News Thread [Kylaris|Canon|IC]

by **Lunas Legion** » Fri Oct 07, 2022 12:16 pm

Thomas Satelburg - 7 October 2022

Interview with a Warlord
A Brief Look from the Other Side of the War in Yemet

The 'Biker Warlord' and former Mayor of Naijabe, Etaara Kakyebezi,
with his bodyguards.

Naijabe, Yemet -

All conflicts have two sides at least. It is the nature of conflict. Often, media coverage will come to favour one of the two sides, painting it as a battle of 'good vs evil'. Media will simplify the conflict, to make it easier to explain. In the case of Yemet, that conflict has, to a degree, been boiled down to various narratives and forms. 'Irfanics vs Sotirians' is one. This does not explain the coup against President Retta Iskinder, or the contined stubborn resistance of Issa Kahsu, Ater Deng and Aba Tekle. 'Autocrats vs Democrats' is another. This does not explain self-declared President Ubaxle Asad's apparent willingness to negotiate with rebel groups and offer terms, or those rebel groups willingness to at least hear out Asad's terms. 'Secessionists vs Anti-Secessionists' is a third. This answers nothing, as this extends back to the very founding of Yemet. 'Civilian vs Military' is a fourth. This fails to account for the blurring of what is 'civilian' and 'military' rule in Yemet. Is a warlord a military ruler, because he is sustained by force of arms alone, rather than any institutions or democratic vote? Or is he a civilian, since he can only obtain this force of arms through support from armed civilians expressing their voices in a way none can ignore, in a country where voting is so often rigged?

Etaara Kakyebezi, by all these metrics, fails to line up neatly. He is ethnically Banyankore, one of several ethnic groups that live in Naijabe and the surrounding countryside. He was democratically elected as Mayor of Naijabe in 2019. Prior to this, he was Member of the Yemeti People's Congress for Naijabe Coastal from 2013 to 2019, when he resigned to stand for the Mayorship, according to him 'out of a desire to do more for his people by being closer to them rather than in distant Girota offering ineffective opposition to an autocratic president'. Naijabe has been bombed by Zorasan, with five men, three women and two children being killed when their houses were struck, but due to focus elsewhere, Zorasani strikes have been very rare.

We meet outside, under a tent put up to shield us from the sun. Etaara is short, stocky, dressed casually. He looks like any one of hundreds of people in Yemet I have seen over the decades working for the Community of Nations and NGOs in the country. He smiles, we shake hands, we sit opposite each other at a plastic table, and we begin. I am only here because I know several people in his inner circle, connections and trust built with tribal elders and community leaders over decades.

Much of the Yemeti conflict has been from the Irfanic point of view. From the view of Zorasan and its intervention, from the Yemeti government of President Iskinder. The opposition has, largely, lacked the ability to gets its voice out and heard, even by those that might be considered allies. This was intended to give a voice to the other side.

My first question is about the motorbikes. Why motorbikes? He laughs. 'Of course it is about the bikes,' he says. 'The motorbike is a weapon. Eucleans forget this with their tanks and their armoured vehicles they ride around in in warzones. Motorbikes are versatile. Easy to repair. You do not have ten men having to walk to the battlefield because the vehicle is broken, you have nine men instead of ten on bikes. They are faster, can handle Yemet's roads and tracks better.'

With my curiousity sated, I ask him about Asad. Many Eucleans, I say, are puzzled by why a group espousing democracy would enter negotiations with him, an avowed military autocrat, instead of the constitutional government of President Issa Kahsu.

He laughs again in response, louder. "Democracy in Bahia is different from democracy in Euclea." He explains. "In Bahia, the people at the top are there to enrich themselves, their friends, family, tribe. Not help anyone but themselves. It makes no difference if they are elected or dictator. If elected, they fake votes. Rig elections. Play up existing strife. Retta Iskinder's tactics. Democracy does not work across two hundred peoples where there is no common ground. We have democracy at lower-levels. Mayors. Governors. People in touch with local communities, local needs. Not in far-off Girota enriching themselves. Democracy at local level works. There is trust. There is no trust in Girota."

I ask him why, in that case, do they not attempt to secede?

Etaara's face turns grim. 'Look how that has turned out for Kulo. For ARPF. For ANSA. Eucleans drew lines on the map ignoring realities on the ground, but if one of them succeeds, everyone else starts asking, why not us? And for us, those lines are what the IPLF (Ibabochian Popular Liberation Front) claims as theirs. Land that is not inhabited by their people, their tribes and clans, but they consider it theirs because it is labelled 'Ibabochia' on a map and there are a few villages of their people there. Asad is willing to help against the IPLF. The Yemeti govt is the IPLF's enemy. We are their enemy. What is that Euclean saying, the enemy of my enemy is my friend? And we have always dealt with Irfanic autocrats in Girota. Asad is nothing new under the sun, he just wears a uniform instead of a suit." He smiles thinly. "We know how to deal with them, and they know that. Zorasan might've butchered a corridor to Lehir, but it is one thing to take territory, another to hold it for any length of time. They ran at Modola. They change nothing. We can get what we want, autonomy and local democracy, without independence. And I would rather deal with the distant devil in Girota than face the one close to home in the IPLF alone."

I ask him whether he believes peace in Yemet is possible.

He nods. "Yes." He says optimistically. "Eventually, in the distant future. Not within my lifetime. I do not trust Asad or his self-declared government to last long enough to achieve peace. I do not trust the Irfanics to let any peace hold for long while they can gain from breaking it. But I must hope there will be peace, eventually, in Yemet. Or there will not be much of Yemet left."

I turn a page in my notebook to ask another question, but a man in plain clothes runs in and says something in Ankore to Etaara. He calls the interview short there, citing an urgent situation elsewhere, but does not elaborate. I nod gratefully, and my interview with a Bahian warlord is over.

by **Union of Akoren** » Fri Oct 07, 2022 3:18 pm

Opinion: Zorasan wades into the Yoloten Crisis
As Zorasan involves itself in Yoloten it is important to understand what drives it.
2022-10-07 02:20:30Z

The recent visit by Hacyinia’s Makbule Arda Khan to Sattarishahr was both an indication of the country’s worries and the rapidly growing allure of Zorasan as a partner for Coius’ authoritarian regime. But Zorasan’s entry into the Yoloten Crisis isn’t merely opportunism, its rooted in a long held policy toward Hacyinia. The small landlocked country enjoys a certain place among Zorasani policy makers as both a buffer and a place of economic interest.

The Hacyinian monarch will have left Sattarishahr in a much better mood than he seemingly would have arrived in, securing not only billions of Euclos worth of military equipment, but also Zorasani military advisers, trainers and expedited military exercises. He will have no doubt been comforted by the words of State President Rahim Ali Haftar, who chillingly warned “our position is clear, the Union will not tolerate any change to the status quo regarding the Yoloten. Any external effort to alter borders will be receive serious countermeasures.” Though Zorasan also benefited from the visit, gaining the Khan’s signature on deals over dams and hydroelectric investments - it is these that underpin much of what will be discussed below.

To the outside observer, the Zorasani entry into the Yoloten Crisis could easily be perceived as the country using civil conflict and tensions to again secure influence and geopolitical clout. It’s support for Tsabaran rebels and its brutal intervention in Yemet’s civil war has completely altered the balance of power in northern Coius and the Bahian subcontinent. It’s achieved this with relatively low costs, with considerable restraints placed upon how far it goes and how much military power it deploys to Yemet, its avoided mission creep, but at considerable cost to the Yemeti people. But it’s entry into the Yoloten Crisis isn’t opportunism but rather a natural consequence to the place Hacyinia holds along Zorasani policy makers.

The small landlocked country of 28 million has long maintained warm ties to Zorasan, dating all the way back to 1946, when Zorasan emerged out of the ashes of Etruria’s colonial empire. Bordering southern Pardaran, Hacyinia’s monarchy was one of the first to recognise the Sattarist ‘Pardarian Revolutionary Resistance Command’ as the legitimate government of Pardaran, rather than the Shah and his absolute monarchy. This would spare Hacyinia from the PRRC’s rabid republicanism and secure the country as a good neighbour in Zorasan. Throughout Zorasan’s bloodthirsty reunification, Hacyinia remained a loyal friend even as the Sattarists obliterated royal families and tribalism both among Rahelians and on the Great Steppe. Hacyinia also remained a loyal friend when the Sattarists deported in their millions, peoples and communities from the great steppe, many of whom shared cultural and linguistic similarities to Hacyinians. Much like with Shangea, Hacyinia found itself with a neighbour who came to cultural and socially appreciate the loyalty, which has always consolidated within policy making. But with the Second Rahelian War and the border war with Dezevau in the late 1970s, Zorasan’s view of Hacyinia evolved beyond the “good eternal friend” and took on a more cold geopolitical hue. As Zorasan underwent “Irfanisation” and abandoned its “brand of socialism”, it came to view Hacyinia of a necessary buffer state between it and the socialists in Lavana and to a lesser extent Dezevau. Sattarishahr also came to view a strong Hacyinia as a counter to Lavana, Dezevau’s closest regional ally and with Dezevau long viewed as the latent arch foe, having Hacyinia on side to block Lavana was most beneficial. This has only been compounded by the forty years of propaganda depicting Badists and Socialists as one in the same - disruptive alien concepts out to destabilise the Union, strip it of its relationship with God and subordinate it to Dezevau. The Yoloten Crisis of 1992 spooked Sattarishahr, for fear that it heralded the seizure of Hacyinia by socialists, ostensibly dominating the eastern frontiers of Zorasan and granting socialism equal strength on Lake Zindarud, long viewed as a soft underbelly by Zorasan’s military. Fear of a socialist takeover and fear of encroachment by the Brown Sea Community underscores the geopolitical position Hacyinia holds within Zorasani government.

Secondly, Zorasani involvement in Yoloten is also rooted in its visceral opposition to separatism, especially ethnic. This is naturally rooted in the permanent fear of its own ethnic minorities seeking to break away. The country is no stranger to ethno-separatism, having faced low level insurgencies among its Chanwanese, Kexri and Rahelian populations. Fears that success elsewhere in Coius could inspire copycat efforts at home feeds into its intervention in Yemet also. Ironically and of course hypocritically, this contradicts the entire policy Zorasan operates in Tsabara, where it backs Rahelian separatists against Adunis - though the fear of a pro-EC vibrant democracy on the Aurean Straits and on its northern border overrode its long phobia of separatism of any shape or form. But when it’s a friendly government, Zorasan seems very capable of returning to form on the separatist issue.

Thirdly, interest in Hacyinia takes an economic form, especially when it comes to the country’s water. Despite being one of the most forested nations on earth, vast swathes of Zorasan, especially in summer, suffer from water shortages. This is both down to misuse and it’s direction to industry and agriculture, while it’s decimation of rainforests across Pardaran have destabilised its water sources. In 2020 for example, over 20 million Zorasanis were subject to water rationing as an unseasonably hot summer evaporated much of its useable water, what remained naturally went to industry. Hacyinia boasts considerable water sources, many of which feed into rivers running south and east, ironically into Lavana and onto the Brown Sea. Zorasan has long eyed the mountain and steppe rivers of western and northern Hacyinia is possible solutions to its shortages. The maintaining close ties and protecting a pliant regime in Dabulug is key to possibly exploiting those water sources, tellingly the Khan’s visit to Sattarishahr included deals on damming certain rivers that will surely be diverted or at least placed into reservoirs for export to Zorasan. It should be noted that the damming of rivers in Hacyinia would likely result in serious issues downriver in Lavana, but the needs of Zorasan would only make this situation worse. Zorasani interest also goes beyond water, it reaches into Hacyinia’s natural resources, which Zorasan would require to further fuel its diversification away from oil dependence and to build the industries it needs to sustain job creation, this is a persistent issue especially as much of Coius’ mineral riches find themselves as battlegrounds between Shangean and Senrian corporate giants. Zorasan, Coius’ third largest economy often falls short in the minerals game, its intervention in Yemet and now Yoloten may well prove to be its reliable strategy for queue jumping or outflanking Senria and Shangea.

Finally the wading into the Yoloten Crisis can be accredited to a sense of triumphalism gripping Sattarishahr. Ever since the new leadership generation took power in November last year, under State President Rahim Ali Haftar, the Zorasani military has never enjoyed such undiluted power over the National Renovation Front, government institutions and levers of power. The brutal success in Yemet (in leaving in place a sustainable rump of a regime) coupled with the considerable growth in influence in Bahia and Rahelia, and the steady degradation of the Tsabaran government through its support of the separatist rebels has led to a sense that Zorasan is rapidly rising as a regional superpower. The unrestrained and unbridled militarism of the Zorasani state places further premium on hard power, which in many ways exceeds virtually all of its neighbours with the exception of Shangea. There is a risk of course of hubris, there appears to be a belief that Lavana even with Dezevuni backing would not risk crossing a Zorasani red line over Yoloten. The question comes, what will Zorasan do if Lavana takes a risk? Can Sattarishahr itself risk its image of a rising power burst and if not, what will it risk to protect it?

In conclusion, the Zorasani foray into the Yoloten situation is not opportunism but driven by established policy on Hacyinia, its a policy that will test Zorasan’s commitment, but also very much add fuel to the tinderbox that is Yoloten. It also places pressure on Lavana and it’s socialist proxies in the region, do they risk testing Zorasan?

by **Hacyinia** » Sat Oct 08, 2022 2:23 pm

Yoloten Conflict | Hacyinia launches missiles, strong words.
Hacyinian military builds up along the border of the Yoloten amidst heightened tension.
2022-10-0816:42:37Z

Hacyinian Army forces moving towards the Yoloten border

Early this morning, the Royal Hacyinian Army launched nearly two dozen SCUD missiles at positions held by the (PAMFY). The missiles hit several strategic and military targets, namely entrenched positions that have been long held by PAMFY forces as well as weapon and vehicle depots. From reports, it is believed that roughly 180 PAMFY fighters were killed or wounded during the bombardment.

Concurrently, militia fighters belonging to Pro-Hacyinian factions are known to have engaged in several raids against PAMFY positions in the immediate aftermath of the attacks. Limited confirmed information is available at this time, however, analysts such Leo Gerald of Le Monde have suggested that it is indicative of an increased coordination between said militias and the Royal Hacyinian Army.

These attacks followed the Lavanan military beginning to regularly conduct airstrikes within the Yoloten in the support of PAMFY fighters. For the past several days, the airstrikes have supported an PAMFY offensive conducted against the various Pro-Hacyinian (also known as “Loyalist”) militias. Hacyinia, until today, had not issued a formal response to the airstrikes.

Following the missile attacks, the Royal Hacyinian Army issued a brief press release to Hacyinian state media that they had mobilized more troops to the Yoloten border. Hacyinian state media showed footage of mechanized troops advancing to forward positions near the Yoloten border. The Royal Hacyinian Army did not disclose how many troops had been ordered to the border; experts suspect at least several brigades if not more. In addition, the Royal Hacyinian Air Force also released a quiet brief that several squadrons of jets have been moved to forward air bases.

In addition Hacyinia issued a formal response in the early afternoon to Lavana’s Primer Keomany formal request to see the Hacyinian ambassador. Hacyinia in the response stated that they “wished for a peaceful end to the heightened tensions our region is experiencing”, and said that they “hoped that the Premier wishes for the same.” Hacyinia also lambasted Lavana’s recent airstrikes in the Yoloten, stating that “we cannot meet or negotiate with someone who, at this time, is disrespecting our territorial sovereignty. Lavanan aircraft is crossing over Hacyinian borders in support of terrorists, rebels and insurgents.”

The formal Hacyinian response continued, “We ask that Lavana cease launching airstrikes or supporting the activities of the illegal organization known as the Provisional Administrative and Military Front of the Yoloten prior to any formal meeting held between our two governments, as a token of good faith and an indication that Lavana is ready to begin a new chapter in our two countries relationship. We remind the Premier that, currently, her actions stand contrary to current international laws regarding territory and sovereignty. We hope that we will be able to meet soon.”

At the end of the formal response, Hacyinia also noted that “Hacyinia also enforces the right to maintain its territorial sovereignty, including it’s airspace. The Yoloten is firmly within Hacyinian borders, and military aircraft entering the Yoloten without the express permission of the Hacyinian government or armed forces are liable to any consequences of those actions.”

Hacyinia filled the day with strong and proactivate statements, both with words and actions. Fresh off of the heels of Zorasan publicly announcing a wide variety of new weapon shipments and issuing their own series of commendations towards Lavana, Hacyinia is likely feeling emboldened to respond in such a way. Time will tell how it affects the Yoloten conflict.

© Coian Monitor 2022

- Opinion: Zorasan wades into the Yoloten Crisis
- Rwizikruan Government tabling Martial Law bill
- Talking Bikes, Voting with a Yemeti Warlord

My Last.fm · by **West Kirkon** » Sat Oct 08, 2022 4:57 pm

The miscalculation of Lavanan Foreign Policy.
Severe miscalculations in Lavanan foreign policy drive Lavana and Hacyinia on a crash course.

Leo Gerald
October 8th, 2022|Verlois, Gaullica

Premier Laina Keomany and members of the Cabinet attending the funeral of victims of last week's blast.

Verlois, Gaullica - Lavana’s foreign policy has been referred to as misguided and outdated in recent days following what many experts have called rash and miscalculated moves by the Lavanan government. Following a deadly blast on the 1st October in central Pers that left 26 dead. The blast on the nation's capital on its celebration of the 1st Constitution Day, a new holiday enacted by Lavana to celebrate the brand new constitution that it adopted on the 1st of October. The blast triggered an explosion in violence in the unrecognized People's Republic of the Yoloten, an unrecognized breakaway state located in the northeastern corner of Hacynia bordering Lavana. Laina Keomany has sought to increase and maintain the pressure on Hacynia to maintain peace in the region as per a 2004 agreement that allowed Lavanan troops to leave the Yoloten. However, Keomany's intentions have resulted in Zorasani involvement in the region. Now the Premier who wrestled control of the state back in March in a violent coup, now contends with a foreign policy that has backfired and forced her against a corner.

As news of casualties and shelling arrived to the Lavanan public, Laina Keomany had two options. The Lavanan nation had been watching her speech when a loud bang interrupted it, and security guards ended it when she was dragged off the stage, before the television feed cut off. Lavanan and International observers wondered whether another coup was underway in Lavana. Lavanans had expected a long 4 day weekend as they celebrated the nation's independence the Monday after. Instead, within less than 24 hours, Lavanan troops patrolled the streets of all major cities, all entry and exit ways of Pers were closed off, the entire Armed Forces moved westward to the Hacyinian border, and the sky was filled with Lavanan aircraft. Keomany initially sought to force Hacyinia to do its bidding, with the entire weight of the Lavanan Armed forces on its borders, and the threat of the Provisional Administrative and Military Front of the Yoloten (PAMFY) who runs the PRY attacking the loyalist militias. Lavana sought Hacyinia to follow through its 2004 agreements and deal with the militias, whatever that meant. When Hacyinia responded negatively and criticized what they rightfully consider as a separatist terrorist government for shelling their citizens. Keomany launched airstrikes, in yet another bid to force Hacyinia to follow through. The PAMFY surged forward in violence and attacks but accomplished little.

Although the PAMFY and Lavanan airstrikes did little to push Hacyinia to deal with militias loyal to them. They did push Makbule Arda Khan the leader of Hacyinia to board a plane bound for Sattarishar the capital of Zorasan. There the Khan was received with wide open arms. Lavanan pundits on loosely aligned state television called the Khan fleeing from Hacyinia, that the country was wide open for Lavanan tanks. Instead the Khan spoke with a smile that stretched from Lumine to Vehemen Oceans. The Khan left Hacyinia a nervous man, he returned the happiest man in Coius. Zorasan would not only provide Hacyinia the weapons to fight, but would provide whatever their friends needed to fight the latent arch foe in Lavana, and their comrades in Dezevau. As ballistic missiles impacted the Yoloten, a sense of fear has taken hold of the Lavanan government who has vastly overestimated itself, and the situation.

The two bombers accused of the attack in Central Pers were detained and arrested only yesterday October 7th. The two men were known to Lavanan intelligence, yet they had been captured only kilometers from the Hacyinian border. Where as Lavana could had flaunted the success of capturing the terrorist and allow for de escalation, now Lavana must react with the threat that a bolstered Hacyinia poses. The situation has spiraled out of control for Keomany under her watch.

To say that the Lavanan state has been flushed from the inside out, would be an understatement. Keomany has spent the last 7 months reforming every aspect of the Lavanan government, which she completely disassembled over two weeks following the violent coup. Her reforms have been successful in creating a strong diverse bureaucracy for the future she envisions for the country, which was cemented in its new constitution. Before the blast, Lavana was opening itself up to the world, Lavana was a friendly state, with friendly people. After a diplomatic spat with Champania, it quickly rebuilt its relationships, and soon Champanian observers were able to certify the “free” elections in Lavana this last September. Now Lavana is seen as an aggressive state which has forced Hacyinia into the arms of Zorasan. Lavana will struggle to find much sympathy in Euclea, where decades of aggressive Lavanan posturing towards the continent has gained it few sympathies. Lavana miscalculated how much they could strong arm Hacyinia into doing their bidding, and suddenly the country has driven the border of Zorasan to the Gezije mountains over airstrikes in single villages.

Lavanan foreign policy has changed and adapted over time, but since the days of Zadavana Goube, Lavanan foreign policy can be best described as aggressive. This tone is reflected when it names foreign country as “Sponsors of Terrorism” in the Invictus Games, regularly demonizes Estmere and Gaullica, and attempts to educate other nations in regards to their history. Yet it attempts to court foreign countries with a new face, Lavana is a country open to everyone, but also will not hesitate to call a state a sponsor of terrorism. Keomany is a member of the old guard, accustomed to the saber rattling of Goube, yet she is surrounded by individuals who favor a more open approach, Keomany simply picks and chooses where to threaten and where to dialogue. A script that did not work in the Yoloten, and now has brought the entire region on the verge of renewed conflict. Keomany approached the Hacyinians by being friendly with them, promising aid, and opening visas for them, yet launched airstrikes and gave a blank check to the bombing of civilians, mere weeks later. The aggressive doctrine of the old guard would dictate she cement herself and launch a preemptive strike against Hacyinia, the weight of Lavana will be enough to tip over Hacyinia. Yet the new approach dictates Keomany back down, and stall for negotiations to gain a better environment, reach out to old allies and new ones. Whether Lavana can accomplish either of these two approaches seems unlikely. Hacyinia is no longer a state to be looked down upon, and following the launching of ballistic missiles, is also not interested in dialogue with Lavana.

Keomany must make a decision, to push or to pull back. Yet in the last 48 hours the ability for her decision to actually matter dwindles. The Lavanan Armed Forces are in the midst of a reform, they’re in no position to enter a hot war in the Yoloten, Lavanan intelligence has been gutted and is in no position to help the state in this conflict. The Lavanan public does not desire to be dragged into a conflict, when economic fears dominate the minds of many. Dezevau itself must not be pleased with the course of action taken, which has allowed its rival to walk into their backyard. Yet Lavana can’t back away from the situation, Zorasan has agreed to help Hacyinia construct dams in numerous rivers, this could be a death blow to Lavana which relies on such rivers to fuel its 86 million strong state. The Yoloten faces a complete relapse in violence not seen since the 1990’s, perhaps since Lavanan tanks crossed the Gezije and established the PRY, as Hacyinia feels bolstered by its ally. Will Hacyinia stop at the Yoloten or will it seek to take control of territory it hasn’t held since the 1960’s? Will Lavana be griped by the threat of Oroqic terrorism for years to come, as a result of being too aggressive in the face of this crisis? One thing is clear however, that Lavanan foreign policy under Laina Keomany has failed crucially in the Yoloten, and driven both nations on a crash course towards conflict, whether Keomany will be able to back down, or negotiate is something nobody can guess to. All eyes are on Pers where the Premier of Lavana is yet again forced to make historic decisions.

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About me · by **Luziyca** » Sun Oct 09, 2022 2:00 pm

Monday, 10th October, 2022

Be informed. Be responsible.

STATE OF EMERGENCY BILL DEFEATED 49-44

Mutungamiri Tsuru Mawere at his office in Port Fitzhubert (file photo)

Today, the National Assembly convened to vote on Defence Minister Diindingwe Matonga's bill to permit the government of the Kingdom of Rwizikuru to be imposed on the Northern Territory. The bill to impose a state of emergency was defeated 49-44 with five abstentions, and two absent, one from the Democratic Initiative, and one from the Liberal Alliance.

The bill was opposed by all thirty-eight legislators affiliated with the Progressive Front, six legislators affiliated with the Liberal Alliance, and four legislators affiliated with Respect Your Elders. The bill was supported by thirty legislators affiliated with the Democratic Initiative and fifteen legislators affiliated with Respect Your Elders. Finally, five legislators affiliated with Respect Your Elders chose to abstain.

Following the vote, Mutungamiri Tsuru Mawere expressed his disappointment with the outcome of the vote to impose a state of emergency in the Northern Territory, telling reporters that "the results were not what we were expecting at all," and that he saw the results of the vote as a "setback for the Kingdom of Rwizikuru."

When asked how the vote would affect the counter-terrorism operation by the Royal Rwizikuran Armed Forces, Mutungamiri Tsuru Mawere said that "to quote my Defence Minister, we are committing ourselves to balancing the security needs of the Kingdom of Rwizikuru with the human rights of the Akortu, and I do not think that our commitment will change, regardless of how the vote turned out."

However, when asked about how the vote will affect his political position, the Mutungamiri said "I do not think that the position is affected all too much: while it is true that our partners did not support us as we were expecting, I do not think that this issue has weakened the government at all: we are committed to strengthening our infant democracy, and we are committed to modernising our economy to adapt to the changing world, and I do not think our partners have abandoned those ideals."

Progressive Front leader Jesse Mushohwe, in contrast, had a more optimistic tone in his speech, saying that "we forced the government to back down on a short-sighted plan that will violate the Rwizikuran constitution, a short-sighted plan that will violate basic human rights, and a short-sighted plan that is not the best use of military resources."

"We have reason to be cautious," warned Mushohwe. "We have seen what the Royal Rwizikuran Army can do, even with the guardrails that the constitution has put in place. We cannot bank on the army and government to not try and make more brazen and more blatant violations of the Rwizikuran constitution. But this is a victory for us."

After opening the floor to questions, Mushohwe was asked how a Progressive government would combat the threat posed to Rwizikuru's territorial integrity by the Akortu National Salvation Army.

"This insurgency has been going for over eighty years," Mushohwe responded. "Successive governments; Estmerish, republican, junta, monarchist, and now, a constitutional monarchy; tried to quell this 'Akortu threat' for decades via military force and military action. All of these have been to no avail!"

"Does that mean we should give up and give ANSA everything it wants? No," Mushohwe said. "But there is a better way of asserting government authority in the Tedawebe valley and the Ambakaran mountains than going into Akortu villages every so often, kidnapping the men, and giving those who remain there a reason to hate us. In short, we need to win their hearts."

When asked to elaborate on how the Progressive Front intends to win the Akortu's hearts, Mushohwe said that "we need to invest in education, and improved roads, and we need to show them that there is a carrot to living in Rwizikuru, because the Akortu have only experienced the stick, they never experienced the carrot to Rwizikuran rule."

While the factions are arguing over whether or not the decision to not impose a state of emergency in the Northern Territory is a good thing or a bad thing, one group is certainly celebrating the bill's defeat: ANSA.

My Last.fm · by **West Kirkon** » Mon Oct 10, 2022 11:16 am

Mariya Nazarivna - 08 October 2022

Home ·Vinalia · Asteria · International · Politics · Finance · Sports · Entertainment · Health · Travel · Weather · Opinion

Lavana issues statements following attack in breakaway region.

Pers

Following the launch of several ballistic missiles at locations in the breakaway unrecognized People’s Republic of Lavana earlier today, that left scores of soldiers dead. The attack represents an unparalleled escalation in the conflict, coming on the heels of major Hacyinian movements towards the Yoloten, along with Zorasani increased military support for the Hacyinian government. Lavana issued strong statements in regards to the situation, threatening that Lavanan forces will intervene in the security of the Yoloten, and Lavanan investments at any increased threat from Hacyinia.

On a fiery speech in Lavanan television, Premier Laina Keomany fired back at Hacyinian ballistic attacks in the Yoloten. Stating that Lavana would be forced to intervene in the security of a sovereign nation, its citizens and Lavanan investments in the country. “We now see that Hacyinia has trouble dealing with terrorists, as they themselves are ones” stated the Premier of Lavana to national television. The premier stated that following the arrest of the perpetrators of last weeks bombing in Pers, had been apprehended that Lavana would negotiate with Hacyinia to ensure their security concerns were met. However following a visit to Zorasan that brought the Coian giant in a direct collision course with Lavana over the Yoloten, Hacyinia has been bolstered in its aggressiveness, and launched the terrorist attacks on the Yoloten. Claimed the Lavanan Premier.

Keomany stated that the Lavanan army was ready to intervene to ensure the safety of the Yoloten, and Lavanan citizens in the unrecognized country. Keomany requested the Hacyinian ambassador again, for the 3rd time in the last 10 days. Lavanan aircraft which have conducted airstrikes against militia forces which have been attacked by the PAMFY, has resulted in severe condemnation from Zorasan and Hacyinia who consider Lavana conducting airstrikes in foreign airspace. However, following the announcement of last Friday regarding closer relations between Hacyinia and Zorasan Lavanan aircraft have not attacked militia positions, or returned strikes against the Hacyinian government which has not directly fought with the PAMFY since 2004.

As tensions escalate in the region, the Hacyinian army and Lavanan army move towards their mutual border and the border with the Yoloten. President Valeria Kunavin called on all parties to practice restraint, and warned Vinalian citizens in Lavana, and Hacyinia to consider the heightened security concerns in the region in their daily activities and to reconsider travel. Vinalian Ambassador to the Community of Nations Anzhela Oleksiyivna, requested a meeting of the CN Security Council to discuss the situation in the region.

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by **Union of Akoren** » Tue Oct 11, 2022 5:56 pm

Yoloten Crisis | Hacyinia and Zorasan begin Iron Resolve 5 exercises.
Hacyinian and Zorasani forces begin three-day exercises in Gushgy region.
2022-10-11 16:42:37Z

Hacyinian and Zorasani forces during Day 1 of the exercises

As tensions between Hacyinia and Lavana reach boiling point over the disputed region of Yoloten, the landlocked country dispatched 5,000 soldiers to its north to participate in exercises with 6,000 troops sent from Zorasan. The show of force comes as Lavana threatened to cross into the Yoloten to defend its socialist proxies from Hacyinian attack.

The two countries have jointly conducted “Iron Resolve” every year since 2017, with each iteration differing in both size and scope. Usually held in December, the last month of spring in the southern hemisphere, this year’s exercises have been drastically brought forward. This year’s exercises are also the largest since 2019, with 11,000 soldiers, 800 vehicles and 40 aircraft taking part.

According to a joint statement released by the Hacyinian and Zorasani ministries of defence, “Iron Resolve 5 underscores the close cooperation of the armed forces of Hacyinia and Zorasan. Cooperation in preserving peace and stability and exerting the capabilities and strengths necessary to defend our respective countries from any foe and any threat, near or far.”

“Iron Resolve 5 will take place from today until Thursday and enable both sides to undertake exercises around the setting of launching offensive operations against an entrenched foe. This will be followed by defensive action against an external actor. The exercises will involve both ground and air forces, testing inter-service integration and cooperation, as well as interoperability between the two forces. This will test field commanders all the way down the rifleman and tanker and all the way up to the pilot.

“Iron Resolve will serve as a demonstration of our mutual commitment to security and peace. But it will also serve as a demonstration of our mutual and individual power and determination. We prepare to stand alone, but through Iron Resolve guarantee that when standing shoulder to shoulder, combined we can and will repel any hostility.”

Zorasan deployed elements from its 1st Banner Army to the exercises including tanks, mechanised infantry, artillery, helicopters and over 15 aircraft. The total number of Zorasani troops deployed is estimated to be around 6,000. This is compared to the 5,000 Hacyinians deployed, being drawn from its Khorchin special forces, as well as armoured and mechanised infantry.

Today’s premier event, a joint-tank and mechanised attack against a defensive enemy was broadcast live on Zorasani and Hacyinian state television and showed tanks and infantry surging toward a burning hellscape. Above their heads, Zorasani and Hacyinian helicopter gunships fired their rockets into the targets below. A joint air assault by Zorasan’s Takavaran and Hacyinia’s Khorchin commandos was broadcast, the elite troops dropping down wires into burning structures and targets.

The exercises were watched by the two countries’ Defence Ministers, Zorasan’s Deputy First Minister Sadavir Hatami was also present. He was photographed meeting with Zorasani soldiers following today’s exercises.
It is understood that Hacyinia’s Defence Minister Taetaerqan Aelborty held talks with his Zorasani counterpart, General Ashavazdar Golzadari and Deputy First Minister Sadavir Hatami, the latter being a former high ranking general within the Zorasani military. The topic of the talks was not revealed in the joint statement but analysts in both countries seem to agree that it was the military situation in the Yoloten.

The fact Iron Resolve 5 was brought forward from December is indicative of how serious both Hacyinia and Zorasan are taking the situation in the Yoloten.

The region of Yoloten is mostly controlled by the Provisional Administrative and Military Front of the Yoloten, which broke away from Hacyinia in 1992 and has governed the region since, with the backing of Lavana and Dezevau, which both recognise it as an independent state. South Kabu is the only other country to recognise PAMFY-controlled Yoloten. However, the PAMFY has struggled for decades against various militias loyal to Hacyinia resulting in the region suffering from a low-level civil war.

Lavana, which has backed the PAMFY, responded to a terrorist bombing in Pars, which killed over 40 people on its Constitution Day last week by launching airstrikes against pro-Hacyinian militias, this was followed by attacks on their territories by the PAMFY. The defeat of loyalist militias would all but confirm the region’s breakaway from Hacyinia and sparked fears in Dabulug of a Lavanan intervention.

The response by Hacyinia and its ally Zorasan seems to have put Lavana on the backfoot, with Zorasan announcing significant and immediate military aid for Hacyinia that may well alter the balance of power. Zorasan has also repeatedly warned that a Lavanan intervention would result in serious consequences, while also urging Lavana to pursue a diplomatic solution with Hacyinia. There are reports of increased diplomatic activity between Zorasan and Senria, purportedly a joint effort to facilitate talks in Keisi.

It is not known whether Iron Resolve 5 will push Lavana toward negotiations as tensions remain high. The exercises will continue for the next two days.

© Coian Monitor 2022

- Opinion: Zorasan wades into the Yoloten Crisis
- Yoloten Crisis: Senria enters as a possible mediator
- Yoloten Crisis: Senrian and Zorasani diplomats "in contact" over for Yoloten talks
- Yoloten Crisis: Where is Dezevau?

by **Imagua and the Assimas** » Tue Oct 11, 2022 6:54 pm

MNI LEADER PASQUARELLO CAUGHT MAKING RACIST AND XENOPHOBIC COMMENTS
Comments were made at an annual general meeting in Rutigliano-West and were caught on video

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ARMEL CLARK (@ClarkArmy285)
12 OCTOBER, 2022 12:54 IST | RUTIGLIANO, ASSIMAS

Dalmazio Pasquarello at an MNI conference (2022)

At yesterday's annual general meeting for the Rutigliano-West constituency association of the Movement for a New Imagua, party leader Dalmazio Pasquarello presided over the meeting, and it seemed to be uneventful as he oversaw the election of the constituency executive. However, when he held a question-and-answer session, and opened the floor for members to ask questions, the meeting became eventful.

A member asked Pasquarello about the introduction of a bill by Emeraudian legislator Lorette Abel demanding that Gaullica pay reparations for the Transvehemens slave trade, and asked Pasquarello about his thoughts on reparations.

Pasquarello allegedly responded by saying "asking for compensation because something happened to your great-great-great-great-grandparents is not something a responsible person would do," and accused the government of the Emerald Isle of "refusing to accept that they had so severely mismanaged the country and its economy" that it is left with no option than to "demand more and more money from Gaullica, even when the Gaullicans tried to negotiate a reasonable solution" when the Narapan Genocide Acknowledgement Act was passed in June.

Pasquarello then allegedly accused Emeraudians residing on Imagua of "always blaming others for the situation they are in," yet "refusing to change the situation and improve their lot in life," which Pasquarello alleged was "proof of an Emeraudian culture of blaming other people for their own lot in life."

A recording of Pasquarello's response to the question was subsequently published on iPlay, with the video spreading across Imaguan social media and attracting substantial criticism of Pasquarello, with all other major party leaders condemning Pasquarello's comments.

Prime Minister Douglas Egnell said that Pasquarello's comments "are not the comments of a leader, they are not the comments of someone who wants to foster a good relationship with our Arucian partners, and they are not the comments of someone whose party advocates for a 'colour-blind' right-wing populism. They are, pure and simple, comments that you would have heard from the old Sotirian Democrats in the 1980s, and have no place in today's Imagua, and we Imaguans should condemn his comments."

Leader of the Official Opposition Ed Tagawa condemned Pasquarello's comments, saying "while the Sotirian Labour Party is vehemently opposed to destroying our relations with Euclean states over reparations, the comments made by Dalmazio Pasquarello insinuating that Emeraudians are lazy and have run the country into the ground is blatantly untrue, and we call on Pasquarello to apologise for his comments."

Green Party leader Mystelle Stone said that "Pasquarello's comments about reparations ignores the historical fact that Euclean powers have systematically extracted the wealth of the Arucian and the Asterias more broadly for the benefit of their metropoles, and his subsequent comments about Emeraudians lacking a work ethic plays into the centuries-old racist trope that Bahians are unwilling to work. If he wants his party to appeal to Bahio-Imaguans, he has to apologise for his comments, and resign from the party leadership."

When asked for comment, a spokesman for Dalmazio Pasquarello said that Pasquarello's comments were "stripped of context" by the person recording the video, but that Pasquarello is "sorry for any offence caused" by his remarks at the annual general meeting.

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by **Hacyinia** » Wed Oct 12, 2022 3:25 pm

Yoloten Crisis | Hacyinia mulling over deputizing militia forces, sending advisors.
News comes as the second day of Iron Resolve 5 comes to a close
2022-10-0816:42:37Z

Hacyinian Defense Minister Taetaerqan Aelborty at the press conference following the second day of Iron Resolve 5 stated that there are “discussions at the top level of the Hacyinian government and military about formally organizing the freedom fighters within the Yoloten under the regular military chain of command.”

Loyalist militias have been fighting against the Provisional Military and Administrative Front of the Yoloten (PAMFY) since 1992 in various stages. Initially there was scattered resistance following the Lavanan invasion, as time progressed paramilitary units formally established themselves to contest the PAMFY within the Yoloten. Many of them operate as independent battalions, with only a loose structure organizing them all together. Notably, they are well known to be heavily active on social media and amongst certain sections of the internet they have a cult following.

Officially the Hacyinian government doesn’t provide support or funding for the militias. It is well known however that Hacyinian oligarchs provide a substantial amount of funding and equipment for these forces, and The Pirean Papers have shown that at least some of this is at the behest of the Hacyinian government. Formally organizing the militia units into the Royal Hacyinian Army’s chain of command would mark a u-turn from the government's previous policy.

Already during the recent spike of tensions, we have seen a far greater coordination (at least officially) between the Royal Hacyinian Armed Forces and the militia groups. Recently, Hacyinia launched two dozen SCUD missiles against PAMFY positions. Militia forces followed it with several offensives, which suggested to many analysts that there has been some level of prior communication.

“It’s clear that Lavana has changed their policy in regards to the Yoloten, as evidenced by the Lavanan Air Force supporting an offensive operation by the seperatist insurgents a few days ago. We will be similarly changing our policy.” Hacyinian Defense Minister Taetaerqan Aelborty stated. “We wish to make the following clear, we will not tolerate Lavanan troops within the Yoloten nor will we tolerate an attack on Hacyinia outside of the Yoloten. We hope that Lavana ceases it’s aggressive actions, and allow Hacyinia to restore its entire territorial integrity. ”

© Coian Monitor 2022

- Opinion: Zorasan wades into the Yoloten Crisis
- Opinion: Where is Dezevau? To the east.
- Yoloten Crisis: What does Iron Resolve 5 tell us?
- Yoloten Crisis: The meme war heats up

by **Empire of Falconia** » Wed Oct 12, 2022 7:51 pm

Ravnian National News
RPP Split Not Phasing President

Novigrad - Last month, it was reported that the Ravnian Peoples Party (RPP) had split from the Ravnian Conservative Front (RCF). Given the political makeup of Ravnia this was a big, if mostly symbolic, move on the RPP's part. It was speculated that President Abramov would be forced to meet with the RPP in order to bring them back into the fold, however, it now seems that the president has remained unphased by the RPP's move.

In an interview with RNN, President Abaramov stated:

"The splitting of the RPP from the Conservative Coalition is of little concern to me. They are a minority party with extreme ideals, they will not sweep into power when the elections roll around, and they certainly won't be able to block national policy. All they're doing with this split is stirring the pot and trying to make a statement. This will all blow over in a few more weeks."

The optimistic opinion of President Abaramov is not held by all members of the government. Prime Minister Avramenko has described the RPP's move as "concerning", sighting a "consistent strengthening of far-right movements across Euclea." Whether or not the RPP's split is a signaling of growing far-right power, or merely a political stunt, is yet to be seen.

by **Nuvania** » Wed Oct 12, 2022 8:45 pm

Defence White Paper provides funding boost for Armed Forces

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Collin Butcher (@CollinButcher)
^{October 13, 2022 (12:30pm)}

PIETERSBURG, KANAAN - A significant increase in spending for the Armed Forces has been revealed in the Defence White Paper released by the Ministry of Defence this morning, with the government committing to an extra 33.6 billion shillings in spending over the next ten years. This additional spending will fund projects across all three branches of the Armed Forces, with the Army and Navy taking the lion's share of the funding.

Defence Minister Petrus Haasbroek said that the Defence White Paper was about balancing existing finances with essential and necessary upgrades and replacements requested by the Armed Forces. He said that the extra funding allocated for the Armed Forces would be "money well spent."
"This additional funding will enhance the combat capabilities of our armed forces and put Nuvania in a good position to meet future geostrategical needs over the coming decade," he said. "It will allow us to be able to respond to conventional and unconventional threats as well as deal with a changing climate and the conflicts that will arise from that."

The Army will receive approximately 8.8 billion shillings for the newly revealed Combat Enhancement Program, which combines existing and new modernisation and replacement projects for the Army. Included within the CEP are upgrades and additional parts supplies for the Leopard 2A4 main battle tanks in service, which include modernising fire control and communications systems and upgrades to the powerpack for reduced fuel consumption. The Tayra wheeled infantry fighting vehicle will finally be fully manufactured in Nuvania as part of the CEP program and will include additional changes to the main armament and adding the capability to fire Vertron ATL 05 anti-tank guided missiles used on the Grison wheeled anti-tank platform. Artillery capabilities will also be enhanced, with dedicated umanned aerial vehicles to be introduced for reconnaissance and targeting purposes, as well as new upgrades to the H 83 155mm howitzers to enable them to fire velocity enhanced projectiles up to 58 kilometres. Among the projects that did not receive additional funding, and thus not included within the CEP, was the Army's proposal to adopt the Miltech MG16 7.62mm general-purpose machine gun as a replacement for the MG80 and MG82 machine guns currently in service. Project Viper, which intended to replace infantry anti-tank teams operating the MGA 72 portable anti-tank guided missile in service, was also excluded from the CEP, with the Ministry of Defence confirming that the project was deferred pending additional funding.

The largest share of the funding went to the Navy, with 24 billion shillings earmarked for the replacement of the Admiral Liebenberg class guided missile destroyers currently in service with all four ships to be retired between 2028 and 2029. These ships, which underwent significant upgrades in 2012 to extend their service life, will not undergo additional upgrades and will instead be replaced, with possible options including more capable variants of the Victory class frigates also in service, or complete replacement with new ships. The Defence Minister that while he hoped that the replacement of the destroyers could be met with the outlined budget, he said the government had also allocated future funding for cost overruns. He also said that the Ministry of Defence and the Navy had expressed a desire to see any future replacements manufactured in part or in full in Nuvania to reduce costs and retain employment. Contracts for the design of the new vessels will be tendered from February next year, with contracts for construction and equipment to be issued once a design has been chosen.

The Air Force by comparison received the smallest amount of the additional funding, receiving 432 million shillings that will be spent on the acquisition of more Vertron Dynamics Condor unmanned aerial vehicles and new datalink systems for the Condor, expanding it's action radius from 750 kilometres to 3,500 kilometres. Funding for the Vertron VM5 Lancehead, a version of the VM4 Bushmaster, was also included, although much of the funding for the Lancehead, which is designed to be used on the Vertron Dynamics Ranger 400 currently in development, was already provided in previous budgets.

Additional funding was allocated for the Armed Forces as a whole, with 368 million shillings to be spent on a variety of projects, including improvements to cybersecurity and cyberwarfare, as well as improving and replacing barracks and family accommodations at the Constantia and Paardeburg Military Camps.

Haasbroek said that the new funding will come on the back of additional government revenue that was made available from other investments that no longer required direct capital from the government, as well as the increased tax revenue owing to an increase in inflation. He said that while it was a significant spend from a party that traditionally reduced spending on defence, he said that there were "necessities that justified the increase to funds."
"We have equipment that needs to be modernised or replaced," he said. "The simple fact is that we could not do that without adding to the money already spent by the government on defence."

Currently the government spends 185.6 billion shillings on defence, around 2.2% of gross domestic product. It is expected that the increased funding will be included in next year's budget.

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by **Imagua and the Assimas** » Thu Oct 13, 2022 12:16 pm

MNI LEADER PASQUARELLO TO RESIGN AS LEADER
Press conference was originally called to address Pasquarello's racist comments at a Rutigliano-West AGM

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ARMEL CLARK (@ClarkArmy285)
14 OCTOBER, 2022 19:07 IST | CUANSTAD, CITY OF

Dalmazio Pasquarello arriving at today's press conference

After an incident on Tuesday where MNI leader Dalmazio Pasquarello made racist and xenophobic comments at an annual general meeting for the MNI constituency association in Rutigliano-West, and subsequent condemnation from three MNI MPs and four MNI county associations, Dalmazio Pasquarello held a press conference to apologise for his comments at the annual general meeting.

"What I said to a member of the Movement about Emeraudians was completely unacceptable," Pasquarello said. "While the overall point about asking for reparations for something that happened generations was sound, and I still stand behind that, my comments insinuating that Emeraudians are lazy and blame others were completely wrong, and I have been informed by many Emeraudians that they are hard workers seeking to improve the Emerald Isle."

"For that, I would like to apologize wholeheartedly to the Emeraudian nation," Pasquarello said. "I promise to do better in my future dealings with both the Emeraudians, and my fellow Imaguans and Assimans."

Dalmazio Pasquarello then addressed the party directly, saying "since my comments were made, I have seen increasing division within the Movement. Three MPs; Dan Green, Karlus Strawbridge, and Jack Williams, and four county associations; Cuanstad, Saint Christopher's, Saint Ellen's, and Saint Florian's, condemned my comments, and have called for my resignation as leader of the party."

"Division only plays into the hands of the bankers, the northern retirees, the media, the corrupt gangsters who are in charge of this beautiful Imaguan land, and those 'leftists' who are too influenced by Euclean ideologies, support the corrupt gangsters, and lost sight of what the workers want," Pasquarello said. "If we want to build a new Imagua, sweep out the corruption, and improve the lives of all Imaguans, we need to unite behind one man who can do that, and be to the eastern hemisphere what Carcaterra is to the western hemisphere."

"To put it bluntly, I have taken the Movement as far as I could," Dalmazio Pasquarello said. "I took the Movement from zero to sixteen MPs, all within a space of nearly twenty years, but now, I am not as young as I used to. It is time for a new generation to take the standard, take the torch, and take it ever further."

"I will resign as leader of the Movemeent for a New Imagua once a new leader has been chosen," Pasquarello declared. "I will be urging the national association to schedule a date for the leadership election at the earliest practicable opportunity."

After concluding his speech, Dalmazio Pasquarello was asked by a reporter from the Gazzetta di San Pietro about who he would like to see in the next MNI leader.

"I would like for him to continue the momentum that we have seen since 2012," Pasquarello said. "I would like to see him uphold the party platform, while broadening the party's appeal beyond just conservatives in the countryside or Assimans who are tired of years of DLP neglect, and I would like to see him maintain our close partnership with the Tribune Movement in Etruria."

When an ITS reporter asked him who he would be endorsing to succeed him, Pasquarello said that "it is too early to be making endorsements, but I will say that I have a shortlist of people who I am confident will receive my endorsement depending on if they run or not."

Finally, a reporter from TVAlba asked Pasquarello if he intends to continue serving as MP for Ineweyu-Guardia.

"Yes," Pasquarello said. "I will serve continue to serve my constituency until the next election, and then I will assess whether or not I will be retiring from Imaguan politics altogether."

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by **Etruria2** » Fri Oct 14, 2022 7:37 am

Special: Novalia election campaign ends, and voters are exhausted
Bitter rhetoric, federal interventions and meddling have left the SD and Patria Alliance unsure of victory
NOTIZIE by Aurelia Bossi

12 October, 2022

Incumbent Prefect Franjo Sarič's re-election hangs by a thread.

The Novalian state election ends tonight with voting tomorrow, but it does with a Novalia exhausted and disenchanted with the Patria alliance and the SD. Weeks of vicious fighting between the far-right and centre-left, endless fake news and personal insults may well have turned off Novalian voters. Tomorrow will determine whether Novalians are willing to return Onward Novalia and its allies or return the Social Democrats to Dubovica for the first time in over a decade.

Neither the Patria Alliance (Onward Novalia, the Tribune Movement and the Social Party) or the Social Democrats have endeared themselves with voters, though for very different reasons. Patria, led by incumbent Prefect, Franjo Sarič has on multiple occasions slipped up in messaging, with Sarič even forced to apologise after he said, “any Novalian who votes for the SD is spitting upon the sacrifice of those who fought to keep us within the Federation” – essentially calling SD voters supporters of the separatist terrorist groups of the Western Emergency. The Tribune leader in Novalia, Dalibor Matanić was equally eager to go to extremes, claiming without evidence that the SD in Novalia was planning to turn the entire state into a “safe haven for gays, trans people and paedophiles at the behest of the harpy in Povelia [Chiara Mastromarino].” The Social Party leader, Vlatko Medović told voters who vote for the SD to go to the “confessional and confess to the sin of backing those who hate God, hate Jesus Sotirias and would smash idols of the Holy Virgin Mother. Go, and seek forgiveness.”

Patria has also resorted to scapegoating its Miruvian citizens for failings over its 9 years in power. Prefect Sarič claimed in a televised debate between the leaders, “there’s been much opposition to our works on the local level, especially, those communes governed by Miruvians, they have frankly gone out of their way to work with the SD to undermine our agenda. Who else can the SD rely upon to do their dirty work?”

The Sarič government has also been accused of pork-barrel politics, with promises of a ‘state addition’ to the federal Familia+ scheme. The Sarič government has promised a further ₣800 per child, while the government has also promised a ₣1,100 ‘winter fund’ for the state’s pensioners. As well as throwing money at voters, the Patria government has promised to bring the Tribune’s assault on minorities to the state, with plans to shutdown gender clinics, ban any discussion of same-sex relationships in all schools and a possible state-wide ban on free contraception.

Novalian social media has also been bombarded by an extensive wave of fake news and disinformation. The SD has accused the federal government of instigating it, repeating an accusation made by the federal SD. Among the various stories that went viral was that SD leader Izidor Augustinčić was engaged in an affair with his deputy, Slavica Medvešek, disproven by Medvešek coming out as gay and in an long-term relationship. Another was that the Novalian SD retained links to separatist movements including the Novalian Freedom Association. Social media stories also doubled down on the Tribune claim that the SD in government, would declare Novalia an ‘LGBT Sanctuary’ a contrarian position to the so-called LGBT+ Free Zones in other states.

Opinion polls have shown a steady decline in support for Patria, with many Novalians seemingly turned off by the incessant and fierce rhetoric. Though this has coincided with SD success in illuminating failures by the Sarič government to improve public services. School standards have continued to fall, waiting times at public and private hospitals have increased by over 30% and several public services have reported underfunding and mismanagement after the Onward Novalia government spent the past nine-years replacing agency heads. The SD also proved adept at criticising Onward Novalia for the demise of local and regional bus services and The SD’s success comes in spite of the open bias of ARE Novalia and the national ARE station, which gave the SD only 5% of coverage.

Sources inside the national Tribune Movement have expressed dismay at the poor effort by Patria in Novalia, with sources claiming the government is concerned the SD could win in Novalia and seize a major pillar of the Tribune dominant position. Sources in Onward Novalia have begun to blame Sarič, who they claim simply did not know what to stand on or for, others have blamed his advisers and senior government secretaries for their flipflopping on certain issues, including plans increase state taxes to fund public services. The Tribunes in Novalia were accused by Onward Novalia of undercutting the alliance by saying the federal government would increase federal funding for Novalia without proof or confirmation from Povelia.

If the Patria alliance is suffering, so too is the SD. Despite great success in illuminating and hammering home to voters the failings of the Onward Novalia government, it too has turned off voters with excessive rhetoric, but also claims of strict top-down edicts from the federal SD. The SD entered the election on a clear electoral platform of lauding its successes at the local level and the need for a radical overhaul of public services. It focused on Novalia-centric issues, including decaying public services, the demise of rural transportation links and the increasing cost of fuel across the state. The first weeks of this saw the SD surge in opinion polls, coming within 1 point of Patria, but as soon as victory came into view, the Povelian SD descended.

There are numerous reports that the SD leader in Novalia, Izidor Augustinčić had been bombarded by calls from Chiara Mastromarino and Povelian HQ, demanding the branch attack Patria for decisions made at the federal level. Several trusted SD sources claimed that Mastromarino and her team were deeply concerned over a lack of uniformity in SD messaging. She also saw the Novalia-centric approach as the branch seemingly going “rogue.” The Povelian SD was also keen on seeing its Novalian counterpart attack Onward Novalia on long-suspected corruption, especially regarding nepotism and bad-faith contracting. Augustinčić for his part was not as keen, countering that there was no evidence to support claims of corruption and that engaging in those attacks would drag his party to Patria’s level. So fierce was Povelia SD’s meddling and interventions that Augustinčić gave up and began to attack Patria in the last two weeks of being the “spirited soldiers of the Tribune assault against our minorities.” That the final two weeks of the campaign were dominated by bitter exchanges over national issues, rather than local, seemed to undermine the SD’s modus operandi to date.

Perhaps out of frustration of their strategy being thrown by the wayside, a source inside the Novalian SD leaked over 100 emails and memos from the federal SD, revealing the extent of meddling. It also revealed that the Povelian SD had strongarmed the Novalian SD into backing down over its refusal to wade into the abortion debate – with the Novalian SD u-turning from leaving the ban in place, to now championing its overturning. This was seized not only by Patria, but also the Novalian Option bloc of Unity and the liberal Rights and Dignity as proof that the Novalian SD is entirely subservient to the national SD. Both alliances began to claim a vote for Augustinčić’s SD meant electing Chiara Mastromarino as Prefect. The leak not only caused a serious headache for Augustinčić but also Mastromarino, who is now facing criticism from her senators.

The Novalian SD has not been helped either by comments made by candidates and its deputy leader, Slavica Medvešek. At least 12 candidates for the state assembly described Patria supporters as “functionalist adjacent” a bizarre term increasingly used nationally, though taken by many as calling voters functionalist. Just as Patria claimed the SD had links to leftist separatist organisations, SD candidates have claimed that many Onward Novalia assembly members are the children of “death squadders” and “war rapists.” Medvešek for her part made repeated comments of Prefect Franjo Sarič’s rumoured links to the loyalist National Volunteer Defence Force. She said in a televised interview, “we have to be honest at the ballot box, do we want to re-elect the National Volunteer Defence Force to government, of which we know the Prefect has direct links.”

There are concerns turnout tomorrow will be markedly lower than the 78% recorded in 2017. Both Patria and the SD have conceded that the results are up in the air and either side could clinch a victory, though if turnout is low a hung assembly is very much a possibility, furthering headaches for whoever turns out to be victorious.

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by **Poshyte** » Fri Oct 21, 2022 1:10 pm

Fenja Fleischhacker - 21 October 2022

Home · Kesselbourg · The Continent · The World · Policy · Opinion · Features · Newsletters · Continental Pro

Alsland proposes a new 'crisis budget' as economic crisis looms

Alsland's liberal Premier Liekele Ykema said that deregulation policies and the new "special tax zones" will promote economic
growth and investment whilst downplaying public service cuts

Yndyk, Alsland- Alsland's technocratic government has moved forwards with a proposal to slash government spending and raise taxes as the country faces an imminent debt crisis which could shake the Euclozone itself. Today in a speech announcing the plans, the government has confirmed it will introduce harsh austerity measures next Month as part of the country's budget in an effort to prevent a looming debt default.

The country's Premier Liekele Ykema who leads a coalition of liberals and right-wing nationalists said the planned measures were the last resort and said that opportunities to prevent this had been missed by previous governments.

"The measures the government is taking today are measures that we do not want to take, but they are necessary to prevent economic collapse and suffering on an unimaginable scale." Ykema told press after the budget plans were announced. "The measures, whilst tough, are what Alsland needs to secure it's finances for future generations. We have a responsibility to do all that we can to make sure our economy is stable and for these reasons we must make sacrifices." Ykema has made it clear that other measures to take Alsland out of the economic crisis were considered but were unrealistic or too risky and the cabinet had agreed on massive cuts to spending and increases in taxation.

Under the proposals which need to be voted on by the country's Senate, spending on government institutions such as defence, health, welfare and social spending whilst at the same time taxes on the top 10% of earners will increase. The government has also announced plans to slash VAT as well as income tax on the middle class to stimulate spending in an attempt to create economic growth and convince investors that the country intends to pay off it's debts as soon as it can. In effect the government is trying to fund tax cuts - which it hopes will stimulate growth - through cuts in social spending to reduce the deficit Alsland is currently experiencing.

Another key part of the government's new budget is a program of massive deregulation which the government has championed as an attempt to get more investment into the country. One of it's flagship policies is the creation of so called "special tax zones". The tax zones, of which there will be two in the first phase which is included in this budget, are zones where business activities of companies operating in these zones have tax as well as other exemptions. The Alslandic government has said that companies which invest in Alsland will be allowed to develop any business, industrial and service activity in these zones. The zones themselves will be managed by private companies as well as the government itself. The proposed law authorizes companies to manage some the free zones and the government manages others. Additionally, the government will be responsible for the supervision and monitoring of the whole system.

To facilitate the new zones the government has announced increases to infrastructure spending and construction to the chagrin of some of it's more environmentally minded coalition partners. If the budget is passed it will waive paperwork requirements for companies looking to build infrastructure in the country and slash taxes for them if they meet several key requirements: firstly the companies must be involved in construction with the aim of developing industrial or service activities. The creation of office space as well as the development of green areas designed to improve the environment are also requirements to access these benefits.

Companies with access to these zones will be greeted with lower rates of corporate taxes than companies which do not take advantage of these zones according to the government to try and drum up support for the plan. Almost immediately after the announcement was issued it became unclear whether the proposals would violate Euclean Community laws and regulations, the government has tried reassuring investors and the Euclean Community that the budget does not violate any Euclean law and will work with Euclean nations to resolve any problems arising from the policy.

The two first tax zones to be created are both located in the 'Ynsted' metropolitan area of Yndyk and Wottested which is one of the largest metropolitan areas in the Euclean Community. The government says their locations will make it easier for investors and companies to operate in the country.

The political reaction from the opposition in Alsland has been overwhelmingly negative. The leftist ASAY party which leads the opposition has condemned the attempt to slash public spending and impose deregulation. In a speech to the Senate after the policy was announced some ASAY Senators called it a "budget for the rich and a death sentence for the poor." The opposition Green Party also came out against the proposal by claiming development plans would threaten protected environments and that the public spending cuts particularly on welfare were cruel.

by **Xiaodong** » Sun Oct 23, 2022 11:14 am

)

Who's running for the Euclean presidency?
Le Monde takes a look at the seven contenders vying to succeed Alastrí Nic Ualtair.

Séverine Cordonnier
October 3rd, 2022|Kesselbourg

Kesselbourg - With the Euclean Community's presidential election coming up the blocs roughly 350 million citizens will have the chance to vote on the president of the Community, the most powerful figure in the political bloc. Elected via an electoral college based on member state populations if a candidate does not win above 50% of the electoral vote the contest goes into a second round between the two candidates with the highest electoral vote.

All seven of the Euclean political federations - the social democratic Socialist Alternative for Euclea, the centre-right Alliance of Conservatives and Democrats for Euclea, the liberal Forward Euclea, the nationalist Movement for a New Democratic Euclea, the environmentalist Green and Ecologist Movement, the socialist Mixed Radical Left and the Alliance for a Federal and Regionalist Euclea - have nominated a candidate.

The Candidates

(

Vivien Vallette, age 36 - Socialist Alternative for Euclea
The grandson of two term Gaullican president Jean Vallette, Vivien has enjoyed a meteoric rise in the Euclean political scene since becoming a member of the Euclean Parliament in 2013. A member of Gaullica's hegemonic Parti social-démocrate (PSD) Vallette would become the Speaker of the Euclean Parliament from 2016 and in 2019 became the Foreign and Global Affairs Commissioner, the EC's top diplomat a role that also entitled him to the vice-presidency of the Euclean Community. Earlier this year he temporarily filled in for president Nic Ualtair. Vallette clinched the nomination for the centre-left Socialist Alternative for Euclea after a spirited primary which saw him defeat two north Euclean competitors, High Commissoner Niina Hermansdohter and Hennish premier Rupert van Bleiswijk.

Vallette has run a campaign primarily based around Euclean-wide issues making foreign policy and the rule of law the centre point of his campaign. Vallette has presented himself as a strong defender of Euclean democracy, singling out the "EST" - Etruria, Soravia and Tsabara - as the three main external threats to Euclean democracy. Having opposed Nic Ualtair's rapprochement to Etruria in the second half of her tenure Vallette has also called for a more robust policy towards aiding Tsabara's embattled government. Vallette has also been the loudest voice in condemning Paretia's far-right Popular Victory government, being a strong critic towards the Paretian governments response to Tosutonian separatists.

In economic policy Vallette has proposed expanding the "Buy Euclean" programme proposed by the Gaullican and Caldish governments and seeks to implement Estmerish premier Zoe Halivars idea for a single Euclean tax. He is widely viewed as likely to bring a more protectionist direction to Euclean policy-making if elected. He also wishes to get Euclean enlargement back on the agenda starting with the entr of Piraea into the bloc.

Having only ever served in Euclean politics, Vallette has a deep knowledge of how the EC functions but some worry he may not be fully trusted by national capitals having never played a major role in national politics. Vallette is seen as charismatic, passionate and headstrong - a sharp contrast to the current consensus driven style of the presidency. His supporters point to this as an asset proving Vallette will shake-up a conservative Euclean mindset and introduce a more dynamic style of governance for the bloc - but critics say he may be to stubborn and could risk dividing the bloc further. His strong views on foreign policy divide opinion among social democrats, some of whom are willing to engage with countries like Zorasan on everything from Tsabaran peace talks to economic engagement despite international condemnation.

Georg Torleif Årbakke, age 67 - Alliance of Conservatives and Democrats for Euclea
The standard bearer of the Euclean centre-right, the former premier of Scovern Georg Torleif Årbakke has been a senior member of the Liberal People's Party (LFP) for the last two decades. Serving as premier from 2009 to 2013 Årbakke in office became one of the most prominent advocates of neoliberalism in the traditionally centre-left nation. He would later become Euclean Commissioner for Migration and Citizenship until 2017. He largely has has kept a low profile since, but this summer surprisingly beat then-favourite Alan Baskerville to the ACDE candidacy.

Coming from one of Euclea's few successful centre-right parties in an age where the centre-left is on the march Årbakke has proposed a more anti-federalist agenda in regards to the EC. He for example opposes the single tax policy, partly due to widely different fiscal regimes, pointing to how Gaullica's negative income tax shows a different priority to Werania's flat tax proposal and that attempting to harmonise them would be difficult if not impossible without substantially centralising fiscal power. He additionally proposes increasing EC funding to countries surrounding Tsabara to keep refugees away from the Community. Årbakke opposes the Buy Euclean programme, hoping that its popularity amongst the left is overrated.

Årbakke faces the problem that the ACDE is divided on many issues. Sharp differences remain over Etruria, with some of the centre-right endorsing the controversial Tribune government such as Werania's National Consolidation Party and Amathia's Center Front, in sharp contrast to Årbakke's own LFP which has criticised democratic backsliding in the country albeit he himself supports the EC's current cooperation with Etruria. Additionally, dealing with Zorasan, Soravia and Shangea is complicated by divisions between defence minded hawks and economic minded doves.

Most importantly across the continent the Euclean centre-right is still weak particularly compared to the highly organised manner the centre-left have used to coordinate pan-Euclean elections. Corruption scandals or sheer incompetence have sapped support from Alsland to Amathia for the centre-right. The process in which Årbakke became the candidate also has raised questions with Werania's Anton Raicevich having effectively picked him by bulldozing his better-known rivals. Årbakke will have to make sure to appal to enough liberal and far-right voters by emphasising both his fiscal prudence and anti-federalism if he's to buck the trend of percederation.

Emilia Koopmann, age 54 - Forward Euclea
Having served a tumultuous term as Werania's premier in the early 2010s where she was eventually ousted due to low popularity, Koopmann has staged a remarkable comeback as the face of a new left-liberal direction in the Forward Euclea group. Campaigning on a progressive programme Koopmann hopes to continue the basic thrust of outgoing president Nic Ualtair's policies while adapting them to fit into a more social-democratic EC.

Like incumbent president Nic Ualtair Koopmann opposes Buy Euclean on economic grounds instead calling for improving the standards of current trade agreements rather then implementing protectionism, hoping that protectionist trends in countries like Hennehouwe are exceptions rather then a new rule. A key aspect of Koopmanns campaign has been promoting digitising the EC, supporting more investment into and tax breaks for the IT sector and advocating for more synchrony among EC states on broadband coverage. She has also endorsed the 4 day-week scheme in Scovern and wants to promote concrete steps to Euclean federalisation in light of public approval in that direction. She has also joined the outgoing president in standing up for tolerance and diversity in Euclea against more xenophobic politicians,

Unlike Nic Ualtair Koopmann has been critical of Etruria on a range of issues aligning with other members of the Forward group who have opposed both Etruria's democratic backsliding and their civil rights regression. She also has made LGBT+ rights a focal point of her campaign joining personalities across Euclea in criticising homophobia globally. This reflects a general leftward shift in the Forward Group aided by the inclusion of Koopmanns own Euclean Werania.

Koopmann suffers however from the idea that she is more a social democrat rather then a liberal, having led the Social Democratic Radical Party in government before its rapid slide into unpopularity and merger into Euclean Werania. Koopmann as a result has to ensure she can appeal as much as possible to potential Vallette voters, a tasked complicated by her more measured and less charismatic campaigning style. That said, there is an argument to be made that recent social democratic victories have been down to luck more then anything else which may work in Koopmanns favour if voters have reservations about a seemingly untested Vallette.

António de Armas, age 46 - Movement for a New Democratic Euclea
The current Paretian foreign minister has been nominated as the candidate of the far-right Movement for a New Democratic Euclea. As a member of the first far-right government in the Euclean Community de Armas has been at the forefront of recent political tussles with the presidency and whilst his chances of winning are remote is likely to attempt to wield influence on the candidates that enter the second round.

De Armas is a supporter of a "Sotirian Euclea of sovereign nations" and opposes attempts at federalisation. He also supports closely cooperating with Etruria and Montecara to keep refugees out of Euclea believing the EC should focus on preserving the "Euclean way of life" over "opening the floodgates for misguided reasons". De Armas also supports the Buy Euclean initiative, in line with the Paretian government. Importantly de Armas is a firm ally of Etruria and supports measures to allow memberstates more freedom to tighten abortion and divorce law as well as soften criticism of homophobia globally.

A factor in de Armas' favour is that the Euclean far-right has been steady in many countries and their ideas have increasingly entered the mainstream. When Werania's interior minister referenced a racist conspiracy theory in 2021 he was praised by Euclean far-right figures and with the centre-right continuing to be on the decline the influence of the far-right is only likely to grow across the bloc.

That said, de Armas has some major problems. Firstly whilst the populist right shows no signs of abating it is not consolidated into the far-right with parties in places like Alsland and Hennehouwe keeping the MNDE at an arms length or avoiding them entirely. There is also the spectre of illicit support from Soravia - whilst Popular Victory has been clean of such allegations their close links with the Etrurian Tribunes do give pause for thought.

Brine Ó Scolaidhe, age 70 - Green and Ecologist Movement
A veteran politician who currently serves as Secretary-General of the Euclean Greens - Ecologist Party, Ó Scolaidhe has been a fixture of Euclean and Caldish politics for decades. Despite the Greens making major gains at the last Euclean election in 2019 off the back of an unprecedented heatwave across the continent they have largely stagnated since then with Ó Scolaidhe getting the nomination after facing only a single opponent, Kesselbourgish finance minister Carolijn Kippers.

Ó Scolaidhe supports an Euclean-wide climate policy and significantly expanding Euclea's renewable energy sources promising to spearhead a programme of investment into renewables to both improve the Euclean job market and de-carbonise the Euclean economy. Ó Scolaidhe also supports a strongly federalist and multilateral foreign approach, calling for Euclea to become a "humanitarian superpower". On the rule of law he is hawkish supporting cutting off development funding for Paretia if it continues to see democratic backsliding.

The Greens have in recent years attained much greater prominence both in government coalitions and activism against environmentally unfriendly policies. The Greens have also sought to capitalise on the Euclean centre left often disappointing supporters on various social issues particular around racial injustice, with lack of representation or a failure to aacknowledge historical wrongs on paper opening up an avenue for the Greens who tend to better reflect Euclean diversity then older parties. The current energy problems should additionally make the Green message more important then ever.

However the Greens have failed to made much headway and Ó Scolaidhe may be too much of a throwback to thrust them back into the spotlight. Recent electoral setbacks have not helped and with both the centre-left and liberal candidates embracing a more green platform the Greens risk being marginalised as a political force.

Amelia Ifriu, age 43- Mixed Radical Left
The candidate of the Mixed Radical Left is Amelia Ifriu, who formerly served as the Labour Minister in the cabinet of Ciprian Tomoiog (the centre-left candidate in the previous presidential election). Ifriu has served in the Euclean Parliament since 2019 where she has been noted as one of the most high profile far-left members in the body.

The far-left made gains recently as in some countries they have aligned with the centre-left in order to better coordinate against the right. Ifriu is part of this trend, with her party the Left United for the Republic being the most willing of Amathia's far-left parties to participate in government (the current premier, Maria Marcu, is a fellow party member) in the aim of securing a left-wing majority.

Given the Mixed Radical Left has scant chance of winning Ifriu is best placed to influence the second round candidates on policy grounds. Ifriu promotes reforming the Euclean Community under egalitarian and socialist lines promoting the lifting of deficit laws and to undertake major reform of the Euclo Bank to delegate more monetary policy to the Euclean Parliament and the states. Additionally Ifriu wants to strengthen Euclea-wide labour legislation such as working toward harmonising minimum wages to reduce social dumping and increase living standards in poorer Euclean countries.

However the far-lefts foreign ties have raised eyebrows and may hurt her candidacy. The recent authoritarian actions in Champania and aggresive moves by Chistovodia not to mention their ties to even less palatable countries reflects poorly on Ifriu.

Ạþelviġne Vycces, age 74- Alliance for a Federal and Regionalist Euclea
Vycces is a veteran politician from Estmere, who has been heavily involved in the "third wave" of the Swathish revival (the first being in the Long Peace focusing on preserving language/culture; the second being in immediate post-GW focusing on civil rights) focusing on self-government for Swathish-speaking people in Swerdia. This was initially through his involvement in the first PS government of Swerdia as a minister, where as education minister he spearheaded an explosion in Swerdian language learning. He then made his way to national parliament, and quickly established himself as a leader of the party in Parliament. He was elected leader in 1994, and presided over a bouyant PS until his replacement as leader by Ạlfvynn Striġder in 2001. He left national politics for the Euclean Parliament, determined to push for greater minority rights. In 2019 he was elected to lead the newly-formed AFRE, and remains the most tenured MEP of the bloc.

Vycces has proposed elevating minority languages to official, equal status in the EC alongside official languages and has called for a "Euclean Constitution" to increase the federalisation of the EC and that such a constitution would enshrine the rights of minority peoples in Euclean law.

A large part of his campaign has been about Tosutonia, with Vycces questioning the recent vote believing the EC needs to send in election auditors etc in to make sure that there was no tampering by the national govt, stating that "the polling shows that Tosutonians are in favour of independence; why did the result not show the same? Something does not add up."

Although citizens across Euclea are increasingly looking towards more decentralisation whether that be devolution in Azmara or sepratism in Ruttland the regionalists in this election are likely to be viewed as a fringe choice. They may be important however for giving votes to a centre-left candidate in Paretia given the recent situation in Tosutonia.

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by **Union of Akoren** » Mon Oct 24, 2022 1:49 pm

Union reels in wake of 'Jamal' shooting
Union Police Service still yet to lodge charges against the gunman arrested at the scene of the shooting
POLITICS by Abdullah al-Mosawi

24 September 2022 |15 Mehr 2344

The shooting and killing of popular singer Jamal, at a music venue in Akhtarin last night has left the country reeling, in what is one of the most high-profile assassinations in recent memory. The 28-year-old singer was shot twice last night and pronounced dead at the scene. The gunman was arrested and is now being interrogated.

According to a police press release, the singer was leading a small, ticketed event in the Al’Almas Theatre in central Akhtarin. Around 400 fans were present to hear Jamal sing. Despite there being security on the door, a man not yet identified by police was able to enter the venue with a handgun. Jamal had been singing for over an hour when the man in the crowd had reached the stage and lifted his weapon out his jacket and fired two bullets at Jamal.

He was struck in the abdomen and chest. The shooting sparked chaos inside the theatre, however, the gunman was tackled to the floor by several fans of the singer and restrained until the arrival of security. The police statement praised the bravery of the fans and security and expressed relief that the chaos did not result in a stampede. Paramedics arrived within 8 minutes of the shooting but pronounced Jamal dead at the scene. He was 28 years old and leaves behind his parents and younger sister.

The shooting is the highest profile killing in the Union for over a decade, when popular actress Farah al-Dawoudi was shot dead outside her home by her brother.

Despite having the shooter in custody for several days, the police statement did not provide a motive, suspected or confirmed. This provoked immediate theorising across social media, with several claiming Jamal was slayed by a rival singer, was killed by an individual who disapproved of his music or it was a familial dispute taken to the extreme. The Al’Almas theatre is one of several small venues in Akhtarin that permit gender mixing and is popular with younger generations. Initial fears was that this may have provoked an attack by traditional elements, but the slaying of Jamal only, has led many to dismiss this theory.

The police however said they were undergoing “further interrogations of the shooter.” This has further raised questions as to why the shooter has not been charged with murder already.

The Akhtarin Division of the Union Police Service did not respond to our request for comment.

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by **Hacyinia** » Sun Oct 30, 2022 3:33 pm

Qoğamdıq Qujat

10.30.22

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Defense Ministry announces creation of “Volunteer Battalions” in the Yoloten

The news follows several weeks of capacity assessments, training of freedom fighters in the Yoloten

Written By: Fatimae Elenae

Defense Minister Taetaerqan Aelborty annouced this morning at a press conference that the Royal Hacyinan Military will be officially creating several “Volunteer Battalions”, comprised of formerly independent freedom fighter units who had been defending their homes in the Yoloten, under the direction and leadership of the military.

“We’re pleased to announce that, after several weeks of our special forces units training and assessing the freedom fighters, the Defense Ministry feels confident that they can meet a minimum standard of what is expected in an official paramilitary outfit. Effective immediately, they are considered uniformed members of the Hacyinian military with all of the rights and implications as such. ”

The newly minted Volunteer Battalions had gained international acclaim for their brave fight against the Lavanan-backed Provisional Military and Adminstrative Front of the Yoloten, a Socialist-aligned and backed terrorist group that has illegally held terriority as a proto-state within Hacyinia since the early 1990s.

“We consider the integration of the Volunteer Battalions into regular army structure as part of a natural progression of our strategy in the Yoloten. We feel confident that, in conjunction with regular military forces, we can finish the threat of the illegal armed group who refer to themselves as ‘PAMFY.’ “ Defense Minister Aelborty continued. “We will begin moving regular military forces into the Yoloten at an as of yet undisclosed timeframe in order to support the operations of the Volunteer Battalions. We have plans in place, we are not at liberty to share them.”

Defense Minister Taetaeqan Aelborty took no further questions or issues any other statements following the press conference.

My Last.fm · by **West Kirkon** » Sun Oct 30, 2022 7:39 pm

Lavana releases statement, along with new threats following formation of Hacyinian volunteer units

Marie Gezevuje| 30 October 2022

Following the announcement from the Hacyinian Defense Minister Taetaerqan Aelborty, for the formation of Volunteer Battalions made up from the militia fighters located in the Yoloten and the DMZ surrounding the Provisional Military and Adminstrative Front of the Yoloten (PAMFY) held territory, earlier today. These militias claimed the deadly car bomb attack inside Pers last October 1st, that prompted Lavana to move military units to its western borders. Along with the first Lavanan military involvement in the Yoloten since 2004. A 2004 agreement officially removed Lavanan forces from the Yoloten, which Hacyinia considered sovereign territory, along with creating a demilitarized zone between PAMFY and Hacyinian lines. Yoloten militias loosely aligned with the Hacyinian government operated primarily on the DMZ, although they controlled territory on both sides of the DMZ. Lavana requested Hacyinia conduct anti-militia operations as is required by that 2004 agreement, an agreement Lavana says is now voided.

Premier Laina Keomany announced that Lavana considers Hacyinia in complete violation of the 2004 Agreement. She stated that Lavana is no longer required to follow the guidelines of the 2004 agreement, but will continue to follow its guidelines until the situation changes. She expressed remarkable disappointment in the failure of Hacyinia to chase a policy not against Lavanan security. She stated that Lavana will not hesitate to provide military assistance to the Yoloten to defend the breakaways sovereignty. “Hacyinia has a history of breaking international agreements, along with violating sovereignty of foreign nations” she stated making a reference to the numerous conflicts Lavana and Hacyinia have been involved in, since the independence of Lavana in 1941.

The standoff between both nations which started following the terrorist attack back on the 1st of October, has seen the rivals come to the edge of conflict once again in the closest both states have been to conflict since 1992, when Lavana invaded Hacyinia, and established the Yoloten. Now both states having moved equipment and personnel to the border and are at the edge of military conflict. If any conflict would arise, it would quickly bring in Zorasan into the mix which has stationed thousands of soldiers inside Hacyinia, along with providing extensive weaponry to Hacyinia. The Lavanan army is said to be completely prepared for operations against Hacyinia in its border and the Yoloten.

Experts from the Rizealander Institute of Military Research which have been pretty consistent with their analysis regarding Lavanan military operations, claimed that Lavanan and Hacyinian confrontation would revolve around whether the conflict would be locked solely to the Yoloten, which is no stranger to conflict, or the entire Hacyinian border. During the 1992 invasion, Lavanan and Hacyinian troops maintained the current borders, while Lavana penetrated in the north of the country. For Lavana to engage Hacyinian troops all over the border, would break a precedent established in 1992. Lavanas goals regarding any involvement would also be dangerous for the country, Lavana does not claim any territory west of its current borders, and aside from establishing 100% the borders of the Yoloten Princely State which sought to join Lavana in 1940 (the PAMFY currently controls 94% of that former states territory). Hacyinia on the other hand claims vast swaths of Lavana, along with the entirety of Hacyinia. Although it's unrealistic for Lavana to suffer a defeat like it had once suffered back in 1940, a Hacyinian defeat like 1963 or 1992, is also unrealistic. What was a lukewarm conflict, has suddenly exploded in relevance as the most likely hotspot for a 21st century conflict of unmatched proportions. Community of Nations attempts at remediating the situation have so far appeared to fall on deaf ears.

Marie Gezevuje is a journalist originally from Dezevau, who moved to Gaullica in 2003 for university. She is currently an editor in the Coian Monitor, and has been working since 2013 in the newspaper. She is a Gaullican citizen, wife, mother to 3 daughters, and Football enthusiast. She won the young Journalist award in 2010, for her work regarding Dezevauni language policy, and is specialized in Southeastern Coius and its issues.

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