NationStates

The Pacifican Bear Swims

The year is 2024, and decades have passed since the old Union's collapse and the successor states' rise. Canada dominates the continent, but here in Pacifica, we dominate the seas and the ocean.

Ever since the establishment of an independent Pacifica, our community has learned from our mistakes. With many European émigrées fleeing French imperialism in the Old World, they have found a new home in the lovely coasts and vineyards of California, or the deep green forests of Oregon and Washington, some even in the Pacific regions. These European immigrants brought with them the complementary factor that Pacifica so desperately needed: a firm commitment to Social Democracy. The European Social Democracy complemented Pacifica's centre-left policies. Soon, major goals such as universal healthcare, affordable higher education, a well-developed public transport system, an efficient digital state (special thanks to many Estonian immigrants), and a reined-in and well-regulated private sector were all achieved. Thanks to these major developments, and local autonomy and federal oversight working hand-in-hand, the Pacifican society stands as a vibrant, diverse and highly educated population in the Anglosphere.

High-speed train lines link major urban centres such as Los Angeles, San Francisco, Sacramento, Portland and Seattle. Buses and metros not only EXIST but are widespread. The old state lines between California, Oregon and Washington have all but vanished, replaced by communities of communes in joint development and cooperation regions. Democracy at both the local and federal level has been entrenched, especially after the dissolution of the Electoral College and the outlawing of gerrymandering. Pacifica now stands as a beacon of stability and reasonable long-term policy, but most of all, as an Empire of Social Mobility and Progress. It is the centre of the New American Dream, where all are accepted and given a fair chance to rise and contribute to society, no matter their background or identity. It is a society that has a mindful stewardship of its composition and future.

Problems remain, of course. The private sector, particularly the Silicon Valley, still maintains a considerable influence over the federal institutions, particularly the Pacifican Congress. The island territories in the Pacific, except for Hawaii, still lack representation in Congress and are eagerly awaiting the status of "constituent commune" to be given to them, which grants the population representation in the Congress and extends the full implementation of the Pacifican Constitution to these territories. A comprehensive arrangement in the Pacific still awaits to be finalized with Canada and the South Sea Federation, and nobody knows how other actors will react to these developments.

The biggest threat to Pacifican stability is Deseret, however. As a state that is the anathema of all Pacifica holds dear and reciprocates the feeling in kind, Deseret is the biggest source of religious and political refugees in Pacifica. The rehabilitation of these refugees is a major and continued expense on the Federal government, one that keeps growing year by year, challenging the firm welcoming beliefs of Pacifica. Not only that, but there are legitimate concerns of the Church of the Latter Day Saints, their missionaries and possibly intelligence operatives located in Pacifica, particularly in the border territories. The relationship between Pacifica and Deseret can be described as professional at best, and paranoid at worst. Until Deseret stops being the sort of place it is, and until Pacifican protestors no longer agitate for secularism and LGBTQ+ rights on the border, the relationship of these two countries will remain tenuous.

Nevertheless, the future is bright for Pacifica. Fear the Bear, for the Bear has nothing to fear.

A new face on the throne, the young Kaiser, Wilhelm Adrian will succeed his father on the anniversary of the first compromise of 1867, only time will tell if the young prince at age 29 can stand up to the legacy the late Franz Bachner leaves behind. As he was a titan who led the nation through the American collapse crisis, the student riots of the 1990s, and the year of crimson.

New nuclear program?

The imperial government has announced an increased production of Uranium 238 for reactors to continue the green transition, as well as the creation of a series of experimental thorium reactors. Critics argue this is overly expensive and a flawed approach to the pledge to decarbonize. But engineers are optimistic, yet the Imperial high command is silent on its reasons for being involved. Worries of a secret development of atomic weapons have stirred among some analysts, though Vienna has refused to confirm or deny the creation of any such arms are in the works


The centurion takes flight.

Following a 16 year long development cycle, the AB25 was officially unveiled to the public this morning, the new strike fighter mirrors the F22 raptor in capabilities, though it is not stealth it is on the cutting edge of aerodynamics and weapons technology. The department of the imperial airforce has confirmed the 25 will be slowly replacing the older AB16s over the next several years, at a large cost to the treasury as part of the wider modernization program laid out by the Kaiser and his late father

The Imperial Renaissance:The Rise of the Third French Empire

---

Since 2013, France has been rocked by one of the greatest social and political upheavals in its modern history. This uprising, known as the "Great Ravage," initially erupted in rural and industrial areas affected by the economic crisis, rising unemployment, job insecurity, and growing distrust of traditional political elites. The revolt quickly spread to major cities, plunging Paris, Lyon, Marseille, and Bordeaux into a climate of urban civil war.

From 2013 to 2017, France descended into chaos, influenced by various revolutionary groups with diverse ideologies but united by a common goal: to overthrow the republican order. After years of fighting, political purges, and clashes with the army loyal to the ruling government, the revolutionaries finally gained the upper hand. In June 2017, the republican regime collapsed, and a new man emerged from the turmoil: Hector Ervique, a charismatic former officer and feared strategist, then 34 years old.

Crowned Emperor Hector I by a revolutionary assembly transformed into the Council of the Empire, he proclaimed the birth of the Third Empire, affirming his desire to restore the grandeur of France's past while modernizing its military and industrial structures. Upon his accession to power, Hector I undertook profound reforms of French society: increased militarization of the youth, nationalization of key sectors, surveillance of the press, and a cult of the head of state.

On January 1, 2018, Hector I officially announced France's withdrawal from the European Union, which he described as "a Brussels straitjacket stifling national sovereignty." This departure was accompanied by an increasingly aggressive foreign policy.

On May 24, 2019, the French Imperial Army launched a surprise invasion of Luxembourg, a small, strategically located border state. Within a week, the Grand Duchy was occupied and annexed.

Further fueled by this initial conquest, imperial ambitions only grew. The Third Empire declared war on Belgium a few months later. Bloody battles took place in Liège, Namur, Antwerp, and even in the Ardennes forests, where imperial forces used blitzkrieg tactics combined with massive cyberattacks against Belgian infrastructure. Belgium surrendered on March 18, 2020, after fierce resistance.

The Empire, now master of part of the Benelux, had no intention of stopping there. In 2022, Hector I turned his attention to the Netherlands, a maritime, commercial, and heavily defended power. The campaign was long and costly: the Dutch put up a fierce defense, particularly around Rotterdam and The Hague. However, the imperial army advanced slowly across the North Sea and eventually surrounded Amsterdam, which fell on November 26, 2024. The country's official surrender took place a few weeks later, marking another victory for the resurgent empire.

At the dawn of 2025, Emperor Hector I seemed more determined than ever to continue the expansion of his empire. Many targets were possible: Germany, Algeria, Switzerland, or the reconquest of Corsica from Italy. But he remained wary of countries that might hinder his conquests: the Polish Confederation, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Italy, and many others. He would then need allies.

---

2024: A Political Retrospective
Arturo Pangilinan - 6th of January, 2025

MANILA, MAHARLIKA — 2024 marked a political turning point in Maharlika, as for the first time in over 30 years, the presidency slipped from the grip of the Partido Liberal. The long-dominant party, whose influence had shaped modern Maharlika, suffered a historic loss to the populist Partido ng Sambayanang Maharlika (PSM).

For decades, President Julio Martinez stood as a central figure in Maharlika's political landscape, serving five terms and becoming synonymous with national stability. Under his leadership, the Partido Liberal pursued aggressive centralization policies aimed at curbing regionalism, dismantling entrenched political dynasties, and pushing for widespread industrialization, especially in rural provinces. His administration was praised for modernizing infrastructure and boosting urban GDP, particularly in Southern Luzon and Metro Manila. However, outside the capital and its surrounding regions, Martinez's government was viewed with increasing suspicion, often seen as meddling and elitist, undermining local customs, governance, and agrarian lifestyles.

His sudden death in 2021 threw the Liberal Party into chaos. Power was passed to Vice President Dino V. Chua, a political moderate with little grassroots support. Dino’s tenure was marred by indecision and compromise. As industries replaced farmlands in rural regions, countless uneducated farmers found themselves jobless, unable to afford or complete the expensive retraining programs required for industrial work. In their place, a wave of educated Manileños swept in to take the new positions, stoking tensions and accusations of urban encroachment and cultural erasure.

Riots broke out in provinces like Pangasinan, Cebu, and Zamboanga, some local governments even threatened secession unless economic and political control were returned to local hands. Instead of asserting authority, President Chua opted for concessions and half-measures, further damaging the Partido Liberal’s credibility.

It was in this volatile environment that the Partido ng Sambayanang Maharlika surged to power. Branding themselves as the true voice of the countryside, the PSM promised to restore dignity to the provinces. Their platform centered around empowering local leaders, preserving regional cultures and languages, and defending conservative, agrarian lifestyles. Fiercely populist, they pushed back against centralization and foreign influence, accusing the Liberal government of turning Maharlika into a playground for capitalists and technocrats.

The 2024 election wasn’t just a referendum on economic policy, it was a cultural reckoning. Rural voters, long marginalized and mocked as “backward” by urban elites, found their champion in PSM. Their rallying cry, “Buhay Probinsya, Buhay Maharlika” (Provincial Life, Maharlikan Life), resonated deeply in regions that had long felt voiceless under Manila’s shadow.

The 2024 Elections



In a stunning political upset, Senator Jose Gregorio Ibarra of the Partido ng Sambayanang Maharlika (PSM) has won the 2024 Maharlikan presidential elections, defeating the ruling Partido Liberal for the first time in three decades. Ibarra claimed victory with 53.21% of the national vote (38,936,781 votes), outpacing incumbent President Dino V. Chua, who garnered 35.12% (25,643,343 votes). Trailing far behind was Governor Joan Sarita Natividad, representing Bisayang Bayan, who received 5.08% (3,711,035 votes), despite her regional popularity and moderate leanings.

Ibarra’s rise reflects growing dissatisfaction with Manila-centric policies and perceived Liberal elitism. A long-time senator and vocal critic of the Liberal-dominated political order, Ibarra campaigned on a platform of regional empowerment, economic decentralization, and cultural preservation.

His rhetoric, unapologetically populist and often critical of “imperial Manila”, resonated across Visayas and rural Mindanao, where communities felt marginalized by decades of centralized governance.



In a stunningly narrow and hotly contested vote, Ysabella Ferrer of the Partido Liberal has been elected Vice President of Maharlika with 41.21% of the vote (29,968,674 votes), narrowly defeating Pablo Luna of the rising Partido ng Sambayanang Maharlika (PSM), who secured 39.82% (28,504,020 votes). Emilio Katindig, representing Repormang Pangmasa, took 15.30% (10,968,924 votes), drawing significant support from Zamboanga and moderate regions of Mindanao.

Known for her work in the Senate on welfare, education, and healthcare, Ferrer has long been viewed as the compassionate face of the Partido Liberal, a sharp contrast to the more technocratic or centralist elements of the party under Martinez and Chua.

Ferrer’s reputation as a non-combative, service-oriented lawmaker likely helped her edge out Luna, particularly in urban centers and among women and youth voters. But with her victory comes an unexpected burden: she is now the most powerful Liberal in the nation, and is expected to lead the rebuilding of the party after its first major defeat in 30 years.

Pablo Luna, grandson of the famed revolutionary General Antonio Luna, ran on a fiery and militaristic platform, branding himself a defender of regional rights and "true national strength." A decorated lieutenant general of the Maharlikan Marines, Luna embodied the PSM’s more radical faction, one that favors discipline, sovereignty, and a strong federal military response to internal unrest.

The closeness of the race has left Luna bitter. While the Electoral Commission confirmed Ferrer’s win, Luna has demanded a full recount, claiming irregularities in several Luzon provinces. He has not yet conceded.



Riding high from President Jose Gregorio Ibarra’s landslide win, the PSM made major inroads into the Senate, winning 9 seats outright (Bright Red) and picking up the backing of at least one more independent with regional PSM ties (Dark Red).

While this marks a historic high for the party, it still leaves them short of a working majority, forcing Ibarra to negotiate with local power blocs and populist independents to pass key legislation. Several of the PSM-aligned senators are more radical and militarist, advocating federalist reforms, stronger national defense, and expanded support for local industries and farming.

Partido Liberal, despite its worst performance in recent history, still holds 7 seats (Light Blue) and commands influence through three more Liberal-aligned independents (Dark Blue), mostly veteran politicians from Luzon and urban centers who maintained their seats under the PL's broader coalition.

The PL's senate bloc, now led by seasoned centrist Margarita Domingo, is expected to pivot toward checks and balances, aiming to hold off radical reforms and reestablish institutional credibility. Ferrer’s vice presidency gives them a moral foothold in national politics, even as the party regroups in opposition.

Four seats are held by locally aligned or ideologically flexible independents (Yellow), many representing ethnic, rural, or provincial movements. These include Mindanaoan agrarian voices, Visayan nationalists, and even a senator from the Cordilleras advocating for indigenous autonomy.

These senators may swing votes either way depending on concessions to their regions, giving them outsized influence over national legislation.

Analysts believe that Katindig's Repormang Pangmasa movement, though unsuccessful in the presidential race, may find traction here through behind-the-scenes coordination.



With a combined 183 seats under its banner or informal coalition, the PSM now enjoys an unassailable majority in the House. This will allow President Ibarra to fast-track legislation aligned with his platform of regional empowerment, federalist transition, agrarian reform, and military strengthening, all without needing to negotiate with Partido Liberal leadership.

The PSM’s rural and provincial base came out in force, with victories in the Visayas, Mindanao, and Northern Luzon far outpacing expectations. In many districts, Liberal incumbents were swept aside by younger, more militant or populist candidates pledging to “bring power back to the provinces.”

The Partido Liberal retained its dominance in urbanized Southern Luzon, Metro Manila, and parts of Central Visayas, keeping 73 seats and commanding an additional 11 through coalitions or independents. This gives them a strong minority bloc of 84, but far short of the power needed to block PSM legislation without third-party support.

There are growing internal calls for the PL to undergo a full restructuring after back-to-back electoral defeats in the executive, senate, and now the lower chamber.

33 seats remain in the hands of independents, localist parties, and regional blocs with unclear loyalties. Some represent ethnic minorities, economic protest movements, or traditional political clans. While a few are expected to align with PSM or PL for political capital, others may remain true wildcards, extracting concessions for infrastructure, autonomy, or economic perks.

---

The 2024 General Elections will be remembered as the most seismic political upheaval in the republic’s modern history. With the Partido Liberal’s 30-year hold on the presidency broken, and the upstart Partido ng Sambayanang Maharlika (PSM) now in firm control of the executive and the lower house, Maharlika stands at a crossroads, between regionalist populism, uncertain governance, and looming fragmentation.

Since the 1990s, the Partido Liberal has shaped Maharlika’s identity: centralized governance, technocratic policies, and an unyielding focus on urban-industrial development. Under Julio Martinez, the country enjoyed economic growth and state consolidation, but often at the expense of rural livelihoods and regional autonomy.

The cracks began to show after Martinez’s sudden death in 2021, and under President Dino V. Chua’s uninspiring and crisis-prone leadership, those cracks turned to fissures. Riots, rural disenfranchisement, and Mindanao's restlessness all escalated, eroding public trust.

Whether PSM can actually govern effectively, or simply ride its momentum into paralysis, remains the defining question of this new era. Its leaders are charismatic and well-supported, but their lack of technocratic experience, inflammatory rhetoric, and militarized approach could just as easily backfire.

New Fears of a cold war

Following the rapid rise of the French empire, the imperial government in Vienna has condemned Paris for its aggression and as of now refuses to recognize the annexation of the low countries, with Vienna hosting several governments in exile. These moves combined with the readying of the Imperial navy worry some in government. Particularly the conservative party as they fear this will only increase tensions. On the other hand, the liberal coalition calls for sanctions and a guarantee to be extended to Germany and Italy to prevent further aggression, it is unclear how the new Kaiser will go forward

New launch complex opens up

On Saturday the crown Princess was in Cuba for the ribbon cutting ceremony of the Von Klaitz aerodrome, completed after several years of construction. This new facility will allow for the civilian AIRA to launch rockets without having to worry about the ongoing problems in the successor nations of the former United States, well also bringing money to Cuba with the large workforce living and working on its grounds. The first launch is scheduled for nine weeks from today

Ghosts of the past: the great wars toxic legacy

Earlier this month, a farmer was tragically killed in the state of Bosnia, as his plow struck a chemical munition from the first world war, this tragedy has reignited calls for further cleanup operations along the former battlefields of the region, particularly those in poorer regions of the Imperial States, as experts believe there are still more than eight million pieces of unexploded ordinance in the ground, however there is significant political backlash due to the cost of setting up such a program