive and contrary to the spirit of brotherhood, it is the ultimatum you have issued to the Bielostrovian government. Králi Jaromir Bielobogov VII and his government have not, to my knowledge, made any effort to injure or infringe on the rights of the Novikovian state or disregard international peace and order. It is therefore the opinion of my government that your ultimatum is unwarranted, particularly in light of their lack of hostility toward the Oceanian Home Country and its people.

In categorical terms, my government has two sets of objections to the claims you have made in the course of delivering your recent address. The first set of objections is against the motivations cited as justification for the ultimatum, and the second set of objections is aimed at the provisions of the ultimatum proper. If at any time you can present sufficient evidence that runs to the contrary of these objections such that the bases for them are voided, they shall be withdrawn appropriately.

You have claimed that the Mir system of organizing villages, towns, and municipalities is unjust and is operated in an objectionable manner, yet you have failed to state any justification for such claims. The denial of leave and professional immobility are economic matters outside the purview of your government and do not in any way adversely affect the Novikovian economy.

The lack of electricity, running water, educational opportunities, and economic advancement are unfortunate, but they are results of the way in which their economy is operated and organized, and not necessarily a result of actual malice on the part of the Bielostrovian government. Lacking technology and infrastructure is not tyrannical, but rather poor planning. Furthermore, such things do not come into existence whenever internal demand for them is negligible or nonexistent.

You have charged the Beilostrovian state with corruption, but your reasons for doing so state that they are too authoritarian, and otherwise do not point to actual instances of corruption. At no time have you made mention of graft, bribery, extortion, purchasing and selling of favors or political offices, or any other item that can legally be classified as corruption.

The definition of torture is debatable and what constitutes a “summary” execution is also contestable. The lack of toleration for dissent may actually be a lack of leniency toward sedition, treason, or other actions which the Bielostrovian state may legitimately oppose.

Political parties are also banned in Katonazag, which can hardly be considered a “tyrannical” country by most definitions, because such organizations centralize the democratic process under the control of party machinery and weaken the individual clout of voters. “Secret police” may, like the Monavian Imperial Bureau of Internal Policing, may simply be law enforcement organizations that conduct their operations covertly or undercover, hence their designation as “secret.” The use of informants by police forces is nothing unusual. The Bielostrovian press can print whatever it chooses to print, and what right does the Novikovian government have to dictate to the Bielostrovian internal press what it can and cannot print?

The support of the Bielkostrovian government by its religious institutions is an internal matter which does not affect the Novikovian government. Cults of personality, while unusual and stylistically dubious, are also an internal matter that had no effects on the same. Manorialism, while antiquated, is not the same as slavery, so such ideological hyperbole is also unwarranted. The status of apostasy as a capital offence may be disgusting, but that hardly warrants armed intervention by a country that sought to convert Bielostrov by the sword centuries ago. The idea that Bielostrovian pagans should be subjugated by Novikov and follow the Novikovian Orthodox church but that the Bielostrovian government cannot enforce its own state religion internally and without interfering in Novikov’s affairs is purely hypocritical.

The objections leveled against the ultimatum shall also be categorically stated as follows:

The abdication of Králi Jaromir Bielobogov VII is a matter to be internally decided by him and is not within the rights of the Novikovian government to demand. The outright dictation of what form of government Bielostrov should operate under is an abrogation of its sovereignty and is tantamount to conquest and annexation without actually claiming Bielostrovian territory as a part of Oceania.

The dictation of who shall and shall not be a part of the theoretical Bielostrovian electorate is also an internal matter. If Bielostrov is to be democratic, then why should their own people be barred from determining the qualifications for participating in the electorate? The demand for international oversight without provision for who specifically should monitor the elections is also ambiguous and potentially a prejudicial demand.

Who is to define what constitutes a political prisoner and a prisoner of conscience? The Bielostrovian government is being asked to free prisoners convicted under its own laws without any due process for determining whether or not they merit release.

Dictating the economic operations of Bielostrov from outside is also tantamount to foreign occupation and control and is an abrogation of said country’s sovereignty.

The state ban on political parties is not the concern of the Novikovian state.

The freedom of religion being demanded for Bielostrovian citizens is not something which a country with a poor history of religious toleration toward the Bielostrovian people should be asking for unless it is somehow exempt from the constraints of logic.

The Bielostrovian justice system is an internal matter. Since no genocides or ethnic cleansing are happening there, my government finds theses complaints trivial in comparison to more legitimate reasons for a justified intervention.

If the press and Bielostrovian people demand freedom to state their opinions independent of the state, then that is for them to decide. Who shall be in charge of determining what shall and shall not be allowed?

You have claimed that the Bělostrové are crying out for liberation, yet what evidence is there of this? Have the people, or even a majority thereof, voiced a desire for any of the changes you are demanding, or have these demands been issued by a few agitators representing a interested minority that stand to gain from any changes made to their government from outside? You make large claims but offer a paucity of evidence, and as a result of this, my government formally objects to your declared intent to forcibly enter Bielostrov, violate its territory, and all but subjugate it under your control in order to impose Novikovian, and by extension, Oceanian control, over it.

Again, if a legitimate justification, backed by evidence presented without prejudice by your government, can be presented to show that claimed abuses are indeed taking place in Bielostrov, these objections shall, if refuted, be withdrawn appropriately. Your cooperation on this matter is appreciated and my government is by no means interested in having its opposition to your ultimatum and skepticism of your motives construed as hostility towards the Novikovian state.

The Crown, speaking on behalf of the Monavian government as a whole, will be making a public statement on this subject later today at five o’clock P.M. CLT (ten o’clock P.M. Poldi’sk local time). Said statement will specify my government’s initial decisions and intentions regarding these matters. Final statements of intent shall not be made until your government has been given an opportunity to defend its contentions.

Sincerely,

The Right Honorable Frank Carter
Minister of Foreign Affairs


Carter labored for almost ninety minutes over the letter before he finished editing it and sent it to the Novikovian Premier. When he was finished, his neck, sore from a posture that occasionally became poor during extended periods of writing, was allowed to rest as he spread himself out on a couch in his office.




1:13 P.M. Chalcedon Local Time (CLT)

Office of Carl Blake
Sixth floor, Ministry of Defense Building
Chalcedon, Monavia


Minister Blake had held a brief meeting with his advisors and requested information on the reactions of foreign governments to the Novikovian ultimatum. Although reports were scant at the time of his request, he soon found a courier delivering a sealed envelope bearing a transcript of President Stinson’s announcement to his desk. Reading through it rather quickly, he rolled his eyes at the redundancy of what he had just been given, for a copy of that same press conference transcript had already been passed out to him at the meeting of the Royal Cabinet hours earlier. Bureaucratic duplications aside, the Monavian government thus far did not appear to be wasting much time and money in the process of solving this problem.

Though Monavian interests in the southeast corner of the region were small, Minister Blake was aware of how important it was to keep Novikov and the other Atrean-aligned nations under watch. Surveillance satellites were being moved into position over the sea located between the two countries in order to monitor the movements of aircraft and ships. Additional assets were being positioned to monitor the progress of the Lamonian fleet on its way south, but the Novikovians were already in the process of moving into position and probably had prepared to deploy their forces long in advance. Any reaction by the Monavian armed forces would, with the exception of some strategic weaponry, take too long to change anything within the ten day window, which had already decreased.

Until Minister Blake could convene the Monavian National Defense Council that evening to formulate a cohesive strategy for intervening, the most that anyone could do was raise the nation’s readiness condition from its current level of DEFCON 6 to DEFCON 5. Meanwhile, five time zones and 30,000 kilometers away, the Novikovian Navy was on the move.
Last edited by The State of Monavia on Wed Feb 01, 2012 5:47 pm, edited 4 times in total.
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Novikov
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Postby Novikov » Sun Dec 25, 2011 2:56 pm

Soliat, Severní Czechzení kraj
Northern Czechzenia


Soliat was one of the most remote harbors in Novikov, nestled in the remote forests of northern Czechzenia. Prior to the Novikovian occupation of Czechzenia in 1996, it had been nothing more than a few scattered fishing villages nestled along the shore of a vast natural bay, where the hills of the north met the sea. Because of this geography, the area had been reshaped by Novikovian investment, where a large modern port had been developed both to service Czechzenia’s growing timber industry and to provide a northerly base for Novikovian warships. After 2006, when the Novikovian Self Defense Force Fleet (FNOK) was first created by the new Oceanian interim government, this latter use had blossomed, and in 2009, the city was chosen as the home base for the Fleet’s Taskforce North.

Around midday on the 19th, Admiral Dvořák, commander of Taskforce North received an encrypted communique from Fleet Headquarters in Poldi’sk. He was ordered to prepare immediately for Operace Krista, the Fleet High Command’s plan for a blockade of Bielostrov. Almost immediately, the naval base at Soliat was brought to increased alert and all passes were canceled. By late afternoon, the first vessels began preparing to leave port. Taskforce North was itself a potent force, including the NĽL Dubček, a DeGaulle-class carrier, the NĽL Volnost, a Sloboda-class helicopter carrier, and the NĽL Gabriko and NĽL Vatikán, both newly-modernized Řím-class heavy cruisers, as well as six other cruisers and nearly twenty assorted escorts. As night drew on and the cruisers began to warm their engines, in preparation for a departure in the early morning, eleven Meč II-class diesel-electric submarines began to filter slowly from the harbor before disappearing under the waves. Soliat lay within two days’ sailing of the Bielostrovian coast, and so Taskforce North would be the first Novikovian unit to reach the planned naval cordon, expected to arrive in force on the morning of the 22nd.

Across Novikov, at over a dozen various naval bases, similar events were occurring. Operace Krista called for over 100 escorts, supported by 35 cruisers and capitol ships and thirty submarines to establish a near-watertight cordon around Bielostrov. The Northern Fleet, based out of Prostejov in southern Czechzenia, would provide most of these additional vessels: including five aircraft and four helicopter carriers and the NĽL Princ Mojmír II, a modernized Kveta-class battleship. These additional ships were to sail north and assemble off of Soliat by the 23rd. From there the Novikovians planned to head north on the evening of the 24th, so that the entire force would be in place by the 28th, when the Premier’s ultimatum would expire.

Other Novikovian forces were also brought to increased readiness, including the entire FNOK Fleet Air Arm and the Novikovian Strategic Rocket Forces. The 2nd, 4th, 5th, 12th and 15th Naval Infantry Brigades, all stationed around the great port of Duma in northern Novikov, were also brought to full strength, and were ordered to begin a two-day forced landing exercise on the 24th.


Poldi’sk, Poleskí kraj
Central Novikov


While Novikovian military commanders began preparing for the seeming-eventuality that Krali Jaromir VII would refuse their government’s ultimatum, the Novikovian Government and Novikovian Office for Foreign Relations and Information (NUpZSI) attentively watched the news reports coming out of Bielostrov.

At around 12:30, Krali Jaromir’s address to the nation was broadcast live on Bielostrovian state radio and TV. These transmissions were intercepted by an orbiting Oceanian Intelligence Agency (OIA) satellite which had been tasked to the area at the personal request of Secretary Gerchinkov, the Novikovian-born head of the United Kingdom’s Home Office. This enabled Novikovian intelligence analysts to begin studying the king’s declaration almost as soon as he was done speaking, and hours before the international media would first report on the story.

The young king appeared before the television cameras standing in the center of Prabitel’dvor, standing with his back to the great statue of Svantieb’ which loomed like a granite obelisk 30 meters over the square, it’s four carven faces gazing north, south, east, and west. Its black-painted southern face looked impassively into the camera over the heads of the Krali and his delegation, symbolically looking south towards Novikov as he delivered his speech.

The camera zoomed in on the face of the king as he stepped to a waiting microphone, straightening his shoulders, looking young, exotic and regal in his traditional white tunic, beautifully adorned with red and green needlework. On his head rested a circlet made of woven strands of copper, iron, silver, and gold, symbols of his divine authority. As the wind whispered into the microphone, he began to speak.

In an instant, the young king seemed peaceful, almost serene; his eyes seemed to look out through the camera at his audience. In a soft voice, he greeted his people in the traditional manner. “Slavny Bieli!

Today was an auspicious day, he said. For today, on the First Day of Zara Svietob’*, the ascendant lord Bieli had called to prepare for a time of change and hardship. Their nation was threatened by two great evils, the infidels and crusaders to the south, and within backwardness and discord gnawed at the heart of the nation and its people. Without dedication and sacrifice from all, he warned, the nation would be destroyed and the faithful scattered to the winds.

To heal the sufferings of the common people, the B’yari, or nobility would be required to sacrifice their ancestral rights. No longer, he declared, would a nobleman be able to force the men and women of his Mir to work on his property. No longer would the people be forbidden to leave their Mir without leave of their local lord. In order to build a rich and prosperous nation, all must be free to profit of the work of their own hands. To encourage the creation of new farms and industry, the king would appropriate that one-half of all B'yari holdings currently worked by residents of the Mir and distribute these lands equally among the families of the Mir. At this proclamation, one could hear scattered applause and murmurs of agreement from the few middle-class members of the local Zemstvo present, but most of the nobility present remained silent.

Likewise, new ideas must be allowed to flow through the nation, new learning, and new ways of looking at the world. To this end, state would give up its authority to censor all authors and speakers who “do not condone crime, perversity, or treason.” Likewise, the state would end its ban on foreign journalists visiting the country, and on foreign newspapers. The state and B’yari, would jointly establish new secondary schools in all towns and Mir of more than 5.000 residents. Additionally, the king himself would personally finance the creation of two new universities in the capitol, a trade school, and a school of science and engineering. Here all members of the king’s entourage murmured their support.

All new ideas must be allowed room to grow if the nation were to open its borders. From this day forward, people of all faiths would be welcome in Bielostrov. But the king and the state would not forsake the great god of their forefathers, Svantieb’. This faith would remain the official religion of the nation, and would continue to receive the monetary and ideological support of the government and the Krali. All the people of Bielostrov were called to follow this example and hold true to the great Bieli.

The health of the nation would be improved through the creation of new medical clinics in the country towns, and through state-funded improvements to local water and sanitation systems. New roads must be built, and he called on all his people to freely contribute their labor to building a new nation alongside their king. More applause and murmurs of support as the camera panned back, showing a glimpse of enthusiastic nods and approval from the entire delegation, as though this were something all could agree upon after their silence on the touchy issue of religion.

After a brief pause, Jaromir continued. If they were to create a new Bielostrov, all voices must be heard. The King pledged the creation of a Vielki Zemstvo of representatives from all social classes, and called upon all his people to fill their “sacred duty” to their nation and participate in elections to be held in May, following the fall harvest. The Vielki Zemstvo would advise the King and his ministers, and would pass legislation with the consent of the King and his Council of Ministers.

More applause followed as Krali Jaromir paused for a moment, smiling and bowing his head, the sun glittering off his shining circlet, giving the Novikovian analysts the impression of an angelic halo perched over his frail white-clad form. He was captivating, smoothly winding religious allusion into a persuasive argument for his reforms. His impact on the highly-religious and conservative Bielostrovian peasantry was even more pronounced.

Then, as he opened his mouth to speak once more, the image was shattered. From somewhere behind the camera, a great shout came.

“We refuse! We demand real reform now!”

There was a gasp from the assembled officials. The king stumbled back from the microphone, a look of utter shock on his face. The camera lurched and turned to reveal a young man, no more than twenty, pushing his way through a small crowd of people which had gathered to hear the Krali. He was dressed in western style, with the dark blue jacket and tie of students from the National University. In his hand, he clutched a crumpled pamphlet. Almost instantly, the police and soldiers who ringed the square were on top of the young man. He was thrown to the ground and savagely struck by the butt of a Kalashnikov. Then, abruptly, the camera was switched off, leaving only static…

Nob’grod, Bielostrov
15:30 Novikovian Standard Time [NST]


“That bastard uncle of mine!” Jaromir cursed, flinging the papers he held onto the table with a bang of his fist. A copy of the pamphlet “Na Dzhyachi Mirov” had been found on the young student. Since then, dozens more copies had been reported seized by police units in the capitol and further reports of incidents were coming in from the outlying regions. Mstislav himself could not be reached by telephone – no great surprise there – but the nearest police units in and around Yezhron’selo were suspiciously silent as well. “He was refused the throne. I always knew he resented me and my father for it! Now he has taken up arms against me.”

“We do not know that for certain.” Rector Viestopolg spoke softly, watching as the king fumed.

“What else could it be?” The young Councilor Zvezdan demanded. “He has clearly killed or routed the local garrison.”

“Or they have gone over to his side…” Viestopolg pointed out. This made Jaromir rage louder, banging his fist again and shouting.

“This is a disaster! First he betrays me, then his supporters make me look a tyrant in front of my people. There is no hope now… Either the Nievieraci will take my crown, or my own dammed people!”

“Perhaps not…” A gravelly voice spoke up from the back of the room. Grand Prince Bogdan stepped into the light. “Krali may find this interesting.” He slowly read a translation of the President Stinson’s message, explaining to the king the military prowess of the Lamoni people. “Already our military is preparing to move against my brother, the traitor. Without support from the south, he will not be able to resist us. The Lamoni may be able to prevent the Novikovians from reaching our shores. And surely they will enable us to throw back any who do set foot on this sacred soil. With their aid we can destroy both our enemies in turn.”

“Is it wise to allow so many foreign soldiers into our land?” Viestopolg wondered.

“We do not have a choice,” snapped Bogdan. “No other power will give us the military support we require. We must accept.”

Jaromir nodded firmly. “Very well. Contact President Stinson and inform his that we will gladly accept his assistance.”

*Zara Svietob’, lit. The Rising of Lights, is the Bielostrovian celebration of the summer solstice, when Svantieb’ turns his white face to the south to vanquish Velis, the serpentine god of cold, water, and death.

[OOC: Massive apology for the delay. Started class recently, and I've been all over the place making the mandatory social calls over holidays. I should have much more time to write now that things are settling down.]
Last edited by Novikov on Sat Jan 21, 2012 5:30 pm, edited 3 times in total.
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Postby Lamoni » Fri Dec 30, 2011 2:43 am

Jaromir nodded firmly. “Very well. Contact President Stinson and inform his that we will gladly accept his assistance.”


After getting approval from the government of Bielostrov, the Lamonian forces boarded their ships, looking relieved that the "will they, or won't they" games were over with, and they finally knew that they would be doing something. When the task of loading the ships with men, aircraft, and material was completed, the task group set off for Bielostrovan waters, planning to use DL waters to their fullest advantage when their use could shorten the amount of time which the trip would take, and notifying the governments affected of the Lamonian intent.

At the same time, a message was being sent via diplomatic channels to the government in Novikov.

To: Government of Novikov
From: President Stinson, Free Republic of Lamoni


January 14, 2012

Mr. Premier:

The Government of the Free Republic of Lamoni has committed itself to militarily opposing any attack made against the sovereignty of the people and nation of Bielostrov. Instead, we offer our services in order to mediate the dispute in which Novikov and Bielostrov currently find themselves engaged. In such vein, we are prepared to receive a diplomatic delegation from both Novikov and Bielostrov in Lamoni itself, seven days from today. Until a diplomatic agreement that has been agreed to by both sides has been reached, we would ask you to refrain from using force of arms against Bielostrov.

At this time, Lamonian forces are en route to Bielostrov with the permission of Králi Jaromir Bielobogov VII, where they will maintain the peace between Novikov and Bielostrov. At this time, we choose not to inform you of the size of the military forces which we are dispatching, but we ask that you remember this well. An attack on Bielostrov is now also an attack upon the Free Republic of Lamoni.

At this time, we remain hopeful of a civilized, diplomatic resolution to the problems which have arisen to date.

Signed,

Andrew Stinson
President
Free Republic of Lamoni


Looking at Foreign Minister Greene, President Stinson sat back in his Presidential office chair. Vardo simply looked back at the President, both of them aware that one of them was going to have to break the silence, but neither one willing to do so, until Vardo finally broke the silence herself.

"I've had the people at the Foreign Ministry compile a history of Novikov. At one point, Novikov went to war against Oceania, and lost, due to the superior equipment of the Oceanian forces. Novikov has been part of Oceania since that day, but perhaps they were hoping to be able to bring Bielostrov under the Oceanian flag under their own power. Their demands are things that they could never rationalize under their own sovereignty, and are flimsy at best in other ways, as well. If they really cared about the lives of the people in Bielostrov as much as they claimed that they do, then they would certainly be able to come with better reasons for what they have been doing so far."

Giving his Foreign Minister a thoughtful look, Stinson nodded. "It's up to Novikov now. Do they try for peace, or must we unleash the slings and arrows of modern warfare?"
Last edited by Lamoni on Sat Jan 14, 2012 5:31 am, edited 1 time in total.
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Postby Novikov » Fri Jan 13, 2012 12:11 am

[OOC: This is half a bump, since I finally got Jaromir's response up. Sorry about the delay. Secondly, this is a brief overview of the Bielostrovian Military, to give all concerned parties an idea of what (little) Bielostrov has going for it. Please accept all the following as general IC information available to all governments:]

Voisk' Narodniob' Bielostrob' - Army of the Bielostrovian Nation

Total Manpower: 49.000
Combat Strength: 18.000
Small Arms Used:AK-47 Assault Rifle, RDG-1 Fragmentation Grenade, Makarov Pistol
Body Armor Used: M36 Steel Helmet, some units are equipped with SN-42 armored breastplates.
Infantry Support Weapons Used: 81mm Mortars, RPK Light Machineguns
Anti-Tank Weapons Used: RPG-7, SPG-9 Recoilless Rifle
Vehicles Used: 110 BMP-1D, 100 BTR-152 (40 refitted to carry dual 14.5mm anti-aircraft guns), 20 BRDM-2M, 40 T-62 Main Battle Tanks, 500+ Various Supply and Transport Trucks
Artillery Used: 120 D-44 85mm Howitzer, 8 ASU-85 Self-Propelled Guns
Air-Defense Weapons Used: SA-7 Man-Portable SAM, 23mm and 14.5mm Anti-Aircraft Guns
Training and Recruitment: The vast majority of Bielostrovian Soldiers are conscripted pesants, taken from their mir for a term of two years’ service without compensation. However a minority, some 9.000 soldiers, including the entire tank and motorized force, are paid volunteers – mostly from the lower ranks of free men living in the cities. Whether conscript or volunteer, soldiers receive one month of basic training in which they learn to march, shoot, and conduct basic maneuvers. After this, troops are immediately placed in a unit. It is after basic training that most soldiers are trained in any special skills (cooks, radio-operators, artillery spotters, etc.), and this is done on an ad-hoc basis, with levels of training/competence in these areas varying from unit to unit. Most infantry units never conduct training operations beyond basic target practice and small unit drills. Some units, mostly motorized units, as well as the Royal Guard, will conduct periodic battalion-level training exercises.
Composition: 4 Infantry Brigades, 1 Motor Rifle Brigade, 1 Armored Battalion, 1 Reconnaissance Battalion, 1 Artillery Battalion, 1 Air-Defense Battalion
Doctorine: The Bielostrovian Army doctrine is based around a static defense of the region around the capitol. A lack of motorized transport, and poor communication systems limits the mobility and coordination of units, and dictates this approach. Bielostrovian motorized forces are intended as a mobile reserve, used to plug gaps in the line.

Vozdu-Voisk' Narodniob' Bielostrob' – Air Army of the Bielostrovian Nation

Total Manpower: 2.920
Combat Strength: 124 Pilots and 400 Air Defense Troops
Combat Aircraft Used: 19 MiG-21 Interceptors, 7 Su-25 Ground Attack Aircraft
Transport/Utility Aircraft Used: 2 An-12 Transports, 8 Yak-18T Trainers, 4 L-29 Delfin Jet Trainers
Helicopters Used: 11 Mi-8 Utility Helicopters, 8 Mi-24 Hind Attack Helicopters
Air Defense Weapons Used: 25 SU-2 Surface-to-Air Missiles with mobile launchers
Overview: Bielostrovian doctrine focuses on ground-controlled intercepts of hostile aircraft, with limited options for ground support missions. Aircraft and ground-based missiles are intended to prevent hostile air superiority in the event of an attack. However, given their numbers, this force is unlikely to last long against determined opposition. Poor ground crew and repair facilities further hamper this branch’s effectiveness.

Flot Voiskob’ Bielostrovie – Fleet of the Bielostrovian Army

Total Manpower: 3.700
Combat Strength: 930 Sailors
Surface Vessels Used: 3 Stenka class ASW Patrol Boats, 6 Osa-II class Missile Boats, 1 Bieli class Coast Guard Cutter, 10 Maly class Coastal Patrol Boats (4 refitted with 14.5mm anti-aircraft machineguns), 1 Yurka class Minesweeper, Various Tugs
Submarines Used: 2 Romeo-class Diesel-Electric Submarines
Overview: The Bielostrovian fleet is little more than a Coast Guard, with no force project or real blue-water capability except for their two ageing submarines. The Bielostrovians rely upon a handful of missile boats to provide them with limited strike options against hostile naval assets, and even fewer ASW vessels to combat hostile submarines. Most other vessels are too small and lightly armed to do more than search-and-rescue or patrol work.

Kvardie Kralob' - The Royal Guard

Total Manpower: 1.700
Combat Strength: 1.250
Small Arms Used: AK-47 Assault Rifle, Zastava M92 Carbine, RDG-1 Fragmentation Grenade, Makarov Pistol, SVD Designated Marksman Rifle
Body Armor Used: M36 Steel Helmet, Type IIA Ballistic Vests
Infantry Support Weapons Used: RPK Light Machinegun, RPG-7, SPG-9 Recoilless Rifle
Vehicles Used: BMP-1D, UAZ-469
Overview: The Royal Guard are a specialized, elite force in the Bielostrovian military tasked with defending the Krali, his family, and key areas within the capitol. In truth their role is much greater. The members of the Royal Guard are elite troops, with access to levels of equipment and training beyond those of any other military unit. The Royal Guard are highly disciplined and all have sworn personal allegiance to Krali Jaromir and the Bielostrovian faith. These crack troops are often used to enforce order among the rest of the military, and the presence of even a company of Royal Guardsmen is enough to cow a brigade of apathetic peasants into acting like real soldiers. Individual members and small units from the Royal Guard do, at times, act in support of the Bielostrovian Capitol Police or Secret Police groups during non-military operations.
Last edited by Novikov on Mon Feb 27, 2012 8:44 pm, edited 2 times in total.
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Postby Novikov » Sat Jan 21, 2012 6:26 pm

Novikovian Home Office
Zvolen, Novikov

December 21st

The Home Office, home to the Secretary of State for Novikov, was a flurry of activity. The previous afternoon, Kralí Jaromir had committed what the Novikovian’s took to be a great political blunder in giving his address publically, only to have it scandalously interrupted by a disaffected young radical. The video of the Bielostrovian Police striking the man had already gone viral, provoking public outcry against the regime across Oceania, and Novikov in particular. Secretary of State Cermak hoped this would encourage more active support for the Novikovian mission abroad, and pressure the other Oceanian constituencies to more active support as well.

During the evening, a NUpSZI listening post north of Soliat received a long-awaited message from southern Bielostrov. Communicating via a hastily-erected VHF radio site somewhere outside of Yezhron’selo, Mstislav Bielobogov transmitted the pre-arranged code, “Volnost,” indicating that he had begun open opposition to the King. This confirmed subsequent reports from an unnamed NUpSZI source inside Prabitel’dvor of a revolt in the south. The source also hinted at concerns about student protest the next day. All this information had been swiftly passed along to the Novikovian Home Office early on the morning of the 21st.

Around mid-afternoon, the Home Office released a public statement on the situation in Bielostrov:

The Novikovian people will not be swayed by half-measures, nor deterred by foreign pressure. Let yesterday’s events in Nob’gorod and the growing evidence of civil unrest across Bielostrov demonstrate the truth of our peoples’ mission; the people of Bielostrov cry out for true freedom! We will not recognize the legitimacy of Kralí Jaromir’s government, nor any reforms or legislation enacted.

The Kralí has refused to implement a separation of powers, or to curtail his own autocratic powers. The Vielki Zemstvo, as proposed, is a blatant vehicle of oppression disguised as democratic reform, and the Kralí and his ministers still hold all true power. Furthermore, the Bielostrovian nobility and state retain ownership of over 65% of arable land, leaving the residents of the Mir little more than sharecroppers, without the land, resources, or capital to improve their lives. Likewise, the Mir system’s feudal tax code, which allows all nobility to levy taxes in their dominion on behalf of the state, permits the nobility to enrich themselves at the expense of the people and to the detriment of the Bielostrovian state.

These corrupt institutions must be destroyed. To that end, the Novikovian Government renews its earlier terms. Kralí Jarmoir, we beseech you, in the interest of preventing bloodshed, and out of love for your people, to abide by these terms. You have six days.


Sál Parlamentu
Poldi’sk, Novikov


Premier Kopecky had spent the past two days lost in a maelstrom of activity, swirling about him. Under the new Novikovian Constitution of 2007, the Premire served the dual roles of Chief Executive for the Novikovian state and Commander-in-Chief of the Novikovská Ochrany Kapelá. In this second role, he was answerable to the Oceanian King and Prime Minister.

And they had been demanding answers. The United Kingdom’s military forces were spread thin across Oceania’s far-flung territories, and were hard pressed to deal with revolts in Sarnia and threats of Atrean aggression in Shesharlie. The Oceanian Government found the threat of being embroiled in another conflict eminently unpalatable. Even though the Premier was empowered to deploy NOK forces, “in defense of Oceanian citizens, property, and interests,” for up to 90 days without approval of the Prime Minister, he had been hounded by messengers from Georgetown. He had repeatedly explained that Oceanian interests were best served by ensuring a stable and amiable government in Bielostrov, which stood astride a principal shipping lane between Novikov and Celeria – to little avail. Fortunately, all Novikovian parties in the Oceanian Parliament had rallied to their Premier – not to mention several key Novikovians in the Prime Minister’s cabinet - compelling her to accept this justification and remain silent on the issue so long as the Premier could guarantee a swift and decisive end to any possible conflict.

While Premier Kopecky had been harried by Oceanian representatives and members of the NOK General Staff, two diplomatic communiques had also found their way to him – a long and impassioned criticism from the Monavian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, full of monarchist overtones, and a much shorter message from the Lamoni President, all Prussian curtness and honor, offering to mediate the brewing conflict and, more ominously, warning of a Lamoni military force already en-route to Bielostrov. With Secretary of State Cermak indisposed in Georgetown and her prodigy-Undersecretary busy denouncing Kralí Jaromir, the Premier was compelled to answer both messages.

To the Monavians, he wrote:

Minister Carter,

Do not be deceived by the words of Kralí Jaromir or his advisors. The Novikovian people have no designs for the territories or people of Bielostrov except to preserve their freedom, integrity, and wellbeing. I understand the reservations expressed by the Monavian Government. To infringe upon the sovereignty of another nation, no matter how corrupt, should only be taken as a last recourse, when all other options have been exhausted.

Please understand the history. One-thousand years ago, the peoples of Bielostrov, Czechzenia, and Novikov were of one blood, and there was great commerce between our three states. But the people of the south grew stronger and more numerous. Our three peoples became estranged, and commerce and trade shifted to raids and piracy. In these ancient disputes, all three peoples hold equal blame.

Yet this state of affairs would not last. As first Novikov and later Czechzenia moved into the modern era, the divisions between the three peoples grew. In 1542, the Novikovian people accepted the Orthidox Faith, and, with the spirit of Christian Brotherhood sent our missionaries peacefully forth to spread this good word. The patron of our Church, Sv. Gennady Oslana, and many other peaceful missionaries and traders were slain cruelly at the hands of the Bielostrovian pagans, who would accept no challenge to their faith. The Novikovian people, the victims of these murders, were offered no recompense for their many losses, and since those days all Novikovians who set foot within Bielostrov have been met with violence and death.

Despite this, peace persisted between our two nations for three-hundred years, until Bielostrovian pirates began to prey upon our innocent merchants and traders, even so far south as Soliat. In these days, the Novikovian Empire made a punitive raid against the rogue state, as any nation would under such threat. This was not a forced conversion, as has been construed by Bielostrovian propagandists, but a legitimate military operation sanctioned under international law. Thousands of Novikovian lives were lost, and we again left Bielostrov unpunished. In neither of these events could the Novikovian people be held responsible under international law.

Further incidents of piracy occurred in 1790, 1834, 1835, 1871, and 1907 – all unchecked by the Bielostrovian government, not to mention the deplorable killing of the shipwrecked crew of the NĽL Car Aleksandr in 1921. Yet in all these events, the Novikovian people did not respond with violent force, but with brotherly words – words which fell on deaf ears, not even dignified with a response. Following the Car Aleksandr incident, and again in 1976, the Novikovian Government attempted to open negotiations with the Bielostrovian state to resolve our historic differences and integrate Bielostrov into the region’s economy. Both attempts were summarily dismissed by the Bielostrovian crown, and in 1976 the Novikovian Government had no recourse but to embargo all goods to Bielostrov.

In 1996, the Novikovian military moved into Czechzenia to quell unrest in the capitol and protect Novikovian civilians living there. In 1997, the Czechzen people voted overwhelmingly to join in political union with the Novikovian state. During this period, the Bielostrovian government sent arms and money in support of Czechzen dissidents,. Since 1997, the Bielostrovian government has provided sanctuary for the radical Czechzen Free Corps, which has conducted several terrorist bombings against Novikovian and Czechzen civilians between 1997 and 2005. Again, all attempts at diplomatically resolving these problems went unheeded.

I do not share this history out of anger or desire for vengeance, but simply to set the record straight. Yes, Bielostrov has become geographically isolated and increasingly introverted over the last three-hundred years. Yet this isolated and marginalized existence has not been peaceful, but one of paranoia, xenophobia, lawlessness, and violence. A brotherly state of affairs would be the opposite, one of mutual recognition and respect, of commerce and exchange. This is precisely what the Novikovian people aspire to achieve.

Bielostrovian introversion has not only claimed Novikovian lives, but the lives of countless Bielostrovians. The price of Bielostrov’s introversion has been the rejection of all progressive ideals, of tolerance and welfare for the common people of Bielostrov. Thousands have been imprisoned or killed by their government for religious or political crimes. Thousands more starve under the burden of the Mir system’s heavy taxes and enthrallment.

The Mir system, unchanged since the days of King Bielobogov, binds Bielostrovian citizens to the land like chattel, without the freedom to leave their village. The Mir system permits the Bielostrovian nobility to conscript any citizen living within their domain for unpayed work. Furthermore, the Mir system empowers these same nobles to collect taxes on behalf of the King without oversight, allowing great abuses of this power as petty nobles aggrandize themselves at the expense of the nation.

The corruption of the Mir system has utterly ruined the Bielostrovian state’s finances, rendering it unable to provide for the basic welfare of its people. Yet the King and members of the B’yari class live in unimaginable luxury, with access to modern facilities, education, healthcare, and other conveniences. This corrupt state of affairs demonstrates that the Bielostrovian state is incapable of providing for the needs of its citizens.

A state rendered so ineffectual is an illegitimate state, unable to fulfill its contract or obligations to the narod. A change must be made, in the interest of preventing further suffering and abuse. The Novikovian state is uniquely positioned to aid the Bielostrovian people in achieving such a change because of the close linguistic, cultural, and geographic proximity we share, as well as our historic influence in this area of Nova.

Because of the corruption which permeates every facet of the Bielostrovian government and social order, only an all-consuming change will serve to guarantee the fundamental rights of average Bielostrovians. Only a democratic government will empower the downtrodden masses of Bielostrov. Only an end to the monarchy will eliminate the reeking authoritarianism and corruption from the Bielostrovian government, and ensure that it is responsive to its people.

History has shown that the Bielostrovian leadership are unresponsive to diplomacy and ignorant of international law. Because of this, the Novikovian state has no recourse but to threaten military action. Force is the only message a despot like Kralí Jaromir understands. Yet it is not our wish to shed any Novikovian or Bielostrovian blood. We fervently hope that Kralí Jaromir will accept our terms and do what is best for his people. Yet we will not be swayed by half-measures or flimsy promises. We demand true change, true freedom, on behalf of all Bielostrovians, and on behalf of all Novan Slavs.

Let the unrest and protests within Bielostrov serve to demonstrate the truth of our convictions. Surely more is in store, for the Bielostrovian people will not be silent any longer. We will make their voices heard!

The Novikovian Government will welcome any and all Monavian assistance and support in this endeavor, but we will not be swayed from our course. Sincerely,

Premier Ladislav Kopecky


To the Lamoni government, a shorter, more pointed reply was sent:

President Stinson,

The Novikovian people welcome your assistance in seeking a diplomatic resolution to this crisis. The Bielostrovian Government’s refusal to enter into any negotiations with representatives of Novikov and Bielostrovian hostility towards our people have pushed us to this impasse. We will agree to send a delegation to Lamoni to attempt to resolve the differences between our people and those of Bielostrov, although I sincerely doubt the Bielostrovian Government’s willingness to conduct such talks.

The Novikovian people will not, however, rescind our ultimatum to Kralí Jaromir’s government. To do so now would only demonstrate weakness on the part of Novikov and serve to strengthen Jarmoir’s tenuous position. Furthermore, we fear that, given the state of affairs within Beilostrov, any delay on our part could cost the lives of thousands of dissenting Bielostrovians.

Furthermore, I caution you not to support Kralí Jaromir with military aid. All assistance rendered in this manner will simply permit Jaromir’s forces to consolidate their grip on power and arrest or slaughter those opponents to their regime. To do so would amount to the Lamoni government sanctioning the murder of political dissidents. I, and all Novikovian people, deeply regret that the freedom-loving Lamoni people have been so deluded by Kralí Jaromir as to consider such a course of action.

In the sincere hope of peace,
Premier Ladislav Kopecky


On the evening of the 21st, Premier Kopecky contacted the Home Office in Zvolen. Secretary of State Cermak was still indisposed, but her young protege, Undersecretary Yefretorov, already famed for opening the Holy Marsh and Korrodos earlier this year, assured the Premier that he would begin assembling a diplomatic team for immediate transport to Lamoni. The clock was ticking...

Nob’gorod, Bielostrov

The morning of the 21st, 1.200 students of the National University marched in protest towards Prabitel’dvor, in the center of the city. They waved signs and banners bearing lines from from “Na Dzhyachi Mirov,” as well as pictures of Counselor Mstislav. Some also held Bielostrovian flags, or religious symbols. The crowd headed south from the University, passing Bazhne Bielbogoba, the ancient tower which guarded the northern approach to the old city. Its lower levels housed a small but notorious prison for political prisoners, and it was likely that the unknown student arrested yesterday was being held there. The tower was also home to a garrison of some 60 soldiers of the Kvardie Kralob'.

A tense situation developed when several hundred of the students abandoned the march to the capitol, and began to shout at the detachment protecting the tower. They hurled insults at the soldiers, demanding that they release their prisoner. The commander of the guard called for support, and 150 of the capitol police were mobilized. However these reinforcements were blocked by the hundreds of students still marching towards the city center, who would not allow the police to pass. The crowd outside Bazhne Bielbogoba began to grow more raucous, and stones were hurled at the troops stationed outside.

Suddenly, one of the soldiers went down from a well-aimed rock. His weapon discharged, and in an instant the rest of the garrison opened fire on the crowd. The students fled, leaving behind six dead and fourteen more injured. Several hundred more were arrested as more police rushed to the scene. The protest’s organizers were transferred to Bazhne Bielbogoba on charges of inciting violence against the Kralí’s representatives, while several hundred other students were expelled from the university and exiled from the capitol. That night, a curfew was declared in the capitol and several other cities across the country.

The exodus of so many young people would have a strange impact on the Bielostrovian towns surrounding the capitol. The students were released with no police oversight – Jaromir’s advisors did not wish to do anything to justify Novikovian claims of police brutality – and filtered into the countryside in small bands on the 22nd. Some, in shock or terror at the events of the previous day, remained listless and silent. The vast majority, however, took the polices’ leniency to be a sign of their impotence. They went from village to village agitating, generally wandering south. Over the next few days, they would spark several more protests in the outlying areas of the capitol. Many would be arrested again, and some would even find their way back to the dungeons of Bazhne Bielbogoba.

Their words fell mostly on uncomprehending ears. The peasantry living in the Mir were, as a rule, deeply religious and conservative. Almost all supported their Krali according to the official line, viewing him as the young father and protector of Bielostrov, chosen by the great Bieli to rule. Thus, the impact of the student protests would be much less terrible than Mstislav’s armed opposition in the south.

Yezhron’selo, Southern Bielostrov

Mstislav Bielobogov, like many other members of the nobility, had a force of armed men in his employ. Typically, such groups were used to supplement the local police in maintaining order in the countryside.

Early on the morning of the 19th, however, those men loyal to Mstislav were not keeping the peace. Around 07:00 NST, a force of some 300 stormed the central police station in Yezhron’selo. Some officers, bribed by Mstislav and his associates, came suddenly over to the side of the rebels. The rest were killed or driven from the city. At the same time, other armed groups moved to occupy the post office, telephone exchange, and train station in Yezhron’selo. All carried official documents from Mstislav, the titled ruler of the city and its surrounding area, lending them legitimacy. Except for the police station, the seizures thus went unopposed, and Mstislav’s small faction was able to take command of the city by midday.

In the next several days, armed bands loyal to Mstislav established a tight cordon over the roads leading into Yezhron’selo from the north, while others swept south, ravaging other small police outposts and distributing thousands of pamphlets. By the 21st, Mstislav held the entire south-eastern tip of Bielostrov, from coast to coast. His forces had seized some 500 small arms from police armories, allowing them to arm some 1.200 men – about 1/3rd of Mstislav’s active supporters. This force, although small, began to dig in and prepare for the army’s onslaught from the north. They were expecting the first of their Novikovian helpers to arrive within two days, bringing with them more arms, and the promise of training and of air-support. All they had to do was hold out until then.

[OOC: Lamoni - how long will it take for your forces to be transported to Bielostrov?]

[OOC: Edited in response to both communiques. Set the stage so we should be able to rush forward a couple days now (probably to the point where Lamoni forces arrive). Thank's for the continuing patience.]
Last edited by Novikov on Thu Jan 26, 2012 10:24 am, edited 6 times in total.
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Inoffensive Centrist Democracy

Postby Lamoni » Sat Jan 21, 2012 10:54 pm

OOC: Depending on the distance between Nova and GD (which was never calculated, afaik), they could be there within a week.

IC: In a room deep inside the bowels of a mountain beneath the Lamonian Presidential Palace, the Lamonian Joint Chiefs of Staff were assembled, awaiting only two further people for their meeting to begin. Much like similar rooms the world over, one had to make use of a special elevator, which would take only those who had the proper key card and code to the level of the war room. Emerging from the elevator, one had to walk down a hallway which was guarded by some of the most competent field soldiers to be found in the Lamonian Army. Dressed in urban camo, these troops were armed with sub-machine guns, grenades, and combat knives. While they were not that cream of the Lamonian Army Special Forces crop (Berserkers), each of these men would not hesitate to gun down any unescorted personnel who were not authorized to be in this particular area. These troops saluted as President Stinson and the Foreign Minister walked past them, the majority and minority leaders of the two branches of the Lamonian Congress trailing behind them. These other four politicians were only attending this meeting as a courtesy from President Stinson, in an effort to keep both the Chamber of Deputies, and the Senate informed of what measures were being taken by the executive branch on this matter.

As the group entered the room, the Joint Chiefs of Staff rose as custom dictated, allowing the other attendees of the briefing to find their seats. Sitting down in his accustomed chair, President Stinson merely asked, "What is the current status of our forces assigned to handle the Bielostrov situation?"

It was Admiral Tokalin who answered this question. "Mr. President, and other ladies and gentlemen attending this briefing, at the invitation of the King of Bielostrov, we are currently moving an equivalent amount of forces to Bielostrov as we currently have assigned to the defense of our colony Ianua in Xanadou. That force has already left our shores, and is headed to Bielostrov itself. We do know via satellite surveillance that the Novikovians are preparing a massive deployment of their naval assets. There are only two logical objectives for the Novikovian fleet to pursue. One of them is to place a blockade upon Bielostrov despite the king's promises of reforms. The other objective would be an armed invasion of Bielostrov, which we hope to be able to avert, thereby keeping the peace in that area of Nova. As we are a signatory to the Dagora Doctrine, we need not worry about the implications of that Doctrine while we keep an enforced peace going, but if outside forces trigger an activation of the Dagora Doctrine, then we are bound to assist our Novan allies.

While our ships are already well on their way to Bielostrov, they likely will not arrive in time to do much if the Novikovians decide to invade the country before the ships and divisions and equipment gets there. Likewise for the forces of our Monavian allies. However, we think that the Novikovians might wait until around the time that their ultimatum expires to launch any attacks against Bielostrov. LIA is reliant on satellite intelligence in this matter so far, but the Monavians might also decide to share their intelligence information with us. The Monavians have had more experience with the Novikovians that we have had, so they might well have better sources of intelligence on them than we do.

We also have a much larger back-up task force leaving port now, which will back up the original force sent to Bielostrov, if the situation calls for it. We plan on these forces making goodwill visits to Animarnia and Wagdog as a cover for their activities. The Stewardess of Wagdog and President of Animarnia will need to be contacted about this, but if they agree, it will make for an excellent explanation for the presence of our back-up forces. We are hoping that this matter does not come to war with Novikov, but we are well prepared if it does. Any questions?"
Last edited by Lamoni on Sat Feb 18, 2012 6:22 am, edited 1 time in total.
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Postby The State of Monavia » Sat Jan 21, 2012 11:20 pm

OOC:

I retroactively fixed two typos in my last post. Please excuse the delay in posting. More OOC information is at the bottom. I will wait for Lamoni to finish writing his reply before making any more posts here, and I personally prefer that turn order is maintained over the next few posts to prevent confusion.




IC:

December 20, AD 2011
7:15 A.M. Chalcedon Local Time (CLT)


Media Processing Center
Ministry of Foreign Affairs Building
Chalcedon, Monavia


It had been almost a day since Minister Carter had sent a letter to Premier Kopecky in which he expressed the Monavian government’s objections to the latter’s ultimatum and statements. Carter had been careful to avoid accusing the premier of doing anything other than failing to adequately support the claims he made in his address and not affording Bielostrovian sovereignty sufficient respect. The Monavian communiqué was a private letter between two officials and Carter had thus far made good on his word to avoid making any official statements until Premier Kopecky had been afforded an opportunity to answer Carter’s objections in full. After he left for his residence around five-thirty the previous afternoon, Carter settled in and spoke to his wife about the matter over dinner.

Carter was enjoying a quiet breakfast of biscuits, eggs, pears, and some lamb that was left over from the previous evening when he was interrupted by a telephone call. The staff of the Media Processing Center, a place where official press releases, press conferences, public addresses, and other such material was received by the Ministry and translated, transcribed, and sent to relevant officials, had received word that Králi Jaromir was preparing to deliver an address within the hour. The staffer who called Minister Carter said that a transcript and video recording would be ready by the time he arrived later that morning.

It was 12:30 in the afternoon in Bielostrov when Králi Jaromir began speaking. The first five minutes of the speech were filled with so many statements of reform that the staff became more and more excited as they went about translating the young king’s words into English as rapidly as possible. They were still busy recording the material when the Králi’s statement was cut short by a rogue demonstrator who had barged into the public square where he was speaking. Although the speech had not even gone on for ten minutes, the reforms being named off and translated by the staff were sweeping and unexpected. Nobody in the Ministry had thought that the Králi would have consented to such a large portion of the Novikovian proposal. For all they now knew, he could have been about to announce even more reforms that would have been in line with the Novikovian ultimatum, and to see him cut off before he could announce them, if he had any more reforms to make, seemed ironic in the extreme because the student was demanding more reforms. Was the Králi not speaking fast enough, or was the student expecting a total capitulation and would not be satisfied by any less?

When Minister Carter arrived his office at eight o’clock, he was presented with the transcript of the speech which Králi Jaromir had made and was also given the recording, which had subtitles added by the processing staff. After reviewing it with three members of Monavian Foreign Relations Council, a think tank and advisory body which he frequently consulted on matters of foreign policy and Ministry operations, he set himself to work preparing an initial public statement that would be delivered later that day.




8:45 A.M. Chalcedon Local Time (CLT)

Ministry of Defense Building
Chalcedon, Monavia


While the Novikovian Navy was mobilizing its assets and preparing for their departure from the ports and naval bases where they were presently stationed, the Monavians conducted some intelligence-gathering operations to determine what was being planned and uncover the true intentions of the Novikovians. A selected number of Monavian satellites which were being operated by the MNIA and Orbital Surveillance Command (OSC) had been reconnoitering Bielostrovian and Novikovian waters and were used to conduct some cursory intelligence gathering around Novikov’s port cities and naval bases by means of brief flybys. The material generated by the satellite surveillance operations was sent to OSC’s headquarters in the Mount Talus Complex, an Imperial Air Force facility which also contained the headquarters of Orbital Defense Command (ODC). When the surveillance assets were over Novikov, they were only kept in position long enough to record photographic evidence of Novikovian naval movements at major ports and other general information, so the surveillance operations were not particularly invasive and garnered minimal attention, if any.

This information was combined with reports from a number of Monavian field agents, who were of Novikovian descent and who knew the local languages fluently. A handful of these MNIA operatives occasionally flew into Novikov as tourists every few months although they were rotated so that they only showed up every year or two and others came in, often with minor delays lasting a few days between the departure of an outgoing agent returning to Monavia and the arrival of another one. The agents, who often brought thousands of thalers of cash with them, went about enjoying tourist attractions or visiting distant relatives. From time to time, they would clip out newspaper and magazine articles about Novikovian politics that were published and circulated around the country and scan them into computers, then electronically send the high-resolution scans back to Monavia to be translated, although sometimes they translated the articles themselves and simply wrote them out by hand and mailed them as if they were letters to home. Other operatives would visit ports, dining on waterfronts while watching military parades or formations of sailors marching to their ships. They never came close to naval bases unless they were ostensibly passing by on their way to something more mundane, such as taking a tour or visiting a naval museum, and they arguably spent more time covering up their activities with sightseeing and dining within sight of military facilities, often with newfound acquaintances, than they did actually gathering intelligence. The Novikovian ultimatum was very public, and some of the Monavian operatives spent time eavesdropping on political conversations held at the next park bench over while resting from a walk, or overhearing chatter in an adjacent parlor as they sat around with relatives, or quietly sat around in concert halls and museums and libraries, taking advantage of the wide resonance spaces and the ignorant, loud blabbing of people who could not keep conversations to themselves within public spaces.

No agents planned on leaving today, but two of them, posing as a pair of investors, agreed to leave on the twenty-second so that they could be back in Monavia for Christmas, and promptly bought some tickets to fly out. While they made their plans and went about spending part of the morning at a local park, more consequential business was being addressed in Chalcedon, where the Minister of Defense, Carl Blake, was in the process of leaving his office on the sixth floor. Blake had summoned the Monavian National Defense Council (MNDC) into session and planned on starting the meeting at nine o’clock that morning, once he had reached the meeting room. Minister Blake descended seven floors before reaching the ground floor, where the elevator car carrying him stopped to pick up some additional passengers on the way down. The first basement level contained some offices and service areas, but it also contained a bar and a few recreational facilities placed out of the sight of the public. A clerk, a janitor, two military liaisons, a recruitment officer, and an analyst joined the Minister of Defense for the ride downstairs.

With a soft downward nudge, the elevator began moving again, bearing its passengers down another storey. After Blake felt a slight bump which heralded the stopping of the car, he exited the elevator with the others. He went left with the janitor while the others went in other directions and made his way towards a restricted section of the basement. While its furnishings were modest, the walls of brightly lit basement were lined with occasional pictures and maps, and the scent of some of the food being served in the basement cafeteria was present in a number of places. While this level of the building was not particularly inviting, its architectural styling and appearance, which was somewhere between postmodernism and minimalism, was hospitable in terms of its ability to accommodate people and anybody traversing its rooms and halls was unlikely to feel alienated or unwelcome.

The Minister had arranged for several army personnel to serve as guards within the secure part of the basement where the meeting room was located, and they had already arrived by the time he had left his office. He walked for a short distance down the hallway, which had several stainless steel doors leading to rooms located at somewhat regular intervals. Blake stopped in front of one of the doors, which had a matte finish like the others. He saluted the soldier on duty, a sergeant wearing his deep green mess dress uniform and holding a bolt action rifle.

After pressing several buttons on a numerical keypad located to the right of the door, the Minister received confirmation that his code was accepted and the automatic locking mechanism disengaged to allow him entry. As he walked down this narrow, semi-secure corridor with two doors on either side, an infrared sensor detected his presence and used a switch to activate ceiling lights that had previously been dormant. He reached the end and entered his code again, this time on a keypad that was located close to the corner of the wall at the end. The keypad sported a card reader and a slot at the top in which to slide it, so when Blake’s code was accepted, two metal pins inside the slot that blocked out potential intruders were retracted to allow his card to be placed inside. When the small card he withdrew from his pocket had been read by the machine, a ten-inch-thick blast door surfaced with an inch of polished titanium plate slid to the left to reveal another section of the hallway behind it.

Several guards stood at attention in the hallway, offering the Minister salutes as he reached the meeting room. Now that he was inside the most secure section of the basement, there were no other blast doors or heavily fortified entryways in sight. Only the four guards inside the hallway were present to intimidate a potential intruder, but it was clear from the number of chevrons on their sleeves that they were all experienced soldiers who would offer formidable resistance in the event that security was breached. The security of the meeting room and this portion of the basement was exceeded only by the bunker located several more stories below, where an alternate meeting room was located. Normally it was only used in times of war, but because the Monavian Empire had not recently been confronted by an existential threat that could seriously endanger its territorial integrity, the Minister had never been inclined to use it during his tenure. Blake turned to his left and used a key to unlock a set of wooden doors which led into the rectangular meeting room, then turned on the lights and waited for the others to arrive.

Six minutes later, Blake was joined by the General Director of the MNIA, James Cheney. Cheney had spent less than an hour at his office before he left for the Ministry of Defense and made the short elevator ride down to the basement. Unbuttoning his charcoal gray suit while setting his briefcase down on the floor, he offered Blake his regards and promptly sat down.

“It’s nine minutes to nine and we’re the only ones here. Did the elevator break down?”

“Well, Director—I don’t know. Maybe they took a wrong turn, or they think that Kopecky and company are bluffing and decided to blow off the meeting.”

Cheney mischievously looked at the Minister. “If that’s a bluff, then we’re all fools for buying into it. I was given a report this morning that detailed the scale of the Novikovian preparations. Satellite imagery shows about thirty cruisers preparing to move, or in motion, although we cannot obtain an exact count. We obviously can’t tell how many subs they have out at sea, if any, and they likely have scores of escorts being readied.”

“What about the Lamonians? President Stinson did not seem pleased with what Kopecky was doing,” Blake said flatly.

“We are still assembling a package of intelligence to share with the Lamonians. It should be ready by this afternoon, and will contain a summary of our satellite observations and photographs, among other things. They need to know.”

“Does the MNIA think that the Novikovians are bluffing?” queried the Minister.

“If it’s a bluff, then it’s a serious one. Nobody organizes and outfits a hundred ships on a whim and then sends them out just to serve as a ruse, unless they can afford to do something like that. They’ve probably spent millions already just making these few deployments.”

Outside the meeting room, the Marshal of the Army, Thaddeus Lambert, entered his code into the second keypad and slid his card through the reader, admitting himself into the sparsely decorated hallway. His uniform was the same deep green as that of the soldiers in the hallway, but whereas the enlisted men wore single-breasted coats that were buttoned up to their necks, and both junior and senior officers wore blouses which resembled the coat of a business suit, Lambert was more sumptuously clad in his double-breasted blouse with its two rows of golden buttons and several aiguillettes. He was offered salutes by both the guards at the doors through which he entered and those standing farther away in other parts of the hall before entering the room.

Lambert went into the room and greeted Blake. “Good morning Minister,” said Lambert in his mellow voice, a wide-ranging natural tenor which had become accustomed to singing frequently over the years.

“It is my pleasure as usual,” Blake responded.

Walking with measured steps, he took a seat beside General Director Cheney and shook the man’s hand. “Hello again, Director. I see we’re passing around some secret invitations. Am I invited?”

“They’re just intelligence dossiers. The Minister and I were chatting about the Novikovian Navy’s recent movements, so it’s not an army thing.”

“I take it that the others will be joining us?” the Minister quickly interjected, not wanting to see an inter-service rivalry develop between the Monavian Imperial Army and MNIA in right front of his eyes.

“I thought that I had seen Admiral Neufeld in the building, but he looks so much like Admiral Varga that you may as well have to count the stars on their shoulder boards to tell them apart.” Grand Admiral Joseph Varga presently served as the commander of the entire Dienstadi Fleet, a post which he planned to turn over to Nikolai Petrov, the admiral who led the Monavian contingent against the Blackhelm Confederacy two years earlier. This transference of command was contingent on either Varga’s retirement or his promotion to becoming the new Admiral of the Navy when Neufeld retired, or took another post as a minister, or ran for an elected office.

The three had barely exchanged pleasantries when the Commandant of the National Militia, Elias Mercer, knocked on the doors and entered. “Good morning sir,” said Lambert.

Mercer nodded faintly before replying. “Likewise Marshal.”

“I take it that Jenna recovered from her flu?” asked Cheney.

“She has. It was a bad one and her little brother nearly caught it from her.” Mercer was referring to his grandchildren, who were respectively nine and seven years old.

Admiral Neufeld had slipped into the cafeteria and acquired a small package of Melba toast and crackers to snack on before he joined the rest of the council. The plastic wrap in which they were sealed was a nuisance as usual, sticking to any surface that its static charge could become attracted to. The indomitable admiral was not about to be defeated by a piece of plastic wrap, and three minutes later he had devoured his snack and put his adversary in its proper place—the trash bin. He arrived at the meeting room moments after the Marshal of the Air Force, Gordan Bogdanov, had joined Mercer, Blake, Cheney, and Lambert inside. Six of the nine Councilors of the MNDC had assembled and the final three came in over the next five minutes.

“Admiral, we’re glad that you were able to come,” Lambert greeted him.

“I nearly though I wouldn’t,” Neufeld replied. “Senator Chertok was in my office barely a third of an hour ago.”

“That old curmudgeon…” Mercer added, trailing off. Chertok was known by the military crowd as another appropriations haggler who was brazen enough to directly ask them for funding concessions.

Bogdanov had his own opinion. “Maybe we should send him to Atrea to disarm them. After all, he’s good enough at negotiation to talk them out of building more weapons and use the money elsewhere. The man thinks that war is a waste of money and always complains about the military-industrial complex like it will collapse the economy.”

“What did he want this time?” asked Cheney.

“Chertok wanted to have the refitting of Task Force IX delayed until the weather warmed up. He said it would save us a million thalers by eliminating a lot of heating costs.”

“He’s crazy.” Blake did not think a three month delay was amusing.

“I told him that the cost of the delay would far exceed what he was proposing. Besides, he was there for other reasons.”

“Like what?”

“He wanted funding for a new naval railgun project to be diverted towards upgrading our missile ships. I don’t blame him for that. They carry lots of ordinance—four hundred missiles apiece—and haven’t been upgraded or overhauled in a quarter century.”

Admiral of the Coast Guard Vladimir Simić was running later than usual, joining the meeting with only two minutes to spare. He lost no time joining in the discussion, which was soon joined by the Marshal of the Royal Guard, who had a reputation for being fashionably on time at the last possible moment, but was never late. Marshal Dragović and Admiral Simić were second cousins and shared more than the terminal accents on their surnames. When they were both younger, they had entered into a competition of sorts with the aim of determining who would be the first to earn a flag officer rank. The less stable command hierarchy of the Coast Guard, which had been reorganized in the late nineties, led to the retirement of several such officers and provided Simić with all he needed to pull ahead of his cousin.

Philip Santoro was the last Councilor to arrive. He proudly upheld his title of Marshal of the Marine Corps, although the inter-service joke that Neufeld told the others was that the navy existed just to chauffeur around Santoro’s troops. The deployment of General Stanko’s division in the Prevanian Civil War only served as a validation of that idea, however flimsy it was.

“You’re a little later than usual—much like the rest of us,” said the Minister.

“Security needs held me up,” Santoro explained.

“Did you try to put your credit card through the reader again?” Mercer quipped, referring to the time when Santoro had used a credit card to push a coin through a vending machine slot after it became jammed in the entrance and then placed the card in the same pocket as his identification card. He had pulled out the wrong one and swiped the credit card through the reader, resulting in a brief denial of access before he turned the card around and realized what it was. “You can’t buy yourself access to this room like it’s some cheap country club.”

“This coming from somebody who calls ₮6,000 ‘a slow day at Buckley’s,’” Santoro retorted priggishly. He had been held up by traffic after leaving his office later than usual when a light bulb blew and sent shards of glass everywhere, forcing him to call in a janitor. As if that was not enough trouble for him, his desk was covered with classified files and the amount of time he took packing them away so that they were not lost or mixed up delayed the janitor, who had to stay outside until the files were locked in a cabinet.

“Gentlemen, we’re about ready to begin,” Blake tactfully added. “I’m sure that he was not being locked out of anything.”

“My office was covered in shards of glass after a light bulb blew. It’s probably some cheap piece of substandard rubbish that a bureaucrat requisitioned for me while I was inspecting the troops at Motru.”

Mercer found it ironic that a marine officer was complaining about low quality products being acquired at low costs. He commanded the militia—the most numerous branch of the military, the least active one, and the least organized. “You should visit my office. I still can’t get the ugly ventilation grate over the door repainted, and that’s the least of the problems there. The average militiaman doesn’t even get subsidies to cover the cost of keeping government issued weapons and ammunition is shape.”

“We can address that later,” replied the Minister. “I have enough leverage behind me to make Parliament approve such a measure, under pain of moving arms contracts out of their provinces and thus reducing job and revenue growth. The threat of not wining reelection is a wonderful means of extortion.”

The meeting commenced at nine, as scheduled, and lasted for about two hours. Cheney agreed to provide the Monavian intelligence reports to the LIA as soon as they were compiled and to send them additional dossiers as soon as more intelligence came in. Admiral Neufeld informed the others that Task Force XI, which was presently active and north of Alfegos, would be back in port within one week and that Task Force XII would be ready for deployment within two days, having finished being refitted. Neufeld refused to cancel Christmas leaves, arguing that, “Even if our ships left port a week ago, they would not be halfway there by the time the ultimatum expired. A timely arrival for the task force is not possible, so delaying it a few days will not make things any worse.”

Marshal Bogdanov stated that two fighter groups and a bomber group were to be refitted and brought to full mobilization over the next eight days. The Imperial Air Force would also have its strategic anti-satellite assets placed on a higher state of alert, and the Orbital Kinetic Bombardment Network (OKBN) and Orbital Kinetic Cluster Dispersal System (OKCDS) were to be likewise readied for possible action. The discussion then moved to the subject of what assets the Bielostrovians had at their disposal, what forces the Novikovians appeared to be mobilizing, and the relative strength of the two.

In terms of determining what roles would be played by the various service branches in the event of armed conflict, it was decided that the Coast Guard, National Militia, and Royal Guard would not have much to do in a distant war, but the Imperial Army, Imperial Air Force, Imperial Navy, and Marine Corps would all be involved to some degree or another if a force commitment had to be made. An agreement was also made to contact the Lamonians and find out what moves they were making. By the end of the meeting, the nine men gathered around the table had laid out rough ideas of which forces were available for commitment if the situation demanded action.




10:30 A.M. Chalcedon Local Time (CLT)

Pressroom
First floor
Ministry of Foreign Affairs Building
Chalcedon, Monavia


Minister Carter had finished writing an initial statement in reply to Králi Jaromir’s public address. The conference had been called only two hours in advance, but that was more than ample time for Carter to produce an initial draft and make two rounds of revisions. While he prepared for the conference, several maintenance staffers had readied the pressroom. The polished stone floor, which was made from white marble interspersed with thin, pale gray veins that swirled about with the delicateness of incense smoke, had received its monthly buffing a week early. Normally that work would have been done shortly after Christmas so that it and the rest of the building would be ready for the coming year, but the holding of a press conference on this unexpected occasion had necessitated an earlier cleaning. The staff had also removed the burgundy carpeting which usually ran down the middle of the room, cleaned it, and laid it back down that morning. It matched the heavy damask curtains flanking the room’s windows that had been tied back with cords woven from braided white silk. In addition to having taken all of these steps, eighty mahogany-framed seats upholstered with plush red satin had been arranged into two blocks of forty, five seats across and eight seats deep.

At ten o’clock, the cleaning staff opened up the room, leaving the Ministry’s security personnel and ushers to handle the incoming journalists and their assistants. Carter had finished printing off his statement, which would be kept in the Ministry’s archives, and folded it into thirds so it would fit inside the inner pocket of his black pinstriped coat. Leaving his office ten minutes before the conference started, the Minister did not take long to descend from the fifth floor to the first floor and reach the pressroom, which had already contained some thirty reporters at the time of his departure. Another twenty or more journalists and camera operators had arrived in the six minutes that passed during his short walk. At 10:26, Carter passed through the pair of white doors that had been flanked by some security guards and entered the pressroom.

Although ample space remained for the seating of additional press staff, Carter’s announcement was not suitable for a packed room attended by crowds of eager listeners. His statement was a preliminary one, and while it certainly qualified as breaking news because it was the first official reply to Králi Jaromir’s promises to reform the Bielostrovian state, it was shorter than most of his televised statements and was not going to be accompanied by extensive sessions of questioning. Carter took a few moments to greet a few reporters and make that last point clear before he began delivering his statement. “I’m not going to be taking many questions,” he said to a reporter named Kristine, who had been a foreign affairs correspondent with the Monavian Broadcasting Corporation.

“Why is that?”

“Miss Smith, I’m still receiving new information and the Novikovians have not reacted yet. I really have nothing to announce other than the government’s present position.”

Smith nodded and glanced at her reflection in the floor. She was two seats over from the carpeted aisle and three rows back from the marble dais which occupied the end of the room where Carter’s lectern was located. He eyed the microphone protruding from the top of the mahogany lectern as he pulled out his statement and then adjusted his tie, which had somehow wandered to the side enough to become noticeably crooked. Smith nervously tapped her blue heeled shoes against the floor a few times in anticipation while three reporters behind her murmured something she could not hear.

“This morning I will be delivering our government’s official reply to the statement made by Králi Jaromir VII of Bielostrov yesterday,” he began, taking care to use the majestic plural our in order to include the journalists and his audiences across Monavia and elsewhere in the world. “At seven-thirty this morning, Králi Jaromir stood amongst his people in Prabitel’dvor, the central square of Nob’gorod, and announced a series of measures which are aimed at the restructuring of the Bielostrovian economy and central government.

“There has already been much discussion the deteriorating relationship between Novikov and Bielostrov and plenty of debate over what the governments of these two states should do. Some have called for the Novikovian government to withdraw its ultimatum, while others have supported it, and still others have demanded a more moderate course. Conversely, some opinions have been in favor of the complete implementation of its provisions while others consider it something which should be resisted, and moderates have called for partial reforms in the interest of improving the Bielostrovian state without bowing to the more controversial portions of the ultimatum. The Monavian government, however, is committed to neutrality in this matter, at least for the present.

“The Králi has taken swift action, crafting a proposal within a mere four days that addresses a large portion of both Premier Kopecky’s demands and the requirements of the ultimatum. I, and many others within the Ministry, believe sincerely that Králi Jaromir has acted in good faith by announcing his plans for reform so promptly and with a direct forthrightness that should commended. The ultimatum and the accompanying statement made by Premier used in most of his proclamation, so it is well understood by this government why he chose to refer to the Nokikovians as infidels and crusaders. We do not support such bellicose and exaggerated language, and urge all of the parties involved to maintain a standard of civility befitting their positions.

“We commend the Bielostrovians for choosing to remain faithful to their beliefs in spite of outside pressures, and also commend Králi Jaromir for several reforms I will now name,” Carter continued. “The controversial Mir system, a quasi-feudalistic system of economic production, is to be restructured. The Králi has also been bold enough to increase the rights of one class of people at the expense of the rights of another. While he has offered to restructure the Mirs, and in their place lay down the foundations of a capitalistic system which shall provide the common people with opportunities to prosper and attain economic freedom and independence, he has also chosen to implement this system by expropriating half of all of the nobles’ landholdings that are currently worked by the peasants and turn over these lands to them in equal parcels. In effect, while this reform promises to fundamentally change the Bielostrovian economy into something which the Novikovian government would be more likely to appreciate than the present system, there is no net gain in liberty. No new property is created; no new goods are produced—instead, existing property is simply being redistributed.

“In addition to economic reforms, the Králi has promised to liberate the media by permitting foreign journalists and newspapers in Bielostrov. He has announced the curtailing of political repression that was previously carried out by state censors with free reign to quash dissent. He has also proposed educational reforms, promising the construction of new secondary schools in every Mir with more than 5,000 residents, and has chosen to lead by example—literally placing his money where his mouth is—by financing the construction of two new universities, a trade school, and a school of science and engineering at his personal expense,” he added, placing emphasis so as to highlight the broad extent of the reforms.

“The Králi has also decreed that religious toleration shall become the official policy of the Bielostrovian state. He has addressed the ultimatum’s provisions regarding the concerns which Premier Kopecky’s government has voiced regarding Bielostrovian infrastructure and has promised the building of a nationwide network of medical clinics and roads. This already ambitious proposal is further augmented by promises of rural sanitation systems and pipe networks for carrying clean drinking water, and he has asked that the people have a say and a role in the design and construction of all of these things.

“The final, and most ambitious of all of these proposals is the creation of a body of representatives which shall provide all of the people of Bielostrov with a voice. This new legislature shall have the authority to propose statutory laws which better serve the people, laws that are written by the people’s representatives. In short, the Králi has promised to bring an entire legislative branch of government into being where none had previously existed. These measures, among others, are proof that the Bielostrovian government is willing to compromise with the government of Novikov and make changes that their own people feel are necessary and can appreciate—changes that their own people can have a part in making.

“In light of these announcements and the controversy over the provisions of the ultimatum, I sent a letter to premier Kopecky yesterday to ask for the clarification of certain provisions and request evidence justifying the policies being pursued by the Novikovian state. Although I, speaking on behalf of our government, have a favorable opinion of the Bielostrovian reforms, this favorable view should not be construed as an attempt to prejudice Bielostrovian claims over those of the Novikovian government. This government will not be taking any sides at the present time, but will wait until it has enough evidence to make its decisions and avoid causing any unnecessary conflicts of interest.

“The text of Králi Jaromir’s address has been translated and shall appear on the Ministry’s website and both digital and printed copies of it shall be distributed by the Ministry to the local media later today. Thank you.”

Carter answered a few questions before he left the pressroom. There were no mentions of the student’s disruption of the king’s address or his arrest.




December 21, 2011
3:41 A.M. Chalcedon Local Time (CLT)


Media Processing Center
Fifth floor, Ministry of Foreign Affairs Building
Chalcedon, Monavia


The Novikovian Home Office replied to both the public address made by Králi Jaromir and Minister Carter’s statement. It was sent to Monavia around at nine o’clock in the morning (in Poldi’sk local time), but in Chalcedon, it was not even four in the morning. The Media Processing Center was mostly closed down, and only a few night shift employees were around to handle incoming material, some of which managed to reach the morning news on cable networks. By the time that the Novikovian reply was received, printed out, and placed in an envelope to be sent upstairs, it was around 3:55 and Carter was sound asleep at his private residence.

At four o’clock, the message was sent to his office, where it was placed into a mailbox near his secretary’s desk. He would receive it with his other mail as soon as he arrived.




8:54 A.M. Chalcedon Local Time (CLT)

Office of Frank Carter
Fifth floor, Ministry of Foreign Affairs Building
Chalcedon, Monavia


The Minister reached his office at eight-thirty, unaware of what had been sent to him. The reply had been buried by several other pieces of correspondence and he did not get around to processing it until he had been at his desk for more than twenty minutes. After reading through the Home Office’s statement, he wrote out a reply, which his press secretary would deliver later that morning.




10:30 A.M. Chalcedon Local Time (CLT)

Pressroom
First floor
Ministry of Foreign Affairs Building
Chalcedon, Monavia


Karl Golikov, the Ministry’s Press Secretary, had been tasked with answering the pronouncements of the Novikovian Home Office. He had been given a few brief directions regarding the tenor of his reply. It was to be brief, and preferably it was to be a little less neutral than Carter’s statement of the previous day. The major theme was to be one of skepticism towards the Home Office’s indictment of Králi Jaromir as a tyrant that proposed “half-measures” and whose reforms, however sweeping, would not satisfy the Novikovian government unless he totally and unconditionally accepted the terms of the ultimatum. The Monavian government was not going to tolerate extortion of this sort.

Golikov did not take long to put his formidable oratorical faculties to effective use. He spent all of five minutes typing out a statement, and then spent ten more revising it and making a cup of tea. By ten-thirty, the same time as the previous day’s press conference, he was ready to express his government’s disagreement with the sentiments expressed in the Home Office’s correspondence.

The pressroom was mostly empty, but it did not matter. Representatives of four major news networks had been contacted to send in camera crews, and soon enough he had sixteen people occupying the front rows of seats. Smith and several other reporters were absent, but he recognized one of the people who were there, a cameraman named Jasper Gardner. Gardner was setting up a tripod when Golikov came in early to ask the crews about the progress of their setup, which was ahead of schedule, and spoke with Gardner briefly. Gardner revealed that he had only one more semester left to complete before earning a master’s degree in journalism, and Golikov had reciprocated by letting Gardner know that he had celebrated his sixty-second birthday.

At the agreed-upon time, the affable press secretary took a stand at the lectern, sliding his hand over its lacquered surface inlaid with a multicolored marquetry of different woods. Setting down a single piece of paper bearing his message, he glanced at it for a moment before speaking.

“The impasse developing between the governments of Novikov and Bielostrov has apparently grown worse over the last twenty-four hours. It is very regrettable that the Novikovian government has chosen not to accept the acts of good faith that Králi Jaromir had made yesterday, and the Monavian government wishes to express its concern over this lack of reciprocity.

“The Novikovian Home Office has stated that it ‘will not be swayed by half-measures, [n]or deterred by foreign pressure.’ Králi Jaromir’s reforms are extensive and ambitious, and it is doubtful that anything more could be asked of him without taxing the Bielostrovian government to the point of collapse. Furthermore, Králi Jaromir does not possess the clout required to make all of the changes demanded in the Novikovian ultimatum without causing extensive unrest among the populace, and the populace barely has enough money it can spare for additional taxes to implement whatever reforms have already been announced, let alone fund additional ones.

“Regardless of whether or not he Home Office recognizes the Králi’s government on paper, the fact of the matter is that Králi Jaromir is king and succeeded to his throne in accordance with the laws and customs of his people—in other words, the rule of law has been present in the Bielostrovian government long before the ultimatum was issued. The Monavian government also cannot understand how a democratically-elected body of representatives can be a ‘vehicle for oppression’ when it has not even been implemented.

“The Home Office has claimed that the land reforms are not sufficient to change the quality of life in Bielostrov. Modernizing a state is not a process that cannot be peacefully conducted overnight, and the cost of forcibly implementing it on the grounds of impatience is ethically dubious at best and shows a disregard for the human cost of such changes.

“The Home Office also states that the people of Bielostrov desire ‘true freedom.’ Let the reactions of the crowds who stood before Králi Jaromir yesterday speak for itself. With the exception of a lone agitator, who spat upon some of the broadest reforms ever proposed in Bielostrovian politics in centuries, the majority of the country appears to be willing to offer their king a fair opportunity to make good on his promises. Let the king’s reforms and the goodwill of the populace speak for themselves. We ask the Novikovians to follow suit and offer Králi Jaromir the benefit of the doubt until his word has either been fulfilled or broken.

“To the agitators residing in Bielostrov who are not satisfied with the freedoms being extended to them, I say this: you do not have the authority to speak for all of Bielostrov and you do not have the right to demand reforms that your fellow citizens cannot afford. You cannot expect your fellow citizens to pay for all of the changes you want without their consent.

“The Monavian government officially supports Králi Jaromir’s reforms and again asks that they be afforded a fair chance to be put into effect for the benefit and liberation of all Bělostrové.




3:02 P.M. Chalcedon Local Time (CLT)

Office of Frank Carter
Fifth floor, Ministry of Foreign Affairs Building
Chalcedon, Monavia


Normal Ministry business consumed a large part of Carter’s day. He had opened up the letter while Golikov was speaking to the press, but he decided to let its contents sit in the back of his mind, settling there and undergoing a form of mental fermentation while he dealt with other business. He did not know why Premier Kopecky chose to answer him personally, for although his letter was addressed directly to Kopecky’s office, the the Home Office usually handled the task of producing replies. Speculations crossed his mind, but he could only daydream for so long. By two o’clock that afternoon, he could no longer put off answering Kopecky’s correspondence with him. The Premier had acquitted himself well in answering several of Carter’s challenges, and it would not be easy for Carter to produce a satisfactory reply without taking some time to look over his original latter first and then read through Premier Kopecky’s response. He finally finished writing a letter of reply around three-thirty, and promptly dispatched it to Poldi’sk by means of a fax machine.

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December 21, 2011

Mr. Premier:

It is heartening to me to look upon the understanding that we have reached in terms of pursuing conciliation and an orderly dialogue. Before I explain the terms on which my government is willing to offer some assistance and provide third-party mediation, I will first address the points you have made in your most recent letter, which was dated December 21 and received by my office on this same day.

My government has thus far uncovered any deception on the part of Králi Jaromir or his advisors, and has not corresponded with them regarding recent events prior to the writing of this letter. While I will advise my superiors to take to heart your warning regarding the possibility that the Bielostrovian government’s integrity in these matters is subject to question, I have yet to observe any evidence that Králi Jaromir’s statements have been anything other than sincere. I have personally reviewed a transcript of his remarks in full and have ordered the printing and distribution of copies to the Monavian media, and have likewise watched a full-length recording of his address in its original language with subtitles that have been added by staff. If Králi Jaromir was being deceptive in his promises, a review of the footage by body language experts and vocal analysts should uncover such dubious behavior.

The Monavian government does not condone the piratical acts of previous generations of Bielostrovians or any of their support for terroristic dissidents. Some of my contacts within the news media and the MNIA have informed me that the Lamonian government has been organizing monetary and other forms of aid to Bielostrov, and I will request that the Lamonian government makes all of its aid to Bielostrov conditional, requiring the Bielostrovian government to cease and desist in its support for the Czechzen Free Corps and other rebel groups. The Monavian government will not tolerate the sponsorship of terrorism by any state, nor will it tolerate the harboring of such people and provision of aid and comfort to them.

In my previous letter to your office, dated December 19, I wrote that, “if a legitimate justification, backed by evidence presented without prejudice by your government, can be presented to show that claimed abuses are indeed taking place in Bielostrov, these objections shall, if refuted, be withdrawn appropriately.” This also applied to my earlier contentions regarding the rights of the Novikovian state to take military action against Bielostrov for reasons that were not made clear to my government earlier. While the previous actions of piracy and the actions leading to your government’s embargo against Bielostrovian goods in 1976 are certainly deplorable, they were not committed during Králi Jaromir’s administration, and therefore he bears no responsibility for them.

The present grievance against Králi Jaromir’s government, that of harboring the Czechzen Free Corps and permitting them to operate within Bielostrov, is certainly grounds for making stern demands, and my government does not dispute the right of the Novikovian to take appropriate actions to ensure its own security. Nonetheless, this does not justify externally dictating to Králi Jaromir’s government the terms on which they are to handle Bielostrov’s domestic affairs. I reiterate my government’s reservations regarding your demands pertaining to the purely internal matter of how the central government of Bielostrov is organized.

My government looks favorably upon Králi Jaromir’s decision to extend religious liberty to the entirety of the Bielostrovian people in accordance with the principles of reconciliation with your own people. Furthermore, my office will no longer produce insinuations of Novikovian campaigns to forcibly convert the Bielostrovian people. You have also stated that, “The Mir system, unchanged since the days of King Bielobogov, binds Bielostrovian citizens to the land like chattel, without the freedom to leave their village. The Mir system permits the Bielostrovian nobility to conscript any citizen living within their domain for unpayed [sic] work. Furthermore, the Mir system empowers these same nobles to collect taxes on behalf of the King without oversight, allowing great abuses of this power as petty nobles aggrandize themselves at the expense of the nation.” As of yesterday, Králi Jaromir has decreed that Bielostrovian citizens are free to leave their Mirs, profit from their own work, and are no longer the chattel of the nobility. This grievance is therefore moot.

The recent actions of Králi Jaromir indicate that he is a progressive who, having observed the force with which your government has backed its ultimatum, understood well what is in the best interests of his people and has acted accordingly. I do not ask you to retract your entire ultimatum, but I do ask you to withdraw those portions that have been satisfied once confirmation has been received that they are fulfilled. Such a gesture of good faith would be an appropriate recompense for Králi Jaromir’s recent reforms and would further the process of reconciliation. Furthermore, I ask that the grace period on the ultimatum be extended, so that, while remaining in full effect, you may see for yourself whether or not the government of Králi Jaromir is acting in earnest.

You have claimed that only a democratic government can help the Bielostrovian people, but the people have no internal basis for such a system, nor do they possess the seeds from which it can be brought into existence. Furthermore, self-government is a thing which must be cultivated over time, and cannot be manufactured and dropped upon them. You also object to the alleged inability of the Bielostrovian state “to fulfill its contract or obligations to the narod,” but the social contract theory is but a theory with no legal basis in Bielostrov. The Bielostrovian government was not set up by means of a contract between the government and the governed; therefore, there is no agreement for either party to violate.

Again, my government views Králi Jaromir’s actions as sincere and his promises as ambitious. The changes he has proposed are radical, and while not as radical as those of the ultimatum, are nevertheless more than can be accomplished in a mere ten days. Mr. Premier, I do not ask that you stay your hand indefinitely, but instead I ask you to display prudence in this matter by affording the Bielostrovian government sufficient time to implement those changes which they have already evinced a desire to make and integrate them into a freer Bielostrov.

Sincerely,

The Right Honorable Frank Carter
Minister of Foreign Affairs


After Carter faxed the Ministry's reply to Premier Kopecky’s office, he left his own office for ten minutes to make some more tea for himself before composing a second letter, this time addressing it to Králi Jaromir. Thus far, the Monavian government had only obtained the perspective that the Novikovian government was willing to offer them, and Minister Carter wanted to know what the Bielostrovians were thinking. More importantly, he wanted to know what the dispute looked like from the Králi’s perspective, and until he had all of the arguments being presented to him in one place where he could compare them, he would not end his campaign to obtain information through official channels. The letter that Carter addressed it to Králi Jaromir was much shorter than the first one and was completed within fifteen minutes.

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December 21, 2011

Your Majesty:

The Monavian government has generally looked upon foreign aggression which infringes on the sovereignty of peaceful states with ample concern and often with some degree of disapproval. Approximately four days ago, the Premier of Novikov presented your government with an ultimatum which contained provisions that merited being challenged by my government. As such, I wrote to Premier Kopecky on December 19 to request information regarding this matter and to obtain from his office the reasons by which his government intended to justify its present actions.

My government was very pleased to have received news of the reforms which you have pledged to make in your country and wishes that they were not made so onerous by the threat of foreign invasion. Yesterday, I officially announced my government’s position on your reforms, and for the purposes of clarity and transparency I have enclosed a copy of that statement. I have also asked my press secretary to deliver a second statement in reply to the declaration made by the Novikovian Home Office this morning and have enclosed complete copies of both of these documents.

At the present time my government is inclined to offer you the assistance of peacekeeping forces should you be willing to accept their assistance. While my government does not have the resources at its disposal to transport more than a few small units to Bielostrov before the expiration of the Novikovian ultimatum, their presence should be sufficient to deter any aggression for a while. In addition, I have sent Premier Kopecky a request to stay the pursuit of his government’s present course and to exercise moderation and prudence in its dealings. I have also informed the Premier that my government will be willing to participate in mediation activities as a neutral third party, though for the present the Monavian Empire shall be committing itself to a state of armed neutrality.

Sincerely,

The Right Honorable Frank Carter
Minister of Foreign Affairs

Enclosure.


Carter did not wish to break the Premier’s trust by sending Králi Jaromir copies of his letters to Premier Kopecky or the Premier’s reply. He was, however, willing to enclose a copy of his first letter, dated December 19, to Vardo Greene’s office. It was nearly four o’clock when Carter finally set himself to work writing his final letter of the day.

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December 21, 2011

Madam Foreign Minister:

My government has taken an interest in the rapidly deteriorating state of relations between the governments of Bielostrov and Novikov. My office has corresponded with Premier Kopecky about the matter, and you will find a copy of a communiqué I wrote to him on December 19. It contains the Monavian government’s challenges to his official declaration of intent against the Beilostrovian government and its requests for the reasons behind this course of action. I have also enclosed a copy of yesterday’s press statement, in the instance that you do not already have one, the Novikovian Home Office’s statement, the reply to the aforementioned statement by Ministry Press Secretary Karl Golikov, and the communiqué which I wrote and faxed to Králi Jaromir this afternoon.

I have received word from the Minister of Defense that Lamonian ships have left port to carry military aid to the beleaguered Bielostrovian government. As you can see in my letter to Králi Jaromir, the Monavian government has made an offer to send peacekeepers if he is willing to accept their assistance. At the present time, I am not aware of the composition of the initial deployment of peacekeepers, but I have asked Minister of Defense Carl Blake to furnish both your government and the Monavian Crown with a list of all peacekeeping elements and their composition as soon as he is able to do so. Furthermore, my government is committed to assisting yours in any mediation and peacekeeping missions that President Stinson is able to authorize.

The Crown has the statutory authority to declare and execute police actions on a temporary basis without parliamentary approval; however, should this bilateral dispute continue to escalate until it becomes a multilateral armed conflict, my superiors will need to secure Parliament’s approval to pass a declaration of war pursuant to the requirements of the Monavian Constitution.

Sincerely,

The Right Honorable Frank Carter
Minister of Foreign Affairs

Enclosure.


Carter had no intentions of repeating Premier Kopecky’s accusations of harboring terrorists to Greene, nor did he plan on asking that Lamonian aid be made conditional upon any action by Králi Jaromir’s government, until he had received replies from all three of them. Although Carter was not somebody who planned on breaking his word to follow through with these things, he was reluctant to do so and show his hand before the right moment.

At four-thirty, Carter telephoned Golikov’s office and asked him to deliver a press address the following day, in which he was to state the Monavian government’s reaction to the rioting in Bielostrov. Golikov said that he preferred to say something short in time for the evening news, but Carter cautioned him against it. One press conference was enough for the day, and so were the three letters that Carter had to write. Beset by an unusual spell of fatigue, Crater left his office at five-thirty and planned to return home by six.




5:13 P.M. Chalcedon Local Time (CLT)

Office of Carl Blake
Sixth floor, Ministry of Defense Building
Chalcedon, Monavia


The Monavian government’s actions were not strictly confined within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, although the majority of its public relations campaign and press conferences were being managed by Golikov and Carter. While the voices of diplomacy held the attention of the world, keeping it focused on the pleasantries of negotiation and lofty, idealistic political maneuvering, the Ministry of Defense was quickly working to set its plans for the mobilization of forces into motion. Minister Blake had contacted a number of offices, and by five in the afternoon he had been faxed several short reports from the headquarters of several armed services. He worked until about 5:45 compiling the reports into a single unit before preparing to send them to the Royal Residence that evening.




OOC:

The Monavian order of battle will be determined according to how the thread plays out. I can have one assembled once the story advances further. I also rewrote a few ambiguous paragraphs at the end and fixed some typos.

EDIT (February 8): I FOUND ANOTHER TYPO! AHHHHHHH!
Last edited by The State of Monavia on Thu Feb 09, 2012 11:42 pm, edited 9 times in total.
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Novikov
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Ex-Nation

Postby Novikov » Fri Feb 17, 2012 10:05 pm

Nob’gorod, Bielostrov

The Bielostrovian capitol was filled with a nervous energy on the 22nd. News of the previous day’s violence had spread throughout the city, despite the official curfew. The curfew continued well into the morning, leaving the streets strangely silent, factories and shops strangely empty. Only state employees and workers in the capitols power plants and telephone exchanges were exempted. All other residents were instructed to remain in their homes until instructed.

Around 12:00 NST, a radio and television broadcast officially announced that, “traitors and Novikovian provocateurs,” had attacked police in Yezhron’selo and seized, “some government buildings.” All reservists and soldiers on leave were to report immediately to their units. All other citizens should remain vigilant against traitors and nievieraci in their midst, and continue to support their king and his government. The growing unrest was characterized as an attempt by foreigners and malcontents to prevent the success of the Krali’s reforms

Citizens were also warned that foreign troops, supporters of the Krali’s government, would be arriving to help defend their nation from the nievieraci threat. All citizens were instructed to not be alarmed by the outsiders (being a rare sight in Bielostrov, even in the capitol) and to treat them with the utmost respect. Together with the Voisk’ and the Kvardie Kralob’, these troops would crush the enemies which threatened Bielostrov from without and within.

About an hour later, it was announced that the curfew would be lifted and that residents of Nob’gorod would be allowed to return to work, but that movement would continue to be restricted between dusk and dawn. Throughout the afternoon, the streets were filled with people hurriedly rushing to stores or the all-pervasive dzh’gag dom’, the small street front eateries and bars which dotted the city’s tight-packed residential districts. There, they gossiped excitedly about the week’s events, and exchanged rumors about goings-on in the south, or overseas, about which information was scarce.

No further violence occurred in the capitol, where the police presence was strongest and most vigilant. Elsewhere, however, periodic disturbances were reported - mostly small-scale incidents, graffiti and tiny protests of no more than a few dozen people. At dusk, the curfew was imposed again, but would be lifted with the rising of the sun.

Strekhizba, Bielostrov
8 km North of Yezhron’selo


Ellements of the Voisk' Narodniob' Bielostrob’ (VNB) had begun to assemble for an attack on Mstislav’s rebels several days earlier. Yezhron’selo fell within the area of the Southern Military District, under the authority of the VNB’s 2nd Brigade. This force consisted of some 3.000 conscript soldiers, spread over a wide area in company-sized garrisons. It had taken two days to marshal these men, thanks to a lack of motorized transport. In this time, elements of the VNB’s Motor Rifle Brigade had also arrived, bringing the total strength of Krali Jaromir’s forces in the area to just over 3.700 men, supported by 51 BMP-1Ds, 25 BTR-152s, and 38 artillery pieces, including the Motor Rifle Brigade’s eight self-propelled guns. This force began to probe southward during the afternoon of the 22nd, testing the extent of rebel defenses in preparation for a general attack into Yezhron’selo.

Two motor rifle companies led the way, using their mobility to scout a path for the infantry marching lowly behind. When they had advanced within 10 kilometers of the city, the lead company began to take small arms fire, but continued forward. The rebels lacked any long-range anti-tank weapons and were obliged to fall back before them, melting away into the farmlands and scattered forests and leaving the road to the VNB. Encouraged, the two motor rifle companies pushed on into the small hamlet of Strekhizba, the last stop on the road before Yezhron’selo itself.

Strekhizba was a small community of no more than 500 residents, tightly packed around a single crossroads. At its north-eastern corner, at the peak of a gentile hill, a wall of stone and earth marked the hamlet’s original boundaries, while a series of newer homes built since 1900 clustered about the west and south of the hill. The road itself ran between them, under the shadow of the old walls.

Here, some 100 of Mstislav’s rebels had been dispatched to guard the road north. With only about half the group armed with rifles, the commander of the detachment deployed most of his men in the buildings around the village center, close to the road, with at least two rifles per house. A detachment of 20 men, including the group’s ten best marksmen and their only machine gun, were dispatched to the walled hamlet to provide covering fire. The unarmed fighters hastily prepared petrol bombs and other improvised weapons to assist in the defense.

The VNB troops approached from the north, along the main road. Within sight of the hamlet, the two companies halted. One fanned out to the east and west of the road, dismounting and setting up a base of fire. The other company battened down their hatches and without warning lurched forward, making a run for the rebel positions. The rebels held their fire, allowing the APCs to move into the hamlet unopposed. Once four vehicles had passed into the narrow confines of the village street, the order to attack was given. Petrol bombs were hurled at the vehicles and a barrage of small arms fire reached out at the dismounted soldiers watching from the ridgeline.

The petrol bombs scored a lucky hit on the second BMP, whose commander had peeked out the gunner’s hatch of his vehicle to survey the buildings. Three bombs crashed into that vehicle, the third managing to strike close enough to the hatch to send burning fuel cascading down into the compartment below while the commander himself met a horrific end in the flames. This vehicle quickly filled with smoke, and the uninjured soldiers inside were forced to evacuate through the rear hatch, leaving the commander and gunner to their fate.

Immediately, fire came down upon the exposed men, who frantically returned fire. Several more fell. The vehicles behind quickly reversed, pulling back to the village edge while their 73mm guns tore into the brick and wooden structures. The leading BMP was trapped in front of the disabled vehicle, with no room to maneuver in the narrow streets. It was obliged to rush south to the central crossroads and escape out the west road, circling around the hamlet to return to friendly lines, taking fire all the time.

The other motor rifle troops quickly began to dismount and assault the houses one-by-one while their vehicles provided covering fire. The supporting company, meanwhile, began to quickly advance on the hamlet, firing to neutralize the rebels dug in behind its ancient protective walls. A bloody fight ensued, taking over an hour to clear the village and claiming the lives of a dozen VNB troops, with a 21 more wounded. The rebels lost nearly half their number, but managed to retreat with most of their small arms, maintaining good order and continuing to fire on the enemy.

The fighting in Strekhizba finally ended around 19:00 NST. The motor rifle companies took up defensive positions along the southern edge of the village and waited for the 2nd Brigade’s infantry to arrive. They had received a rude surprise from the rebels, losing one of their valuable APCs, and were unwilling to push on into Yezhron’selo without support. It would take several hours for this support to arrive in strength, and by that time the sun was setting. Once in Strekhizba , the 2nd Brigade’s commander made the decision to halt his men north of the village and continue south in the morning, this time in stronger force.

Ch’ternogolva, Bielostrov

As the sun went down on the 22nd, the common people across Belostrov began their traditional celebration of Zara Svietob’. Fulfilling his duties as the religious leader of Bielostrov, Krali Jaromir made pilgrimage with his cousin Zvezdan and other religious leaders from the capitol to Ch’ternogolva, the sacred mountain in the north-east Bielostrov. There, in a solemn ceremony, Jaromir lit the great bonfire of pine* while the priests sacrificed a ram and cast its still-beating heart into the flames. The ritual sacrifice was mean to strengthen Svantieb’, the god of Bielostrov, through the coming months of winter.

After the ritual was complete, Jaromir made another impassioned plea to his supporters. Again, he evoked the religious imagery of the holiday: Svantieb’s victorious battle with Veles, the serpent, traditionally associated with the south. Although summer, a winter had descended upon Bielostrov, upon the people of the great Bieli. They were besieged by the servants of evil. Like Svantieb’ conquering the winter, his people would emerge victorious against these enemies, but this would require great sacrifice on behalf of the people. Blood would be spilt. Like proud rams, many of the faithful would be called upon to give up their lives. The king called upon his people to prepare themselves, to organize to resist the threat of invasion and to remain vigilant against traitors and betrayers.

Despite the passionate rhetoric, the public ceremony and indeed many of the celebrations across Bielostrov were unusually somber. At Ch’ternogolva, Jaromir and his entourage had been preceded by several hundred of his fearsome Kvardie, who placed a tight cordon around the holy site, turning away thousands of the faithful from what was normally a public festival. In the capitol, too, celebrations were unusually small and an unnatural stillness hovered in the air. Only in the deeply conservative and rural north, a region largely untouched by the currents of unrest in the cities, could one find the traditional bonfires and feasts, with their raucous dancing and traditional music of drums and pipes.

In the south, however, there was no room for celebration at all. After the skirmish on the road to Yezhron'selo, periodic firing continued. The VNB's large force of infantry advanced during the night across a wide front, moving to catch up to the fast moving Motor Rifle troops. This advance encountered sporadic small arms fire as it passed through the many isolated farmsteads lying east and west of the north-road from Yezhron'selo, disrupting the movement of civillians and compelling most citizens to remain in shelter. The city itself was likewise devoid of celebration. The rebels had initiated a curfew of their own, as well as a total blackout of the city - protection against a possible air-raid - and many of the rebels, including Mstislav himself, were unbelievers and opposed the old worship on the grounds outlined in "Na Dzhyachi Mirov".

[OOC: Small update covering the solstice celebrations - mostly just flavor text.]
Last edited by Novikov on Fri Mar 09, 2012 8:51 pm, edited 3 times in total.
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Postby Lamoni » Sat Feb 18, 2012 6:23 am

OOC: Edited post up. Will be gone on Saturday.
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Novikov
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Ex-Nation

Postby Novikov » Sat Mar 03, 2012 10:45 pm

Sál Parlamentu
Poldi’sk, Novikov


It was becoming increasingly apparent to Premier Kopecky and other members of the Novikovian administration that foreign intervention was threatening to even the balance of power in Bielostrov. To be certain, the Novikovian position held significant advantages in their ability to rapidly move forces to the region, and they still possessed a tremendous numerical and material superiority over Kralí Jaromir and his supporters. If the Novikovians struck quickly, the NOK High Command was confident of victory. But any delay to Operace Krista’s delicate timetable could spell disaster for the Novikovian coalition in Oceania’s Parliament. There was even a risk of Kopecky’s status as Premier being threatened by the fallout of a protracted campaign in Bielostrov.

Already, the position of Kopecky’s party, the LD, had been threatened by its association to the protracted and poorly handled campaign in Gabriko, which had still failed to capture the war-criminal Monika Kacnerova. Although criticism of the administration’s handling of Gabriko had lessened recently, thanks to greater cooperation between the LD and Súzvuk, its major rival within Novikov, Kopecky doubted the public would forgive a repeat of Gabriko. And the Oceanians surely wouldn’t. If the Oceanians were forced into bloodletting on Novikov’s behalf, Prime Minister Thomason had privately made it clear that she would break with the LD and, “destroy [them] in the eyes of every Celerian.”

And so, the Novikovians leadership and particularly the overrepresented Liberalná Demokratická were forced into an awkward position, finding themselves committed to a path which suddenly involved more risk than anticipated. Yet to turn back would also be disastrous, threatening the newfound unity between the major parties and potentially inviting the communist NKO or the outlawed NVP to sweep the next elections. Thus Premier Kopecky was forced to take the hard-line and push ahead, despite Monavian and Lamoni objections.

Around midday on the 22nd, the Novikovian Home Office released a public statement intended to answer the continuing diplomatic appeals from both Lamoni and Monavia, and potentially to check the deployment of foreign “peacekeepers” to Bielostrov:
Official Statement of the Novikovian Government


The Novikovian Government welcomes any and all foreign aid in swiftly and justly resolving the growing conflict within Bielostrov. Already, a Novikovian delegation is en-route to the Free Republic of Lamoni in the hopes of finding a peaceful solution to this crisis. Likewise, representatives of the Novikovian Government are prepared to welcome any concerned party, including representatives of Kralí Jaromir himself, willing to hold dialogue on this subject.

However, any negotiated settlement to this conflict must abide by the terms set forth in the original Novikovian ultimatum set forth on the 18th of December, 2011. Given the long history of human-rights abuses and violations of international law on behalf of the Bielostrovian state and particularly the Kralí and his ministers, the Novikovian people are no longer willing to recognize a Bielostrovian government which does not meet these minimum conditions. We, however, welcome any proposal from the international community which may fulfill these necessary conditions for peace while better providing for the needs of the Bielostrovian people for sovereignty and continuity of government.

At the same time, the Novikovian Government must demand that all foreign powers cease the deployment of military forces to the territory of Bielostrov. Continued military support for Kralí Jaromir is unnecessary in light of the Novikovian peoples’ willingness to seek a mediated solution, and only serves to free Jaromir’s forces for continued attacks on peaceful opposition groups within Bielostrov. Furthermore, the deployment of long-range offensive weapons, including aircraft and cruise missiles to Bielostrov can only be construed as a direct affront to the United Kingdom of Oceania and its legitimate rights to predominance within the region. If all foreign troop deployments are immediately halted, the Novikovian Government is prepared to agree to likewise halt the deployment of additional forces to Bielostrov and the surrounding area.

All Novikovian people fervently hope for a just and peaceful resolution to this crisis.

Rt. Hon. Alicia Cermak, Secretary of State for Novikov


---

While this message was being prepared, Undersecretary Yefretorov was preparing to depart Zvolen for the Free Republic of Lamoni, in accordance with the Lamoni proposal. This small delegation had been secretly instructed to follow the Premier’s lead and take a hard line on the Bielostrovian issue. Their purpose would to stop, or at least delay, the deployment of Lamoni troops and to improve the image of Novikov throughout the world as a reasonable and diplomatic member of the international community. However, Yefretorov was under no false impressions. Regardless of the position of the Lamoni Government, Novikov would not rescind or delay the ultimatum unless its conditions were met.

South of Bielostrov

During the evening of the 22nd, while the Novikovian Government was pretending to welcome foreign mediation to the conflict, FNOK ships began to filter into the coastal waters around Bielostrov in force. The first submarines had begun reaching their stations early in the morning, while Taskforce North’s surface group brought up the rear. By 00:01 on the 23rd, nearly 30 Novikovian vessels were within 100 km of the Beilostrovian coast, including one aircraft carrier and 11 submarines. They found the waters strangely quiet, with only a handful of Bielostrovian fishing vessels present. The Bielostrovian Navy’s scant forces remained in harbor near Bielostrov’s nort-western tip, leaving the arriving Novikovian ships unmolested. These vessels began to establish a cordon around southern and eastern Bielostrov, in preparation for a general blockade.

Two of the Novikovian submarines were carrying special cargo. The P-401 and P-386, both of which arrived off southern Bielostrov around midday on the 22nd, had been specially refitted over the last several weeks, removing several of the anti-shipping missiles along the spine of the boat to make room for inflatable rafts and special containers of ex-Novikovian AK-74s and other small arms, as well as grenades and mortars. Both boats also carried teams of six Speciálný Operátoři, members of Novikov’s elite special forces brigades. As darkness fell on the 22nd, these two boats closed in on Bielostrov’s southern coast. Around 02:00 on the 23rd, the two boats surfaced and the Speciálný Operátoři teams began to offload their special cargo. By dawn on the 23rd, all the equipment was ashore and the dozen Novikovians had made contact with Mstislav’s resistance.
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Postby The State of Monavia » Sat Mar 03, 2012 11:52 pm

OOC:

As promised, here’s my long-awaited reply. Please keep in mind that after I finish writing this I will be going back to work on my 2012 factbook and replying to Internal Tensions.

Edit: I found a typo on April 2.




IC:

December 21, AD 2011
7:29 P.M. Chalcedon Local Time (CLT)


Royal Residence
Chalcedon, Monavia


Countless executive officials and civil servants joined the streams of businesspeople, shopkeepers, workers, and commuters between five and seven P.M. Minister Blake had faxed his final recommendations to the other members of the MNDC and called Minister Carter shortly before the latter left to inform him that he had met with the MNDC earlier that day. Despite any impressions of childish playfulness that his ebullient demeanor may have made on others, Minister Putlin was actually the last minister to depart for home. By the time the industrious Putlin had left his office at seven-fifteen that evening, thousands of others had already filed out of the doors of the Ministry of Labor. Minister Carter had already returned home more than an hour earlier and eaten dinner. Parliament and the Supreme Court had adjourned for the day at six o’clock and many military officials were also beginning to leave their posts for the night. Maintenance workers at the Royal Residence had finally finished their work and left for their other posts. Some were domiciled inside the expansive servant’s quarters located on the ground floor of the residence, but most of them had their own houses to attend to at this hour.

Evening descended on western Nova long after the sun had set over the eastern end of the region. The sun reluctantly sank below the horizon as if it was some proud ship yielding at last to the weight of water pouring in from a leak. It cast its final set of warm, yellow-orange rays over the land from its low position, caressing every surface in a parting embrace of light before it disappeared behind hills, forests, skyscrapers, and clouds. Natural shadows grew longer and longer as twilight faded away into the night.

The evening hours passed uneventfully at the Royal Residence. Guests who paid visits to the mansion and its grounds enjoyed a tranquility undisrupted by political disputes, and even those who went there for reasons of official business were afforded ample quietness when they entered. The residence, however, was never truly silent, even when the residents were away, for its capacious interior softly echoed the noises produced by the maintenance staff as they went about cleaning the building. The activities of servants, the rustling of papers by secretaries, the delivery and sending of mail by couriers, the footsteps of visitors, and the marching of guards each added another set of sounds to the background atmosphere. The interior ambiance, however, was not entirely uniform, regardless of the mood of the palace’s residents. The mechanical rooms located on the windowless ground floor contained machinery that merrily hummed out of view while the pressroom, kitchen, private dining room, offices, and the Cabinet Chamber (when meetings were held) were often filled with the sounds of activity that echoed within their high-ceilinged spaces. A subtle tension had crept into every one of the working spaces over the previous two days. It tension was generated by the building’s occupants, for the building and its furnishings were inanimate and indifferent towards their behavior and feelings. Despite the usual constancy of the building’s mute reception of its occupants’ moods, the interior atmosphere had indeed changed.

This tension, while mild at first, gradually increased in severity from a minor emotional tightness in the minds of the royals into a source of constant fretting that seemed to have invaded and occupied the backs of their minds. The princes Lawrence and Andrew had somehow grown up faster than expected. Although they were both approaching fifteen, their reaction to the idea of another war was more like that of twenty-year-olds. They were only twelve when the Corporate Alliance War had happened and a smallpox attack infected more than 800,000 Monavians. While the specter of war was not so frightening as if to resemble some homicidal bogeyman concealed behind every corner like some assassin, it was a subject they never wanted to bring up, even when they watched the morning news.

During school days, when the boys were not playing inside, the second floor remained mostly vacant between sunrise and sunset. It was inclined towards domestic functions, consisting mostly of servant’s quarters, bedrooms, private studies, an upstairs living room and a number of other amenities. Their favorite pastime, playing games of chess, usually resulted in them having to combine their brainpower to defeat their older sister Svetlana, whose chess-playing acumen was not the only thing about her that they envied. Svetlana’s middle name, Sophia, was a Greek word that meant wisdom in English, and her given name was Russian for light. The two were locked in a match of attrition that had thus far resulted in Andrew’s queen being taken by one of Lawrence’s rooks, only to be avenged by the taking of Lawrence’s other rook, his sole remaining bishop, and a pawn. Svetlana was not competing with her younger brothers that evening. Catherine was teaching her a piano piece in the first floor conservatory while Nicholas was reading one of the books in the library.

The cooks had spent the better part of the last hour preparing dinner when they announced that it was ready at seven-thirty. The butler took only a minute to collect Catherine and Svetlana from the conservatory, but hesitated to summon them until after he had sat down and listened to them finishing the final few measures of the piece. Nicholas ran upstairs to let his brothers know that dinner was going to be ready soon, if it had not already been brought out. When he saw that all but a handful of pieces on either side had been captured, he thought that the game would be over in a few minutes. A maid walked by with an armful of linens that had had been laundered and was in the process of placing them inside a linen closet. Catherine’s overgrown white cat was not far behind.

Francis smells food now, thought the observant Nicholas. He’s after the fish! Francis had a particular favoritism towards blue fin tuna, which while expensive for the average consumer at prices of up to ₮35 per kilogram was still affordable for a palace which ran on a yearly budget of ₮35,000,000. The royal family was particularly strict about religious observances, and with Christmas only four days away, the fasting season of Advent was still in force. Francis did not care much what he could nibble on so long as it was seafood he liked, but the main course at dinner happened to be crab cakes, which Catherine deemed too caloric for her pet to ingest safely. After being overweight for three years, poor Francis had been placed on a diet that left him displeased at first, but he had little say in the matter. His bulk made him easier for birds to spot in the yards, and he was rarely allowed outside because the grounds were so extensive and nobody wanted to lose track of him.

The day’s events had crept into dinnertime conversations at the palace. Guards inside the first floor security office, a fortified room near the Cabinet Chamber that sported its own armory and suite of camera monitors, had briefly discussed the situation at the other end of the region while watching for intruders. They had only spotted two stray cats and a pigeon that day, but the absence of any disruptions was something they seemed to appreciate. Only a week earlier, a crowd of protestors had to be asked to stay back from the fence around the grounds because they were taping signs to the fence. The royal family opposed the taping of the signs on the principle that the taping, which left bits of paper and tape all over the fence, constituted an act of vandalism. They did not relish the idea of spending a part of their household budget, which was funded by all of the Monavian Empire’s taxpayers, on the cleanup of vandalism committed by a select few individuals who were in essence wasting the money that their neighbors paid to the government. Downstairs on the ground floor, servants conversed over dinner in a dining room that resembled a minimalist-styled cafeteria. Valets, groundskeepers, cleaning staff, maids, and others sat around at several large tables. One maid was trying to place bets on the likelihood of a war while two gardeners argued over which of three newspapers told the most accurate story of events. They were not needed upstairs, like the cooks and the butler, who were at work serving dinner to the royal family in their private dining room.

The first floor actually contained two dining rooms—a state dining room use don formal occasions and a private one only half as large and more simply furnished. It contained ample room for entertaining a dozen guests with room to spare, and was dominated by a heavy oaken table and a towering maple grandfather clock adjacent to the south wall. Although the commodious table was built to have a five foot width, which was ideal for accommodating large serving platters while still leaving sufficient room on both sides for full place settings, the king found himself alone at the head. It was not wide enough to be physically shared the same way he shared the rest of his house, for marriage was a partnership and the management of domestic life naturally assumed the dimensions of a family business owned by a couple. The queen was seated immediately to his right, across from Catherine, their oldest child. Nicholas was seated adjacent to his older sister, while Andrew took up a position next to him and Lawrence sat on the opposite side, leaving a space for Svetlana to sit in between him and her mother.

Between the start of the meal around seven-thirty and the serving of dessert shortly after eight, the conversation around the table shifted among a number of subjects. Svetlana was dissecting her strawberry shortcake when she remembered that the unrest in Bielostrov had been the focus of the day’s news. Only three minutes earlier, the clock had chimed eight while the butler wheeled in a small cart bearing the desserts and carried away the empty plates. “Do you think there will really be a civil war in Bielostrov?” she asked.

Catherine looked up from her dessert and fixed her gaze on Svetlana’s inquiring visage. “So far, more words have been hurled than any other weapons. Premier Kopecky appears to have a numerical advantage, but his ten day grace period has been giving the Bielostorvians time to mobilize their troops. If he wants a war that badly, then he’s going to lose hundreds of troops at the least.”

“Perhaps thousands,” Nicholas added. “The Lamonians, who have publically stated that they want to defend Bielostrov, are sending in enough ships to fight the Novikovian Navy to a standstill. Unless there’s a peace agreement, a Lamonian attack would exact thousands of deaths and destroy at least a handful of capital ships, not to mention many escorts.”

“You both assume that a war will happen.” The king did not want a simple conversation turning into a political argument. “Kopecky is more stubborn than a stone wall, or at least that’s what he wants everyone to think. Even rocks crack. If Kopecky encounters too much resistance from the Lamonians, then he will have to reconsider his strategy.” He said nothing about Monavian plans.

By eight-thirty, dessert had also vanished into the same bellies that had consumed the courses preceding it. The king went to his office while Andrew and Lawrence returned to their chess game. Nicholas decided to referee the match, watching more pieces disappear from the board. The game soon became monotonous, with perpetual check scenarios beginning to emerge, but the twins had managed to keep each other at a standoff. Francis sauntered upstairs, his belly satiated by a spare crab cake and some other things he had managed to pilfer when the contents of his food bowl failed to satisfy his appetite.

The night was winding down all over Monavia, for the clocks soon struck nine. It was nearly two o’clock in the morning in Novikov. No faxes were expected at this hour, but the sound of a fax printer ejecting a sheet of paper inside the king’s office managed to rouse him from reading a brief MNIA report. Withdrawing the paper, he quickly recognized its source as he read its first few lines and caught sight of the signature at the bottom.

FROM THE DESK OF CARL BLAKE

PRIVATE


Your Imperial Majesty:

The Monavian National Defense Council met this morning to discuss the scope of any possible military deployments to eastern Nova. In addition, the council authorized the preparation of a summary of the intelligence that it has received regarding the international disagreement in Bielostrov and the forwarding thereof to the LIA for its analysis.

This report will contain a list of all Novikovian and Bielostrovian vessels that have been documented by our surveillance assets, as well as maps and records of their positions and courses to the extent that they could be determined with certainty. At the present, a small number of Monavian operatives are present in Novikov, using tourism, visits to family, and business trips as cover. Their departure must be allowed to take place according to whatever schedules they had originally arranged in advance of Premier Kopecky’s initial public statement to prevent them from appearing as if they were eager to leave the country, lest it result in the impression that our government issued an unofficial travel advisory against tourism in Novikov and further cool our relationship with them.

General Director Cheney has informed me that our intelligence assets in Novikov are unlikely to have much information about the situation in Bielostrov. We have not sent any personnel there yet and any plans for sending people over there are still tentative.

I have informed Minister Carter that the MNDC meeting has taken place and that an intelligence package will be forwarded to the LIA. I did not enumerate the contents of the package or reveal much else, as those items were unlikely to be of any use to him. Any further exchanges of information between our ministries will take place according to your directions.

Regards,

The Right Honorable Carl Blake
Minister of Defense





December 22, AD 2011
9:40 A.M. Chalcedon Local Time (CLT)


Pressroom
First floor
Ministry of Foreign Affairs Building
Chalcedon, Monavia


Golikov had contacted the production staff of several news agencies around six in the afternoon on the twenty-first of December and informed them of his intention to hold a press conference at ten o’clock the following day. Anchors on the morning news programs had announced the press conference three hours in advance, thus providing Golikov with an audience of several million viewers at the particular time he was scheduled to deliver his statement. The subject of Golikov’s remarks was none other than the student-led riots that had taken place the previous morning.

Gardner and his crew were already setting up when Golikov poked his head inside to observe the progress of the conference setup at nine-fifty. Ten more minutes remained before he had to begin, but by then there would be at least thirty journalists and staff assembled inside the room. Golikov’s preparations consisted of taking time to write down his official remarks and then spend roughly a half hour thinking of appropriate answers to the questions he believed were the most likely ones he would receive. The setup of the pressroom consisted of a light cleaning earlier that morning, followed by the placement of cameras and microphone testing. These processes took all of thirty-five minutes.

At one minute before ten, Golikov walked up to the lectern and scanned the journalists assembled before him. Smith had taken up a position one row ahead of Gardner and was accompanied by a man who had not been seen there before. That man is probably a newbie recruit here for the first time, Golikov reasoned as he adjusted the microphone. The rigors of his position had kept him busy, even though Christmas was three days away. The prim press secretary wore a gray business suit made from fine wool. As was his usual habit before delivering remarks, he gently tugged down on his pinstriped coat until it settled more comfortably on his shoulders and then fastened shut the two buttons in the middle, leaving the other two casually undone so that he had a slightly larger range of motion.

Golikov cast a fleeting glance towards the face of his watch and observed the second hand approach the twelve o’clock position. He took an inaudible breath and then began speaking as soon as he saw the lights on cameras all over the room turn red to indicate that he was now being recorded and broadcasted across the country. “Yesterday morning a riot took place in the Bielostrovian capital city of Nob’gorod. The rioters were students attending the National University who apparently have pledged their support for an official within Králi Jaromir’s council of advisors. The number of protestors has yet to be confirmed, but the number was at least a thousand and a number of Bielostrovian sources have placed the estimate at approximately twelve hundred.

“Although the exact motives for the protest have not been fully determined, the subjects of their anger were soldiers stationed at a prison where another protestor has been recently detained. The occurrence of this protest at a time when political unrest is growing in Bielostrov at the same time that its relations with the Oceanian Home Kingdom of Novikov have turned icy might only be coincidental, but the Ministry suspects that these events may in fact be related. In the interests of informing the public and transparent disclosure, I will add that the simultaneous timing of these events is the primary evidence for this suspicion.

“The Ministry has received confirmation that the students physically attacked the soldiers and that a large police contingent was dispatched to restore order and deter the violent degeneration of an otherwise legitimate demonstration. The students then blocked the police through sheer numbers and prevented them from relieving the soldiers, thus forcing the soldiers to endure additional assaults on their persons. It has also been confirmed that there was a point shortly before the breakup of the protest at which the soldiers discharged their weapons into the crowd. Specific details of what caused the soldiers to fire are still being investigated, but it has been confirmed that six of the protestors are now dead and fourteen of them are injured.

“The police arrested a large but unknown number of participants in the protest and The Ministry has also received later reports indicating that the university has expelled a large number of students who took part in the demonstration and that the police have made a large but unknown number of arrests. The organizers of the protest have been detained and a curfew has been imposed. Beyond these facts, the Ministry is still awaiting further reports made by Bielostrovian media sources.

“You are now free to offer questions.”

A young reporter in the front row of the room stood up. Golikov nodded and he spoke. “Mr. Secretary, you said that there were six fatalities and fourteen other people were injured.”

“That is correct.”

“When the location of the riot is taken into account, those numbers seem rather small because prisons tend to have more than just a few guards. Don’t these numbers appear suspicious?”

“Reports indicate that the prison’s guards are trained soldiers who have spent considerable time handling weapons and are familiar with the principles of military discipline. Furthermore, as we do not have access to any information regarding the number of troops garrisoned there, the size of the prison must be used to estimate their number based on the amount of manpower that would be necessary to secure it. This information suggests that the number of guards is probably between fifty and one hundred, so either or both of two possible factors contributed to the low number of injuries and fatalities. First, a majority of the soldiers likely held their fire. Second, it is possible that only a few of them were attacked and only those who were under mortal threats were willing to employ lethal force in the defense of their lives.”

“Thank you, Mr. Secretary,” the reporter responded.

Another one stood up. She was four years younger than Smith but appeared ten years older and had a hawkish expression. Narrowing her eyes at the lectern, she scrutinized Golikov’s figure in such a way that an observant person could tell that she was sizing up the man in a calculated fashion. “Mr. Secretary, what does the Ministry know about the protestor whose detention served as the basis for yesterday’s protest?”

“The Ministry does not believe that this lone demonstrator’s confinement was the only reason behind the protest, but it is probably a major contributing factor. Two days ago, a student from the National University disrupted Králi Jaromir’s public address by physically intruding into the location where it was being delivered and interrupting the king during a convenient pause. Footage of the event, which has been released yesterday morning and which shall be accessible from the Ministry’s website, shows the student shouting from off camera and then being struck with a rifle in order to be subdued and arrested.

“The most recent protest was also organized and held by students from the same institution, which leads me to believe that their demonstration was meant as a public statement of support for the student who was arrested two days ago.”

“Thank you sir,” she replied with a smile and a slight nod of approval. She leaned back in her seat and allowed another reporter to ask Golikov a question. This time, the reporter was sitting farther back than Gardner and Smith. He brushed aside a loose thread on his coat and stood up.

“What does the Ministry know about the curfew that was enacted in Nob’gorod?” he asked.

“Mr. Landon, the Ministry has received confirmation that the curfew has been lifted as of one o’clock P.M. NST, or eight o’clock this morning. The announcement was contained within a Bielostrovian general broadcast made less than two hours ago and received by the Ministry’s media processing center at eight-fifteen.”

“Will it be imposed again?”

“The Ministry can confirm that the curfew will be periodically reinstated during the hours between sunset and sunrise. The source of this information is the same broadcast that I mentioned moments ago.”

Landon watched as Gardner arose, was recognized by a nod from Golikov, and then asked the secretary a question regarding the possibility of violence in Bielostrov. “Has the civil unrest in Bielostrov claimed any other lives?”

“As can be expected from civil unrest, which naturally poses a certain degree of danger to anybody in its vicinity, it has probably caused problems for a number of Bielostrovian citizens. The general broadcast mentioned an attack against police officers and government buildings by individuals whose loyalty was within question. The broadcast also made mention of the mobilization of military reserves, so there is evidence that the threat of violence within Bielostrov is credible.” Golikov had neither mentioned the fact that the broadcast referred to the rebels as traitors or that they had successfully seized any buildings. He had carefully chosen his words so that he would not reveal anything that would imply negative things about the Novikovian government, thus allowing the Ministry to perpetuate is seemingly neutral position.

“That does not appear good,” replied Gardner.

“The situation may still improve, but that remains to be seen.”

Golikov’s references to the general broadcast had roused Smith’s interest. “Mr. Secretary,” she began, slowly filling her voice with a persuasive sweetness that would make an evasive answer appear all the more distant and colder than was desirable, “is this general broadcast available to the Monavian media?”

“That is a question for the Media Processing Center staff. At the present, it has only been two hours since they informed me of what they had received and have been processing it this morning. I will request that it be distributed in full, complete with translations. At the moment it is still being analyzed.”

The conference continued on for another twenty minutes before it finally ended.




10:45 A.M. Chalcedon Local Time (CLT)

Office of the Queen
First floor
Royal Residence
Chalcedon, Monavia


While the Ministry of Foreign Affairs had taken finely calculated measures to show that their government had no intentions of making opponents out of their counterparts in Poldi’sk, there was enough variance between the Monavian government’s official positions and those which had been taken by the Novikovian government to place both parties into opposition to one another. In spite of the earnestness of the Ministry’s attempts at projecting an image of uninterested objectivity, the Novikovian Home Office had offered them a relatively frigid public response. The statements Carter and Golikov made were technically reasonable, as were the requests that Carter had articulated in his correspondence with premier Kopecky’s office. These measures had failed to convince the involved parties to show restraint and rationally negotiate in a way that avoided unnecessary bloodshed, and the present diplomatic impasse that resulted from the Novikovian government’s continued belligerence had drawn the ties of political courtesy very taught, such that there was now a genuine risk of them suffering from strain and unraveling. The Novikovian government’s continued refusal to compromise, show the least measure of moderation, or even consider the Monavian government’s suggestion to negotiate with Králi Jaromir’s government indicated that their intentions were already set in stone. In simpler language, the Novikovian government was stonewalling in order to cover up its plans for a naval blockade.

The Crown was all too aware of the tenor of this situation. At ten o’clock that morning, Minister Blake was summoned to the Royal Residence. Blake entered through the west entrance, crossed through the west gallery, and made a turn to his left. A few more steps brought him to the entrance of the queen’s antechamber, which presently sported a guard where a valet normally stood. Usually the queen posted a valet at the door to direct visitors and control traffic within the corridor (not that there was much), but the nature of the meeting being held there required the employment of additional security measures. The queen had posted the valet elsewhere and turned the post over to a soldier of the Royal Guard, who occupied a location about one meter to the right of the door. Though the guard was a stocky man with an unimposing stature of five feet, seven inches, his heavily developed musculature was proof enough that he has a prodigious capacity for exerting force. The observant Minister did not need more than a few moments to realize that the guard’s statuesque physiognomy was not solely the result of lengthy conditioning, for his genetic makeup played an equal part in making him appear completely implacable. He was appropriately attired in a starched peaked cap that perched itself atop his head with the upright rigidity of a falcon and his well-developed shoulders filled out the coat of his charcoal gray uniform. The heavy rifle at his side, with its lacquered wooden stock and meticulously polished nickel finish, appeared almost gratuitous when the man who bore it had a mere presence sufficient to deter intruders.

Blake’s arm, accustomed to saluting troops over the years he was in office, neatly sprang into position as he walked to the door and knocked on it, receiving in return a salute that was as crisp as his own but more natural and fluid in its execution. The naturalness of the guardsman’s comportment was such that practice alone could not have made it possible—he had an innate talent for his line of work. Blake’s face drew itself into a smile as a strange pride welled up within his soul. Blake had not just seen a man whose talents were suited for military service, but one who had also chosen that exact line of work in order to cultivate them, making him an exemplary, perhaps even ideal, candidate for this post. He could not have asked for anyone better.

The Minister entered a rectangular room with a marble floor and lavish furnishings. He settled into one of the four walnut-framed bergères to await the arrival of the minister of National Security and several other individuals who served on the council, and allowed his eyes to wander about the space. Across from him was a rococo chaise lounge, upholstered in ruby-red fabric that matched the upper part of the walls. The doors leading into the queen’s office had been locked tightly shut and appeared as solid and immovable as the immense bronze doors of the cathedral. A walnut dado rail which matched the frames of the chairs and chaise lounge, horizontally divided the walls in half. It separated the bottom portion of the wall, which was faced with pearlescent alabaster, from the top portion, which began about a meter above the floor and continued upward some twenty feet until it reached the room’s pearly white ceiling.

Minister Blake had been seated for about two minutes when he remembered how he had the walls in his office refaced with new plaster and painted the same ruby-red color as the walls of the queen’s antechamber shortly after his appointment. It was one of the most gratifying projects he had undertaken in connection with his leadership of the Ministry of Defense and left him pleased with the results for years. The antechamber’s decoration and furnishing, however, was far older. The pair of Tuscan-ordered columns flanking the doors on either side had been carved from white marble during the palace’s renovations during the early twentieth century. They sat on matching plinths which had been decorated with gilded floral patterns and the capitals of the columns had been modestly decorated with more gold. The entablatures they supported were decorated with a Doric meander frieze and held up stone mosaics depicting the greater coat of arms of the House of Petrović.

Illumination was provided by a gilded brass chandelier which cast a golden light over all of the entire space, although additional lighting within the windowless room was provided by floor lamps located in the corners of the room. Minister Livermore entered this idyllic scene moments after Blake had become lost in thought. The pair exchanged hearty greetings and made ample small talk while they waited for the queen to arrive and unlock her office. The queen had devoted some serious consideration to the securing of her private space against forced entry by having the doors modified in 1996. The contours of the doors had been copied onto an industrial die, which stamped a pair of quarter-inch steel plates into matching shapes. These stamped bas-relief plates were electroplated in pure gold and then affixed onto both sides of new doors that were internally reinforced with ballistic-resistant panels. They appeared no different from the original wooden doors and yet they were far more secure, certainly able to resist vandalism and the assault of an assassin.

Within the narrow space of a minute, the pair of ministers heard the measured clicking of heels on the floor outside and stood in anticipation of greeting their sovereign, who momentarily appeared inside the room. The beginning of the meeting was only ten minutes away.

“Gentlemen, I’m pleased to see that you were able to come on such short notice.”

“Perhaps the pleasure of being able to meet your approval is the greater one,” replied Minister Livermore.

“Where is Doctor Scribner?”

“He had a speaking engagement at nine o’clock this morning and should be on his way.” Nathan Scribner was indeed on his way, for he had arrived at the building’s west entrance only moments later. The accomplished economist role as the Crown’s Economic Security Advisor had placed him in a position which garnered him professional esteem and made him the toast of numerous forums dedicated to advancing the study of economics. His most recent speaking engagement was brief, lasting only thirty-seven minutes, but it was long enough for him to delineate the various aspects of the relationship between the Imperial Bureau of Revenue and the Central Reserve Bank of Monavia.

“If he arrives within a few minutes then we have one less person to worry about,” Blake added. The lanky economist soon entered the antechamber to find the doors of the queen’s office open and the two ministers seated in front of her desk. Scribner was lanky and short, although he was far from gaunt. He glided into the office without making enough noise to turn any heads, for he had a quiet way of moving around without disturbing others.

“Good morning, Your Imperial Majesty,” he politely intoned, causing the queen to lay her eyes on Scribner’s aging visage. The man was nearly seventy years old and far from the young professor of economics he had been forty-five years ago, but a change of careers from that of an educator to that of a published economist and commentator had failed to leave any lasting marks of stress on his resilient figure.

“Dr. Scribner, I take it your speaking engagement was successful?”

“Minister, it was…satisfactory. Some of the audience was still waking up and tired from cleaning and decorating their houses for Christmas, so enthusiasm was rather low. They should all be more energetic by lunchtime, especially once they have a chance to guzzle coffee during the intermission!”

“What was the topic of your speech?”

“I lectured the audience about the relationship between the CRB and the IBR.”

“They have a relationship?” Minister Livermore asked.

“It’s really nothing shocking. The IBR collects all national taxes and remits the money to the Ministry of the Treasury. The Treasury pays its employees directly but the IBR maintains its own bank accounts with the CRB and pays its employees out of those accounts.”

“What you mean to say is that when an IBR employee receives a paycheck, the check is printed and issued by the CRB?”

“Yes, that is true.”

“What else does the CRB handle?”

“Most government employees are paid through the CRB and most government institutions use the CRB to hold their slush funds. Remember, the Ministry of the Treasury passes out money according to the budgetary instructions given to them by Parliament and signed by the Crown. It is not a bank, and neither is any other agency. Agencies and ministries cannot earn interest by hoarding money in their own vaults; they need to deposit it in a financial institution in order to do that and use the interest to maintain the purchasing power of their total funds as a counterbalance to inflation. The CRB exists to serve that purpose, and because it is a private institution, it pays taxes to the IBR like all other banks.”

“The CRB is probably the only central bank in the world that pays taxes to the same government it services,” Livermore snidely commented. “I have heard a lot about how foreign central banks have far more power than ours.”

“Power? All the CRB does is that which other banks do. Their only distinguishing feature is the identity of their customers.”

“I don’t care if this government does its banking with a central bank or a decentralized network of banks,” the queen interjected. “None of this subject matter, as important as it may be, will solve the crisis in Bielostrov. The reason you three are here is to provide me with your advice regarding the proper way of proceeding.”

“We would be better equipped to do that if Colonel Perez and Section Director McKay were present. Military and intelligence matters are their respective areas of expertise, after all.”

McKay, the chief analyst of the MNIA’s Directorate of External Operations, entered the queen’s office in his usual manner, doffing his hat with a tipping motion meant to convey respect while he took a seat opposite Scribner. The last two years of his thirty-year-long career in intelligence included the post of Royal Intelligence Advisor, which was one of the six positions making up the Royal Council of National Security Advisors. Perez, who was only steps behind McKay, served as a junior member of the Monavian Imperial Army Strategic Staff. In spite of being outranked in terms of seniority, Perez’s precocity and ability to deftly navigate the labyrinthine world of interpersonal politicking had made him an excellent choice for the position of Royal Military Advisor. Both were considerably younger than Scribner.

The last member of the council was its legal officer, Jennifer Varga. Varga’s grandfather, the aforementioned Joseph Varga, had been promised as a reward for his years of service that his granddaughter could have any legal position within the Monavian government which she wanted. Though Varga’s rivals might have accused the queen of putting friendly relations above competency and seniority if the deal had not been made secretly, it had remained a sealed issue that had already faded into obscurity. Varga was competently equipped for her present position and her specialty, constitutional law, was in line with the function of her present office. The job of the legal counselor was to ensure that all actions being debated by the council were constitutional and did not violate treaty agreements or international laws, customary or otherwise.

Varga clasped her hands together and bowed her head downward before greeting the queen. “Will His Majesty be here?”

“No. He is preoccupied with receiving the Vendian Ambassador this morning and negotiating an arms deal to supply the Vendian Coast Guard with some new ships.”

“He will still be furnished with knowledge of these proceedings?”

“Yes,” the queen dryly pronounced. “Shall we begin?”

Colonel Perez was eager to present his proposal, for it was the first time he had ever been called upon to assemble a peacekeeping package. While he bore the same inhibitions regarding the act of sending troops into a dangerous position that other officers of the army had, the cause of limiting bloodshed and keeping order in Bielostrov was something which made this course of action necessary. “Of course we can.”

“With that in mind, we need to consider the constitutional restrictions within which we will be operating,” Varga began. “I think we are all aware that we are not intending to declare war on anyone, unless we want to be portrayed as aggressors. Even if we wanted to align ourselves with one faction or another, Parliament would have to approve a declaration of war before we could send troops over. Humanitarian and peacekeeping operations are another matter, although nothing in our constitution says that our troops cannot defend themselves with all the force they need.”

“That is most certainly true,” added McKay. “Unfortunately, we do not know exactly who is being truthful. At the present we have been offering Králi Jaromir the benefit of the doubt and have assumed that he has been keeping his word, although it is far too early to determine with certitude who holds the moral high ground. The Novikovians have been adamant about pursuing their ultimatum, and we cannot verify the truthfulness of their claims at the present. What we can do is keep the LIA informed as best we can so that they know what they are going to confront.”

“I agree with you, Mr. McKay, but we have no operatives in Bielostrov that I know of. We need to send in men and women who can serve as the eyes and ears of the Empire, and if necessary, the hand that signs agreements. We should send in diplomats who can offer to negotiate between the Králi and Premier Kopecky. These diplomats can relay to us information about the Bielostrovian perspective so that we have an objective picture of both sides of the dispute. I further propose that you request some operatives be included inside the delegation so that they can conduct surveillance and covertly verify Bielostrovian claims.”

“I will do that and inform the Lamonians of what we are planning. We need to ensure that we avoid any pitfalls that may reveal themselves at inopportune times. For that matter,” McKay continued, processing what Perez had said moments before and devising parts of the scheme even as he spoke, “the Lamonian intelligence package should be ready by this afternoon.”

“That is good,” Minister Livermore added. “So far, the Terrorism Alert System has remained at blue level for the time being. I doubt that elevating it to aquamarine level will elicit much suspicion.”

“I agree. The risk of terrorism may be negligible now, but if we find ourselves in armed opposition to anyone, that risk may rise ever so slightly. The Bielostrovians probably do not have sufficient resources to carry out a successful attack, and even if they did, we are not their enemies. They have nothing to gain from attacking us, and the Novikovians are not the sort of people willing to bear the odium of terrorism on their consciences.”

“Minister, I do not doubt that your observations are probably correct, but my decision to raise the terrorism alert level is based on the fact that Premier Kopecky accused the Bielostrovian government of harboring the Czechzen Free Corps, a separatist group which committed acts of terrorism in order to advance its agenda.”

“How did you obtain that information?” a shocked McKay asked.

“Minister Carter forwarded me the letter in which Premier Kopecky made the accusation because this particular piece of information was within the purview of my office.”

“When did you obtain it?” McKay demanded.

“This morning.”

“Will you be forwarding it to the MNIA?”

“Yes, I will indeed. Please don’t accuse me of trying to withhold vital information for your department. I don’t play those sorts of games.”

“Gentlemen, let’s remain civil.” Varga did not want the council to argue over perceived refusals to cooperate when in fact there were no such refusals. The sharing of intelligence between executive departments was commonplace as a result of royal policies.

“Minister Blake, what is your proposal for the peacekeeping mission?”

“I have consulted the other members of the MNDC yesterday and have settled on a number of points. In order to mobilize the required forces, we shall have to raise the readiness status of our military from DEFCON 7 to DEFCON 6 in order to accommodate the needs of our initial actions. Further preparations shall consist of raising the readiness status again to DEFCON 5 within forty-eight to seventy-two hours.”

“I received information yesterday informing me that the readiness level stood at DEFCON 6 already,” Minister Livermore explained. He was obviously confused by what Blake had said, for Blake had intended to raise the readiness level and keep it at DEFCON 6, only to reduce it again.

“I did in fact order it raised, but then it became apparent to me that we did not have sufficient mobilization to match the official position. Inclement weather had threatened to delay Task Force XI from returning to port and several reports of mechanical problems came in from the aerial contingent that was to be deployed to Bielostrov. I rescinded the order shortly thereafter and informed the strategic staff of every service that the readiness level would be raised again once the proper degree of mobilization had been achieved.”

“We still have not yet addressed exactly which units are to be deployed. Did the Council agree on who they were sending?”

“Our initial force shall consist of a single peacekeeping unit dispatched from Dawn Harbor Naval Base in Theodora Province. It’s the closest base we have for deploying our troops and will serve as the staging area for the deployment of the first peacekeepers. This unit will consist of an airborne rifle company deployed on a supersonic passenger jet which the Army bought about ten years ago and converted over to its use. The jet has been fitted with in-air refueling systems so that its range could be extended.”

“How long would it take to deploy the jet?”

“It will be ready to depart by 16:00 this afternoon and should take less than eighteen hours to reach its destination.”

“What about the others?” McKay cut in.

“If we delay for more than one day we risk being cut off by the blockade. If the Novikovian Navy attempts to impede the progress of the plane or shoot it down, they will run into difficulties. Its high speed means that they will be forced to scramble fighters in order to do anything with it and it carries extensive countermeasures.”

“I assume that if the jet’s crew is asked to turn around that they will state over the radio system that it is carrying diplomats and that an attack against it would constitute a serious breach of customary international law?” Varga inquired.

“It would be wise to do that. The fact that they would only have enough fuel to land in Yaforite territory or Bielostrov would also prevent them from being forced back to Wagdog. The Novikovians would be hard-pressed to make demands from a crew with few options.”

“How do you know it will be low on fuel, Colonel?” asked the queen.

“The jet has a range of less than 8,400 kilometers and the initial leg of its trip will be an 8,000 kilometer journey to Czardas, which presently is a neutral state. It will spend two hours there to refuel and have its engines cooled off. It will then make a 7,000 kilometer journey to western Wagdog, where the process will be repeated. The final leg will be a 7,000 kilometer flight to Bielostrov.”

“I take it you have been briefed by Marshal Lambert?” Blake asked.

“He discussed the plan with the strategic staff, and it so happens that I’m a part of that group.”

“What other force commitments are going to be made?”

Perez answered the queen’s question in an oblique manner. “We presently are prepared to send in an entire airborne division if possible, but I know nothing about any naval and marine components being sent in. Minister, perhaps you can elaborate?”

“The division in question is the XIII Airborne Division, consisting of six brigades and a specialist troop battalion. The naval component consists of Task Force XII, and Marshal Santoro has designated I Marine Corps, which consists of three divisions, to make up the marine component. In sum, that’s about 75,000 to 80,000 marines, 26,000 soldiers, and tens of thousands of sailors. I’m not an expert in counting naval personnel. Air force commitments are still being arranged, but will likely include two or three wings of fighters and a wing of bombers. Total Monavian force commitments will probably be around 150,000 personnel, 350 aircraft from the air force and another 150 or so from the navy, sixty-five naval vessels, and several hundred assorted vehicles, to say nothing of army and marine aircraft and ships. It’s a large operation, and likely a costly one.”

Scribner finally broke his silence. “I have calculated initial deployment costs at ₮150,000,000 and expect daily expenditures of several million thalers. Assuming this operation lasts less than six months, we could be spending at least a billion thalers on this endeavor, and possibly several times that amount, depending on how much ordinance is used.”

“Money is an important factor,” Varga explained, “but political considerations still need to be made. We still have not determined the verity and falsity of the claims made by the premier.”

“Minister Carter has not reported receiving any replies from Králi Jaromir yet,” said the queen. “We have no definitive plan of action, only estimates of its costs and speculations about its chances of success. The real question,” she said, standing up and allowing her formidable figure to block out some of the light entering the window behind her, “is not one of who is on our side. We can count on the Lamonians. We also do not need to ask ourselves if we have a strong enough resolve to impose order and complete our mission. The real question we must ask is not one of whether we will intervene, for that has already been answered. What we still need to determine is whose side we are on.”




11:55 A.M. Chalcedon Local Time (CLT)

Department of Foreign Operations
Directorate of External Operations
MNIA National Headquarters
Chalcedon, Monavia


Orbital Surveillance Command had been forwarding a continuous stream of information to the MNIA for analysis and processing over the past two days. The MNIA’s Directorate of External Operations had compiled the material into a dossier which enumerated the number and probably type of all Novikovian ships sighted within a 1,000 kilometer distance of Bielostrov, in addition to maps showing their positions during various flyovers conducted by the satellites. The number of Monavian assets monitoring the Novikovian fleet had grown further, and the staggering of their flyovers was such that it allowed the Monavians to conduct sweeps of the seas close to Bielostrov at fifty minute intervals.

Further surveillance revealed the presence of Bielostrovian troops near Yezhron’selo and their general movements towards the city. An analyst’s interpretation of this photographic evidence stated that it was likely the rebels were nearby and that they had sufficient numbers to merit the presence of a government contingent nearing the size of a full brigade. The Monavians had sighted a large portion of the vehicles and artillery pieces deployed by the VNB’s 2nd Brigade. The government’s recapture of the roadblock located eight kilometers north of Yezhron’selo took place shortly after the MNIA dossier was completed at eleven-thirty, so it was not included in the report.

The dossier was sent to Lamoni through a secure fax line and electronic copies of all of the photographs and encrypted communications were also received by the LIA by one in the afternoon.
Last edited by The State of Monavia on Mon Apr 02, 2012 7:53 pm, edited 12 times in total.
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Lamoni
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Inoffensive Centrist Democracy

Postby Lamoni » Sun Mar 04, 2012 4:16 am

The planned response was calculated to be overwhelming, and that it was. Beyond the first wave of paratroops was a much larger second wave. This wave consisted of twenty carrier battlegroups, 30 aerial divisions, and 20 mechanized divisions. Officially, the second wave was deployed for a military exercise in other allied nations in Nova, but that was only a smokescreen for their real mission, which was to support the Kali of Bielostrov in the event that the first wave was unable to complete their mission. These forces were already on their way, so even if there were a need to not bring anymore forces to the area of Bielostrov, sufficient forces would be in the area to smash any opposition.

At the head of the first wave, Lamonian General Martyn Wolffe was reviewing the latest intelligence reports on the situation in Bielostrov. So far, it looked like the Novikovian Military hadn't made much of an overt move, but the General suspected that it was only a matter of time before they did. Various disturbances were taking place in Bielostrov, which would most likely signify the start of an operation designed to give Novikov Casus Belli to try to annex Bielostrov.

[OOC: will add more to the post later]
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Novikov
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Ex-Nation

Postby Novikov » Wed Mar 21, 2012 8:43 pm

Unspecified Location
Somewher south of Yezhron’selo
Southern Bielostrov


As the sun had broken the horizon on the 23rd, a dozen Speciálný Operátoři (SO), members of Novikov’s elite special forces battalions, had made their first contact with representatives of Mstislav Bielobogov’s rebel faction. Their insertion points had been carefully chosen ahead of time, suggested by Mstislav during his secret meeting with Undersecretary Yefretorov nearly a month earlier. The Undersecretary had been assured that these locations would be secured by friendly forces during the first days of the uprising. It was imperative, he had insisted, that the Novikovians provide him with material aid and military trainers as soon as possible. For this reason, the SO operatives had been sent ashore with extra rafts in tow, laden with over 70 small arms as well as several mortars and crates of grenades and ammunition. Additionally, the Novikovians were to provide an even more important weapon to Mstislav: a direct link to the outside world.

Because of the poor infrastructure in Bielostrov, as well as strict state control over the press, there were few broadcast stations in Bielostrov and most of these were clustered around the nation’s capital far to the north beyond Mstislav’s reach. The nearest station powerful enough to reach Novikov was located at the V’lodziem regional airport, some 30 km north-west of Yezhron’selo. A group of 20 rebel fighters had attempted to storm the airport’s control tower during the second day of the uprising, but the local garrison, a company from the VNB’s 3rd Brigade had intercepted them well away from the airstrip, with disastrous results.

Because of this setback, Jaromir’s forces had maintained a strict monopoly on information coming out of Bielostrov and, despite some mishaps, had been able to suppress information about the extent of the opposition to his rule. Additionally, Mstislav had been able to maintain only periodic communication with his powerful allies in Novikov, using the unreliable Earth-Moon-Earth technique to amplify the range of the radios available to him. The Novikovians brought with them a much more reliable option – a satellite radio complete with directional antenna to avoid detection.

Shortly after making contact with the resistance, the SO teams had moved inland, gathering a motley group of fighters, as well as draft horses the carry the ammunition and supplies. Ten of the men marched north with the main group, making for the rebel’s forward command post in the southern outskirts of Yezhron’selo. The two others, carrying the satellite radio, were given horses and guides, and hurried north-east, into the hills, where Mstislav himself was hiding in a small hamlet with a force of over 100 of his fighters.

Around 13:00 NST, the mounted group arrived in Mstislav’s camp. He had been eagerly awaiting them, and rushed forward to embrace the two Novikovians as they dismounted, clasping them about the shoulders with his strong hands. Hearty greetings were exchanged, and, in a flurry of commotion swept up by the arrival of these outsiders they were ushered into a private room in one small peasant home.

Mstislav urgently had information he wished to send to the Novikovian mainland, and was frustrated when he learned that he would have to wait nearly two hours for a satellite to pass overhead. Much of the information was of a military nature: the disposition of his forces, their size and equipment, suspected locations of VNB units, and requests for further supplies and manpower. But he also had sensitive political information. He wished first and foremost, for the Novikovians to publish his pamphlet, “Na Dzhyachi Mirov.”

The soldiers tried to explain that they would have limited time to transmit before the satellite moved beyond range, and that this time would be best spent on information of a military nature. But Mstislav persisted, and in the end won out. At 15:15 NST, during the first scheduled transmission, the SO checked in with their handlers and briefly summarized the situation on the ground. Then, they gave the mouthpiece to Mstislav, who began reading, in an exhorted and animated tone, his proclamation. The Novikovian handlers listening in spoke only Czech, and were unprepared to deal directly with Mstislav himself, but a recording of the message was quickly sent for translation. When the translators realized the political significance of the message, it was quickly sent up the chain of command, ultimately reaching the desk of Premier Kopecky late that evening.

Strekhizba, Bielostrov
8 km North of Yezhron’selo


While the Novikovians and their guides were beginning their journey north to the front lines, the VNB’s 2nd Brigade resumed its push to retake Yezhron’selo. Around 09:00 NST, the Bielostrovian Air-Army launched its first attack. First, a group of six Mi-8 helicopters moved into the area, searching out the rebel positions. As they approached the outskirts of the city, the helicopters began to take small arms fire. The rebels weapons were ineffective, and their firing only served to alert the crews to rebel strongpoints. Around 09:30, the helicopter pilots reported back on the location of several rebel-held buildings, as well as a manned roadblock defending the northerly approach to the city.

This information was relayed to a waiting group of strike aircraft. Four MiG-21s escorted the entire air force’s compliment of seven SU-25 ground attack aircraft south-east, into the skies above Yezhron’selo and its outlying villages. Around 09:45, the bombers swept in at low altitude, targeting the roadblock and several other nearby buildings with unguided rockets and bombs. Most of the weapons fell harmlessly on empty buildings, but the roadblock itself was destroyed, along with two other rebel-held buildings, killing around 20. Several other civilian homes were struck in the attack, claiming the first dozen innocent victims of the conflict.

As the smoke began to rise over Yezhron’selo, the 2nd Brigade began its advance. Two battalions pushed forward east and west of the main road, moving south, to right the city on three sides. These soldiers encountered only occasional sniper fire during the first several hours of their advance. But as they neared the city, the volume of fire increased. By 13:00, the 3rd Brigade was in a position to assault the northern district of the city from the north, east, and west.

In a coordinated attack, supported by armored vehicles and self-propelled guns, the 3rd Brigade moved into the city. Fierce fighting ensued, house-to-house, with rebels firing from windows and cellars, hurling more petrol bombs, falling back when pressed. Despite the fierce resistance, the 3rd Brigade made good progress, penetrating some ten city blocks in the first four hours. On the western flank they made the best progress, isolating a group of 50 rebels who took shelter in a small warehouse, and using three ASU-85 self-propelled guns to blast down the walls and storm the building, taking nearly 30 prisoners and leaving the rest dead.

The rebels were in a state of chaos, with many of their undisciplined fighters on the verge of flight when the Novikovians arrived in the city in the late afternoon. Their arrival helped to bolster the resolve of the rebel commanders and their wavering troops. A group of four Novikovians began to quickly distribute weapons, trying to marshal the men clustering around their headquarters into a coherent force. Meanwhile, the other six SO were quickly dispatched with guides to the north-west, where the Bielostrovian regulars were threatening to break through into the city center.

They reached the font line around 19:30 that evening, and found a scene of chaos. Rebels and civilians alike were falling back before the advancing soldiers just a few blocks behind. Quickly, the SO team took cover in doorways, weapons at the ready. After a few minutes, an APC came into view, advancing slowly, giving cover to a platoon of infantry which clustered behind. The Novikovians held their fire, while one soldier carefully peered around the corner with a portable laser designator. When the vehicle was some 300 meters away, the Novikovian commander gave a signal, and two men sprang out from cover, quickly firing two AP-10 rifle grenades into the air. The rocket assisted weapons arced high over the low two or three story buildings, their smoke trails curling upward before descending in a beautiful arc down onto the Bielostrovian vehicle. Both weapons found their mark, their shaped charges easily piercing the vehicle’s steel armor, the second striking its ammunition storage behind the turret. The Bielostrovian soldiers fell back in surprise, leaving several wounded who had been caught in the blast. The Novikovians and their rebel allies pursued them for a block with small arms fire and another unguided anti-personnel rifle grenade.

In the next hour, this scene was repeated several times, with the Novikovians moving quickly from point to point, acting as a mobile reserve for the rebels, helping to negate the advantage Jaromir’s forces had in firepower. Darkness descended on a city alight with burning vehicles and homes, and the 2nd Brigade’s forces halted in place. It was strongly committed, with over half of its soldiers in Yezhron’selo, taking shelter in captured buildings, anxiously awaiting the violence the next day would bring. The rebels likewise took shelter for the night, while the SO teams headed back to the rebel command post, using most of the night to continue distributing weapons, hastily training the rebels with the mortars and small arms, and offering advice to the rebel commanders for the defense of the city.

Sál Parlamentu
Gabivkovo Square, Poldi’sk
Poleski kraj, Novikov


The translation of “Na Dzhyachi Mirov,” arrived on Lasialav Kopecky’s desk around 20:30 NST, while the Premier was meeting with his military advisors to discuss the situation in Bielostrov. They had received confirmation that the Speciálný Operátoři had made contact with the rebels, and now had more definite information as to the deployment of Jaromir’s forces in the south. This information, backed up by satellite photos just a few hours old, revealed a dangerous situation developing in the south. Without direct air support, the Novikovian commanders were unsure if Mstislav’s rebel faction would be able to hold Yezhron’selo until Novikovian landings, scheduled for the 29th. The Premier understood the gravity of the situation, but could not authorize direct military action until after the ultimatum had expired without risking an even greater political backlash in Georgetown and abroad. Reluctantly, he concluded that Mstislav would, “simply have to hold on until then.”

After the long and disheartening meeting, around 22:00, the Premier returned to his office among the many corridors of Novikov’s Parliamentary Hall. There, he found Mstislav’s message in full. He quickly read the document, being struck by the document’s simple language and progressive ideology. It’s anti-monarchist and revolutionary character, he concluded, would be well received by the Novikovian populace, and the document’s publication would help lend legitimacy to Mstislav among the international community, not to mention lend credence to the Novikovian Government’s statements over the past days. For this reason, he quickly ordered copies of the document be made and sent to the press across Novikov. From there, the message would reach the world.

Novy Hvězda National Headquarters
1289 Dube ulica, Poldi’sk
Poleski kraj, Novikov


The narrow Dube ulica had once been on of Poldi’sk’s most important thoroughfares, passing out from Gabivkovo Square’s southern gate through the heart of the capitol’s historic Staré Město district. For a long way, the narrow two-lane road wound a southerly course, passing under the shadows of the old Armory’s looming and fortified gate, then down a long length of stately homes, historic residences of the city governor and many members of the old Imperial court, all built in the Baroque styling of the early 19th century during the height of the Car’s power. These elegant homes, with their ornate gates and wide lawns, continued for some way soaking up the sun where the street descended a gentle slope towards the banks of the nearby Velký Dvar river.

Near the banks of the Velký Dvar, the road turned to the west, widening into a broad boulevard. On the northern side of the road, a tight cluster of shops and stalls had once stood – the city market of old. South of the road a clean grassy slope overlooked the sparkling river, its bank once lined with knotted and ancient oak trees. All but one of these trees, Dube ulica namesake, had been destroyed in the Azazian bombardment in 2005, along with the old market. In their place new modern offices and businesses had moved in to reclaim the land.

In 2007 Novy Hvězda, Novikov’s largest weekly newspaper, had chosen this site for their new national headquarters, building a tall and glittering glass building with smooth curves which reflected the sunlight shimmering on the waters below, a brilliant spire from afar. Since the new building had been completed, and indeed during its construction, the newspaper’s readership had only continued to rise. In 2012, the journal was approaching 900 million subscribers.

Novy Hvězda’s owners expected to reach over a billion readers on the 24th. Late in the evening of the 23rd, they had received a series of faxed document from the Novikovian Government. Among other things, these included the full text of Mstislav’s pamphlet – in side-by-side Novojensk and Czech for Novikovian readers – as well as several carefully censored and declassified intelligence reports from NUpSZI, including a lengthy analysis of conditions within Bielostrov, and censored NUpSZI dossier on Mstislav Bielobogov himself*.

The information caused a sensation at Novy Hvězda. Writers and editors were called in in the middle of the night to begin preparing the information for publication. Novy Hvězda was determined to be the first newspaper to break this story. Journalists hastily worked through the night, and, early in the morning the product of their labors was rushed to the presses. This special run of the journal carried the translation of, “[/i]Na Dzhyachi Mirov[/i]” of its front page. This was followed by a biography of its author, drawing on the declassified intelligence dossier, and painting him as an economic and social liberal and progressive. The paper concluded with an article about living conditions in Bielostrov, citing the Universal Declaration on Human Rights line by line while explaining the many abuses committed by the Bielostrovian government, as well as several evocative opinion pieces which generally supported intervention in Bielostrov on humanitarian grounds.

At 12:00 NST on the 24th, this paper hit the streets of Novikov’s cities. It was followed by a torrent of other journals, newspapers, and television and radio discussions, all centered on the documents released the previous night. Even Pravda, the declining Communist newsletter, ran a piece in support of Mstislav’s resistance. Novy Hvězda’s English language, reasonably popular in Celeria, also ran a similar piece on the morning of the 25th. By the time the sun rose over Novikov on the 25th, over one billion average Oceanians had read Mstislav’s proclamation, drastically increasing support for his cause across the United Kingdom.

*I just want it to be OOCly clear that there is nothing in these released documents which would link Mstislav to Undersecretary Yefretorov or any other Novikovian agent.
Last edited by Novikov on Thu Mar 29, 2012 3:14 pm, edited 3 times in total.
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The State of Monavia
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Father Knows Best State

Postby The State of Monavia » Thu Mar 22, 2012 11:49 pm

IC:

December 22, AD 2011
2:40 P.M. CLT (3:40 P.M. Theodora Provincial Time)


Dawn Harbor Naval Base
Central Theodora Province
Queen Theodora Islands, Monavia


The Queen Theodora Islands were unique among the Monavian Empire’s provinces in that they were the only Monavian territories located in Nova that were not in the same time zone as the mainland. Because the nearest islands were located some 3,031 miles (4,876.8 kilometers) to the east of the mainland, their position placed them outside the reach of many explorers, and their discovery was partly owed to chance because of their position in the middle of an ocean thousands of miles across. In 1811, Fyodor Belenko, Twelfth Marquis of Ridgora, sponsored an expedition to locate possible islands that could serve as trading stations and replenishment centers. Belenko hired Brandon Danbridge, a retired naval captain who had taken up the trade of commercial shipping, to serve as the leader of the expedition.

When Captain Danbridge came across a chain of volcanic islands some 1,010 leagues due east of the easternmost point on the Monavian mainland’s coast, he named the islands in honor of Theodora IV, a Monavian princess who had married the King of Vendia in 1467, as a symbolic gesture of international friendship. A naturalist on board Danbridge’s ship took time to record information about the wildlife there and examined several of the volcanic rocks that lined the beaches while Danbridge and his family sailed to another one of the nearby islands. After two days of mapping the coast, Danbridge discovered a natural harbor around four in the morning and knelt on the deck in wonder when the sun erupted over the hills surrounding it, enveloping his ship in an orange glow. He summoned several people on deck to bear witness to the captivating scene, which soon became the basis for the naming of the harbor. Dawn Harbor was not only named in honor of the circumstances of its discovery, but its position far to the east of any other Monavian harbor meant that it was always the first to receive the light of the sun when it rose every morning.

It soon became apparent that the volcanic constitution of the islands was rich in mineral wealth, especially iron. Mines had been opened up throughout the early nineteenth century, and swaths of timber had been harvested to build the structures that inevitable appeared at the same time. Several cities soon took root across the islands, and as the twentieth century approached, commercial shipping interests had expanded and built several ports. The strategic position of the islands was excellent for deploying naval and aerial units and the Monavian Imperial Navy was especially pleased to acquire ownership of Dawn Harbor in 1905. It was commodious enough to hold an entire fleet of vessels in its deep waters and the geological stability of the surrounding terrain was suitable for supporting the weight of strategic buildings, including repair facilities, dry docks, ammunition storage bunkers, and radar installations. The arrival of permanent workers needed to construct the naval base, as well as their families, caused the colony’s population to cross a threshold. Its 81,000 residents petitioned Parliament to admit their colony as a province in 1920, and Theodora Province was admitted soon the following year.

Dawn Harbor Naval Base accommodated much of the Fegosian Fleet and was located near the Queen Theodora Islands Provincial Air Command. Its docks had been used to carry out the refitting and preparation of Task Force XII over the course of the month of December. By the time it was scheduled to depart for Bielostrov on December 27, its entire strength of eight flotillas made up of sixty-six ships would be crewed and ready to embark on a mission that was intended to make possible the execution of Monavian war aims. The entire task force had half as many ships as the naval contingent mobilized by the Novikovian Navy, but because the Novikovians planned to form their naval forces into a blockade of an entire island nation, rather than keep their ships in a contiguous fleet, they were spread comparatively thin. Task Force XII possessed enough firepower to seriously threaten the integrity of the Novikovian blockade, which had only begun to form around Bielostrov, and even if no hostilities broke out, its presence in the geographic vicinity of Bielostrov was sufficient to force the Novikovians to alter their strategic plans.

The Twelfth Command Flotilla consisted of the battleship MNS Victorious Empire, which served as the flagship of Task Force XII, four gunboats, and two minesweepers, the aggregation of which made up the seven vessel force. The Twenty-Third Carrier Flotilla consisted of the aircraft carrier MNS Stalwart and its ten escort craft. Two cruisers, two frigates, four destroyers, and two attack submarines provided the Stalwart with protection above and below the surface of the ocean. The Twenty-Fourth Carrier Flotilla was commanded by the MNS Conqueror and had an identical compliment of escorts. In addition to the carrier and command flotillas, Task Force XII contained two expeditionary flotillas, the Twenty-Third and Twenty-Fourth, both of which contained nine vessels apiece. The Twelfth Submarine Flotilla included two ballistic missile submarines, two guided missile submarines, and four attack submarines, which had been the first vessels to receive servicing upon returning to Dawn Harbor weeks earlier. The Twelfth Logistic Flotilla and Twelfth Patrol Flotilla rounded out the composition of Task Force XII.

Admiral Benjamin Hammond, the officer in command of the task force, enjoyed the mildness of the weather in Dawn Harbor. December was always a cool month there, even though the islands had a maritime climate. Hammond looked out over the harbor’s westward-facing entrance, which was the site of several migrating flocks of seagulls. The birds knew little of war, for war had not touched the islands much over time, and even the destruction wrought in 2009 by a massed thermobaric missile attack failed to leave behind much carrion for the birds to consume, other than a few pigeons killed by the shockwaves. The missiles were tracked by radar for several minutes before they struck the airbase, allowing its commander to order the men underground. Admiral Hammond had not yet been afforded an opportunity to win the laurels that Lieutenant General Andrew Bell, the commander of the airbase, had earned when his orders saved most of the base and had ensured that most of the aircraft were airborne rather than parked on the ground. He was duty-bound to do his part in any Monavian war effort, and all he had to do if he wanted the Crown’s appreciation was execute his duties with the same measure of effort that he demanded from others.

Hammond stood atop the open balcony of a building overlooking the harbor. Standing aboard a ship that was docked and not moving anywhere did not appeal to him, for he considered it best to occupy a ship while it was in motion. His memories of watching dolphins and swordfish racing his ship, whatever one it was that he served aboard as a young sailor, still remained as clear as they had when they first formed. Sunsets at the harbor also left his face in a smile, as did the antics of seabirds. A cargo ship traversed the ocean about ten miles off shore while a tugboat went out to meet it. The whole scene was played out in a locale that was rather far from the nearby civilian port of Belenko. Hammond had usually observed tugboats pulling ships around at closer distances, to the port, and not coming out this far to bring in their companion vessels. The thought of mechanical trouble or some other factor that would necessitate this added assistance appeared in the admiral’s head, and then disappeared as he waved it off to concentrate on something else. The mid-afternoon idyll he now savored continued to go by, punctuated ever so often by another sight, until a clock tower struck four.

Procrastination was not one of Hammond’s principal weaknesses. He sometimes allowed his mind to wander, for that was a common practice among naval personnel who spent so much time at sea with little to do, but he had mastered the temptation long ago. With a fleeting glance at the rapidly gyrating formation of seagulls, he turned around and left for his ship to await orders and instructions. The walk he took to reach the bridge of the Victorious Empire lasted only ten minutes.




1:01 P.M. Chalcedon Local Time (CLT)

Office of Frank Carter
Fifth floor, Ministry of Foreign Affairs Building
Chalcedon, Monavia


After Her Imperial Majesty had received her requested security briefing that morning, she formulated her instructions for Minister Crater over lunch. At one o’clock that afternoon, she decided to place a telephone call to Carter’s office by using a secure line out of her own office. Carter quickly looked at an identification display and recognized the number. A fraction of a second later he had snatched up his receiver and it only took a moment for his voice to come over the line.

“Good afternoon,” he began. “Has Your Imperial Majesty been well?”

“She indeed has,” said a smiling monarch with an agenda to pursue. “As for you?”

“Pleasant. What business did you want me to attend to?”

“I met with my security council this morning. Minister Blake has proposed the creation of a peacekeeping force and has even taken the time to furnish me with a list of the units which the MNDC has recommended for this mission—that is, if peacekeepers can be sent to Bielostrov.”

“Is that all?”

“No, there is more. I have decided that it is prudent to send a team of diplomats to Bielostrov to obtain their perspective. Have you been successful in contacting them?”

“I sent them a single cable yesterday, but so far there has been no reply. Perhaps the Novikovian assertions regarding the lack of infrastructure in Bielostrov have more merit than we first believed. Then again, they could be in the process of replying right now, or…” Carter trailed off, only to have his sentence completed for him.

“Perhaps the Novikovians are interfering with all diplomatic correspondence in and out of Bielostrov.”

“What the deuce is their problem,” Carter muttered inaudibly before speaking up and resuming the conversation. “I mean to say that we cannot have a secure, untainted dialogue by means of direct communication with Nob’gorod if this is happening. So far, we have not yet received any new statements from the Home Office in Novikov. I think one will be released before the day is over. They have been very prompt thus far in answering us.”

“The newspapers have kept me apprised of the situation, as have other sources I have.”

“What recommendations do you have regarding the mission?”

“We need to send an envoy who will have plenipotentiary powers so that we can conclude agreements if we need to do so. In addition, you will likely need to send in a number of attachés who will be able to gather information about Bielostrov. A legal attaché will be needed to negotiate possible agreements. Economic, cultural, military, scientific, and political attachés can provide us with special assessments in the form of subject-specific reports. I also recommend sending a translator if we can find one.”

“I will have a team assembled by this time tomorrow.”

“I will handle the appointment of the leader of the mission. Just provide me with the translator and attachés.”

“As you wish.”




1:28 P.M. Chalcedon Local Time (CLT)

Office of Dr. Gary Culler
Culler Consulting Group, Incorporated
Chalcedon, Monavia


A trio of fantail goldfish swam around in a rectangular tank, ceaselessly circling a piece of lava rock and occasionally brushing aside the two guppies with whom they shared their abode. The water in the tank, which was agitated by a pump, glittered in the light of sunbeams that flowed through the windows of what was clearly an office. The room belonged to a consulting firm set up by Gary Culler, a retired diplomat who had set up his business in order to obtain an income that took some form other than a taxpayer-funded pension. He had aged since he left his post as an envoy to the Fegosian Union only two years ago, but at sixty-six he still had sufficient vitality to handle hundreds of customers in a lucrative trade. Only a few days earlier, a senator had solicited his advice regarding a question of trade policy, and the sagacious Culler was all too pleased to indulge his client’s request.

Culler’s short, moderately-muscled figure was seated in a brown leather chair opposite the fish tank. His icy blue eyes traced the movements of the poor guppies through a set of titanium-framed glasses, scrutinizing their attempts to avoid being roughly handled by the goldfish, which had yet to become accustomed to their new neighbors. Culler’s blanket of light gray hair did not have any of the grace that it once did; it certainly did not attract as much attention as the resplendent fish in his tank. While he could clamp down on the fast movements of politics and follow them with the tenacity of a pack of hounds, the fading of his hair was something which he preferred to ignore rather than accept. Like the goldfish who did not appreciate the arrival of the guppies only a few days earlier, he had yet to acclimate himself to all of the changes around him.

Culler’s reverie was forced out of his mind when he heard his cell phone ringing vigorously in his pocket. Withdrawing the device, Culler lifted it up to his ear. “Hello.”

“Doctor Culler, I presume.” The voice was evenly pitched and had some of the characteristics of a monotone.

“That’s me. To whom am I speaking?”

“I am an officer of the Crown and my name is not relevant here.” The man had quickly brushed aside any questioning. “Her Imperial Majesty has evinced a desire for you to pay her a call this evening in her office.” Culler did not need to analyze the inflections present within the voice to realize that it was not meant as a request to be fulfilled at Culler’s leisure.

“When does she want me there?”

“Seven-thirty,” the voice answered, “sharp.”

“All right. What else must I do?”

“Nothing. She will give you her instructions when you meet her.”

The benighted consultant was hesitant. “Thank you...sir.”

“Dr. Culler, enjoy your afternoon. Goodbye.”

Culler nodded. “Goodbye.”




Office of Frank Carter
Fifth floor, Ministry of Foreign Affairs Building
Chalcedon, Monavia


4:04 P.M. Chalcedon Local Time (CLT)

Only a week before the present, Carter had anticipated cleaning up his office and delegating partial control of the Ministry to others between the twenty-third day of December and the twenty-seventh. The Bielostrovian impasse had done Carter’s scheduling little good because it increased the density of his workload as well as its duration. He had become accustomed to arriving at his office at eight-thirty in the morning and leaving the Ministry at four o’clock in the afternoon, but for the past four days he had been arriving before eight o’clock and leaving after five. Afternoon sunlight and news of Novikovian political banter both streamed into Carter’s office, and by the time he received a copy of the Home Office’s latest proclamation he had consumed two cups a tea and several sheets of stationery. Writing down a summary of the rhetoric and evidence thrown around on the foreign media had taxed his wrist. The Minister ran his hands across the papers on his desk, pushing some of them into a pile.

Karina appeared shortly after four to deliver the Home Office’s statement. After being handed two envelopes that needed to be delivered elsewhere, Karina was dismissed. The conciliatory theme of the opening portion of the message offered Carter an opening to voice some form of overt agreement with the Novikovians. Carter soon set his pen to work writing out an open letter. It would be directly sent to Poldi’sk but a copy of it would be openly published on the Ministry’s website and in the newspapers with the Home Office’s last statement. Carter planned on insisting that the two be published together in sequential order to avoid any accusations of removing material from its context in order to distort its message.

Image


December 22, 2011

Madam Secretary:

The Monavian Empire supports the continuation of a substantive dialogue regarding the state of relations between the Oceaning Home Country and Bielostrov. It is the belief of the Imperial Federation’s government that this dialogue will be able to result in the use of peaceful means to resolve any disagreements between the two parties. On behalf of the Monavian government, I accept your offer to join the dialogue in the hopes of providing mediation if needed and to offer up possible solutions to the problems that have arisen in recent weeks. To do this, I will be dispatching Monavian representatives to Bielostrov to meet with Bielostrovian representatives as well as any Novikovian diplomats present in Bielostrov. My government also welcomes the presence of Novikovian and Bielostrovian diplomats on Monavian soil.

Your government’s ultimatum to Bielostrov constrains Bielostrov alone and does not state any demands to be made on any other sovereign state. If my government was subject to its conditions, then it would no longer be a fit party to provide mediation because it would be a party to the dispute. It thus follows that there is no reason why Monavian mediation proposals must be forced to comply with the Novikovian ultimatum, since the Monavian government does not fall within its initial purview. Furthermore, if Monavian proposals were subject to the ultimatum and were required to include a faithful iteration of its terms, then such a proposal would be redundant, since it is nothing more than a restatement of another proposal. In addition, if my government proposed any terms and conditions that repeated the Novikovian proposal, then my government would be acting in a manner that is biased in favor of a party to the dispute, thus making it inappropriate for the Monavian government to claim any semblance of objectivity and impartiality.

My superiors accord the greatest possible degrees of caution and discretion in handling accusations of breaching international law and do not afford credence to any accusations until they have been properly investigated. Until Monavian representatives have been permitted to access evidence provided by both parties, neither I nor my superiors shall capriciously dispute the recognition of the Bielostrovian government. My government refuses to be a party to any act which abrogates the sovereignty of a neighboring state without being able to justify its actions.

At the present time, only the Lamonian government appears to be willing to support the Bielostrovian government with any form of military aid. The Monavian government has not guaranteed any military aid and has not committed itself to any peacekeeping mission. Furthermore, the Monavian government does not have any intentions of deploying any long-range weapons systems that could pose a security threat to the Novikovian homeland. Any insinuation that my government or any other would do such a thing in violation of customary international law shall not be considered credible without proof.

There presently are no Monavian military units in Bielostrov or in transit to that location; however, the diplomatic detail which shall be dispatched to Bielostrov is to be flown there by a military jet for the purposes of expediting the speed of their travel. Due to the value of the jet and the instability which the Novikovain government has assumed to exist in Bielostrov, the delegation will be accompanied by a military security detail. My superiors insist that these measures be taken to ensure the safety of the delegation and all government property and further insist that they be permitted to pass into Bielostrov unmolested. Failure to observe the rights of the Monavian delegation shall be construed as an act that is overtly unfriendly towards the Imperial Federation and its government.

Once again I will reiterate my government’s position that it will not make any attempt to cause affront to either the Noikovian state or the Bielostrovian state. The Imperial Federation has not acted in any way that has been aimed at causing interference in the internal affairs of either state and presently is committed to the furtherance of its own security rather than the compromising of the security of its neighbors. I therefore request on behalf of my government that all evidence of Monavian interference be presented openly and at once.

Sincerely,

The Right Honorable Frank Carter
Minister of Foreign Affairs


Carter finished writing the letter out shortly after four-thirty and summoned a courier to deliver it to the Novikovian Secretary of State. It was not a long one, but it did not need to be since its content was more overtly challenging than any previous correspondence. The grace period stated in the ultimatum was slowly disappearing and would be marked with the shedding of blood overseas if it was allowed to expire, and now that Carter began to suspect the Novikovian government of stonewalling any attempts to reach a compromise, he had begun demanding proof in exchange for recognizing any claims they made. Premier Kopecky had failed to provide any justifications other than claims of Bielostrovian misconduct without providing direct evidence which Carter could scrutinize for himself. In the Minister’s mind, the obstinate refusal of the Novikovians to even consider entertaining a proposal that they reconsider the slightest iota of their ultimatum when was unreasonable because he asked little of them. He began to worry that no matter what happened, the Novikovians might actually have been totally committed to implementing and enforcing their ultimatum—at all costs.




5:18 P.M. Chalcedon Local Time (CLT)

Orbital Surveillance Command
Mount Talus Complex
Prokletje Mountains
Northern Monavia


Orbital Surveillance Command had not been blind to what was happening outside Yezhron’selo. Its staff had continued to increase the number of flyovers conducted by its assets as two additional satellites were moved into orbits that took them over Bielostrov. Around two in the afternoon, the satellite operators sighted the advancing of VNB columns approaching Strekhizba. The MNIA report had been sent to Lamoni two hours earlier, meaning that any such information gathered thereafter would have to be compiled into another report. The roadblock was soon sighted, as was the approaching VNB formation. The satellites had a sufficient viewing radius to monitor much of the area for some time, so the operators were able to record live video documentation of the initial clash between the rebels and the VNB troops. The Imperial Air Force was treated to more than they had expected when a fuel bomb hit the BMP and set it alight, resulting in the sight of a soldier being immolated in a mordant yet spectacular fashion. Soon thereafter, the satellite moved too far away to keep the village within its line of sight, which was further blocked out by an inconveniently placed cloud.

When a second satellite passed through at five o’clock in the evening of the twenty-second, it was ten at night in Strekhizba. The troops spotted there by the infrared imaging system of the satellite was similar in number, composition, and equipment to the VNB force which had attacked earlier, so the Monavians assumed that the VNB has successfully captured the village and occupied it. All of the information that these machines gathered was transmitted through encrypted networks to the Strategic Orbital Command Center, a location which served as the joint headquarters of OSC and ODC. OSC controlled all of the Monavian military’s visual, signals, electronic signature, data, and radar tracking surveillance. ODC controlled all launches and operations of the Electronic Countermeasure Constellation (ECMC), Orbital Kinetic Bombardment Network (OKBN), Aegis laser platform, Monavian Anti-Satellite Defense Network (MASDN), and the Wide Area Satellite Pursuit Systems, aptly abbreviated by the acronym WASPS.

This command center was not the only one domiciled in the Mount Talus Complex facility. The Strategic Air Command Monitoring Center was also housed here, where it served as the central location for the collection, combining, and analysis of all radar data gathered by radar stations, the Early Warning Mesolite Constellation (EWMC), and other monitoring systems. The command and control facilities of the Anti-Ballistic Missile Interception Network (ABMIN), which consisted of a series of three subordinate networks, were located on yet another level of the facility.

The setting into which this facility had been built was neither random nor arbitrary. After the Vendian Civil War had ended in 1947, the Monavian government decided to fund the construction of a series of military improvements which would include the integration of multiple command centers by means of housing them on different levels of the same facility, such that they were in close physical proximity to one another. This integration had a purpose other than simple centralization, for by having multiple commands whose activities often became intertwined with one another housed in the same location they could directly coordinate their activities without having to encounter interference. Furthermore, by creating this arrangement, the armed forces of the Monavian Empire could rapidly organize and marshal tremendous force and bring it to bear with incredible rapidity.

The Mount Talus Complex was the most ambitious project that the Monavian government had ever initiated in this spirit. It was to be built into the structure of the highest mountain in the entire Monavian Empire and made secure against all foreign attacks, even those which relied on the use of weapons of mass destruction. The concept floated around throughout the 1950s and eventually garnered both royal approval and parliamentary funding in 1964, thus making possible its construction. The scale of this installation was so large that the government did not bother trying to keep its location entirely secret. The coordinates of the complex were probably known to several intelligence services, but the bunker’s security depended more on its geographical setting and defenses than it did on obscurity. The granitic composition of the Prokletje Mountains provided it with a durable shield against bombardments by any type of ordinance and its location was surrounded by many topographic barriers. Most of the mountains in this range had peaks located 5,000 or more meters above sea level, hemming the already formidable Mount Talus in with the type of security that could only be provided by nature.

Thousands of workers had been employed in carving an 800 meter long tunnel through the base of the 7,243 meter high mountain to reach a part of it that would be suited for building the bunker. When the workers had finished tunneling through the base of the mountain, they began to carve out an immense domed cavity that would house the main facility. Before they began constructing anything that would fill the space they had hollowed out, they excavated a vertical shaft that passed through another 600 meters of granite to reach a location that was 300 meters below sea level. It was here that they began to dig out a second cavity into which another facility would be built. The complex therefore consisted of two bunkers, the lower one of which was connected to the upper one by means of fortified elevator and staircase shafts that could be sealed off with blast doors.

Surveillance satellite controllers went about their duties at posts located throughout the hermetically sealed control room of OSC. It was extensively furnished with scores of large computer screens and desks for all of the controllers. Dozens of shelves loaded with software and books and technical manuals lined the walls that were not taken up by monitors and desks. Control panels were interspersed throughout the room. As would be expected of a Monavian facility, the hardware was not very old, having already undergone four major overhauls since the room was first built. Camera feeds were switched from visible light to infrared light as the sun set over Bielostrov and made watching the ground with any other wavelength all but useless in the dark.




7:29 P.M. Chalcedon Local Time (CLT)

Office of the Queen
First floor
Royal Residence
Chalcedon, Monavia


Ten minutes before he was set to meet with the queen, Dr. Culler drove his white coupe up to the wrought iron gates that secured the east entrance to the grounds of the Royal Residence. The gates swung in to admit his vehicle, which passed through a second set of gates and then proceeded up a tree-lined drive for about a hundred yards. Culler then turned to his left and drove along the east side of the building before coming across a valet who stood at the east entrance. Culler parked a few feet south of the entrance and was escorted up the stairs by the valet, who took him through a gallery, a long corridor, and then a square hall topped with an elaborate dome. Culler walked with the valet for another minute before he entered the antechamber. The valet then entered the queen’s office and found other valets drawing shut its damask curtains.

“Is the office ready for Dr. Culler’s arrival?” the valet asked.

“Almost!” answered another. “We just have to bring in a few things.”

Culler sat in the antechamber and nearly resumed his earlier reverie, this time dwelling on other subjects, when the three valets in the office left and shut the doors. One of them returned again a minute later with a silver tray bearing some tea and opened the door for Culler so that he could enter the commodious room. Once inside, he found his hostess beckoning for him to sit across from her. “How is…Your Imperial Majesty’s evening?”

“Amiable,” answered the queen. “I want to thank you for being able to come here on such a short notice. Meetings generally are not set up this way, but extraordinary circumstances have a tendency to disrupt planning.”

“This is a meeting?” asked Culler. “I see nobody else but us.”

“There are security reasons for this. You may have noticed that I had a guard posted outside.”

“Why the fuss?” Culler unabashedly questioned the arrangement.

“This is not an official meeting, Dr. Culler, but rather a confidential discussion, a tête-à-tête between two individuals. What we speak here will only be on unofficial records—if any are even kept.”

Culler still did not grasp the depth of the secrecy surrounding the meeting. “I still do not understand what this is.”

“The Empire is in need of a favor, one which you can provide.”

“Why would I be the one you want?”

“Dr. Culler, your record of service is distinguished, and it is pleasing to the Crown to have had the privilege of enjoying your dedication and commitment in its name.”

“If anything, the pleasure of being granted the right to serve belongs to me.”

“Perhaps it does. Nonetheless, the Crown feels that you are the most reliable candidate for a special position—an extraordinary position that has been formed only today.”

“W-what position is that?” an uncertain Culler managed to choke out. Ad hoc appointments were always chaotic in comparison to the normal degree of order that filled Monavian politics.

The queen leveled her gaze at Culler and measured out her words, allowing the weight of each one to settle, one atop another, inside the mind of her interlocutor. “I am appointing you Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the Kingdom of Bielostrov.”

“Am…bassador to Bielostrov? How can you chance this?” The mood of the room was already darker than the sky outside. The sun had not finished setting, but already there was such a paucity of natural light entering the room that several electric lights had been turned on. The valets had pulled the dimmer switch connected to the chandelier above the queen’s desk according to her instructions, leaving a mellow glow behind them. The room was mostly dark in its corners and recesses, and the ambiance had finally had its desired effect on Culler. He now understood the gravity of what was taking place.

“I have witnessed your tenacity, Dr. Culler, and I have carefully reviewed some information that I requested about you. This position has been created because your country needs to obtain something so priceless that it can only be won at great risk, and you are the one for whom this position is best suited.” She delicately paused to allow Culler time to contemplate the implications of her words.

“I understand. Please tell me more,” a recomposed Culler said.

“The Novikovians have been adamant about pursuing their course of confrontation and saber-rattling. They have dominated all dialogues, producing one-way statements and quashing all attempts by the Bielostrovians to state their case. We have only one perspective, and without the other one, we will be unable to conduct mediation efforts that will bring peace to the region while gaining us friends and repute in the east.”

“If our only motive for mediating is the pursuance of our national interests, then it would be in our best interests to support the winning side in a conflict, or better yet, to fund both sides.”

“That is true, Dr. Culler, but it is a flawed truth. Our Lamonian allies have enough manpower to completely demolish a Novikovian blockade and even invade Novikovian territory with enough momentum to secure a sizeable portion thereof. Backing our allies and our enemies at the same time is a waste and furthers the increasing of death, not its decrease.”

“If that is so, then what is our aim?”

“The Empire wants peace and friendship. Bielostrov lies near a major shipping lane that could greatly profit our economy, enrich our people, alleviate poverty, open up new markets, and provide us with a presence overseas. None of this comes at a cost to anyone, except those indirect costs incurred through competition, and those costs are paid by individual producers, not whole states. If nothing else, it would provide the Empire a basis on which to promote itself as a force of good and a defender of peace. Few sane people, if any, have a dislike of law and order, and still fewer detest rational dialogues and free markets…except communists, I suppose.”

Moments later, she continued. “Your mission…should you desire to accept it, will be to conduct a dialogue with the Bielostrovian government and obtain the priceless thing which we all badly need—the truth.”

“How am I to do that?” Culler was unconvinced that the queen had taken sufficient care in deciding to appoint him.

“You will need to contact some diplomats tonight, preferably ones who you can have ready to depart by tomorrow. In the course of leaving for Bielostrov, the aircraft transporting you will be stopping in Wagdog, where you will be free to recruit a few additional people if you must. Specifically, you will need to recruit a team of attachés who you will be leading. Other personnel will be assigned according to arrangements I make.”

“There will be additional instructions, I presume.”

“Of course there will. You will have what you need by tomorrow morning, should you choose to proceed.” Culler’s adamantine exterior began to betray the limits of its rigidity as the queen allowed her eyes to fall on him with more weight and potency than before. “I also need not add that the rewards of service are very real. I do not ask you to do this without having something to offer in return.”

The queen’s preparedness had eroded Culler’s skepticism until it could no longer support any doubts he had about the viability of the proposal. The queen’s case, while brief and imprecise, was compelling. He had no reason to refuse such an offer now. With a thin smile, he drew his face more tightly downward and leveled his steel-gray eyes at the queen. “Your Majesty, I accept your offer,” he unequivocally pronounced.

The queen beamed at Culler and was, for a moment in time, unable to reconstitute her previously serious demeanor. It was in this moment that her face seemed to glow, and her eyes flashed with a rare brilliance that only emerged when the attainment of ends for which she had striven had been advanced and fulfilled in greater measure than before. Culler, seeming to reflect some of this radiance, blinked compulsively for several moments before reasserting his focus. “When do I need to depart for Bielostrov?”

“Your plane,” the queen replied, “will be ready to leave tomorrow at seven o’clock.”

“Thank you. I will begin preparations immediately.” He arose from his seat and began to leave the room when he was interrupted one last time.

“Ambassador, you know what this mission entails. You will be entering a nation divided and possibly at war with itself when you arrive, and under siege from outside shortly thereafter. Good luck.”

Culler bowed. “Again, you have my thanks for giving me the pleasure of this office.”

“Your service is most appreciated. You may go.”

Culler slipped out of the dark room and shut the door behind him, entering the antechamber and crossing through it seconds later. An already admirable career was resumed that night, and for Culler, this latest post would be an encore to several good performances. As his footsteps trailed down the corridor, he could not stop a grin from spreading across his face. The old life he had left for a dull quietness had returned to him again, and it did not appear to be a long-term posting that would devour his years. This time he could reclaim some of his old vigor and not worry about the adventure of going to an unknown country turning into a burden that dissipated it.




8:25 P.M. Chalcedon Local Time (CLT)

Meeting room
Fourth floor, Ministry of Foreign Affairs Building
Chalcedon, Monavia


Dr. Culler departed from the Royal Residence at 7:56 and arrived at the Ministry at 8:19. When a guard prompted him to identify himself in order to be granted entry, he withdrew an old identification card from his pocket that denoted his old status as a diplomat. By 8:25 he was sitting in an empty meeting room and began making calls to people who would be a part of his team.

“Good evening, Miss Berg.”

“Dr. Culler? Is this you?”

“Yes it is! How was the concert?”

“It was marvelous! Sergei enjoyed it quite a lot.”

“I never thought he was interested in symphony. He’s always listening to older vintages of popular music.”

“Maybe you would like to listen to Bielostrovian music.”

“Please don’t tell me that the media’s coverage of Bielostrov has made it into some sort of fad.”

“It hasn’t. I’m calling because I need you for a special assignment. Can you come to the Ministry by nine?”

“It’s going to be late, but yes. Why are we meeting anyway?”

“I will explain it to everyone when they arrive. I will see you there.”

Culler folded his cellular phone shut before making another call to Brian Schmidt, who was in the process of driving to his place of residence. It took only a few moments for Schmidt to recognize Culler’s voice and return the man’s greetings. “I didn’t think that you would be involved in any of this political business,” Schmidt said in a halfway sarcastic voice. He was aware of Culler’s quasi-political activities as a consultant and was more or less referring to Culler’s retirement from the Ministry.

“I have been forced to temporarily suspend my hiatus,” Culler explained. “The queen has asked me to carry out a special assignment and I am in need of people to assist me.”

Schmidt was not in a mood for more work. His mind had been set of Christmas planning—not that a bachelor like him had any planning to do. His family lived at the other end of the country and he had no relations living nearby. His holidays were devoted more to relaxation than preparation for large events. “What sort of assignment?”

“I need to assemble a team to accompany me to Bielostrov.”

“You really are going to be serving as an envoy again.”

“Yes. Can you be at the Ministry by nine?”

“Certainly.”

It was 8:59 when Miss Berg finally arrived at the room where Culler was seated. The two greeted each other and then discussed a number of subjects while Schmidt made his fashionably tardy arrival. After a few more minutes of casual conversation in which Schmidt mentioned some articles about economics he had sent to magazines and Berg discussed her plans to attend another concert in January, Culler presented his proposition.

Culler explained the queen’s appointment of him as an ambassador and his task of gathering together his delegation. “This evening I was summoned to the Royal Residence by Her Imperial Majesty for a private audience. She informed me of the need to open up a dialogue with the Bielostrovian government so that we could find out what the truth is after being buried in rumors. To that end, she has appointed me to the post of Ambassador to the Kingdom of Bielostrov and has asked me to select a set of attachés to accompany and assist me.”

“You? An ambassador?!” Berg was stunned. “So much for staying still in some office!”

“The adventure beckons!” Culler erupted, momentarily inducing a euphoria that distracted him from the dangers of his post. He made such boisterous pronouncements as these for the same reason that soldiers used gallows humor on the battlefield—the preservation of morale and enthusiasm which would inevitable wane when reality displayed its complicated ugliness.

“I admit that I like surprise trips, but Sergei might not appreciate me leaving.”

“Your brother will have to wait for another day. I apologize that you will not be able to spend Christmas with him, but I will not be here either, so we both share the same leaky boat.”

“I have no qualms about being in the delegation—but leaving tomorrow? Is Her Majesty insane?”

“Mr. Schmidt, the urgency of the situation is such that we cannot afford to wait any longer. Furthermore, your expertise in economics is such that I need you to serve as my delegation’s economic attaché. Your publishing is both prolific and insightful enough to merit this post. In addition, your expertise in international commerce may be instrumental in making a trade deal that would serve as a gesture of good will and friendship.”

Schmidt seemed to glow self-gratification. Though he silently desired a chance to carpet bomb half of Novikov if it could hold up their deployments and roll back his schedule so that he could spend another few days in Chalcedon, he put the thought of such violence out of his mind. “I accept the post.”

“Miss Berg, I have selected you to serve as my scientific attaché. I believe that you may be able to both set up scientific research exchanges with Bielostrovian officials and liaise with their university officials. By means of your position and professional work, you might be able to gain access to the faculty and students in ways the rest of us cannot. Something tells me that they would be more trusting of a fellow intellectual in your field and more open about their academic affairs and research.”

Berg was uncertain about what her work in Bielostrov would entail, but at least she knew why Culler had picked her. “I understand why you need me, but this is all so sudden and unplanned. How do you know it will work?”

“The queen has arranged for a plane to depart for Theodora by seven o’clock tomorrow morning. Be at the airport by six and I will handle the rest.”

Culler did not have much else to say. The meeting ended quickly, though not hastily, at 9:21 and the trio departed to pack for the following day. All three had returned home by 9:50.




December 23, 2011
6:08 A.M. Chalcedon Local Time (CLT)


Government Terminal
Chalcedon International Airport
Chalcedon, Monavia


Three plainly clad figures trudged their way through the commodious yet quiet halls of the Government Terminal. It was shortly after six in the morning, a time when the sun had not yet graced much of the sky with its rays and the air still remained cool as a result of the radiational cooling that nightfall causes to take place. The concourse was so deserted that it resembled an echo chamber and it appeared and impersonal because it was staffed by few at this hour. The last four days before Christmas witnessed little traffic through this building, for most of the travelers who sued this concourse had made their trips earlier in the week.

Schmidt made a hearty effort to appear, at the very least, mildly excited about making a surprise trip to another country. He had used copious amounts of gel to slick back his thick hair and had dressed more sharply than Culler or Berg. A well-kept briefcase swung along his side and seemed to keep its own pace in lockstep with his movements, which Berg considered unusually flamboyant for somebody who carped about receiving less than five hours of sleep.

The light that normally inhabited Culler’s eyes was abnormally dim, perhaps because of how weary he was. He had finished packing shortly after eleven and had caught five and a half hours of sleep before arising at four-thirty to prepare for the day. Two shots of espresso had done well to prop up his sagging visage by means of their caffeine content, and his limbs were more or less propelled by a combination of a light breakfast he assembled at five-thirty and inhaled before he left for the airport twenty minutes later. He trudged ahead of Berg with a labored gait as he hauled both his own baggage and half of hers behind him.

Berg had somehow composed herself despite actually receiving less sleep than Schmidt. The process of packing her bags had kept her up until midnight. Culler was in now in the position of having to cope with the cumbersome weight of Berg’s baggage, which filled two suitcases. Culler pulled one of them along while Berg managed to pull the other. Even the weight of her shoulder-length auburn hair seemed burdensome, though it was beginning to weigh less heavily upon her mind as a dialogue between Schmidt and Culler took shape and soon consumed her attention.

“Dr. Culler, I understand that we will be landing in Theodora this afternoon.”

“Aye. What’s so important about that?”

“Theodora is not close enough to Bielostrov to make a single flight. If I remember my geography correctly, the closest friendly state to Bielostrov is Wagdog.”

“I believe you are right. Even so, flights to Wagdog typically pass through Czardas or Alexiandra or some other place along the way.”

“Do you know who else will be joining us there?”

“No. I think that Her Majesty has arranged that for me already.”

“What makes you so certain of that?”

“When she asked me to serve as Ambassador to Bielostrov, she said that I needed to pick out only a few people for my team—she would select some others and notify me about them.”

“This all seems strange. As if by magic—or something of the sort—we are selected to pay a surprise visit to a place none of us knows much about.”

Culler shrugged. “Maybe she wants to cut a deal with the Bielostrovians that will not elicit much attention. How better to do this then to put together a hastily-assembled, quasi-official delegation that will be halfway there before it even gets recorded in the books? Until I know with certainty that it is otherwise, our mission is being run out of the shadows.” Carter’s open letter had not made it into the evening news until seven o’clock—the time when Culler was leaving for the Royal Residence. He had not had any time to look at the news during the previous night and had failed to notice the newspapers that sat on stands located throughout the concourse. Even if he did, the story had not made it onto the front page, but was instead buried by several others.

“The plane had better have reclining seats or lounges on board. I’m not going to fight off sleep forever,” Berg interjected.

“All of us could use some rest later. I’m good until noon at the least.”

“Ah, the indefatigable Doctor Culler is still moving apace!” Schmidt bubbled.

Culler stared ahead at his discussion partner who was far from slowing down. The trio had almost reached their gate where a few people were standing around. The pilot and a courier were both waiting for them and could hear the echoes of the conversation approaching from around the corner.

“They’re a rowdy bunch, aren’t they?” the courier observed.

“They’re probably fueled up with coffee at the moment. Within an hour they should be more subdued and easier to put up with,” the pilot replied.

Schmidt came around the corner with Culler and Berg in tow, not to mention the four bags, purse, and two briefcases between them. The gray-haired pilot, who had observed more than his fair share of passengers in his thirty or so years of flying, had little difficulty discerning an unctuous streak in Schmidt’s personality. He did not have about him that form of suavity that is clearly practiced, but his concern for appearances, especially visual ones, was certainly self-evident. The courier was not as experienced at reading people, but she had also seen a lot in those years she spent in government service. Standing two inches taller than the pilot, the thirty-two-year-old woman struck a sharply defined pose in her burgundy garrison cap and two-inch heels, which only added to her otherwise average height. Both were well outlined by sunlight that streamed through the window behind them.

“Ambassador Culler,” the woman called out, waiting for the one who had been described to her as “short and graying” to approach, “I have been instructed to hand this over to you upon your arrival.”

“Thank you. May I ask what it is?”

“I know nothing. It appears to bear the Crown’s seal, so it’s probably important enough to merit your attention.”

“I’ll open it on the plane.” Turning towards the pilot, he extended his hand and shook the one which the pilot offered in return, then greeted the man. “I presume that you will be the one taking us to Theodora?”

“Yes, Mr. Ambassador. We’ll be flying to Dawn Harbor this morning.”

“Will you show us aboard?”

“Certainly.” The pilot led the three away while the courier departed for her next assignment. An airport employee then shut the door behind the group as it exited and walked down a set of stairs towards their jet, then watched as they approached. The middle-aged desk clerk was accustomed to working in the other terminals and watching passengers board commercial flights, but as was his luck, he was charged with ensuring that the gate ran smoothly for the few moment that it took for everyone to pass through it.

The pilot led Culler, Berg, and Schmidt across a short stretch of tarmac and up a set of stairs into the jet. Unusually enough, the craft’s wings were sharply swept back and its engines were clearly not the kind used on most commercial aircraft. The selection of this particular vehicle had been made on the basis of time constraints. The delegates would have to leave Dawn Harbor by two o’clock that afternoon (it would be one o’clock in Chalcedon) and their 5,865 kilometer (3,645 mile) trip would have to be completed in a short enough time to provide the delegates with a margin of at least ninety minutes. This meant that they would have to make the journey in under six hours. Luckily for them, they had a jet which cruised at almost nine hundred miles an hour—fast enough to be there by noon.




EDIT: I have finally found the time to finish this post and edit a few mistakes.
Last edited by The State of Monavia on Fri Apr 27, 2012 10:04 pm, edited 9 times in total.
——✠ ✠——THE IMPERIAL FEDERATION OF THE MONAVIAN EMPIRE——✠ ✠——
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MY GUIDES ON ROLEPLAYING DIPLOMACY, ROLEPLAY ETIQUETTE, CREATING A NEW NATION,
LEARNING HOW TO ROLEPLAY (FORTHCOMING), AND ROLEPLAYING EVIL (PART ONE)

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Novikov
Ambassador
 
Posts: 1179
Founded: Feb 13, 2005
Ex-Nation

Postby Novikov » Mon Apr 02, 2012 11:22 am

Monavian Consulate
Ajer, Yafor


Early in the morning of the 24th, the Monvaian Consulate in Ajer received a telephone call from a private residence within the city. The caller refused to identify himself, but claimed to represent the “legitimate Bielostrovian Government.” He indicated that he urgently wished to arrange a meeting with representatives from the Consluate and that he had in his possession, “documents of great import to the Monavian Government.”

The cryptic message lasted little over three minutes. The bewildered secretary who fielded the call was unsure what to make of it, and forwarded the message to her superiors. Those senior members of the Monvaian diplomatic staff in Ajer had been warned on the 19th, at the beginning of the Bielostrovian crisis, that the Bielostrovians maintained a small ring of diplomatic and intelligence agents in Yafor, and that their Consulate may be called upon to serve as an intermediary between the two states. Thus, despite the message’s lack of information and conspiratorial overtones, the decision was made to seek a meeting with the unidentified source.

Around 10:00 Yforite time, the Consulate made a return call. The voice on the other end again refused to identify himself, but again reiterated that he wished to meet with Monavian representatives to deliver important documents relating to the Bielostrovian crisis. A meeting was proposed at a local market in Ajer later that afternoon and, after the Monavian diplomat tentatively agreed to the proposal the phone went dead. Further attempts to contact the source were unsuccessful.

At 14:30, two low-level Monavian diplomats entered a market on the southern outskirts of Ajer. In the blazing sunlight and crowded, dusty streets they seemed conspicuously out-of-place with their pressed black suits and well-washed sedan. For some twenty minutes they stood outside their vehicle, receiving strange looks from the locals and wondering to themselves whether the message had been no more than a hoax. Just as their hopes and patience wore thin and they prepared to leave, a young man approached their vehicle.

He looked less out of place in the busy street side market. His light skin had been tanned nearly the color of the locals, and he wore the bright tri-colored jersey of the Yaforite National Football Team over long dark khakis. His eyes were covered by tinted glasses, both to protect them from the sun and to hide his identity. Over his shoulder, he carried a small canvas satchel. From his appearance he might have been a college student, or perhaps a migrant from one of a hundred different nations.

The diplomats hardly noticed the man until he stopped just a few feet before them, furrowing his brow behind his dark lenses as he looked at them. For a moment the young man exchanged unsure glances with the two officials. Then he leaned in close to the two Monavians, asking bluntly, “Вы знаете, что усмотрение, нет? – You know what discretion is, no?”

The Monavians appeared startled, looking at the young man with newfound recognition. While they stammered for a response, the youth continued. “Forgive me. I am not used to meeting with incautious diplomats. This is a strange assignment for us both, I imagine.”

“You contacted us?” Came their terse reply.

The young man cautiously glanced over his shoulder at the comment. “Not me, but one of my associates. You will have to forgive our caution in contacting you. There has been great concern in our organization over potential Novikovian infiltrators.”

“You work for the Bielostrovian Government, then?”

The young man made a tiny nod, but otherwise refused to answer the question. “Prince Bogdan has requested that my organization deliver these documents to the Monavian government. There has been some concern over Novikovian signals intelligence, and he feels that it is no longer safe to communicate sensitive documents electronically.”

With that, the young man took the satchel from his shoulder and pressed it into the hands of one of the Monavians. Then, with a smile and a conspiratorial wink, he turned and disappeared into the crowd, waving over his shoulder. “Don’t contact us. We’ll contact you.”

[OOC: I’ll have the exact text of the documents up tonight. It’ll include Jaromir’s response to the Monavian communique, and several other documents on Bielostrovian military forces and their deployments. The purpose of the documents is to provide the Monavians with enough information to continue troop deployments in a meaningful way. Now if you'll excuse me - class beckons.]
NSWiki (needs editing), Embassy Exchange, You know you are...
A member of the United Kingdom of Oceania and Nova
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Gardez-vous d’écouter cet imposteur; vous ětes perdus, si vous oubliez que les fruits sont à tous, et que la terre n’est à personne.

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Alexiandra
Senator
 
Posts: 3546
Founded: Feb 04, 2010
Left-Leaning College State

Postby Alexiandra » Sat Apr 21, 2012 11:15 pm

Alexiandran Imperial Statement
325 Hallow Street
Lockbourne
AD7 2AX
0223 809 703

Alexiandran Communique

Image

Official Imperial Statement



For several days now, Alexiandran agencies have observed the flaring diplomatic crisis which has erupted over the small yet pivotal Slavic Kingdom of Bielostrov. This kingdom, governed by the seemingly dictatorial Králi Jaromir Bielobogov VII, appears to lack the basic conditions of democracy which are so common in this modern era. The fact that the people of Bielostrov have been forced to cry out for liberation is most disturbing to our Empire, and
suggests that something is, indeed, fundamentally amiss within this Slavic Kingdom. Furthermore, Alexiandra wishes to openly declare its support for the government of Novikov in its effort to cleanse Bielostrov of its corrupt, hierarchical government system. While some might argue that Alexiandra itself is a hierarchy and thus cannot pass comment on other monarchical nations, we would retort that our nation is an Imperial Commonwealth solely due to the fact that the majority of Alexiandra's citizens are wholly content with the standard of life and civil rights which they receive. A semi-democratic system remains in place, allowing local representatives to be elected as members of the Imperial Parliament. Bielostrov, on the other hand, binds its citizens into serfdom through a system which allows no space for democratic thought. Indeed, while Alexiandra itself is eager to see the liberation of Bielostrov, we feel that should we embark on liberation efforts, our culture would find itself in contrast with that of the Slavs. Alexiandra has only ever enjoyed a small Slavic heritage, meaning that it would be inappropriate for our own forces to liberate a nation which contains such an alien heritage. Novikov, however, is a thoroughly Slavic nation, allowing its people to connect with the citizens
of Bielostrov on a spiritual level. Alexiandra, however, is more than willing to provide military
support to Novikov and the United Kingdom of Oceania should it prove necessary. While we sincerely hope that this situation never occurs, we stand ready to free the serfs of Bielostrov from their plight, and encourage democratic leadership henceforth.


Signed and approved,

Image

Lance Wydra, Emperor of Alexiandra.


**********************************************************************************************************************************************************************************
Kaleta
Military Dockyard & Fishing Port
Imperial Commonwealth of Alexiandra

**********************************************************************************************************************************************************************************

A seaside port, Kaleta had always been a busy settlement. From the dim mists of medieval Nova, it had emerged as a thriving fishing port, producing much-needed food for the rest of the famine-ridden country. Once the Empire had emerged from its economic troubles during the 15th century, the early-modern emperors began developing Kaleta into a military dockyard. Its huge ship-building facilities were the envy of the nation, rivaled only by Darshire far to the south. The two settlements churned out warships for countless years, serving as the instrument used to craft Alexiandra's mighty navy. Due to the construction of several more military dockyards in the early 1980s, however, Kaleta had decreased in importance since the 18th and 19th centuries. It was currently home to a fleet of Imperial warships, the clustered, grey hulls floating gently against the backdrop of an azure sea. The waters in this part of Nova were
freezing cold, and the men who dwelt within these regions were hardy and used to a life of
seamanship. The mild, tempting blue colour of the ocean was an illusion, an overlay to the icy, sub-zero temperatures of the salty water it concealed. It was against this cold, hard setting that the men of the 5th fleet worked. Today they had been patrolling the coast, watching for any sign of hostile activity. More specifically, they watched for movement from Monavia. The State and The United Kingdom of Novikov were coming head-to-head, and all because of a small Slavic island with a tiny population. In one respect, it was heartwarming, seeing the lengths a nation would go to in order to liberate just a few islanders. In another, it was terrifying - a testament to mankind's lust for blood. In response to this threat of war in the north-west, the government had stationed Admiral Stone in and around Kaleta, to patrol Alexiandran waters as he saw fit. Unknowingly, he was about to receive his second set of instructions.

The phone rang, its high pitched tone slicing through the calm atmosphere of the Valour's bridge. Several crew members looked around, before realising that the phone was for officers only. A young captain strode over, picking it up and placing it next to his ear. "You have
reached the bridge of the HMS Valour, and this is Captain John Deveaux. Do you wish to speak to Admiral Stone?"
he asked, leaning closer to the phone in order to better hear the caller over the din of the ship's command nexus. "Yes, I'll get him right away, sir," he said, looking faintly embarrassed. "Sir! General Richards is on the phone. He wants to speak with you," he said, seeing the Admiral walk by not ten yards away. Strolling over with no great haste, Admiral Stone took the phone from Captain Deveaux and placed the receiver to his ear. "Sir - I'm informed you wished to speak with me?" he queried, fiddling with the long, curly wire leading back to the telephone's wall-mount. "I did, Stone," the terse reply muttered from the receiver. "What I'm about to tell you is highly classified at the present, and you are not to inform anyone aboard your fleet of your true mission until it is given the full go-ahead. In the event of a war between Monavia and Novikov, the Emperor has decided that we in Alexiandra will side with Novikov. Therefore, we're currently drawing up a plan which will help us support the Novikovians while furthering our own interests and those of Bielostrov. So, should this war break out - which seems increasingly likely - you will rendezvous with 6th and 8th fleets, and prepare a coordinated attack along with the Oceanian forces in your area. Do you understand?" Admiral Stone sat still for a moment, contemplating the effects of a war
with Monavia. It was speculated that Monavia had advanced orbital technology in play - but would they really bring it to bear in a small conflict over a tiny island? "Yes sir. I understand completely, he finally replied.

He only hoped he did, truly, understand.
Last edited by Alexiandra on Sun Apr 22, 2012 4:12 am, edited 2 times in total.
'A distinction is made in private life between what a man thinks and says of himself and what he really is and does. In historical struggles one must make a still sharper distinction between the phrases and fantasies of the parties and their real organisation and real interests, between their conception of themselves and what they really are.'

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The State of Monavia
Ambassador
 
Posts: 1566
Founded: Jun 27, 2006
Father Knows Best State

Postby The State of Monavia » Wed Apr 25, 2012 6:17 pm

OOC:

This post picks up where the last one leaves off. Due to my having not been able to write much of anything for this thread in the last two weeks and Novikov and Alexiandra's postings during the interim period, I have had to retroactively fill in stuff, so you both may need to read the additions to my last post before this one in order to know what I'm doing. I will also add that I am using the term Monavian Imperial Standard Time for all scenes set in Monavia that do not take place in Chalcedon or Theodora, since although Chalcedon local time is technically the same as MIST, it's just one city in an empire that is 3,500 kilometers across and its local time does not apply to everyone else!

The jet carrying the soldiers to Bielostrov has a range of 5,200 statute miles (8,336.8 kilometers). It has a passenger capacity of 280 and a maximum cruising speed of Mach 1.86 (1,230 mi/hr or 1,979 km/hr) with the ability to briefly attain speeds of Mach 1.94. I have estimated the distance of the flight at 22,000 kilometers, so total flight time should be 11.12 hours, not counting landing for two hours in the neutral state of Czardas to refuel before flying to eastern Wagdog to land for another two hours to refuel again. Total travel time should be around fifteen hours by default, and closer to sixteen hours if delays are factored in. Since the plane will be leaving at 14:00 Theodora Provincial Time (TPT) on the twenty-third, it will arrive by 06:00 TPT (05:00 CLT or 10:00 NST) on the twenty-fourth.

The rifle company is a part of a battalion in the 3rd Airborne Brigade, which is part of the XIII Airborne Division, which in turn is a unit of the III Airborne Corps, which is part of the Second Field Army. The composition is as follows:

Initial Peacekeeping Force Commitment Order of Battle


Rifle Company
1 headquarters element (HE), consisting of:
1 command unit (CU), consisting of:
1 commanding officer
1 second-in-command
1 executive officer
1 intelligence officer
1 company quartermaster
1 deputy quartermaster
1 adjutant
1 signals unit (SU), consisting of:
4 radio operators
1 medical unit (MU), consisting of:
1 company medical officer
1 medical officer’s assistant
2 medics
4 rifle platoons, each consisting of:
1 headquarters element, consisting of:
1 commissioned officer
1 NCO, subordinate to the commissioned officer
1 platoon radio operator
1 medic
3 standard rifle sections, each consisting of:
1 section leader (typically a noncommissioned officer)
7 riflemen
1 automatic squad support weapon team (two men)
1 mixed weapons section, consisting of:
1 section leader
1 machine gun team (three men)
1 grenadier team (three men), armed with grenade launchers and submachine guns
1 antitank team (three men), armed with portable antitank weaponry
1 mixed weapons platoon, consisting of:
1 headquarters element, consisting of:
1 commissioned officer
1 NCO, subordinate to the commissioned officer
1 platoon radio operator
1 medic
1 automatic weapons section, consisting of:
1 section leader (an NCO)
3 machine gun teams (three men each)
1 mortar section, consisting of:
1 mortar section leader (an NCO)
2 medium mortar teams (4 men each)
1 radioman (also carries additional ammunition)
1 antiaircraft section, consisting of:
1 section leader (an NCO)
3 antiaircraft missile launcher teams (three men each)
1 antitank section, consisting of:
1 section leader (an NCO)
3 antitank launcher teams (three men each), armed with portable antitank weaponry
1 precision fire support section, consisting of:
1 section leader (an NCO)
4 spotters
4 marksmen
1 radioman


Monavian Order of Battle


Army component:

Second Field Army (only selected units enumerated below)
III Airborne Corps (only selected units enumerated below)
XIII Airborne Division
16th Specialist Troop Battalion
5th Parachute Infantry Brigade
6th Parachute Infantry Brigade
3rd Airborne Infantry Brigade
13th Aviation Brigade
13th Artillery Brigade
13th Logistical Support Brigade

Naval component:

Fegosian Fleet (only selected units enumerated below)
Task Force XII
Twelfth Command Flotilla
Twenty-Third Carrier Flotilla
23rd Carrier Element
23rd Cruiser Element
23rd Frigate Element
23rd Destroyer Element
34th Attack Submarine Element
Twenty-Fourth Carrier Flotilla
24th Carrier Element
24th Cruiser Element
24th Frigate Element
24th Destroyer Element
35th Attack Submarine Element
Twenty-Third Expeditionary Flotilla
23rd Amphibious Assault Element
23rd Amphibious Transport Element
23rd Landing Element
23rd Missile Ship Element
23rd Corvette Element
Twenty-Fourth Expeditionary Flotilla
24th Amphibious Assault Element
24th Amphibious Transport Element
24th Landing Element
24th Missile Ship Element
24th Corvette Element
Twelfth Submarine Flotilla
12th Ballistic Missile Submarine Element
12th Guided Missile Submarine Element
36th Attack Submarine Element
Twelfth Logistic Flotilla
12th Oiler Element
12th Ammunition Ship Element
12th Submarine Tender Element
12th Combat Stores Element
12th Cargo Transport Element
12th Salvage Element
12th Tugboat Element
Twelfth Patrol Flotilla
12th Patrol Element

Marine component:

First Marine Corps Group (only selected units enumerated below)
I Marine Corps
1st Headquarters Battalion
1st Intelligence Company
1st Communications Company
1st Radio Operations Company
2nd Radio Operations Company
1st Civil Liaison Company
1st Specialist Marine Battalion
1st Reconnaissance Company
2nd Reconnaissance Company
1st Special Operations Company
2nd Special Operations Company
1st Fire Coordination Company
I Marine Infantry Division
1st Marine Armored Brigade
1st Marine Infantry Brigade
2nd Marine Infantry Brigade
3rd Marine Infantry Brigade
1st Marine Artillery Brigade
II Marine Airborne Division
III Marine Logistic Division
1st Supply Brigade
2nd Supply Brigade
3rd Supply Brigade
1st Engineer Brigade
1st Medical Brigade

Aerial component:

Second Aerial Division (only selected units enumerated below)


Please refer to this post for additional information.




IC:

December 23, 2011
6:25 A.M. Chalcedon local time (CLT)


The first three members of the Monavian delegation had no difficulty settling into their cabin and enjoying their view of the airport. Two minutes after they had boarded the jet by means of a staircase that led to the front starboard cabin door, the craft began to move away and began moving towards the longest west-facing runway. Commercial jets, with their longer wings and broader flaps, had greater lift ratios than the jet bearing the delegates, so its takeoff speed was necessarily fast. The rapidity of its acceleration, which was greater than anything which the delegates had felt before, pushed them into the backs of their seats and left them with a sluggish feeling for the initial few minutes of their ascent. Forty-five minutes later, the jet passed over the Leaota Mountains and flew towards Azov. The delegates appreciated the view of the city below and the coast lying only a few kilometers farther beyond it.

Soon after taking off at 6:28, Culler opened up the letter addressed to him and began reading. It was written on private stationery bearing the greater arms of the House of Petrović and had been hand-signed by the queen.

CONFIDENTIAL


Ambassador Culler:

I wish to begin by thanking you once again for having had the willingness to accept this assignment. Hasty preparations resulting in the creation of an ad hoc delegation overnight are not conducive to conducting negotiations, but the obstinacy of the Novikovians and the speed with which they are moving to cut off all possible attempts at contacting the Beilostrovian government have forced us to pursue the present course of action. You will be furnished with updates on the progress of the Novikovian effort to block your route of movement so that you may be able to determine how best to ensure the safety and integrity of the delegation at your command.

Upon arriving at Dawn Harbor, one of my agents will meet you on the tarmac. She will introduce you to some other delegates who I have summoned from Belenko and will also be joining the delegation herself. Lunch will be served at twelve-fifteen and you will be leaving Dawn harbor at two o’clock this afternoon.

You and every other person traveling to Bielostrov have my wishes for good luck and my prayers for a safe journey. May God speed you along your way.

Regards,

Her Holy Imperial Majesty Elizabeth VI


Culler arose from his seat around eight o’clock to walk towards the rear of the plane, which had been fitted with several amenities. The plane was part of the Ministry’s fleet of transport vehicles, and this particular one had been furnished with a folding card table on one side and a row of cabinets opposite it. Culler opened up one of the cabinets, withdrew a low, cylindrical glass, and opened up a refrigerator located adjacent to it. After some exploring of the area, he located some ice cubes, placed them in his glass, then withdrew a small bottle of vodka and brought it out with him. Culler liked to have ice keeping his vodka chilled because he preferred to sip it, bit by bit, as time wore on.

The uneventful flight was punctuated by several episodes of small talk and some discussion of the mission being carried out. Culler procured a second glass of vodka at nine and Berg followed him to what appeared to be the kitchenette and filled a glass with some brandy. Schmidt soon joined in the drinking, and after splitting a small bottle of brandy with Berg, the pair seemed to have had all they needed to become better acquainted. Berg’s favorite subject was concert music yet she soon switched topics and soon it became difficult to keep the conversation anchored in any one place.

At 11:28, the pilot made a terse intercom announcement to his three passengers. “We have begun making the final approach to Dawn Harbor Airport. We should arrive within twenty minutes.”

The airport came into view at 11:43 and the craft met solid ground once again less than fifty seconds later. The first leg of the trip was complete.




11:44 A.M. Theodora Provincial Time (TPT)

Dawn Harbor Municipal Airport
Central Theodora Province
Queen Theodora Islands, Monavia


Dawn Harbor Municipal Airport primarily served the other cities around Theodora, so it was generally not considered a major transportation hub. It did, however, share ample military traffic with the nearby airbase because its long runways could handle the IAF’s aircraft and it had plenty of emergency and auxiliary facilities that could be used by the base’s assets. In 2009, the nearby airbase had been severely damaged by a missile strike. Lieutenant General Andrew Bell had evacuated most of his men into underground bunkers and scrambled all of his fighter and bomber aircraft before the missiles hit in order to avoid their destruction on the ground. After the runways were pitted with holes from the assault and fires burned where fuel storage tanks were hit, Dawn Harbor Municipal Airport was the closest location where many of the airborne planes could land.

While it was not designated as an international airport, for other cities within the province were better-equipped for such large-scale civilian traffic, the delegation would be departing from Dawn Harbor because it since expanded its capacity for handling emergency landings and sported runways that were long enough for the takeoff of supersonic bombers and other such aircraft. The army’s jet, which would bear the delegates to Czardas later that afternoon, could be seen poking out of a hanger about a quarter of a mile away from where they had landed.

Ground crews wheeled a staircase into place at the portside doorway so that the three delegates could exit the cabin. They offered their thanks to the pilot and crew before disembarking with their baggage. Miss Berg, fortified by a nap and the brandy, carried both of her suitcases down the stairs at once while Schmidt carried his suitcase and Culler’s with him. Culler was stuck with Berg’s purse, Schmidt’s briefcase, and a small attaché case that he had managed to bring on board. Ambassador Culler made a motion to the others to stop once they had reached the end of the steps.

As the delegates caught their breath, Culler explained what was about to happen. “I opened up the envelope that I received back in Chalcedon,” he explained. “Inside was a letter from Her Majesty that contained some information for me. For starters, she wrote that she dispatched somebody to meet us here after we arrived.”

“That’s why we’re waiting?” Schmidt asked.

“Yes. The lady will be joining the delegation and will also be introducing us to a few others.”

“Who is this woman you are talking about?” Berg demanded.

“Her name was not mentioned in the letter.”

“She better not be a spy,” Berg stated flatly. “I don’t like working with people who hide things for a living—or try to pry into everybody’s business.”

“Even if she was one, how would we know?” Schmidt had a point to make in response to Berg’s complaining. “Spies keep their work covered up, so it’s unlikely that she will reveal what she’s doing, since that would constitute a leak and make it easier to become compromised.”

“All of this speculating is pointless. Sooner or later we will find out more about everything. Right now I could use something to eat.”

“I think I see somebody coming!” Schmidt exclaimed as a small figure emerged from behind a building located about 350 meters away.

The stranger that approached first appeared as an elongated form with a blue midsection and a buff-colored top and bottom. It took on a more definite shape with sharper features as it moved closer until the delegates could clearly make out its appearance. Another minute or so passed before they met.

The woman who Ambassador Culler had mentioned was soon walking the final few steps that brought her to the group. Her eyes were fixed towards them in a businesslike manner, and her whole appearance was best described as something that would be expected of an experienced professional. She held out her hand to the ambassador.

“Good day, madam,” Culler began. “I’m Dr. Gary Culler, Monavian Ambassador to the Kingdom of Bielostrov. This is my delegation.” Culler noted the absence of any plain-banded rings on the woman’s hand as he shook it.

“Brian Schmidt, I presume?” the woman inquired as she shook the man’s hand with a smile.

“Yes, that’s me. What about your name?”

“Zotov, Mr. Schmidt. Lisa Zotov.”

Though he was not one to immediately release a hand like Zotov’s, which he seemed to enjoy holding as they met, she somehow had managed to slip it out of his grasp with the same fluid quickness that they had been joined. Zotov has certainly made a favorable impression on the two gentlemen, and as for Berg, things soon grew more interesting yet. The idea of having another woman on board to talk to during the long flight ahead had kindled a certain warmth of companionship in her soul—the kind of warmth that burns when a someone meets a new friend.

“Miss Zotov, this is Olivia Berg, our scientific attaché,” Schmidt explained.

“You are the economic attaché then?”

“Y-yes,” Schmidt replied with a faint stutter. Zotov has uncannily read him and the others too well for somebody who was simply sent to meet them in an unacquainted way. She had to have been informed of their arrival prior to meeting them. Maybe, Schmidt thought, maybe she is a spy of some kind after all.

“I think it would be best if we got out of this weather before it makes a mess of us,” Zotov said. “It’s too warm to snow here, but I don’t think it would be wise to let ourselves linger too long when we have another flight to make at 14:00 this afternoon.”

“Let’s do that,” encouraged Berg.




12:02 P.M. Theodora Provincial Time (TPT)

Zotov escorted the other three delegates with her to a car she had parked near one of the hangars and drove them out of the airport and into the quaint town of Dawn Harbor. The town was as crowded with busy commuters and modern infrastructure as any on the islands, but older styles of architecture predominated because city ordinances had ensured that the freedom to remodel historic structures was limited enough in places to maintain the city’s vintage appeal. At 12:03, the four arrived at an eatery located about fifteen minutes away from the airport.

Walking up to the four well-dressed officials, a waitress recognized Zotov, who had been there the previous day to reserve a table for five at twelve-fifteen. “This way, Miss Zotov,” she said while allowing the focus of her vision to linger momentarily on the group of four. “I take it that we will still be having a fifth person here?”

“That is right. Major Fleming will be here soon.” Mentioning the man’s rank was a quick way to ensure that he and his party were treated especially well. Veterans made up the largest group of customers at businesses located in dawn Harbor, which was so close to several basing locations. As a result, they were looked upon favorably for monetary reasons; they brought in substantial amounts of revenue. Even without supplying such benefits, the waitress serving Zotov’s table, and other serving staff like her, had a particular appreciation for the work that military people performed, especially somebody who had been through enough trouble to earn an officer’s rank.

With a quick nod, the waitress disappeared to fetch some water. Zotov, while not impatient, did not want to start placing orders before the major could join her. A tinge of nervousness was present in her expression as she looked at her art deco watch to read the time. It was 12:06.

An officer of the Monavian Royal Guard who bore the name of Eric Fleming parked his white car outside the eatery at 12:07 that afternoon. He quietly slipped out of its leather interior and stood up in the parking lot, arising to his full height and receiving an easterly breeze across his face. The gentle fluttering of the winds caressed his short, silvery-blond hair in such a way that each of the strands appeared to sway like stiff blades of grass. Having arrived at the place to which Zotov had invited him, Fleming made his way inside and searched for his table. Zotov recognized the particular sound that the major’s footfalls made and looked up from her three conversation partners, finding Fleming standing nearby.

“Good afternoon, Major. Joining us for lunch?”

“Miss Zotov, I believe the pleasure is mine.” Fleming greeted his host as any distinguished gentleman would have done and observed Zotov gesturing towards an empty seat located next to Schmidt.

“We have a seat saved for you.”

Fleming sat down and looked over the table at the delegates from Chalcedon. Zotov was sipping a glass of some rosé wine which she had received while waiting for him to arrive. Berg, who was no longer tired because the atmosphere of the island had already begun lending her new vigor, smiled at the major. “I take it that you were chosen as a part of the delegation to Bielostrov?” she asked softly while eying the few nearby tables which had any customers seated around them.

“Yes, as a matter of fact. I didn’t mean to avoid making proper introductions with everyone. I’m sure you all are familiar with Miss Zotov by now?”

“Yes, Major, we have been…acquainted,” Schmidt replied. “She’s been generous enough to set up this luncheon for us.”

“Major Fleming, this is Brian Schmidt, our economic attaché,” Culler explained. “Here,” he added, gesticulating in the direction of Berg’s seat, “is Olivia Berg, our scientific attaché. I am the ambassador leading this mission.”

“Doctor Culler,” Zotov added. “He used to work for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.”

“So I heard. I was informed of who you were prior to arriving.”

“It appears that a certain sovereign has been making efforts to keep our reputations ahead of us!” Culler laughed.

“Prudence has a certain way of making it easier to use time wisely. Her Majesty did not spare much time to explain how little time there was to get the delegation assembled and deployed.”

“You make it sound like we are conducting a military operation.”

“In some ways, Mr. Ambassador, what we are doing may be construed as one.”

“How so?”

“For starters, the security detail traveling with us takes up more space than we do…”

Throughout the next hour, Zotov and Fleming became acquainted with the others while keeping chatter regarding the diplomatic mission to a minimum. Fleming spent nearly a quarter of his time explaining his role as military attaché and talking about his unit. At one point, Fleming made some remarks about the meal. “I remember having a crab soup like this one with a friend attending the Lutheran seminary in Aldan.” After pausing for a moment, he added, “As a matter of fact, I really like this place. It reminds me of a town I visited a year ago while on leave. It was very charming.” Fleming’s sense of taste was different from Zotov’s because it placed almost as much value on atmosphere as it did on cuisine. Hedonistic calculus aside, Fleming managed to enjoy a glass of white wine with his crab soup and paid less attention to the atmosphere surrounding the whole establishment than he did to the mood amongst the people at his table.

For her part, Zotov explained that she had been appointed to play the role of the delegation’s political attaché. While Fleming would be serving as a military advisor, offering both advice and training to some of the Králi’s troops, Zotov would be charged with making sense of the Bielostrovian political system and looking for avenues inside it for investigating Novikovian allegations. At 1:27 P.M. that afternoon, Zotov received the bill and split it with Ambassador Culler, who as head of the mission felt that it was only proper that he share the burden for its expenses. Fleming drove away ahead of the other four delegates.




2:01 P.M. Theodora Provincial Time (TPT)

After the diplomatic team returned to the airport, they left their vehicles inside the hangar where the jet had been parked. Walking out the hangar, they approached the stairs that had been rolled out to reach the front cabin entrance. Culler and Fleming had flown on supersonic commercial passenger aircraft in the past, but this one had been boldly painted with a set of colors that did not represent any commercial enterprise. The jet’s streamlined delta wings were white with a single diagonal green stripe running along their leading edges and bore the army’s roundel on top. The fuselage was green on top and white on the bottom; the two halves demarcated by a thin golden line. The roundel was repeated on both sides of the tail and the Empire’s seal was painted on both sides behind the nose.

As the delegates ascended the steps they had little time for sentimental pursuits. The winds had picked up, knocking aside Zotov’s shoulder-length blonde locks and causing her blue skirt to flutter. Fleming grabbed his cap to avoid losing it and Schmidt nearly scowled after the smell of exhaust from the jet’s idling engines had been blown into his face. The baggage that the delegates had left behind when they first flew in had been loaded on board the jet.

Ambassador Culler stepped inside the forward section of the cabin and entered what used to be the first class section. It was a government flight with no assigned seats, so he selected one located in the aisle while Schmidt, Berg, and Zotov took their seats. Major Fleming passed the first class section and went into the next section, where he was met by the sight of the Monavian peacekeeping force which had been secreted on board under the auspices of serving as the delegation’s security detail. In reality, the “security detail” consisted of an entire company of army regulars with their full complement of weapons. The overhead compartments served as storage for most of their kit and small arms, but the mortars, machine guns, antitank weapons, and portable antiaircraft missile launchers has been stowed away in the plane’s cargo compartment.

The cargo compartment also held crates which contained printers, paper, and a portable generator—all that the Monavians needed if they had to print off leaflets. A set of several locked aluminum cases also sat in the cargo hold. These cases contained another thing which the Crown had quietly organized and sent to Dawn Harbor to be packed on board the jet.

At 1:59, the cabin doors were shut and the jet began to move towards the same runway which had been used to carry out the landing of the first three members of the delegation. The pilot proceeded along a strip of concrete pavement that led to the end of the runway. “Takeoff will take place in two minutes,” she tersely announced.

“How fast do you think this plane flies?” one of the soldiers asked.

“How should I know?” responded another one seated two rows behind him. “All I know is that it’s pretty fast.”

Zotov had her own thoughts about departing Monavian soil. “I don’t know how long it will take for us to arrive in Bielostrov, but I know it won’t be a straight shot there. It’s just too far away.”

“We’ll be stopping in Czardas tonight,” Fleming answered. “From there, we should be able to make our next jaunt down to Wagdog, where I’m sure the ambassador will have a little more work to do.”

“I still need a cultural attaché,” Culler said. “Perhaps I can recruit one there.”

“What about some aides?”

“Mr. Schmidt, I’m sure I can find some of those as well. Let’ hope we have all of our expenses covered.”

I will secure funds for our work if we don’t have enough of them yet. Right now I need to worry about my lunch.”

Everyone on board felt the pilot swing the mighty craft around one hundred and eighty degrees into a position that would align its sharply-pointed nose with the center line of the runway. “I think we are about to wave goodbye to our country,” Fleming poignantly added. “It looks like we are going to depart any moment now.”

The pilot slid the throttle lever back and sent high octane fuel into the ramjet engines powering the craft in flight. For a short moment it appeared that the craft had failed to move as a result of its high static inertia, but this was only because the required degree of thrust had not yet been obtained. Hot gases erupted out of the engine cowlings and generated a wave of heat. The back blast resulting from this eruption emerged so suddenly that it formed a pressure wave that blew away dust and fine particles for hundreds of yards behind the engines, which spat out immense plumes of yellow flames tinged with blue in their centers.

These flames dissipated into white streams of smoke that lasted only moments before disappearing in the furious churning of air that accompanied the craft’s acceleration. As it tore down the runway, the yellow-edged tongues of fire that propelled it forward grew longer and hotter as their centers turned ever deeper shades of blue and they drove it harder and harder. Rocketing forward so quickly that the passengers felt as if they had been slammed backwards in their seats, they were unaware of the tremendous heat that caused the rear cowlings of the engines to glow with an indigo-colored luminescence edged with azure and purple.

The machine leapt off the runway, climbing higher and higher as its engines roared with triumph, and turned to the west as if to flee from the sun—and towards the dark clouds that overshadowed the fog of impending war.




2:36 P.M. Monavian Imperial Standard Time (MIST)

Orbital Surveillance Command
Mount Talus Complex
Prokletje Mountains
Northern Monavia


OSC had detected some of Mstislav’s transmissions over the least few days. Monavian satellites were able to determine the locations from which some of the transmissions may have originated to within a fifteen kilometer radius of the transmitters, but even with the aid of triangulation and other methods of tracking the signals, the transmissions had been too sporadic and unclear to make conclusive judgments about their content. Furthermore, none of the staff of OSC knew the native languages of Bielostrov or the surrounding area, so deciphering the transmissions was even more difficult because decryption would yield material that was unrecognizable. Technical aspects of the signals, such as the wavelengths, frequencies, magnitudes, and bouncing of the radio waves between the moon and the earth had been determined with some exactitude, but this only proved that the source of the signals was probably Bielostrovian, since Novikovian signals would be transmitted using more advanced technology.

Signals analysts working in OSC were still too stubborn to concede the possibility of being unable to do much with what their equipment had picked up. Mstislav’s latest transmission, which began at 10:15 A.M. MIST, was distinctly different from the others. The directional radio successfully foiled any attempts at locating the source of the signal, but nonetheless the signal itself had been detected. OSC analysts were still unable to surmount the language barrier, but they were in the process of locating some people within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs who might know how to translate anything that was decrypted.

These same analysts concluded that the sophistication of the new system being employed by Mstislav must not have been something native to Bielostrov, but was probably supplied to them by somebody else. They suspected that the Novikovians may have been responsible for generating the signal, but its similarities to the previous signals indicated that something was happening between them.

Photographic and video intelligence was more helpful to the Monavians than the monitoring of signals. The first fighting of the day was spotted at 04:03 MIST (09:03 NST) when OSC began observing the VNB’s 2nd Brigade advance towards Yezhron’selo. Additional VNB movements were documented between 04:30 and 04:48 (09:30 AND 09:48 NST), at which point a satellite recorded several images of the bombing raid that commenced at 04:45. The 2nd Bridage’s advances were monitored and recorded when possible throughout the day. Around 14:30 (19:30 NST), the staff of OSC noted that a stalemate had emerged around sunset and the VNB troops had retaken parts of the Yezhron’selo. Another dossier was to be compiled and forwarded to Lamonian military intelligence by 09:00 MIST on the twenty-fourth.




December 24, 2011
10:02 A.M. NST


Airport
City of Nob'gorod
Kingdom of Bielostrov


Králi Jaromir had probably not expected the Monavians to arrive in such a short time, but the Novikovians probably did not expect it either. The jet had reached Czardas in less than six hours, arriving on the night of the twenty-third at around eight o’clock TPT. The delegates enjoyed a light dinner and drinks while the soldiers disembarked within a hangar where they could stretch their legs without being spotted by any Novikovian satellites. Refueling was completed by nine-thirty and the jet took off again after ten, bound for the Revolutionary Commonwealth of Wagdog.

On the early morning of the twenty-fourth, the jet arrived in Tailville at four-thirty TDRST and was refueled for the last time before it departed for Nob’gorod. The landing was as smooth as anyone had hoped, such that half of the people on board managed to remain asleep even though the others were awoken by the deceleration of the aircraft as it rolled onto the landing strip. Some additional refreshments were loaded on board and the service crew, which had been rotated at Czardas, disembarked so that another one could come on board. The flight crew was also rotated at this point, and thus the journey could be resumed in short order.

Captain Arnold Breckenridge, the commanding officer of the company on board the plane, finally arose at 4:50 TDRST. After some pacing down the length of the cabin, he returned to his seat and resumed his rest for another few minutes. He could afford to indulge his need for sleep at the present, as could all of the others. Trying to rest on a moving airplane was almost impossible unless fatigue became so strong that it overpowered the wakefulness caused by jostling, turbulence, noise, and other factors. The length of the flight, while not continuous, had only made everybody more uncomfortable.

Minister Carter was aware of the need to have some legal experts examine the Bielostrovian state’s laws and justice system, as well as look into Novikovian accusations. The lawyers, who would be specialists customary international law and treaty law, would also make recommendations so that the Monavian delegation could be legally protected from potential threats of one vague sort or another and conclude proposed diplomatic agreements if necessary. Finally, the lawyers would help provide a sense of the proper direction to take in investigating the Premier’s accusations and find ways to counteract Novikvoain stalling long enough to provide objective mediation before one side or the other railroaded its cause into effect.

Carter contacted a forty-nine-year-old lawyer named Earl Ferguson on the evening of the twenty-third. Sharp and experienced, with medium brown hair cut short like Major Fleming’s, Ferguson was the one man whom Carter thought would be most appropriate for this job. His erect carriage and ramrod-straight posture were the products of ten years of service in the Imperial Army before he entered a legal college, and his far from diminutive stature of five feet, eleven inches was an interesting contrast to Culler’s modest frame, which was seven inches shorter. Ferguson informed Carter that he would be accompanied by a legal assistant from the Monavian embassy named Vesna Popova.

At five-fifteen, an embassy chauffeur drove into the airport to drop off Popova and Ferguson. Mr. Ferguson carried a few legal reference books with him, but otherwise his baggage was nothing other than ordinary. Popova was an aspiring polyglot and had learned Czech from dealing with Novikovians who had visited the Revolutionary Commonwealth for business reasons, tourism, or meetings with relatives who studied and resided abroad in Wagdog. She had the ability to serve as an interpreter between the delegation and the Novikovians if any direct contact took place, but the real challenge that Ambassador Culler faced was finding somebody who knew how to speak Bielostrovian languages.

Entering the forward section of seats, the pair greeted a sleepy Major Fleming, who was awake, and slipped into their seats. Popova pulled a book out of her baggage and began reading soon thereafter. Two more of the thirty empty seats in the 280 seat aircraft had been filled. The MNIA’s Directorate of External Operations had decided to deploy a team of three operatives who had some training in various Slavic languages to Bielostrov. The team and could conduct some operations while their handler, a man named Valdimir Tokarev, served as the delegation’s interpreter. Tokarev and his three “associates” boarded the jet at 5:41 and took their seats among the delegates. Tokarev had even better linguistic training that Popova and together they would be able to piece together some ad hoc means of communicating with the Bielostrovians.

The jet departed from Tailville at 5:56 A.M. and remained airborne for about four hours. Its route arced to the north towards the southern portion of the Grand Duchy of Yafor so that its real destination would not be discerned until it had attained a healthy margin of distance between itself and the Novikovian Naval blockade. Around 9:10 NST, the jet made a sharp turn southward towards Nob’gorod and thus circumvented the blockade after it had likely slipped away from their immediate notice. Perhaps the Novikovians had noticed the jet, but the distances involved and the need to carefully assemble an effective blockade out of a thin chain of slightly over one hundred vessels had them tied up with more pressing priorities.

Even if the Novikovians had wanted to somehow interdict the jet, they had to ask themselves the question of what a single aircraft could carry that would be able to help the Bielostrovians (weapons of mass destruction were a plausible answer, but no such things were on board the jet). Both sides were aware of the other side’s competency. The Novikovians knew that the Monavians were not foolish or deluded enough to smuggle weapons of mass destruction to the king and his ministers aboard a diplomatic flight, for such an action bordered on insanity and breached countless protocols of common sense and military security. The Monavians knew that the Novikovians would not try to stop a legitimate diplomatic flight that had been announced in advance and which was not even aimed at any of their ships. In short, there was no basis for a confrontation on that morning.

At 9:58 A.M. NST, the pilot announced that the jet was making its final descent into Nob’gorod. Four minutes later, the control tower confirmed that it had landed.




2:41 P.M. Ajer local time

Monavian Consulate
Ajer, Yafor


The diplomatic preparations made by the Monavians had become quite extensive over the previous forty-eight hours. In this narrow space of time, diplomatic cables had been sent, press conferences had been held, dossiers assembled and transmitted, meetings convened and adjourned, diplomats commissioned, delegations assembled, troops mobilized, and manpower sent across the breadth of the region. Nobody could possibly fault the Monavians for lacking effort in securing their objectives and the efficiency and speed of their institutions at mobilizing things was to be lauded.

The Monavian government, especially the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Crown, were very much willing to entertain the idea of mediating a far-flung conflict in order to add to the luster of the Empire’s international image. This singular objective soon found company in the form of mounting symbolic opposition efforts to counteract what they perceived as Novikovian aggression. As the situation unfolded and details emerged, more and more people realized the extent of the gains that could be made by becoming involved in Bielostrov. Officials contemplated trading agreements with the Bielostrovians, new alliances, a safe base from which to monitor the eastern end of the region, a place from which to conduct clandestine intelligence collection operations, perhaps even places in which to install early warning systems.

The first die had finally been cast upon the table and was still rolling across it to an uncertain position. The next one was about to be rolled once the first one was counted. This second die was furnished by Bielostrovian agents in Ajer, but would be rolled by hands in Chalcedon. In order for that to happen, it would first have to be delivered to them from the place where it was dropped off. The two men who received the satchel quietly set it in the back seat of their sedan and left the marketplace with anxious faces. Their incautious disregard for the unwritten principles of discretionary behavior had placed the privacy and secrecy of their work in danger. It rightly earned them the reaction that the young Bielostrovian agent had displayed when they first met. Now they were more observant and careful about making their movements.

“That was…awkward,” the one driving the sedan said.

“Well, Mr. Willard, we did get a bit sloppy.”

“Perhaps someone else should pick up the next set of documents, if there is one, that is.”

“No. We had better be the ones doing this run again.”

“Why us?”

“We learned that we need to be more careful the next time we come. The others who might be sent here had not been taught that lesson yet.”

“You make a good case. What do you think is in the satchel?”

“It’s a large bag made of coarse cloth, probably canvas. I bet it has a lot of stuff in it.”

“Let’s not open it. We should hand it over to Consul Schaeffer once we get back to the consulate.”

The driver’s piloting of the vehicle was so “by the book” in terms of observing traffic laws and staying glued to a point just under the speed limit that it may as well have been part of a funeral procession. Instead of driving hurriedly in a way that attracted undue attention, the two diplomats now fit in with the traffic on the streets of Ajer better than they had on their initial trip to the market. The return journey would be far more sedate.

The two diplomats arrived back at the consulate at 2:52 that afternoon and waited for around twenty minutes to meet with Consul Schaeffer in order to hand over the satchel. Schaeffer asked the men to set it down on the floor and pull it open, laying out its contents one at a time so that he could see how much it contained. After several minutes of unpacking the contents, the men were dismissed by Schaeffer so that he could privately examine the documents while they performed other work as required.




3:18 P.M. Chalcedon local time (CLT)

Office of Frank Carter
Fifth floor, Ministry of Foreign Affairs Building
Chalcedon, Monavia


The diplomatic relationship between the Monavian Empire and Novikov still remained uncomfortably tense and cool to the touch. While Novikovain statements towards Monavia were not outright frigid, the Monavian appeals for an objective investigation and mediation had been all but flatly rejected. Carter found it unusual that the Novikovians were so willing to save face by not explicitly turning down his offers and instead preferred to apathetically ignore them or claim that they were no good. Having observed the promptitude with which the Home Office had answered his letters, Carter expected another reply by the end of the twenty-third. The fact that his latest message was an open statement and not a confidential letter to Premier Kopecky’s office made it all the more provocative. The lack of a reply between the afternoon of the twenty-second and the present, a space of almost two days, began to bother him.

The Premier must be stalling, Carter thought. He realizes that we are going to call his bluff sooner or later and he’ll try to distract us with one train of allegations after another until he has his ships in position to mount an invasion. At that point, he’ll have a complete monopoly on information and nobody will stand a chance. The vibrancy of the luster present in Minister Carter’s hair had diminished little by little over the past two years, but the loss of pigmentation that caused graying had yet to spread beyond a few errant strands. He ran his hands across his face, thinking about what would be the proper way to diffuse the situation before a Novikovain invasion ended up costing thousands of Novikovian lives and tens of thousands of Bielostrovian lives. How can he “liberate” people by killing them? Carter reasoned.

Shortly before three o’clock that afternoon, a courier knocked on the front door of Carter’s residence and handed him a copy of the Alexiandran declaration. Carter opened up the envelope containing an official copy of it and took it to his study, where he sat down at his writing desk and opened it up. The declaration was certainly a surprise to Carter and was perhaps an early gift of sorts, yet when he began reading it clearly turned out to be no gift. The Emperor of Alexiandra had taken up a position that may as well have been prewritten for him by Premier Kopecky himself, for its wording was decidedly anti-Bielostrovian. It had struck Carter with the force of a thunderbolt in a clear sky, and yet Carter was determined to deflect it by any means he had at his disposal. His initial plan of attack consisted of writing a letter of reply to the Alexiandran letter, keeping it private so as not to be accused of besmirching the Novikovian government in a public forum.

Carter mounted a search for Ministry stationery in his house, but after determining that he had none on hand, he drove to the Ministry and arrived at his office at around three-fifteen, after which time he set himself to work. His mouth was soon contorted into a frown after rereading the emperor’s declaration. The man bought Kopecky’s story hook, line, and sinker without questioning it! Is he comatose!? The privacy of his office allowed him to keep fuming as he discarded one draft after another in the process of writing. He had a particularly venomous line in mind that would make references to “the Oceanian Home Puppet of Novikov” but decided that such language would not help anything.

After two hours of this process, he finally produced a coherent explanation of the situation that both documented all of the relevant facts and did not contain any expletives, which he nearly ended up using in one of his drafts.

Image


December 24, 2011

To His Imperial Majesty Lance Wydra, Emperor of Alexiandra, etc.

Your Imperial Majesty:

This afternoon I was presented with a statement from your government which addressed the dispute in which the Kingdom of Bielostrov and the Oceanian Home Country of Novikov have recently become embroiled. This statement, which bears your signature and appears to have been authorized for public release, is the subject of this present piece of correspondence.

Both the Monavian government in general and my office in particular have found reasons to question the allegations which Novikovain Premier Ladislav Kopecky stated in his public address on December 18. My office presently possesses only circumstantial evidence that the accusations he made are to be questioned, but this evidence has thus far been sufficient to cast doubts on the supposed veracity of his claims. Over the six days which have passed since that time, the following series of events have taken place which serve as the basis for my concerns:

The day after Premier Kopecky delivered his initial public address and an ultimatum in conjunction with it, I wrote a letter to him which expressed some of my government’s concerns regarding his statements and some objections to the terms of his ultimatum. I have taken the liberty of enclosing a complete copy of this letter, which bears the date of December 19. The Premier chose to respond to my inquiry on December 21. He began by stating a series of grievances which his government had against the Bielostrovian government, including a number of generations-old grudges and incidents dating back to the early twentieth century, among other things. He also claimed that the Beilostrovian government has harbored terrorists who have attacked Novikov. Following this, he stated additional allegations against Králi Jaromir’s government. I have also enclosed a complete copy of the Premier’s reply so that you may view it for yourself.

Hours after receiving the Premier’s reply, I continued this line of correspondence. Realizing that this dispute might not be resolved as long as tensions continued to build, I offered to provide my government’s mediation so that bloodshed could be avoided. This decision was based on the reasoning that the Monavian government’s neutrality and disinterested relationship meant that it would be an ideal third party to conduct the negotiations. I also requested that the Premier consider extending the grace period on the ultimatum because the seven days that remained would not be sufficient to determine whether or not Králi Jaromir’s reforms were genuine and not some fraud designed to deceive us. In addition, even if proof is found that Králi Jaromir has in fact committed abuses or that he had permitted others to do so, the considerable depth and extent of his reforms, if they do turn out to be genuine, is more than any reasonable person would have asked for.

This last letter was answered by the NovikovianHome Office, which responded with a public statement that blandly reiterated the bellicose rhetoric of Premier Kopecky’s original speech. My office’s challenges to provide testimony and hard evidence of Bielostrovian abuses have been answered with circular reasoning which consisted of simple restatements of the accusations that were accompanied by platitudes and sloganeering. Presently the Novikovian government has been insistent on refusing to so much as offer even minimal consideration to Monavian offers for mediation unless my government’s terms reflect those in the Novikovian ultimatum. In plain language, they are demanding that if my government will not favor their side in the mediations they will not permit it to mediate anything.

In order to formally protest this disregard of courtesy and repeated stonewalling, I wrote and released a public statement addressed to the Home Office’s secretary on December 22. I have enclosed a copy of this statement as well as the letter I wrote on December 21. I explained in the politest possible terms that my government would not be a party to such a grossly unfair and unacceptable use of coercion in place of remaining impartial when hearing either side’s case. The statement issued by my office on December 22 also explained that a Monavian investigatory delegation would be deployed to Bielostrov to facilitate the process of gathering facts so that effective and impartial mediation can be possible. The delegation, which consists of diplomats who have the ability to operate openly and transparently and enjoy the protections accorded to them under customary international law, has arrived in Nob’gorod as of 10:03 NST. Their work will make it possible for both parties to have their voices heard on an equal footing.

My government is further troubled by the refusal of the Novikovian government to allow peacekeepers to protect Bielostrovian civilians from danger and ensure that law and order remain intact during the course of any hostilities that may break out. My superiors have interpreted the Novikovian government’s refusal to allow any third party observers, including non-combatants, to be present in Bielostrov as an indication that their true intentions are not what they have publically stated them to be. In simpler language, there is a legitimate possibility that the Novikovian government is hiding something which it would prefer not to have observed by outside parties.

The Novikovian government has responded to Monavian protestations with apathetic disdain and their refusal to offer evidence that proves their accusations has led me to believe that such evidence is either nonexistent or in short supply. If either of those things is true, then the Novikovian charges are trumped-up and some motive other than liberty and justice is driving them along their present course. While the Monavian government has not yet determined with certainty why the Novikovians remain so zealously bent on proceeding with large-scale military deployments, intelligence reports compiled by my government indicates that their intention to proceed with a general invasion of Bielostrov is genuine.

Whatever the reasons are behind the Novikovian government’s actions, I can only leave you with this testimony on my own part and records of both correspondence and public statements made by the Monavian and Novikovian governments. I trust that you will be able to see the wisdom in proceeding with caution and refusing to impulsively support the Novikovians until their true intentions can be discovered.

Sincerely,

The Right Honorable Frank Carter
Minister of Foreign Affairs

Enclosure.





December 25, 2011
Christmas


Christmas morning dawned with all of its usual charm. Hardly a single road had not been filled with vehicles as tens of millions of commuters made their way towards churches to celebrate the Feast of the Nativity in resplendent buildings festooned with all of the accoutrements that befitted the occasion. The media had managed, albeit with difficulty, to shove the Bielostrovian controversy far enough aside to make room for other subjects and take burdens off of the minds of some citizens who had become concerned about the possibility of Monavian mediation efforts being caught between belligerent factions.

Minister Carter could not completely restrain his mind from wandering after the previous day’s surprises. Emperor of Alexiandra had suddenly placed himself in a position which not only supported the Novikovian government’s position but pledged to support it in any war that broke out—even if it meant war against the Monavian Empire. Carter had reason to be uneasy; his government had not yet made any substantive case for suspending Novkovian blockades. He did, however, have time to enjoy the majestic singing of the choir who had been singing their part of the mass. Every year, the Archbishop of Chalcedon had somebody prepare a new arrangement of the Te Deum to be sung at Christmastime, a tradition started by one of his predecessors in 1973. It was bound to begin at any moment…

Services in Dawn Harbor, Danbridge, and other cities in Theodora Province had already been underway for an hour by the time they started in Chalcedon. Children eagerly leapt up at the mention of gifts, bells rang, fireworks detonated across the skies, naval chaplains smiled as large bore cannons fired off salutes over the sea, and songs could be heard wafting through the air around the streets. Sunlight passing through stained glass windows was refracted into many colors that bathed people in a multitude of colors as bright as their garb. The Orthodox Patriarch delivered his homily. Public buildings and libraries and schools and museums and courthouses and banks enjoyed the blissful serenity of quiet instead of the noisy roar of heavy foot traffic and chattering.

1:43 P.M. MIST

Private residence of Admiral of the Navy Frederick Neufeld
Chalcedon, Monavia


Admiral Neufeld was fond of social gatherings. While the process of preparing his home for the entertaining of guests was not simple, for he made ample preparations and wanted to offer the best hospitality he could as a host, it was certainly more fun for him celebrate Christmas than attend to the formalities that ate up the morning.




OOC:

Refer to previous posts for the enclosed correspondence.
Last edited by The State of Monavia on Sun May 13, 2012 4:59 pm, edited 10 times in total.
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Postby Alexiandra » Sat May 26, 2012 11:29 pm

Lance Wydra
Emperor of Alexiandra
December 25, 2011


The Emperor sat alone in his study, silently meditating on a suitable course of action. As Novikovians and Monavians marshalled their forces for war, Alexiandra was mobilising its own troops in preparation for the defense of an island not many people in the Empire had even heard of before, let alone seen or cared about. While both sides made some strong arguments supporting their individual cases, Lance Wydra could not help but think that all of these nations were rushing headlong into a terrible conflict, one which would shift the political landscape of Nova considerably. While millions of people worldwide celebrated Christmas, he was alone in his office, pondering how best to play this game of thrones. The Novikovians - and, subsequently, Oceania - were a vast power, easily able to wrest Bielostrov from the grasp of Králi Jaromir. The real question was whether or not the United Kingdom would triumph over the nations which had risen to oppose it. The Monavian reply was troubling to the Emperor, in particular the fact that Novikov had refused to allow even peacekeepers from Monavia to be deployed in order to defend civilians from collateral damage. A copy of the Premier's letter lay open on his desk, cast aside in despair ten minutes ago. Then suddenly, the idea came to him. He decided that the best course of action was not to take sides - yet. Alexiandra would issue a public declaration, urging caution and mediation. If this failed, Alexiandra would side with the defender, whoever this proved to be. The combined force of Alexiandra, Monavia and Lamonia could be enough to topple Novikov, or at least delay its advance. On the other hand, the might of Novikov, augmented with the economic and military capabilities of Alexiandra, would roll forwards at an unstoppable pace. Either way, Alexiandra was likely to come out as the true winner. Although the Emperor admitted his personal code of honour dictated he interfere on the side of Monavia, he knew that he must choose the path most beneficial to Alexiandra as a whole. He noted with not inconsiderable agitation that the Bielostrovians has remained conspicuously quiet throughout the whole crisis. Despite a few communiques, their Králi seemed content to prepare his defences while larger powers engaged in a diplomatic duel for the fate of his nation. Wydra rose and stalked over to the window. The moon looked especially luminous tonight, lighting up the room with its silvery glow. The glass was bulletproof, designed for one purpose only - protection of the Emperor. In recent months there had been two poorly orchestrated attempts on his life. On one occasion, the bulletproof glass had saved him from a madman who somehow managed to run screaming onto palace grounds. He was promptly shot and killed by the Emperor's guards. The following morning, his head had been thrown into the ocean and his body hung from a rope atop the cliff, as a stark warning to all other violent separatist groups within the nation. Wydra truly wanted what was best for the nation, but the real challenge was convincing the masses. This latest crisis would only serve his enemies, weakening his position and sewing doubts among the Imperial Senate and its members.

He crossed back to his desk, flicked on a lamp, and pulled up his favourite armchair. Lance Wydra still preferred to write his communiques by hand, believing that important acts should be fulfilled by a man's own hand. Thus, he grabbed his pen and a sheet of paper from his bedside drawers, and laid it out on the desk in front of him. What he wrote here could cause millions of deaths, or save millions of lives - it was a fifty-fifty chance. Unfortunately, Wydra was happy with those odds. He began to write.




Alexiandran Imperial Statement
325 Hallow Street
Lockbourne
AD7 2AX
0223 809 703

Alexiandran Communique

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Official Imperial Statement



To: The Right and Honourable Frank Carter, Monavian Minister of Foreign Affairs
From: Lance Wydra, Emperor of Alexiandra and its Territories


It is good to see that the Monavian government retains some sense of sanity during this crisis. I fear that this debacle will soon deteriorate into total war, engulfing the innocent people of Nova with its destructive influence. I admire your nation, sir, for upholding the principles of democracy and rule-by-consent, two ideals which are held dear in our own nation. It is a sad day when the powers of Nova come to blows over a small Slavic island, a sad day when the warriors of our respective states must embark on a war campaign so soon after Christmas, which is in itself a festival of love and forgiveness. More than anything, I fear that all warnings of caution will go unheeded, and the children of Nova will be massacred for the sake of their leaders. However, those who live to see troubled times cannot simply ignore them. Doing so would not erase the problem, only conceal it and allow it to fester. Therefore, it is my firm belief that all nations involved should exercise the utmost caution in resolving this conflict. I urge peace and reconciliation, not war. Having consulted thoroughly with the Imperial Senate, I have decided that Alexiandra will seek to maintain international law and peace by siding with the defending party in the eventuality that war erupts. We do not care which side this might be, only that the aggressive nation(s) is prevented from undertaking seriously harmful offensive action against fellow countries. I would like to personally implore you to support my call for calm, despite the warmongering antics of several nations, which I will leave unnamed. I realise, however, that this call for harmony may not be heeded by some nations. Those nations could pose a serious threat to Nova at large, and so I hereby proclaim that any nation initiating hostile contact with another Novan nation during this conflict will be wholeheartedly opposed by the Alexiandran government and all of the assets available to it. We ask that you join us in this endeavour, avoiding a needless loss of life on Nova's behalf.

Godspeed and good luck,



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Lance Wydra, Emperor of Alexiandra.
'A distinction is made in private life between what a man thinks and says of himself and what he really is and does. In historical struggles one must make a still sharper distinction between the phrases and fantasies of the parties and their real organisation and real interests, between their conception of themselves and what they really are.'


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