News Thread [Kylaris|Canon|IC]

[Liecthenbourg]

Camille Chamoun - 8 Elul AV 5781 / Doshanbeh: 25. Mordad 2343 / 16 August 2021

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Bayadha Siege: A report from the city under siege.

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Bayadha is the largest port in southern Tsabara, and has been under siege since the beginning of the month.
Here a rocket strikes an apartment complex near the city-centre.

Bayadha, Tsabara - In the Trifaoui province, the Tsabaran Civil War has been at its fiercest. The focus on the war's fronts has often discussed the back-and-forth on the outskirts of Qaa; the numerous offensives and counter-offensives that skirt across Bedjene.

The city of Bayadha, an important port on the Gulf of Parishar, home to over 800,000 people, has been encircled on the land by secessionist insurgents since the beginning of August. By the air and by the sea, however, the city has been able to find relief: as the strong aerial and naval presence of federal forces have been able to keep supply lines open.

But it has been a harrowing sixteen days; sixteen days of missile strikes on parts of the city; sixteen days of municipally enforced rationing and sixteen days of a tired populace that have attempted to leave the city by any means necessary. Initially, an exodus occurred as secessionist forces broke through government lines near the east of the peninsula. Countless people, the family and friends of those who owned boats, charted out to sea - to other parts of Tsabara. Those with enough money to purchase same-day flights scrambled to the multiple airports in the city and aimed at domestic and international flights as the crisis crawls towards the urbanised coast.

Both these scenarios were harrowing to watch; as photographs capturing private boating craft sailing past Tsabaran warships, and commercial jets escorted by Tsabaran and Estmerish fighter craft, were rapidly posted on social media.

Within Bayadha a strange dichotomy has emerged. Periods of long silence and darkness are interrupted by loud explosions, flashes of intense red light and fire, a retaliatory strike, and the emergence of fighter-jets overhead. Soldiers patrol the streets, announcements declaring for individuals to remain indoors blare through the airwaves, and daily updates from President Nazim al'Qutayni fill the television screens.

Military checkpoints exist along the highways and countless individuals have been temporarily housed in hotels, warehouses and within public spaces following the destruction of their homes on the outskirts of the city. Water has quickly become a valuable commodity, carefully guarded by local and federal forces as well as a hastily conscripted police contingent. Fortunately for the population there is no shortage yet, as shipping continues to be viable as the Tsabaran -- and further out still Euclean -- navies patrol the waves against a foe with no naval presence.

Yet the situation grows increasingly dire. A population can only sustain so much eruption, devastation, destruction. And only so many failed sorties before all becomes lost. Nazim al'Qutayni has pledged that he will "never abandon Tsabarans", and the city's municipal council unanimously voted to "never surrender the city" to secessionists. And hope has risen in recent days over reports of some success further up the peninsula from federal forces; but their march to the city has been halted.

For now there is peace in a city under siege; but who knows what may happen if this siege is sustained.

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312251 comments

tsabaranpizzacontainshummus · 1 hour ago
ciao bayadha :salute:

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illinoisjames · 1 hour ago
: pensive :

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postcounter · 1 hour ago
oh my god liec finally posted as tsabara???

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[Etruria2]

Carlo Augustini - 17 August 2021

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Home · Kesselbourg · The Continent · The World · Policy · Opinion · Features · Newsletters · Continental Pro

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ETRURIA'S TRIBUNES DISMISS FEARS OF REFERENDUM FALLING BELOW TURNOUT THRESHOLD

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President Francesco Carcaterra compared the referendum to a football match between Etruria and Alsland,
a forgone conclusion but played to the end out of politeness.

Povelia, Etruria - Etruria’s ruling Tribune Movement are rather boisterous as they approach August 20th. This Friday, Etrurian voters will head to the polls to select two options which will decide the future of the Etrurian Senate, specifically its upper-house. In a referendum marred by controversy, boycotts by the opposition, the biggest story is rising voter apathy, something the Tribune leadership believe is merely poor polling.

The coming Senate Referendum this Friday was launched several months ago following a corruption scandal involving the Tribune speaker of the upper-house, the State Council of the Federation, with his own party claiming the chamber was unfit for purpose and a fountain of corruption and degradation. Eager to capitalise on public anger, the Tribunes proposed two options, abolishing the upper-house and establishing a “much empowered” unicameral parliament or reforming the upper-house so its members are elected by both the states of Etruria and appointed by the President, essentially an imitation of the system utilised in Estmere’s Chamber of Peers.

Under Etrurian law, any popular referendum’s result to be binding, must have turnout exceed 50%, if it fails to do so, it is invalid and must either be re-run or its contents passed through the legislature. Throughout August, and late July, popular interest, enthusiasm and engagement has been consistently lagging. Recent polls by some of Etruria’s more reputable pollsters show those certain to vote falling below 50%, while those who declare a possible intention, carrying it over the line, but only just. There are several reasons for this, one is the boycott by the two main opposition parties; the Citzens’ Alliance and Social Democrats, who have cried foul over the fixed nature of the two options being presented. The other issues include general confusion over the intricacies of the proposed changes and malaise from the near chaotic nature of Etrurian politics this Spring.

Several Tribune sources who spoke to us to under condition of unanimity upon our outreach have expressed growing anger and exasperation at their party leadership’s seemingly blasé approach to the turnout issue. According to some, the senior leadership around President Francesco Carcaterra believe to the degree of zealotry that the “Etrurian voter is going to come out force, they’re just being shy at has become a tarred poll, mostly due to the boycott by the liberal-left.”

“We keep telling them this isn’t the case, that people are not interested, they do not understand fully what we will be asking them, while choosing August, the height of the holiday season is another, there’s a degree of titanic arrogance in the whole planning of this referendum” another said.

At an event today, President Carcaterra described the referendum as a forgone conclusion.

Telling party supporters he said, “we are going to secure a reformed upper-house, we are going to secure a new Senate that truly serves and represents the Etrurian people. I say this because this referendum is much like a football game no? Here we are, the Etrurian team facing off, I don’t know, Alsland, small and rather inadequate at the game. You know you are going to win, but it’s the decent and polite thing to see it to the end. So we will wait.”

One of the Tribune Movement’s strengths has been its grassroots network, it boasts the largest party membership in the country and one of the largest in the North. The ability of the leadership to listen intently to the grassroots for intelligence and electioneering has been unparalleled in Etrurian politics, but it appears, the leadership may have lost its touch.

As Gina Purelli, a political researcher at the University of San Michele di Arcangelo told me, “the Tribunes’ internal relationship between grassroots and the leadership throughout its history has been its superweapon. The distribution of data, opinions, recommendations is swift and more importantly, listened to by the leadership. This gives the Tribunes immense manoeuvrability in comparison to the other parties, but the issue over the referendum shows that this relationship is fraying.”

Purelli also said, “while this referendum may well be the first defeat for the Tribunes, it will be due to a lack of turnout, the risk that poses is mostly for the opposition, they could easily fall into the trap of thinking they secured a blow against the near hegemonic government, but history is great teacher and it teaches us that the Tribunes rarely if ever sit on their laurels so to speak.”

However, five years of near continuous victories against its rivals and the Etrurian constitutional structure seemingly has unleashed an attitude of complacency and arrogance. One of the issues that drives President Francesco Carcaterra into a rant over politics is what he calls the “arrogance of office,” that the longer you sit in it, the more you are likely to mistakenly believe you are a political genius, then you ignore the people. Sadly, it seems he may well becoming what he detests most in the political class.

[Xiaodong]

Remembering the 1984 expellees, 37 years on.
17 August 2021

It was on a Thursday on the 22 March 1984 that Erkaiym heard a knock on her door. It was early in the morning, still dark, when the green cladded officers of the Revolutionary Guard entered her house nestled in northern Shangea telling her in no uncertain terms that she had to immediately leave Shangea. When she began to hurriedly collect belongings for herself and her children the officers kicked her in the ribs shouting when they said immediately, they meant it. Erkaiym protested that she was a Shangean citizen, waving her identification card. The officers simply snatched it from her fingers before tearing it in half, stating as of the day before she was no longer a citizen and had to leave.

Her daughter, Dinara, was just four at the time and hardly understood what was happening. The family soon had bordered a train heading for the heavily militarised Zorasani border which had only recently been declared as a united country after its stunning victory against Irvadistan and Tsabara in 1980. The cross border station was teeming with refugees who displayed a mixture of anger and fear as steely faced Zorasani border guards were being harangued by their Shangean counterparts to accept them.

Dinara, now a 41 year old author in Gaullica, remembers the pain of moving to the refugee camp that the Zorasani government eventually set up in response to the exodus. "They barely welcomed us however" she notes "as they never understood why we were there".

The causation of this refugee crisis was not a war or famine, but a deliberate expulsion of citizens for ideological purposes. On the 13th March 1984 the Zorasani government, in a bid to assert control over minority groups and supremely self-confident in the afterglow of unification, ordered the destruction of the ancient Zohist statues at the Karkhestar pass in southern Pardaran. The destruction of the ancient statues was vigorously protested and lamented by many in the international community who saw it as proof of the Pardarian exceptionalism of the new regime.

The Karkhestar Zohist statue, before and after its destruction

For the Shangean government however the destruction of the statues was an insult, all the more stinging by a nation considered a then informal ally (ROSPO would be signed only two years later). The Shangean dictator, Sun Yuting, had during his rule reinvigorated the role of Zohism in public life declaring Tsandau Zohism the state religion of the country and restricting the right to practice so-called "foreign religions" such as Irfan and Sotirianity on the grounds they bred "anti-Shangean and immoral behaviour". Additionally the Shangean government had increasingly begun to see itself as the protector of Zohism abroad. As such the destruction of symbols of Shangea's historic influence through faith provoked a fearsome reaction from the Shangean government with pro-government media publishing hysterical anti-Irfanic articles with Zorasanis and Irfanics presented as barbaric figures. Anti-Irfanic riots broke out across the country supported by the government and Zohist clergy.

On the 20th August, a mere week after the statues were demolished, Sun made a televised announcement that would be the zenith of this wave of Irfanophobia. He announced that 350,000 Irfanic citizens in Shangea held "extremist beliefs" and summarily stripped them of their citizenships, ordering them to leave the country "promptly within a week".

Shangea's Irfanic community was small at the time - numbering no more then 2 million people - and concentrated predominantly amongst Öroqic communities in northern Shangea near the Zorasani border. Yet the machinery of the repression finetuned under the premier Qian Xingwen went into overdrive sending security forces to clear villages en masse. The military authorities who ran Chanwa at the time where most Irfanics live were given quotas by district of people to expel. In their eagerness to implement Sun's diktat its likely they expelled far more then the 350,000 specified by Sun, with some theorising up to 500,000 were expelled.

The expulsion of Irfanics would be the last action of Sun, who was killed by an unknown assailant on the 31 March 1984 just over a week from his televised address. Yet his successor Qian kept the deportations going insisting that the government had a responsibility to ensure "terrorists" did not remain in the country. The majority fled to Zorasan - with tacit support of the government in Rongzhuo - causing somewhat of a refugee crisis for the country. For many abroad it appeared Shangea had punished Zorasan for destroying the statues by making its own citizens refugees then sending them across the border to put strain on Zorasani services. In effect, the Shangean government had purposefully destroyed the lives of its own people to save face on statues.

The expulsion would mark a nadir for Shangean-Zorasani relations that would only slowly improve over the next decade. It was only in 2007 under Yuan Xiannian, one of the most ardent supporters of the Rongzhuo-Zahedan Axis in Shangean domestic politics, that Irfan became recognised as an "ethnic religion" in what was widely seen as a sop to Zorasan. Zorasan has in turn funded the construction of new mazars in the country whilst increasingly promoting Irfanic-Zohist cultural cooperation and understanding with Shangea.

But if Irfanics in Shangea may today finally be getting the cultural and political recognition they deserve (and that remains a qualified statement) they refuse to discuss the events of 1984. Yuan has maintained the 1984 position that those expelled were predominantly terrorists and extremists, calling people like Dinara who were expelled as children liars and anti-Shangean propagandists. The Zorasanis strenuously avoid the subject so not to bring up what is a sensitive subject in Shangea in fear of stirring up any new wave of Irfanophobia.

For Dinara, this is a denial of history. "We were happy in Shangea, we had a good life, and they took that away from us for the most cynical of reasons. We have to remember that this was a crime, a crime that still is denied by Shangea's leadership. God will hold them accountable for what they have done".

The Shangean Human Rights Monitor does not publish the names of its contributors for safety purposes.

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[Freedom Planita 2]

Comrade Kamalanayan to visit the People’s Section in Northern Baekjeong.

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First Secretary Kamalanayan announced the official visit in a speech to the Union Section Council.

August 16, 2021
Today First Secretary Abhijit Kamalanayan announced an official visit to the People’s Section in Northern Baekjeong. This is a historic event in the history of the Section; this is the first time a First Secretary will visit an international branch of the Satrian Section in history. In a speech to the Union Section Council, Comrade Kamalanayan announced that the visit would serve to “reinforce our commitment to the people’s movement across Satria'' and “recognize the great work their movement has done for our brothers and sisters in Baekjeong.”

The First Secretary praised the work of the Vijaylan Subsection of the people’s movement, pointing to the successful programs by the Section and the Subsection that have uplifted the historically downtrodden Vijaylan people. As “faithful servants of the people,” the Satrian Section will increase its support to the Vijaylan Subsection through additional funding and support. The main purpose of the trip will be for the First Secretary to personally see the development of the region. He further announced that he will be accompanied by the directors of the Arthani Rural Development Commision and the People’s Rural Bank will travel with him to Baekjeong.

Shortly after his speech, the Secretariat released the details of his trip which will begin on Friday. His first destination will be a small town on the border, where he will meet local officials to commemorate a small memorial to the victims of Arthani-Baek border clashes in the 1960s. Then he will proceed to Vijayla City, the largest settlement in the region where he will meet with the representatives of the Vijaylan Subsection. Afterwards, Mr. Kamalanayan will tour Northern Baekjeong for several days to see the people’s movement. He will visit a highly successful farming collective community near the city of Daesun, meet with families saved from extreme poverty by the People’s Rural Bank, and greet Vijaylan priests, the representatives of the Cheongung Temple.

The speech and the First Secretary's plans have been well received by most of the Satrian Section. Many hardliners have long called for the Satrian Section to take a more assertive and direct role with its overseas branches and affiliated organisations. “It is time to recognize and support our brothers and sisters in their struggle,” said Anurag Thakur, a prominent hardliner. “We should not have waited nearly this long for our First Secretary to personally visit the largest international branch of the Peoples’ Movement.” Others were more cautious; “It is important that the First Secretary uses the opportunity to also strengthen our ties with our allies” said Giriraj Singh, a prominent moderate. Most agree however that the trip will strengthen ties between the Satrian Section and its branch in Baekjeong and has the potential to lead to further development for the Vijaylan people. The Arthani government has not yet officially commented on Kamalanayan’s speech, but it is said that President Patro is supportive of the move after the First Secretary informed the President of the trip.

The Vijaylan Subsection has represented the workers in their struggle against international neoliberalism since 1985. It is one of the few international branches of the movement that can openly affiliate with our movement, although under Baek law, the branch is only allowed to operate as a labour union. Despite this, the branch has seen major successes in past Baek elections and new members continue to join people’s cause. It is widely expected that the movement will continue to grow and further the worker’s movement for the Vijaylan people in Baekjeong. Their success has made it the largest international branch of the Section with over a million official members and millions of unofficial members.

[Union of Akoren]

[The Kingdom of Glitter]

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Mac PIARAIS OUSTED AS LIBERTY'S PARLIAMENTARY LEADER IN HUMILIATING DEFEAT FOR HIS LEADERSHIP

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Pádraig Mac Piarais shrugged off his removal as the leader of his party's group in the Tionól.

By RÓNÁN Ó DUBHGHAILL

17 August 2021 at 14:07 p.m. EST

Pádraig Mac Piarais, the embattled leader of the Liberty Party, has been ousted by his TCs as the leader of the party's group in the Tionól. This has ended his run as leader of the opposition, effectively removing him from the office he has held since April 2019.

TCs in the party's parliamentary caucus voted to remove him as the group's leader this morning. The Tionól returned from its summer recess yesterday. Sources within the party's parliamentary group indicate that the move had been in the works over the recess. Mac Piarais' detractors mobilized over the break in order to oust him.

His ousting comes after consistent criticism from his own TCs and calls for him to step down. Among them have been senior voices in the Tionól, including deputy speaker Áine Nic Gill and Mac Piarais' own deputy Deaglán Mac Colla. Mac Colla is set to take over as acting leader of the party's group in the Tionól until the group reconvenes to elect a new leader.

Mac Piarais has so far indicated he will not resign as party leader, condemning his ousting as the group's leader as "divisive and subversive".

"I will not be going anywhere. I was chosen by this party to lead it and that is exactly what I will be doing. Divisive and subversive virtue signaling will not get in the way of my job".

However, one senior source among the Liberty Party's leadership says that many of Mac Piarais' allies are preparing to step down.

"This is over, we were outmaneuvered" the source said.

Mac Piarais will continue to lead the party itself. However, he has been put on the sidelines by his TCs. This makes leading the party quite difficult for him going forward.

The embattled party leader has been fending off calls to step aside since June after the party's poor showing in regional elections. Under Mac Piarais, Liberty has faced significant loses in three subsequent elections. Opinion polling painted an even worse picture. In recent weeks, the party has fallen below the National Party.

Roibeard Ó Catháin, the former mayor of Spálgleann and former minister, was among the earlier voices calling for Mac Piarais' resignation.

"This is long overdue. Today's vote is a step in the right direction, it is time sensibility returns" he told reporters after the vote.

Ó Catháin was defeated by Mac Piarais in the race to be Liberty's leader in 2019. The two have since had a tense relationship.

Infighting within the party is likely to continue until the issue of Mac Piarais' leadership is resolved, posing political threats to a party that has struggled to find itself in the aftermath of scandals and record defeats.

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© Nördlichen Verlagshaus 2021

[The Holy Dominion of Inesea]

[Union of Akoren]

Camille Chamoun - 10 Elul AV 5781 / Chaharshanbeh: 27. Mordad 2343 / 18 August 2021

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Sheik Faizan Salah killed in air strike.

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The Ministry of Defence released video and still images of the airstrike near Khufayrat

Adunis, Tsabara - In a brief televised statement, President Nazim Al-Qutayni reported a government airstrike has killed prominent figures of the separatists, including Sheik Faizan Salah. He told the nation, “at dawn this morning, our pilots and warplanes struck a compound and destroyed it. We have eliminated Sheik Salah and his coterie of acolytes.”

Appearing on TCTV News, the President said in full:

“My fellow Tsabarans, an important development has occurred today. At dawn this morning, our pilots and warplanes struck a compound and destroyed it. Within its walls was Sheik Faizan Salah and several of his acolytes.

“I can confirm that we have eliminated Sheik Salah and his coterie of acolytes. He is dead and never again will he mobilise the Irfanic faith against our constitution, our nation and our unity. This is a devastating blow for the separatist terrorists who seek to rip apart our country. They have lost their beloved cleric and it is important that they know, they will lose so many more leaders until our country sees victory and peace” he said further.

“With this successful strike against an enemy of the state, we once again prove our capabilities both to the world and to our enemies near and abroad. We will not hesitate if we find you, to destroy you. Today we celebrate, tomorrow, the war continues. God have mercy on our troops and peace be with you all” he concluded.

The president’s address will bring some good news to a nation concerned by the ongoing siege in Bayadha, where an estimated 800,000 people remain trapped and under separatist bombardment.

Reports of large explosions just east of separatist-held Khufayrat reached social media shortly after 8am. No official statement was made by any known separatist-run account on the clips of explosions.

The Ministry of Defence has released a clip and still images of the airstrike that struck Sheik Salah, as well as further details of the operation.
Alongside the Sheik, Peshvar Mohammad Ali Farouk and Peshvar Ghassan al-Sarazi, two prominent cleric members of the separatist leadership were killed. The strike marks the first time the FAF had successfully eliminated high ranking members of the separatist leadership.

Only two days ago, Sheik Salah was replaced as de-facto leader of the separatists by former Chief of the Defence Staff, Zahran al-Amari, who now holds the position of Supreme Leader of the Republic and Resistance.

The Ministry of Defence’s statement indicated that Salah had been tracked by the intelligence services for at least a week before today’s strike. The statement stressed that he would have been eliminated if had not be been usurped by the SCGR.

A source close to the MoD described the strike as a “major success.” They told us in exchange for going unnamed to discuss it in detail, “this is a blow against the separatists, Salah was the charismatic voice of the League of the Righteous prior to our nation’s collapse into civil war. His charisma rallied the remnants of Al-Tughluq’s regime and the Rahelian east, he is perhaps owed the most credit for the emergence of a separatist cause.”

“It may not have an effect on the battlefield, but the loss of such a symbolic character may well be a significant strike against separatist morale and that will be beneficial to Tsabara regardless” the source said further.
The separatists have yet to confirm or deny the killing of Sheik Salah.

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Who was Sheik Faizan Salah?

The MoD did not elaborate on how they tracked Sheik Salah for a week.

Faizan Salah was born 3 February 1958 to a poor farming family near Hitteen. He was the fourth of six children, three of which would die young from disease. He claimed the loss of three siblings drew him to religion; he was notably active at his local Mazar at a young age. However, the Mazar he attended was virulently opposed to the Communalist regime and was shuttered. The Peshvar of the Mazar fled to Zorasan, taking Salah with him to secure him a position at a seminary in Ardakan, Irfan’s holiest city.

From age 15 to 24, he studied at the Emam Hussein Seminary, becoming a favoured student of Ayatollah Farid Kharampour, a senior authority in the theory of “social salvation”, in which good works and activism are superior means to engage the faithful. In 1982, he was awarded the rank of Peshvar and was appointed to a Mazar in northern Irvadistan, where he served until 1985, when he returned home following the overthrow of the Communalist regime.

Between 1985 and 1990, he served as the Peshvar for a Mazar in Sidi Amar, there he also met a group of clerics who shared his enthusiasm for religious activism, leading to the establishment of the League of the Righteous in 1993, a localised group dedicated to assisting the poor, vulnerable and engaging the faithful in various social events.

By 2005, the number of LR branches expanded to well over 300 across the eastern provinces of the country, becoming a highly influential organisation among the country’s Irfanic and Rahelian population. By 2009, the LR operated offices in every province and boasted over 5.5 million members.

In 2010, Salah returned to Zorasan to attend further studies in theology at the Emam Fereydun Seminary in Namrin, there he established ties with senior Zorasani clerics, several of whom would go on to serve in the current political leadership.

Upon his return in 2012, Salah secured the formal alliance between the LR and Atwan Al-Tughluq’s National Irfanic Coalition, becoming a major influence in relation to Al-Tughluq’s erosion of the co-social system and Tsabara’s constitution. Salah in a series of papers and thesis printed between 2012 and 2019 described the process as the “natural process upon which the gift from God, that is demographics originates.”
Salah for his part was also remarkably political and regularly agitated his congregants against the Atudite population and the wider coastal regions, once describing them both as “the insidious elements that come crawling forth from the cracks of the earth, hellbent on our misery and deprivation. The Atudite and the takfir, they co-exist in lavish gluttony and enjoyment that we must be confined to poverty and illiteracy.”
Naturally, the response to Al-Tughluq’s policies and his ultimate death fed into Salah’s grievances, and thus those of the Rahelian east. His swift moves to call for a unified retaliation against the overthrow of Yahya Aboud by Nazim al-Qutayni and those who sought to save our democracy was all to natural for the cleric.

Once in command of his rebellion, he did succeed in drawing upon survivors of the overthrow and rallied tens of thousands of Rahelian troops to defect alongside their entire bases and with their tanks, weaponry and equipment. But he micromanaged, aggrieved the military men and would

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312251 comments

tsabaranpizzacontainshummus · 1 hour ago
RIP

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illinoisjames · 1 hour ago
: pensive :

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43,195 up · 45,826 down

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postcounter · 1 hour ago
Took a year to do this bastard in, never mind.

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• Behera: Sharifi's Infernal Tightrope (4,132)

[/quote]

[Etruria2]

President Carcaterra address: “we put the choice to you because you are the masters of our nation’s destiny”
President Carcaterra took to the airwaves to defend the referendum and lambasted the SD and Citizens for boycotting
POLITICS by Emilio Farinacci

August 19, 2021

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President Carcaterra once again framed the referendum as the Plebeian masses against an "arrogant patrician elite."

San Alessandro, Dinara President Francesco Carcaterra’s address to the nation last night saw him laud the referendum tomorrow as the “key to a more democratic, respectable and strengthened republic”, as he underscored the need to “see our plebeian revolution against the patrician elite come full circle.” His address came as the Tribune Movement dismissed concerns of low voter interest.

The President, a former university history professor was keen to continue framing Etrurian politics as the plebeian masses arrayed against an arrogant, anti-democratic patrician elite. His best-selling books on the Solarian Republic and the Tribunal-period came flowing through his address to the people.

“On Friday, the nation’s polling stations will open and you will be charged with deciding the future of our Senate. We put the choice to you because you are the masters of our nation’s destiny.

“We do so because it is our fundamental belief, that popular democracy, the exercise of your desires and will is the most basic and purest exercises that defines our republic. Big decisions, such as the future of the Senate, should always be made by you, the people, not those who sit in offices of state” he said.

“To those who decided to boycott this event, your arrogance and your hubris will come to haunt you. To believe that you are above the democratic traditions of our Republic is beyond the pale. The last time, the patrician elite, those who would see the masses denied their voice for their own ends, sought to undermine a republic of this land, the plebians arose with one voice, one mind and one soul and snatched from them their god given voice. Today, it is the same. The Poteri Oscuri are the patricians, and you, the patriotic and hard-working sons and daughters of 3,000 years of Etrurian history are once again the Plebians poised to roar with your god given voice” he said.

“The patricians today boycott because they have been scorched by your wisdom and collective genius. The last time they gifted you the right to decide the nation’s future, you rightly denied them their ultimate dream of surrendering Etruria’s sovereignty and independence to the Euclean project. They have no intention of ever letting you make such profound decisions again and that is the arrogance that will be their undoing” he said further.

The president then explained briefly the two options being presented on Friday.

“The first option being presented to you is the reformation of our the Senate. The proposals would see the State Council be reorganised in a similar fashion to Estmere’s Chamber of Peers, in which, after a federal election, the states will select ten delegates to sit in the Chamber. Each state, equally represented regardless of population or economic might. Alongside those members, 60 will be selected by the government of the day, in recognition of their contribution to national life. Doctors, charitable figures, scientists, and veteran politicians. This option delivers a higher chamber truly representative of the nation and the states that make up our federation.

“The second option is to abolish the State Council and establish a single chambered Senate. This would build in our country, a powerful senate, which will pass laws quickly, with great scrutiny and ensure that the government can move quickly to any crisis, emergency or require the speed the make good on promises.

“These options are to be decided by you, not the government, not the Tribune Movement, certainly not the patrician parties. You. You and you alone have the power to decide the future and destiny of our great country. I have faith in you to deliver the smashing blow against the patricians who would dare deny you your voice. I have faith in you to deliver the decision that reenergise and complete our great plebian revolution of the third millennium. Know that whatever decision you make, it will be carried through without hesitation and without prejudice.

“And so, on Friday, be brave and roar with that god given voice. May God guide your hand in the decision you are to make. Thank you and god bless our great nation.” He said.

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Analysis: Just 24 hours to go and worrying signs still keep coming

The President’s address was marked by his characteristic calm confidence, but it belies the fact that for over a month, there have been concerning signs that voter apathy may pose a significant threat to the government’s intentions. All referendums in Etruria require turnout to pass 50% to be legally valid, and numerous polls on voting intentions show that those who are certain to vote or have voted by post is below 50%. Even with social media, radio and television being bombarded by government messages, calling people to vote, it appears to have made no difference. What will concern the government is that the numbers indicate that they’re struggling to mobilise their own base. Taking 2018 figures, the combined vote tally for the Tribune Movement and Farmers and Workers Union is 56.9%, comfortably but still closely above the threshold.

Sources in the SD, the principal driver of the opposition boycott, are quietly confident that they are about to score a major victory against the Tribune Movement, which has decimated its rivals for five consecutive years. However, the government appears to be dismissing concerns over turnout, apparently confident that polls are incorrect and that the Etrurian people will deliver a blow against the opposition akin to the EC referendum in 2016.

[The Holy Dominion of Inesea]

[Eskaeba]

[Etruria2]

[Freedom Planita 2]

[Chemensia]

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Gulbistan - Satria - Coius - Global - Politics - Culture - Business - Sports - Weather - More

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2021 Gulbistan Presidential Election: Who is in the running?

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By: Ali Buzdari | August 20, 2021

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The 2021 Gulbistani Presidential Election is now only a few months away from closing, with more and more tension as the 4 major parties attempt to grasp on the victory. This election has been the first since the Declaration Of Emergency in 2018 by both Jirgas of the Assembly. This, along with insurgencies across the nation growing, are crucial aspects that will decide who wins and loses in this election. December 8th will also be the date for the elections of both the Tribal and People's Jirgas. So far, the Gulbistan National Party's Incumbent President Omar Sherzai has stayed in the lead in most polls, and the GNP also leads in many polls for the Jirgas. The Dostak Journal's most recent poll showed Sherzai an entire 15 percentages ahead of the Tribal Irfanic Coalition's Wajia in a sample of 1300 from across all provinces. Jiskani and Khattak both saw significantly smaller, but still relevant, numbers.

The Dostak Journal has compiled information about the four primary candidates and describes them below for the information of the Gulbistani voter. To get more information go to Politics and click "Candidates" to find out more about the four primary candidates, as well as others.

OMAR SHERZAI - GULBISTAN NATIONAL PARTY
-President Omar Sherzai has been in his position since 2007, and has become one of Gulbistan's longest ruling and most influential Presidents in history. Sherzai's policy remains the same as it always has been: stability and growth. Sherzai's notable accompishments as president include liberating much of Gulbistan from insurgent forces in what has become known as "Sherzai's War", bringing Gulbistan into the sphere of COMDEV and Senria, and promoting a balance between Irfanic tradition and modern liberalization. His populist ways brought him several election victories in the past, which he boosted with his criticism of the TIC's post-civil war reconstruction as "painfully slow". The policy of economic liberalism, globalization, and free trade has always been a staple of Sherzai and the GNP, and it is unlikely that will change any time soon. The leadership of Sherzai has also seen the growth of Gulbistan's federal government. The President's actions have seen criticism from many different groups they see as the creation of a dictatorship, with the expanded power of the Presidency under the Emergency Declaration and the creation of the controversial National Security Protocol.

DARWISH WAJIA - TRIBAL IRFANIC COALITION
-Former President Darwish Wajia is once again in the race standing as Sherzai's primary opponent. Wajia has served as President of Gulbistan from 1995-1998 and from 2004-2007. Wajia is considered by his supporters as Gulbistan's "hero", being the well-respected leader of the rebel during the Civil War. Wajia's policy has always been based on federalism, tradition, and isolation. Wajia is a strong federalist, known for criticizing Sherzai for "destroying tribal autonomy and degrading provincial autonomy". He is also Gulbistan's primary conservative, believing Irfan to be the fabric of Gulbistan keeping it together. He is also economically conservative, believing Gulbistan should "buy Gulbistan, sell Gulbistan". He is an establish isolationist, believing that attempts to draw Gulbistan into international organizations will backfire and hurt the Gulbistani people.

JAMSHID JISKANI - GULBISTAN SOCIAL REFORM PARTY
-Thyropinian Tribal Jirga member Jamshid Jiskani is the Gulbistan Social Reform Party's candidate, and stands as the leader of the Gulbistani political left. The GSRP was once Gulbistan's second largest party before the rise of the GNP, and for years the two have been eating at each others' voters. Jiskani is a union leader and activist who has served in the Tribal Jirga since 2013. Jiskani's policy proposals have been centered around many left-wing ideas. Jiskani has recently been targeting treatment of workers in many major domestic and foreign companies across the nation, especially in the textile and electronics industry. Jiskani, unlike many previous GSRP candidates, has been a staunch believer in Irfan has stated that "the common welfare of all is a primary principal of Irfan".

SAMIR KHATTAK - IRFANIC PARTY
-Religious leader and tribal activist, Samir Khattak would recently see a spike in popularity in the IP which has led to his candidacy. The IP was once a powerful political force until 2013, as many of the IP's voter base would join the TIC. Khattak has promoted himself as a fighter for tradition and he and many other IP members view Sherzai and his rule as "a great threat to Irfan", many comparing it to the late Republic government. The IP and Khattak have shown their platform to be based on the integration of Irfan deep into the Gulbistan government and promoting Irfanic Laws and becoming closer to the Irfanic World, especially Zorasan. Khattak has also been a promoter of "unity in Irfan", seeing the ethnic conflicts of the nation could be solved with promoting Irfanic unity.

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ALSO SEE:
-TOBADAD: 2 ZPF insurgents killed near Tajdarya by troops.
-HAMSHA: Hamtash Museum reveals exhibit showcasing newly discovered Amstian artifacts.
-SATRIA: Arthasthan's Kamalanayan visits Vijaylan Subsection leaders in Baekjeong.
-EUCLEA: Senate Referendum fails in Etruria, Tribune Movement disaster.

[Etruria2]

President Carcaterra: “This is a defeat not just for our government, but the very foundational principles of democracy”
President Carcaterra strikes a defiant tone as he vows to pass Reform package through the Senate in response to last night's humiliating defeat
POLITICS by Emilio Farinacci

August 21, 2021

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President Carcaterra has blamed last night's defeat solely on the oppositions's boycott, ignoring the major
flaws of the government's approach

San Alessandro, Dinara President Francesco Carcaterra has addressed the nation for the second time in a week, only this time in response to a humiliating set-back. Responding to last night’s referendum failure, in which only 40.30% of voters cast a ballot, well below the 50%+ threshold, he struck a defiant tone saying, “while it is clear we failed to achieve the democratic breakthrough we planned, to those who believe now we retreat and cower, you are mistaken. Our duty is to implement the popular will and that we shall do with no reprieve.”

In this morning’s address, President Carcaterra appeared as his usual calm but confident self.

Here is a full transcript of his statement below:

“Good morning my fellow Etrurian citizens. First, I would like to give a thank you to all the electoral officials and volunteers who facilitated last night’s referendum, I give thanks to them all as servants of democracy for their hard work, resilience and commitment to the central pillar of our republic.

“The result of last night’s referendum is disappointing, but most importantly, it is not a defeat just for our government, but the very foundational principles of democracy. Last night showed the insidious effects boycotts and the arrogant dismissal of popular democracy. Last night was a defeat for us all, for it failed not because of the questions, but because an array of forces, parties, newspapers, media outlets rallied to deny it legitimacy. It is with great sadness, but absolute clarity and honesty that I admit, as President, they succeeded.”

“If any realisation is to come from last’s nights results it is that within our republic are forces wholly dedicated to sabotaging our democracy, our electoral system, our majoritarian way of life. There are forces who wish to undermine our republic through the realisation that they lack the answers to your needs, reject your desires and aspirations and know they can never return to government or power through legitimate means.

“While it is clear we failed to achieve the democratic breakthrough we planned, and for that I apologise to you, while it is clear we failed to achieve the democratic breakthrough we planned, to those who believe now we retreat and cower, you are mistaken. Our duty is to implement the popular will and that we shall do with no reprieve.

“I have issued a recall notice for the Senate for an emergency debate session, in which the government will table the reform package for a vote. We will pass the majority choice through legislation. We will honour our promise to reform our legislature and we will do so with no restraint.
“We will rally together in defence of our republic and we will defeat the plots and machinations of the Patrician forces who would de-legitimise our democracy. These forces cannot win elections because they hold you in contempt, I assure you, this government, this Tribune Movement will not let them burn down our republic in a fit of scorched-earth vengeance.

“We move forward in patriotic cause, united in defence of our democracy and republic. We will honour our promises, we will reform our Senate and we will defeat the forces arrayed against us all. God bless you and god bless our beloved Etrurian Republic.”

The address though calm in delivery was riddled with rage and fury by a president who has not suffered defeat in any measure since he founded his party in 2012. Several in the SD believed that Carcaterra would resign or show some sign of contrition in defeat. That was not the case, instead, the President has now committed his government to reforming the legislature by legislative means, when almost 60% of the people rejected such reforms.

The fallout from last night’s defeat for the government has been rapidly growing. At 6.30am, the Tribune Movement itself sacked two prominent figures; Strategic Director Mauro Vincenzo Abate, Electoral Strategies Director Emmanuele Balbo, while the Office of the President sacked Deputy Chief of Staff Maria Di Lauro. These figures were the most vocal supporters of utilising a referendum to determine the future of the Senate. They were reportedly sacked following a unanimous decision by the so-called “Tarantine Triad”; President Carcaterra, Deputy President Vittoria Vasari and Interior Minister Gianfranco Galizia.

On social media and lamentably, ARE, the nation’s broadcaster, fury and rage from the Right has been unrelenting. Numerous Tribunes from the local and state level have blamed the boycott by the SD and Citizens’, while also accusing papers such as this one and Il Popolo of facilitating a nefarious plot.

Archbishop of Povelia, Vittore Amadeo de Frixaturo, one of the most vocal supporters of the Tribunes in the Church chirpred, “this failure will not hang over for us long. By the grace of God victory shall be snatched from the jaws of defeat, for this government has been blessed with the guiding hand of the Lord since day one.” He was followed by the Archbishop of Caxeri, Enrico Ferdiando Dettori, who also chirpred, “pray for Etruria, pray that the anti-Church, anti-God, anti-faith left does not consolidate this most unbecoming of successes.”

The far-right street movements have been even more vocal, with the largest, the Movement for the Protection of the Republic, led by the convicted-racist and homophobe Onorio Caio Avella calling on “patriots” to march in defence of the republic against the alleged “EC-leftist coalition” now seeking to overthrow the government. The various violent football Ultras that near worship the Tribune Movement have called for the SD and Citizens’ to be arrested and shut down, while several Ultras on social media have threatened to kill Chiara Mastromarino.

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Analysis: It was naïve to think this would course-correct the Tribunes

The calls for Carcaterra’s resignation by senior Social Democrats though laudable at the time, now appears naïve and rather lazy. Those who thought this correct the Tribunes or bring them down a station are now clearly naïve. The Tribunes have never lost until now, and the sight is truly unpleasant. The government is vowing revenge on anti-democratic forces, blaming its defeat solely on the boycott, ignoring the fact that they could not even mobilise its own base sufficiently, let alone the incompetent dating of the referendum at the height of the holiday season and the ridiculous campaign in which virtually no effort was made to get out the vote.

The government’s emergency recall of the Senate to push through the reform package which won a majority of votes cast is a worrying concern. The Tribunes with their allies in the Farmers and Workers Union hold a 2-3 third majority in the upper-house, the Tribunes’ near inhuman ability to maintain party discipline in the Senate will deliver changes 60% of the electorate rejected.

If the SD and CA are keen to protect the Senate, they are going to need to use every trick in the book and no doubt take action that will only further fuel the government’s claims that the SD and CA are anti-democratic and arrogantly keen to undermine Etruria’s republican system of government. Several SD senators have already recommended using the filibuster – or more precisely, talking the bill to death, while others are calling for a walk out to deny the Chamber of Representatives a quorum.

We will bring more analysis of last night’s defeat throughout the day.

[Hennehouwe]

HENNEHOUWE • Today, updated 20:21

Protests erupt following arrest of 'pro-Sattarist' Irfani cleric

REPORTING:
Nicolaas Geijs

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The arrest of a prominent pro-Sattarist Irfanic cleric in s'Holle has sparked angry protests in the city and elsewhere.

Abdul Jabbaar el-Rasheed, a cleric based at the Darih al-Mu'minin Mazar in the Nieuwenhuis district of s'Holle, was arrested on Saturday on charges of incitement to hatred and threatening violence. At a livestreamed seminary delivered in the Mazar, Mr. El-Rasheed endorsed calls for an Irfanic boycott of the federal election. He also suggested the attacking and blockading of polling stations, primarily in areas with large Irfan populations, to enforce the boycott.

Calls for an 'Irfani' boycott of the election originated in the Zorasani parliament, where MP Fayza Kadir urged Coians in Hennehouwe to "slam the door" on the electoral process perceived to be influenced by anti-Irfanic scapegoating - a position that has been de facto adopted by the Zorasani regime.

El-Rasheed, born in Hennehouwe to Irvadi parents, has a history of run-ins with the Hennish legal system over past comments and actions. Having spent time in Zorasan in the late 1990's, he returned to s'Holle where he co-founded the Ettehad HE group - an extreme pro-Sattarist organisation. He was previously arrested and fined for hate speech against Atudites in 2010, and was implicated in the outbreak of small-scale rioting in areas of south-western s'Holle in 2012.

The Darih al-Mu'minin Mazar, the small Irvadi-orientated mazar from which he regularly preached, has also been one of a number of mazars in Hennehouwe investigated for alleged Sattarist and Zorasani state-backed infiltration in recent years.

Following the arrest, protests were organised for Sunday. An estimated two thousand people participated in a demonstration in s'Holle, marching from the Darih al-Mu'minin Mazar towards a street nearby Zuidstraat police station, where Mr. El-Rasheed is currently being held. Protestors held placards calling for the cleric's release and for the boycott of the September 3rd election. Shouts of Sattarist and anti-Eastern slogans could also be heard.

Similar demonstrations took place on a smaller scale in Zilverzee, Herxen and Wissel. As in s'Holle, these were organised on social media and promoted by pro-Sattarist and Irfani youth groups. Police reported fifteen arrests relating to the protests, including four linked to a counter-demonstration by right-wing groups in s'Holle.

The reaction to the arrest and the subsequent protests, both within the political arena and amongst the Hennish Irfani population, has been swift. The Chair of the Hennhish Irfan Integration Assembly, Hamid Khaledi, issued a public rebuke of El-Rasheed, saying his words did not represent "any serious cohort" of the Irfan community. "Hatred of any kind has no place in our society," he stated. He also claimed that Irfanis will vote in record numbers in the upcoming election, citing surging voter registration in areas with high concentrations of Irfani residents.

Unsurprisingly, the incident has dominated the penultimate weekend of an election campaign in which integration and immigration have been key issues.

There was widespread condemnation of El-Rasheed's comments from all parties and leaders. Senator Karim al-Saleem, SAP spokesperson for Coian affairs and himself an Irvadi immigrant, described the cleric's actions as "irresponsible of the highest degree." Mr. Al-Saleem also criticized the protestors, referring to them as "agitators" and unrepresentative of Hennish Irfani communities. Green Party spokeswoman Yasmin Sarraf expressed similar sentiments. "This plays right into the hands of the far-right, who are the real threat to this country in the upcoming election. The voice of our community will be vital in halting them at the ballot box."

NVP leader Fabian van Aitzema said that prosecuters should seek the maximum possible sentence for what he described as a "flagrant attack on our free and open democracy". He said that growing Zorasani influence on Hennish mazars and clerics was a growing problem and a "national security threat waiting to happen", and referred to it as a barrier in fully integrating communities. He also condemned the ongoing protests, though describing them as "small and pathetic".

Patriot's March spokeswoman Marijne Hessing remarked that while Mr. El-Rasheed's comments were "disgraceful", they weren't surprising. "This is becoming all too common across Hennehouwe, it's just not being reported." She said the MdP would, in government, halt the granting of planning permission for the construction of new mazars and would clamp down on "anti-Hennish" clerics and sermons. Heart van Hennehouwe leader Pieter Veer also vowed that the arrest needed to be a "turning point" for Hennish society. "If these clerics and protestors hate our democracy and our prosperity, they know where they can go."

Abdul Jabbaar el-Rasheed remains in custody for further questioning. s'Holle Police have confirmed their investigation does not extend to the Darih al-Mu'minin Mazar at this time.

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MOST READ

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• The humanitarian disaster unfolding in Tsabara

[Etruria2]

Chiara Mastromarino: “The Tribunes are throwing their toys out of the pram, and only a strong woman can raise a child right.”
Fury among SD and Citizens as Tribunes torch parliamentary rules to push through referendum result rejected by 60% of Etrurians
POLITICS by Emilio Farinacci

August 26, 2021

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In an exclusive interview, SD's Chiara Mastromarino lays down the gauntlet

San Alessandro, Dinara In an exclusive interview, the leader of the SD, Chiara Mastromarino tells us that an election this year is inevitable and that she and her party are ready to serve as the next government. She also tells us that the next election will be the most consequential since 1984 and that no one can “be fooled, nor blind to the threat the Tribune Movement and the far-right poses.” She also did not mince her words in condemning the “weakness and incompetence” of the Citizens’ Alliance, vowing to seek a single-party government.

Sitting in her home in San Alessandro, the 67-year-old mother of three looked confident, if somewhat sullen.

“It has been a struggle the past few days certainly. Monday was certainly the worse day of my political life, but that pales in comparison to the suffering our democracy and republic endured” she said as she poured me and herself a fresh cup of coffee. And then gestured toward the sitting room, her dog, a small dashound began barking, to which to she simply shot a pointed finger and the dog went silent.

"You have no idea how much I wished that worked on people, especially people to the far-right. Wouldn't life and Etruria in general be a much more pleasant place if I could point a finger and silence Vittoria Vasari" she said with a roaring laugh.

I asked if this was a reflective moment for the wider population, she smiled gently, “yes absolutely. I think people now understand what they [Tribunes] are truly pursuing. This isn’t about religious liberty or fighting some terrible foe, this is about power and centralising power in their hands, destroying our parliamentary democracy in the process, people have woken up to that now.”

As she took her seat with a smile, I asked if it was too late, whether the damage done was too much to recover, “no absolutely not. The electoral reforms they passed by hijacking their referendum bill poses a problem, I will not deny that, but with sufficient momentum and the people voting SD to stop any further sliding into dictatorship, we can do it, we can remove the Tribunes and begin repairing our democracy.”

“We can so close to awakening too late, we can very close to realising the truth after it was too late. Fortunately, the Tribunes’ proclivity for throwing their toys out of the pram so-to-speak, has been the saving grace of Etrurian democracy” she laughed.

“The Tribunes are throwing their toys out of the pram, and only a strong woman can raise a child right.” she said sternly.

I asked her directly if she accepted it would be an uphill struggle, considering the Tribunes’ loyal base, believed by most analysts to remain steadfastly in the low 40s.

“We [the SD] are in no way naïve or blind to the fight it will be to unseat this government. The electoral changes are abysmal, clearly the Soravians included the playbook with their monthly payments to the Tribunes. And there remains a staunch base of support for the government. But that’s in some a way positive, it is driving us to formulate the best case for the Etrurian people. We will do whatever we have to, to unseat the worst government in Etrurian history” she replied, finishing with a gulp of steaming coffee.

“But look, even Senrian academics have caught on to how the Tribunes have failed consistently to deal with the real issues affecting the hardworking families of this country. What good is it banning debate on the Solaria War to a family that still sees prices rising and their wages not meeting that cost” she said further.

I asked her a question, that has been on many people’s lips, would the SD join an electoral alliance with the Citizens?

“No I do not think so, that is not to say, post-election some agreements cannot or should not be reached, but going into the election, our goal, our aim is to secure an SD government. As I have said before, the Citizens’ have much to answer for the crisis we find ourselves in. We’ve seen five consecutive years of abdicating responsibility by them. They failed as the party of opposition. Vittoria Vetra, Tozza, both have much blame at their feet” she retorted.

Her comments follow widely accredited sources that the SD and Citizens’ collaborated on Monday to attempt ways of defeating the government’s passing the failed referendum results, though they failed completely.

I asked her if she accepted criticism of both the SD’s boycott of the referendum and the legislative events on Monday, that the SD was playing into the Tribunes’ hands that they are arrogantly anti-democratic.

“Look, this is a government that possesses a very warped interpretation of what democracy means. Look at the options last Friday, what were we supposed to champion? The abolition of the State Council, the demolition of our federal system, or reform, which basically guarantees a far-right majority? How could we look voters in the eye and champion option that ultimately results in the same thing, a subordinate legislative branch. Of course, we couldn’t. As for Monday, of course we had to boycott that too, to protest the government shoving through a bill that only 20% of the electorate backed. That was no different, if we and the Federalists had pushed through legislation joining the EC back in 2016.”

“I made that decision, and I stand by my decision. We are dealing with a government that sees itself as the sole and exclusive manifestation of the people’s will. The most far-right government since the War, think that they and they alone are the voice of the people and cannot comprehend that that's not actually the case. We have to make them comprehend that and boycotting was a means to do so” she continued.

Final question I put to Mastromarino was, what would she say to the Tribune base right now?

She pushed aside her mug of coffee, now empty, well before mine had even turn lukewarm. She smiled, “I would say, is this what you truly want? Etruria shunned by an entire continent, except for the Soravians? Is what you want? Your son or daughter working in waiting all their lives, pouring wine for Weranian tourists? Or do you want to know that they can get good high paying jobs, or that you can know for certain you can send them to university because your own wage is at last growing in line with the cost of living? Is this what you want? Endless protests, hatred and division? Is this what you want? Just the nebulous and symbolic paraded as life changing? Has the ban on Solarian War discussion changed your life? Has the banning of abortion? Has the discrimination of the gay community, really made a difference to your life? We have suffered five years of aggression, bullying, harassment and no change to your pockets, your living standards or the prospects of your children and yourself. Its time for change, its time for a government that will deliver the improvements you deserve, because you deserve better than the Tribune Movement. And the SD is able, willing and dedicated to seeing that change be delivered.”

I thanked Mastromarino for her answers and she smiled, nodding profusely. Looking at her mug she sighed, before noting the lack of consumption on my part.

“You know, you drink slowly” she said with a laugh.

Before I could answer, “I bet you can drink alcohol quicker” she smiled, I replied in the affirmative.

“My husband would like you very much” she turned to boil the kettle.[/size]

[Qianrong]

backdating this slightly since i was out of town until yesterday and didn't have consistent internet

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AKAIKE: "I WILL NOT DROP OUT"
Senrian Section candidate refuses to withdraw from mayoral rerun,
in spite of criticism, calls for unity around Kozakura from other parties

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Akaike (file photo) has insisted that he is the "true workers' choice" in the Keisi election.

August 20, 2021 | Yasunori Itiyanagi in Keisi | Nobuhisa Akaike, the candidate for the Senrian Section of the Workers' Internationale - or Senroukaibu - in Keisi's mayoral election, has continued to insist that he will not drop out of the rerun unilaterally ordered by the Ministry of Personnel.

The declaration comes as Akaike comes under increasing pressure to drop out of the race and urge his voters to back Democratic-Koumeitou candidate Rokurou Kozakura, who narrowly won the preliminary count in the Keisi election, held on August 9, before the election's results were nullified using dubious claims of "irregularities" by Personnel Minister Ayane Nisimura.

Among the candidates who have dropped out are Kyouwakai candidate Rikuto Okabe, who formally dropped out on August 10, and Liberal Party candidate Sigeru Katou, who dropped out on August 15. Both Okabe and Katou urged their supporters to back Kozakura.

The mayoral election was originally called following the June death of Aikokutou mayor Takamasa Hirotani, who had won his fourth term of office in March.

"With all due respect to Mr. Kozakura," Akaike told reporters at a campaign event earlier today, "the people of Keisi deserve to have the option of someone who is truly concerned with the rights of the workers and with undertaking the decisive action needed to root out the Aikokutou's crony capitalism, rather than the superficial changes of a centrist framework. I am the true workers' choice in this race and I will remain in the race accordingly."

Akaike's decision to stay in the race might be based on his better-than-expected performance in the August election, which saw the Senroukaibu climb from its usual four or five percent of the vote to 7.54%, above the Kyouwakai's result. It is possible that Akaike is hoping to build on that performance in the second round, establishing a springboard for city council elections in 2022.

But the move might backfire, if opposition voters decide they would rather rally around Kozakura after the blatant efforts by the Aikokutou to deny him his hard-fought electoral victory.

Keisi has been flooded with election advertising as both the Aikokutou and the joint Democratic-Koumeitou team pour everything into the rerun of the Keisi election, hoping to sway voters whose preferred candidates have dropped out and turn out those who chose not to vote in the March and August elections. The Aikokutou has made an especially concerted push, buying advertising space all over the city and blanketing the airwaves in endorsements for their candidate, Nobuhiro Akiba, and launching attack ads against Kozakura.

Whether Akaike could seriously derail opposition efforts is debatable, though most observers agree that it is unlikely; few Katou and Okabe voters are likely to be more sympathetic to Akaike than Kozakura, and votes for Katou and Okabe represented roughly a fifth of those cast in August; if their voters turn out for Kozakura, as Katou and Okabe have urged, then it will take a monumental effort by the Aikokutou to block Kozakura's election.

Kozakura, for his part, has focused his attacks on Akiba with the goal of winning over undecided and other opposition voters; at a press conference, he by and large refused to address Akaike's refusal to drop out, telling reporters that he was "unconcerned". "My concern, as always, is in demonstrating to Keisians my commitment to fixing the issues with this city," he declared. "That is what should be the central issue in this race, and I am determined to center it as much as I can."

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Related stories:
Senria - Aikokutou leaders stand by dubious fraud allegations
Senria - Keisi airwaves "blanketed" by election advertising
Senria - Keisi city council allegedly considering budget cuts
Senria - Int'l observers: "little proof" of alleged irregularities

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Other stories:
Etruria - Early results suggest Tribune failure in referendum
Tsabara - UZIR-backed sheikh killed, allegedly in airstrike
Gapolania - 5,000 evacuated as tropical depression bears down
Opinion - The Tribunes, the Aikokutou, and despotistic hubris

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[The Holy Dominion of Inesea]

[The Kingdom of Glitter]

Mac Piarais to resign as Liberty Party leader
Updated / Monday, 23 Aug 2021 13:36
POLITICS by Róisín Nic Uilliam

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Liberty Party deputy leader Seárlas Bácaeir (l) will take over as acting party leader
after Pádraig Mac Piarais (r) formally resigns on Wednesday.

SPÁLGLEANN – The leader of the Liberty Party, the largest among the opposition, has announced his intentions to resign from the position this week. Pádraig Mac Piarais, who has led the party since April 2019, will officially vacate his position on Wednesday. His announcement comes after pressure from within his party and the exit of several party operatives with whom he had close ties.

The party leader said that his position had "become untenable" and that he was "no longer able to do [his] job effectively".

"After my authority was consistently undermined by those in this party who wish to do nothing more than ensure we lose elections, I have decided I can best serve the Caldish people by stepping away from the leadership".

He thanked voters for their support, but warned members of his party that "spineless and passive resistance to a socialist government will do nothing but cement it".

"If my collogues in the Tionól want to be a toothless opposition to the government, so be it" he said.

He will continue as party leader until Wednesday when he will resign in order for preparations to be made before his exit.

Following Mac Piarais' resignation, Seárlas Bácaeir, a former senator and Invertwinc mayor, will take over as the party's interim leader until a leadership election is held. TC Deaglán Mac Colla is currently responsible for leading Liberty's parliamentary group on an acting basis.

His exit will mark the end of a challenging period for the Liberty Party. After nearly two decades in government, the party faced a series of scandals and a record defeat in the 2019 general election. The party has fared poorly in local and regional elections since. As a result, rank and file party members have been pressuring Mac Piarais to step aside since June.

What began as TCs speaking anonymously on record gradually became very vocal criticism. The most significant of which came from Áine Nic Gill, Second Leas-Cheann Comhairle of the Tionól.

After rejecting calls for his resignation, Mac Piarais was removed as the leader of the Liberty Party's parliamentary group in the Tionól last week. Senior allies of Mac Piarais in the party began exiting their positions in the days after, indicating that his own exit was imminent.

He has yet to say if he will also resign from the Tionól and will continue to serve as a TC.

CONTROVERSIAL TRACK RECORD

Since becoming party leader in April 2019, Mac Piarais has faced opposition from more moderate factions within the party. He has frequently been criticized for his conservative positions, which marked a departure from the liberal leadership of Alastrí Nic Ualtair.

Mac Piarais' positions on climate change, immigration, and government spending have garnered the most criticism from members of his party. His rhetoric has also earned him detractors.

As opposition leader, he faced significant controversy over alleged derogatory remarks he made about King Kenneth IV. The purported comments, in addition to rhetoric he used when criticism the Mac Suibhne government, saw him effectively sidelined as opposition leader by the government.

The taoiseach and cabinet ministers refused to answer any questions from Mac Piarais while debating in the Tionól. Despite protests from Mac Piarais and the Liberty Party, Ceann Comhairle Proinnsias Ó Loingsigh declined to force government members to address Mac Piarais. The speaker, himself a member of the governing Social Democratic Party, instead referred the issue to the Tionól's rules committee.

The issue was never resolved while Mac Piarais served as opposition leader.

Mac Piarais' conservative positions, his controversial rhetoric, and electoral defeats the party faced under his leadership complicated his ability to lead the party in recent months. It made him vulnerable to party revolts against his leadership, which came last week.

TCs became increasingly concerned about their own elections after polling showed that Liberty may face losses in the upcoming 2022 general election. Their concerns outweighed their desire to tow the party line. Most of the party's TCs are themselves more moderate than Mac Piarais, making it harder for him to enforce party loyalty.

[Saul Volcano]

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Government to assign a new "anti-corruption" branch to Civil Guard
Today Justice Minister Algarves, Security Minister Roque, and Govt Affairs Minister Batista announced a change to the Paretian Civil Guard, that will create a new branch with the focus of investigating corruption in the government, and will be tasked with "investigating and arresting those in the Trovão government system guilty of attempting to subvert our democracy".
Leocádia Gahã (@LeocadiaGaha) | 23 Aug 2021 | Precea

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The Civil Guard is Paretia's oldest police agency, with many specialized branches, including Special Ops and Traffic Law.

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Precea, Luzela: Paretia's oldest law enforcement agency, the Paretian Civil Guard, will be given a new branch, known as the Serviço de Investigações de Corrupção (Corruption Investigations Service), specialized with dealing with corruption in the Paretian government. The Civil Guard already has dozens of branches that are specialized in specific areas of law enforcement, such as traffic, spec ops, and identity theft to name a few. This change was announced by O Povo government Minister of Public Security Terezinha Roque, alongside Justice Minister Dinis Paulo Algarves and Govt Affairs Minister Amancio Batista. The first assignment of the new branch will be the 2021 Trovão elections scandal, in which multiple parties and government officials were indicated in attempting to ban the Patron League from the ballot in the districts administered by the Trovão High Court. It has lead to concerns from opposition parties who fear it will be used to deepen the LP's foothold into the government.

Minister Roque said today that "Today we announce the creation of the Corruption Investigations Service, this new addition to our police force will be assigned with assuring our government works for the people, not themselves, and will help protect our democracy from it's greatest enemy, corruption. Their first assignment has already been given, they will investigate and arrest those in the Trovão government guilty of attempting to subvert our democracy when they tried to ban our party, the Patron League, from the ballots, solely because they feared our party's inevitable victory. They will also begin a sweeping investigation into corruption in all parts of our national government, and weed out those who sell themselves out to the interests of the elites over the people. It will investigate and find any illegal actions taken by government officials in recent years. They will investigate all, even those of our own party, and rid of all the garbage in Paretia's government."

The Corruption Investigations Service with be lead by Lieutenant Colonel Túlio Borges, who was a leading officer of the Federal Paretian Law Enforcement. Already almost 500 officers have been assigned to the new branch, many of them already Civil Guard officers with history of work in investigating of government officials. The number the government wishes to reach is around 2,500 officers in the force.

This announcement saw support from Patron League leaders like Peixoto and Caprichoso, as well as Alternative Party leader Pacau. Concerns have been sounded by the opposition, especially the Social Democrats, which deputy leader Carolina Belo said that the Patron League is going to "use this branch to their own gain and get rid of all independent members of the government and replace them with LP cronies, I am deeply concerned for the safety of our party and others, and even the independents." Liberals of Paretia leader Barboza said that this is "exactly like the anti-democratic Tribunes in Etruria, we cannot trust that the Patron League will not abuse this new branch."

The new Service will begin to conduct investigations today, and have already began to work in Trovão. There have been some protests in response, some in support, and some against it. Plans protests against it are planned in cities such as Encerosa, Precea, and Ocerto, along with counter protests in support of it.

LIKE or SHARE
@ MOMENTO 2021

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In Other News:

• EUCLEA - After referendum results, Tribunes attempt to push bill through legislature
• PARETIA - Cerqueira to announce taxation bill
• EUCLEA - Mac Piarais to step down as leader of Caldia's Liberty
• PARETIA - Senate passes bill to add mandatory religious scripture to curriculum
• COIUS - Anti-SSWI protests in Baekjeong

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230 Comments

[Qianrong]

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Tribune leader Francesco Carcaterra (right) and Aikokutou leader Reika Okura have found themselves facing unexpected uphill battles in the past month - Carcaterra in a referendum on Etruria's upper house, Okura in Keisi's atypically competitive snap mayoral election.

THE DECLINE OF THE DOMINANT
How a disparity leads to defeat for right-wing nationalists

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August 23, 2021 / Sep 2021 issue | by Kourou Suenaga | graphics by Félicette Desmoulins | This summer started out so well for the world's right-wing populists. The Zorasanis strengthened their hold on an increasingly fragile, blood-soaked Tsabara with a shakeup in the leadership of pro-UZIR militants. The western Euclean triumvirate of Soravia, Tengaria, and West Miersa took a hard line - and advantage of Kirenian, East Miersan, and EC desires for conciliation - amidst inter-Miersan tensions, strutting their military might about with little Eastern response. And Paretia's Patron League - the Tribune Movement with the serial numbers filed off - seized control of that country after their leader, Carcaterra imitator Isilda Cerqueira, hysterically claimed that her opponents had tried to literally remove her from the ballot.

But now, as August slips into September and summer into autumn, it all seems to be going wrong.

Etruria's Tribunes, idols of the ultranationalist far-right in Euclea, are on a desperate defensive after badly miscalculating the willingness of the Etrurian people to participate in their efforts to gut the country's legislature, culminating in a referendum that saw more than 60% of Etrurian voters spoil their ballots in protest or - more crucially - stay home outright. And in Senria, it seems increasingly likely that the Aikokutou's decision to rerun the Keisi mayoral election - which Aikokutou candidate Nobuhiro Akiba lost by a 0.02% margin - will result in an even bigger margin of victory for opposition candidate Rokurou Kozakura, as other opposition leaders and groups rally behind him in protest of a blatant attempt by the Aikokutou to overturn an election result they found inconvenient.

The Tribunes have developed a stranglehold over Etrurian politics over the past five years, and the Aikokutou have dominated Senrian politics uninterrupted for more than ninety years. Why, then are they stumbling now? Why have the winds seemingly turned against these illiberal populists after such a bountiful summer for their sordid ilk?

The answer to this question ties in to a fundamental, and inevitable, failing of the right-wing illiberal populism espoused by the regimes of Senria and Etruria - and those of Soravia, Shangea, West Miersa, and soforth. It is, simply put, complacency.

-◅◈▻-

To discuss how right-wing illiberal populist regimes collapse, we must first discuss how they rise.

It almost goes without saying that these regimes, and the parties that form their backbones, do not arise out of nothingness, and they certainly do not arise when things are going smoothly. They arise, almost invariably, in times of real or perceived crisis, of change and upheaval. More specifically, they happen when the crisis at hand is severe enough that individuals have lost faith in the existing political order to resolve the proximate problems at hand, the underlying systemic issues, or both, a situation into which the right-wing populist movements can effectively insert themselves.

These right-wing movements invariably have two fundamental qualities, which can be found in every such movement since the start of the 20th century. Firstly, they think of the nation as a singular, coherent, immutable unit and regard themselves as the real, and sole, voice of that nation. During their early years, where they are unlikely to obtain a majority or even a plurality of the public's votes, they will talk endlessly of a "silent majority" of which they supposedly wish to un-silence, to give the impression that they do in fact have a majority of public support even when they quantifiably do not; once they have obtained enough public support to seize power outright, whether by vote or putsch or revolution, they will grasp it tightly and unyieldingly on the grounds that, as the sole expression of the voice of the nation, they must have absolute, unchallenged power.

This, then, becomes a core portion of the legitimacy of the regimes these groups establish - the regime, the party, and the people are treated as synonymous, the party-state expressing the singular will of the nation's people, at least in their self-conception and in the official propaganda blasted at the populace. The regime is legitimate, they proclaim, because it and it alone represents the national voice.

It is in this sense that these movements and parties are populist. They regard themselves as being wholly synonymous with the nation, and with the will and the voice of the people of the nation - without any distinction whatsoever. Any evidence to the contrary must be dismissed, either with the aforementioned prattling about "silent majorities" or with claims that those who dissent are not truly members of the nation and, therefore, do not count. This tendency was particularly visible in the practice of functionalism in Gaullica and Etruria, but it has remained present, whether stated or unstated, in every subsequent right-wing nationalist movement, group, or faction.

Secondly, they find a scapegoat upon which to blame the crisis facing the nation. The scapegoat in question varies between decade, country, and party - ethnic or religious minorities, immigrants, refugees, expatriates, social democrats and socialists, untouchable castes, journalists and academics, modernist or postmodernist artists, feminists, homosexuals and transgender persons, so on and so forth - but the reason that the right wing scapegoats them is always the same, namely, to pin blame for the crisis upon them.

This is a very effective rhetorical technique. People like simple answers, and this process of scapegoating allows the right-wing populists to claim that they have the easy answer - all that needs to be done is to punish and remove the minorities, refugees, socialists, feminists, gays, et cetera, and all the problems facing the nation will be resolved.

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This scapegoating is unjust, persecutory,
and, by its very nature, cannot fix the
country's underlying issues.

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But this scapegoating is unjust, persecutory, and, by its very nature, cannot fix the country's underlying issues, because the individuals being scapegoated are not the individuals responsible for the problems.

The one exception to this rule is when the scapegoat is an imperial power - countless Coian strongmen have risen to power by pinning blame for systemic issues upon the imperial rule of Estmere, Werania, Gaullica, Etruria, or Shangea, and in those circumstances it is usually the case that deficient infrastructure, education, healthcare, political safeguards, and so on are the fault of the imperial power's singular focus upon extracting resources and oppressing natives during the colonial period.

But it is worth further noting that these strongmen almost never actually fix the systemic failings in question, merely replacing Euclean or Shangean officials with themselves, their family, and their political allies. The Sattarists, for example, are not wrong in attacking Euclea for its role in creating the deep deficiencies that now mar postcolonial Rahelia, but for the average Pardarian or Irvadi, facing endemic unemployment, constant surveillance, and an increasing dearth of such basics as drinking water, the fact that the country's oil profits now line the pockets of Zorasani top brass rather than Euclean capitalists is, one imagines, cold comfort. Indeed, the only example that comes to mind of a nationalist strongman fixing the problems imposed by a foreign imperial power is Katurou Imahara fixing those inflicted upon Senria by imperial Shangea - and in that case the problem at hand was Shangea's effort at the total extermination of the Senrian people, something which any Senrian would obviously be disinclined to permit.

In all other circumstances, however, the scapegoated group is invariably not the group responsible for the problem. The problem exploited by the right-wing populists can be unemployment, poverty, inequality, corruption, strained public services, insecurity, pollution, whatever else, and the scapegoats could be any of the groups listed above, but it is invariable that the scapegoated group is not the group actually responsible for the problem, and that the inhumane and persecutory policies targeting those scapegoats undertaken by the right-wing nationalists cannot, and will not, solve the underlying issues for that reason. Poverty and inequality is caused not by left-wing politicians, but by unchecked capitalism; unemployment and underemployment are caused not by immigrants and refugees, but by corporate greed; our growing sense of societal decay is caused not by academics, artists, journalists, feminists, and homosexuals, but by the atomization innate to the system now imposed upon us wherein an individual's value is measured solely by their ability to produce profit.

This, in turn, creates the disparity mentioned in this article's subtitle, a disparity between perception and reality.

The right-wing illiberal populists will always see themselves as the sole expression of the voice and the will of the nation's people; it is central to their self-conception and claim to power. But the scapegoating that they use to rise to power, by offering a simple "solution" to a national crisis, can never solve the underlying systemic issues which provoked the crisis, which will eventually, inevitably, result in the people turning away from the illiberal populists and their hollow promises. In some cases this takes months, in others years, in others still decades, but it is a process that happens eventually to every right-wing populist movement or regime, without exception.

And it is a situation they are fundamentally incapable of handling. They have no desire to actually fix the underlying systemic issue - more often than not they are now the ones profiting from it, having positioned themselves at the top of the food chain, in the perfect position for exploitation, brutalization, and corruption, and these movements are invariably adverse to the societal reforms that would be necessary to fix systemic issues, as the necessary reforms are invariably progressive rather than regressive - or even to acknowledge its continued existence, which would require admitting that the "simple solution" they sold the people was not actually a solution at all. By the same token, they cannot admit that they have lost the public's support with their failure to address the issue, as that would contradict their ideology and nullify their claim to legitimacy.

Unable to change their perception, unwilling to change reality, the right-wing populist party is invariably consumed, and ultimately destroyed by the disparity for the simple reason that, eventually, the problems at hand will become unbearable for the people, the continued failure of those in power to address them will become intolerable, and the ruling regime will be forced out of power - by violence, even, if they desperately attempt to cling on.

The closest they can get to actually handling the issue is by revitalizing themselves. The revitalization process does not actually fix the underlying problems - that, again, is impossible - but is more akin to a marketing campaign, a fresh coat of paint, an effort to convince the public that what was old is now new, and that the new and improved illiberal populists can once again be trusted to resolve the issues.

Sometimes this involves the passing of power from one right-wing nationalist group to another, founded by disaffected members of the older group - such as Soravia's Vasil Bodnar leaving the ZNVP to establish the functionally identical Patriots' Front during the Sostava War, or the replacement of the West Miersan National Party by Naprzód, which differs from the National Party only in not being run by the Wojdyla political dynasty - but, more typically, it is in practice a de facto rebranding campaign contained within the ruling party. This rebranding can involve a limited political liberalization, to give the impression that the illiberal populists will now recognize and listen to other voices - see, for example, the liberalizations of Senria's Prime Minister Kiyosi Haruna - or, conversely, a bloody political crackdown to convince the public that now the scapegoats will really be made to pay - such as Yuan Xiannian's brutal "Normalization" campaign.

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That inevitable disparity between their
perception and the reality is always
lurking under the surface, ready to
burst forth into public rebuke or revolution.

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Whatever form it takes, however, it will not fix the underlying issues any more than any other trick or scheme or policy the right-wing populists might promulgate - no matter what they do, they cannot truly fix the crisis they used to seize power, and that inevitable disparity between their perception and the reality is always lurking under the surface, ready to burst forth into public rebuke or revolution.

All they can do, in the end, is buy time.

-◅◈▻-

The worst thing, then, for these right-wing illiberal populists is to become complacent.

It is easy for those in power to assume that they will always have power, that nothing will ever change, that they have stopped the wheel of time and closed the door behind them, that they and their descendants will enjoy the fruits of high office perpetually. The longer that one remains in power, the easier - and more insidious - that assumption becomes. There is no denying that, in politics, inertia can be as powerful a force as it is in physics; but inertia can be overcome, and, indeed, history tells us that eventually, it usually is.

The right wing is uniquely vulnerable to this sort of complacency for several reasons, not least because the dreamy nostalgia for an idealized "simpler" past upon which conservative and reactionary thought rely is tied up in the desire for complacency and lack of change; contrast this with liberals, who at least sincerely want to change things for the better even if they usually achieve little beyond mitigating certain negative effects, or with anti-authoritarian leftists, who legitimately seek to actively identify and resolve societal problems (authoritarians, left and right, invariably fall into complacency because any reason to avoid complacency - any acknowledgement of societal problems - is regarded as intolerable dissent).

But the rightist illiberal populists who we've been analyzing are especially vulnerable to it, even compared to their neighbors on the spectrum. Central to this is the fact that, as noted previously, these movements regard themselves as the sole will and voice of the people. The conviction that they and they alone represent the nation, in turn, leads them to deny any evidence which might suggest that they have failed to solve the issues facing the nation and that the people, having realized the hollowness of their promises and the inefficacy of their persecutions, have turned away from them. How, after all, can the people turn away from themselves?

The efficacy of their methods for obtaining power, and maximizing the benefits they reap from holding it, further tends towards complacency. These illiberal populists are dynamic when not in power, precisely because their rhetoric often involves a denunciation of those who are for their alleged inability to confront - or collaboration with - the scapegoat du jour. When they take power, however, this rhetorical strategy is no longer quite as viable, though they often attempt it anyways, talking of conspiracies by the nation's supposed enemies; but one can only talk of conspiracies for so long before the claims become unbelievable.

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Early victories, and the profits reaped,
then breed complacency for obvious reasons -
those who win them move to enjoy the spoils.

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Having taken power, however, they usually retain enough dynamism in the early years of their rule to win a string of political victories that allow them to establish a single-party or dominant-party state in which their politicians run the country, their ideologues reshape its institutions, their friends and relatives get a cut of state finances, their thugs terrorize dissidents and scapegoats, and their policies are implemented with seeming ease. But these early victories, and the profits reaped, then breed complacency for obvious reasons - those who win them let their guards down and move to enjoy the spoils.

Deprived of their ability to blame those in power by the fact that they have taken it themselves, and seeking to indulge in the wealth and power they have now amassed, the right-wing demagogues and the factions they lead are perfectly primed to fall into the trap of complacency.

And they are uniquely vulnerable to the effects of complacency because of that inevitable discrepancy between their messianic self-perception and the reality of their ineffective policies. In a situation where, unavoidably, they will be confronted with the fact that the people have lost faith in them because of their failure, it is a terrible disadvantage to be so preoccupied with savoring what they reaped that they are relying solely on fickle inertia for their political survival.

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The Tribune Movement - founded and still headed by Francesco Carcaterra - was formed in 2012 and has run Etruria since 2016. In its five years in power, it has won a string of non-stop victories throughout the bulk of that time, rapidly transforming what was once a country on the threshold of EC membership into one that would look more at home in pre-1980 Asteria Inferior.

The Tribunes fit the process outlined earlier in this article almost prototypically, as though checking off boxes on some perverse checklist for would-be authoritarians. When they came into existence, Etruria was facing several endemic, systemic issues that the country's more conventional parties - the Federalists, Social Democratic Party, and Citizens' Alliance - had failed to address with any degree of success. The country's recovery after the 2005 economic crisis was driven largely by its industrial sector, with its service sector shrinking; this left former service sector employees trapped in industrial jobs for which they were overqualified, creating underemployment that was soon coupled with the sickly synthesis of stagnant wages and rising cost of living. The country's endemic corruption meanwhile, was internationally infamous - or, in some circles, legendary - in scope and scale, with corruption scandals regularly breaking throughout the 1990s and early 2010s.

As the costs of these issues piled up on the backs of the Etrurian public, however, its political elite was focused mostly on the question of whether or not Etruria should join the Euclean Community, and it was in this environment that the Tribune Movement proclaimed itself the protest vote. The nascent Tribune Movement played a central role in the EC accession referendum's "no" campaign, which they used as a springboard for a landslide victory in 2016, installing Carcaterra as the country's thirty-ninth president.

And they have worked hard to consolidate that power. They have shuttered government offices dedicated to civil rights, minority rights, and press freedom, attacked foreign newspapers such as le Monde and the Continental, reduced the country's public broadcaster to a propaganda mouthpiece, rearranged law enforcement and the courts to guarantee their loyalty, shuttered opposition outlets and organizations under dubious pretenses of fighting crime, reinstituted capital punishment, gerrymandered the country's electoral districts, gutted the rights of the accused, assaulted LGBT rights, promoted a reactionary view on women's role in society, vilified Tsabaran refugees, and transformed the education system into a vehicle for nationalist indoctrination.

These decisively anti-democratic actions have inspired adulation among the rest of the Euclean far-right, who now often look to the Tribunes as leaders - Carcaterra must agree that imitation is the sincerest form of flattery, one suspects, otherwise he would be suing groups like Paretia's Patrons for copyright infringement. More importantly for our purposes, Etruria's opposition, perpetually hamstrung by internal feuding, failed to meaningfully oppose any of them.

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The Tribune Movement has not fixed any
of the underlying issues that rocketed
them to power.

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The Tribune Movement, however, has decidedly not fixed any of the underlying issues that plagued Etruria in 2016 and that rocketed them to power. While outright unemployment has declined, aside from some token tax breaks and an income credit for parents who bear adequate children - policies more reflective of the Tribunes' social conservatism than anything else - there have been no efforts worth noting at improving the country's issues with underemployment, wage stagnation, and rising prices, and no amelioration of these issues for the Etrurian public. As for Etrurian corruption, for all the talk of "law and order", it remains as alive and well as ever, but the dirty money now flows into the pockets of leading Tribunes; the most famous example of this is the funneling of money from Soravia's Novobank to the Tribunes by business magnate Carlo Melnikov, and there is no doubt that countless other examples are just beneath the surface, waiting to be uncovered.

But that string of early victories without any meaningful opposition - so admired by Euclea's would-be Carcaterras - has made the Tribunes complacent, utterly convinced that they speak with the voice of the Etrurian nation, utterly blind to their failure to resolve the real crisis facing the country.

And that complacency has now borne fruit.

It is abundantly clear that the Tribunes went into August 20's referendum with a crippling dose of overconfidence. The goal of the referendum was to gut the country's legislature as a further means of centralizing power in Carcaterra himself, by either abolishing outright or merely gutting the State Council, Etruria's upper house - so confident are the Tribunes that they perfectly represent Etruria's will, and so certain of victory were they, that there was no option on the ballot to leave the State Council intact.

Taking advantage of the legal provision that a referendum must have at least 50% turnout in order to be legally valid, Etruria's two main opposition parties - the Social Democrats and the Citizens' Alliance - put aside their bickering to make a coordinated call for a boycott, but even this did not worry the Tribunes; ignoring warnings from his own grassroots about a lack of enthusiasm among the party's base, Carcaterra smugly compared the referendum to a soccer match between Etruria and the much smaller Alsland, saying "you know you are going to win, but it’s the decent and polite thing to see it to the end".

When the results came in, however, turnout was down 30 points from the country's 2018 elections, at 40.3% - well below the threshold needed for the referendum to carry weight. 59.7% of Etruria's registered voters - almost two-thirds of them - participated in the opposition boycott. In some states, turnout had fallen by more than forty percentage points, with more than two-thirds of voters staying home. Even in Tribune strongholds, turnout fell by ten percentage points or more. And roughly 7% of those who did go out to the polls did so to spoil their ballots, a deliberate act of protest against a sham referendum. After five years of seemingly endless victory, it was a stunning rebuke.

The Tribunes, evidently, were entirely blindsided by this result, even though it came after weeks of worrying polls and grassroots concerns. They were so convinced of their synonymy with the Etrurian nation, so blind to their failures to do what the Etrurian people actually needed them to do, that they were incapable of realizing what was happening until the polls were already closed, and their electoral chastisement confirmed.

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If the Tribunes are complacent, then the Aikokutou is asleep at the wheel.

The Aikokutou is much older than the Tribunes, of course; it was founded in 1926 by Katurou Imahara, who was never a party politician per se but recognized the potential value of a political party as a means of organizing and rallying the public, and it first took power in 1927, when revolutionary idealist and Kyouwakai leader Isao Isiyama caved under the argument that the Senrian nation needed a general to lead it through the Great War and ceded power to Imahara as a result. It was then reinvented, to use the term previously used in this article, by Kiyosi Haruna, who oversaw a two-decade period of political transformation aimed at ending the most visibly oppressive aspects of Aikokutou rule that began with his rise to the position of Prime Minister in 1983 and ended with his leaving the office in 2003.

Accordingly, it is much more complacent. Few individuals alive today can recall a Senria that was not run by the Aikokutou, and their dominance feels natural, even inevitable, as a result. They seem primed to celebrate a century of uninterrupted political power in 2027 - a feat which other, younger dominant parties no doubt eye desiringly, and which is unimaginable for any party in a functional multiparty democracy.

But internally, the party is barely coherent. At election time it rallies around a stated commitment to Imaharism, and some vague agglomeration of Senrian nationalism, illiberal or quasi-liberal republicanism, crony capitalism, militarism, and traditionalism, but internally it is dissolute. Ideologically, it is divided between a hardline faction that wants to dial up the nationalism and restrict what freedoms have existed in the country since Haruna's reforms, a reformist faction that professes to seek a more truly liberal Senria and a cleaner form of government (though whether one believes them or regards these statements as self-serving propaganda is dependent on one's optimism or cynicism), and a middle-of-the-way group which presents themselves as heirs to the Harunist legacy, balancing change with continuity.

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Having so much of the Aikokutou's leadership be
concerned first and foremost with their own
profit does not bode well for party unity -
or for party efficacy.

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More consequential, however, is the atomization of the party around individuals whose primary concern is not any ideological goal, but rather their own personal profit. This tendency is most strongly visible in that middle-of-the-way group - if you're only interested in yourself, it is easy to be a wheeler-dealer, picking and choosing the causes you think will benefit you. It is often nepotistic - one enriches not only yourself, but your family as well; Hayato Nisimura, prime minister from 2008 to 2018, and his wife Ayane, currently Personnel Minister, are a prime example of that tendency. Reika Okura, Nisimura's Revenue Minister and the incumbent Prime Minister, is a member of this self-serving group, leveraging her connections to the country's corporate cliques to advance her career. Having so much of the Aikokutou's leadership be concerned first and foremost with their own profit does not bode well for party unity - or for party efficacy.

The Aikokutou has been saved from the potential consequences of these internal divisions by the fact that Senria's opposition is even more divided than it is. After the Great War, once it became clear that Imahara had firmly entrenched himself at the top of Senria's politics, other figures in the Kyouwakai blamed Isiyama for the decision to give power to him during the war, expelling him from the party; Isiyama refused to leave the political scene, however, and formed the Democratic Party to rally his supporters. In the subsequent years, other Kyouwakai politicians followed Isiyama's precedent by reacting to intra-party ideological disputes, and the domineering personality of newly-minted Kyouwakai leader Nobusuke Takeo, by forming their own parties - Yasutarou Tamada's Conservative Party in 1943, Kantarou Harada's Liberal Party in 1952, Hisao Sueyosi's Justice Party in 1964. Further complicating the situation was the schism between the Senroukaibu and the Farmer-Laborer Party in 1937 and Yasuo Doigawa's bold but foolish attempt to unite the opposition by founding the Koumeitou in 1991. Such a divided opposition posed little threat to the Aikokutou so long as it could keep itself together on election day.

The innate tendencies of illiberal populist rule aforementioned, combined with that lack of a meaningful opposition, has left Senria with a raft of unresolved systemic issues. Cost of living is rising, wages are stagnant, socioeconomic equality is endemic; deindustrialization, the result of outsourcing to poorer COMDEV countries, is leaving blue-collar workers jobless, while dangerously long working hours, seniority being valued above competence in promotions, and corporate corruption make life miserable for white-collar workers; parents send their elementary schoolers to cram schools for fears that waiting until middle school will leave them unable to get admission to a good college. Senrian young adults have become known as the "Give-up Generation" because of the number of them that have given up any hope of finding a job, moving into their own home, falling in love, and starting a family. Pollution is epidemic; high-level corruption is so omnipresent that it is only considered scandalous in particularly egregious cases.

None of these issues can be resolved by the Aikokutou, and the Aikokutou has no particular desire to resolve any of them. The profits from the corruption, overworking, outsourcing, and polluting all ultimately flow into their bank accounts. They retain power through, above all else, inertia.

Keisi is a microcosm of Senria - at least, as much as a metropolis with 20 million living in its city limits and another 40 million living in its metropolitan area can fit within a word beginning with "micro". When Keisians went to the city's March elections, opposition infighting and simple inertia delivered a relatively easy fourth victory to then-incumbent Takamasa Hirotani, in spite of the city's issues with overcrowding, lack of green space, pollution, cost of living, and corruption - Hirotani had been the city's mayor since 2006, evidently content with his position overseeing Senria's capital and the world's largest city, and perpetually benefitted from voter apathy, political inertia, and opposition division.

But when Hirotani died of cardiac arrest in June, and an election for his replacement was scheduled for August, the Keisi municipal branches of the Democratic Party and Koumeitou made a consequential decision - they agreed that they would both nominate Rokurou Kozakura.

Kozakura is a Koumeitou member, but he was palatable enough to the Democrats - who had a hard time finding a nominee following the lackluster performance, and subsequent discarding, of their March candidate Hideo Ogawa - to be acclaimed as their nominee as well, what Kozakura heralded as a "rose-bellflower alliance". This alliance was also larger than it would have been had it been proclaimed in March, as a result of the merger earlier this year of the Farmer-Laborer Party into the Democratic Party, which it has long been a junior ally of. Kozakura promulgated a comprehensive set of policies aimed at tackling the issues facing Keisians, leading the charge of an opposition that, for the first time in decades, was consolidating rather than splitting.

The Aikokutou and its candidate, Hirotani's deputy Nobuhiro Akiba, did shockingly little to counter this unexpected challenge - the party poured a larger-than-average amount of money into advertising, but beyond that, that omnipresent complacency seems to have numbed the Aikokutou to the seriousness of the threat to their hold over a city that they have jealously maintained their control over for decades. When Kozakura won, it was by a narrow margin - inertia did not totally fail Akiba, and opposition parties such as the Liberals, Kyouwakai, and Senroukaibu remained in the race to split the opposition vote - but victory came to Kozakura nonetheless.

The Aikokutou's response to that victory, however, will perhaps go down as one of the biggest miscalculations in Senrian politics. Initially, Akiba and the Keisi municipal branch of the party pushed claims of electoral irregularities and demanded a total city-wide recount, but the evidence proffered was so flimsy that the city's electoral authorities - which answer to Akiba - only granted a total recount in a handful of Keisi's fifty-two wards. That recount reduced Kozakura's lead from 3,000 votes to 1,500 votes - but the victory remained Kozakura's, and so the Ministry of Personnel, citing the refusal of municipal electoral authorities to conduct a full recount, ordered the election to be rerun in September.

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Rerunning the Keisi mayoral vote looks to
have been, to put it delicately, a mistake.
It will take a herculean effort to even
keep Akiba competitive with Kozakura.

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This already looks to have been, to put it delicately, a mistake. Opposition supporters protested in Keisi, and in many other major cities. Liberal candidate Sigeru Katou and Kyouwakai candidate Rikuto Okabe both announced that they would not contest the rerun and told their supporters to vote for Kozakura; Katou and Okabe together received about 20% of the vote, and if their voters heed their calls to rally around Kozakura, his margin of victory could increase quite dramatically - given that he won the August tally by 0.02%, a 20% margin would be a literal thousandfold increase. The opposition has also rallied around Kozakura at the national level, most visible in the copious endorsements and advertising buys by Democratic leader Akiko Hasegawa and Koumeitou leader Genzou Nagasawa. It will take the existence of some heretofore undiscovered pro-Aikokutou "silent majority" in Keisi, and a herculean effort by the Aikokutou to get them out to the polls, to even keep Akiba competitive with Kozakura in the polls - and even more to turn this hare-brained decision into an Aikokutou victory.

One does sincerely wonder whose idea the rerun was. Rumors circulate wildly about the internal dynamics and shady dealings of Senria's cabinet on account of its infamous government opacity, and one of the most persistent rumors is that of a rivalry between Ayane Nisimura, exercising influence in the government on behalf of her ostensibly-retired husband Hayato, and Reika Okura, who seeks to solidify her own authority over the fractious party.

It was the Ministry of Personnel - indeed, Ayane Nisimura herself - who announced the rerun; was it a reckless, overconfident scheme by the Nisimuras to demonstrate their influence and force Okura into backing up the move after the fact, leaving her to play a secondary role in what is ostensibly her government? Or was it Okura's idea, a move that could be pinned on Ayane Nisimura and used to replace her with someone more loyal to Okura personally if it went badly? Or was it developed by one of the hardliners in the government, Defense Minister Hiroto Tomimoto or Justice Minister Masayosi Uehara, and adopted by Okura and Nisimura in exchange for some political benefit - or in fear of some political consequence?

Regardless of who came up with it, however, it is emblematic of the atomization of the Aikokutou, and of how deep complacency - the assumption of victory, in spite of decades of inadequate responses to social issues - runs in the modern party. And, if Hasegawa and Nagasawa decide to follow Kozakura's lead when the 2023 general election rolls around in December of that year, that combination of division and delinquency could spell serious problems for Senria's ruling elite.

-◅◈▻-

So what, then, can Carcaterra and Okura do?

They cannot fix that disparity between reality and perception that is invariably the doom of any right-wing illiberal populist group, party, or regime. That would necessitate either trying to fix the underlying systemic issues in their respective countries - which they cannot do because they profit too much from them, and any real effort to resolve them would mean admitting that the scapegoating they have used in the past was not actually a solution - or admitting that they are not, in fact, the sole expression of the national will - which they cannot do because that would mean abandoning one of the pillars of their supposed legitimacy and contradicting whatever ideology they claim to espouse.

The only thing they can do is buy time for themselves and their parties with that process of reinvention - a temporary solution, the disparity is the end of every regime like theirs sooner or later, but the only solution that they have on hand. But how likely is it that either of them pulls it off - or even successfully identifies the problem and undertakes an attempt at reinvention?

Carcaterra, at least, seems to be trying. Amidst the panicked, defensive lashing-out currently going on in Etruria, a trend has emerged in the behaviors of the Tribune Movement and its leaders - that of doubling down. The Tribunes' Chirper account has fallen back on the old rhetoric of the supposed "silent majority", muffled by some sinister coalition of shadowy forces that the Tribunes have dubbed the "Poteri Oscuri", the "Dark Powers". As I write this, the Tribunes - having been reprimanded by the general public - are attempting to force their plan to gut the country's legislature through that same legislature, invoking emergency powers on flimsy pretenses and literally ordering police to drag opposition politicians from the chamber in a flagrant assault on whatever democratic and civic norms Etruria has left.

Carcaterra's sort of reinvention, it seems, will be the same sort carried out by the Zorasani brass who ended the Saffron Era in 2005 and by Yuan Xiannian since 2017 - one of terror, violence, and growing repression that will no doubt further alienate the country from most of its Euclean neighbors, yet more proof that Etruria has not yet overcome the sordid, poisonous legacy of the despots that ruled it from 1937 to 1946 and again from 1963 to 1980.

As for Okura, it is questionable whether she - or anyone currently in the upper echelons of the Aikokutou - is up to the task of reinventing that party. Carcaterra will have an easier time not least because he is the founder of the Tribune Movement and the only leader it has ever known in its young life; it will naturally be simpler for him to reshape it as he wills. But Katurou Imahara, who founded the Aikokutou, has been dead since 1954, and Kiyosi Haruna, who successfully reinvented it, died in 2019, and there is currently no one in the Aikokutou who seems to have the singular presence, control, and force of will to undertake that sort of reinvention.

Indeed, the Aikokutou could very well remain in its current state until some currently-unforeseen crisis forces its hand, and under those circumstances, while it is possible that some party figure could rise to the situation, take control, and turn things around, it is also possible that such a strong wake-up call could come too late for any Aikokutou response to matter.

For similar reasons, it is more or less impossible to say what form a reinvention of the Aikokutou might take - without knowledge of who would lead it and under what circumstances it might occur, it cannot be said whether a reinvention of the Aikokutou would see further reforms building on Haruna's precedent, or some bloody crackdown, or the rise of a new dominant party headed by disaffected members of the old.

Of course, the Aikokutou also has some areas where it has a leg up on the Tribunes - namely, that of scapegoats. The Tribunes, in their five years in office, have run through and seemingly spent every potential scapegoat that they could dream up - social democratic and socialist politicians, refugees from Coian countries, feminists, opposition and foreign journalists, LGBT Etrurians, et cetera - hence the increasing invocation not of any specific group but of that ever-vague "Poteri Oscuri", which will eventually lose traction with their base of support as it too is spent. By contrast, the Aikokutou can rely functionally infinitely on scapegoating Shangea, which remains a looming threat in the back of the Senrian mind - there is no sign of the Yuan regime becoming any less belligerent, or any more reasonable, at any time in the near future.

One thing is certain, however, regardless of whether or not this process of reinvention occurs: eventually, the Tribunes and the Aikokutou will fall. It may not be in response to these particular rebukes; it may not be for years or even decades. But it is, ultimately, inevitable. Both parties are convinced they alone represent the will of their nation; both are incapable of meaningfully addressing the issues their countries face; both will eventually be destroyed by their inability to reconcile the former with the latter when the inevitable failure of their scapegoating causes them to irretrievably lose the backing of the public. Disparity and complacency will continue to rot them away from the inside out, and, eventually, their regimes will be deposed.

And as all of the world's other right-wing illiberal populists - Valentina Goga, Yuan Xiannian, Farzad Akbari, Sylwester Wrzesinski, Teodora Kovacheva, Isilda Cerqueira, and all the rest - watch the tribulations facing Carcaterra and Okura, they should know that the same fatal flaw lies in the heart of their regimes, and the same rot, one day, will consume them too. ❧

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KOUROU SUENAGA is a Senrian academic and a regular contributor to la Senrie, focusing on Senrian politics and foreign affairs, particularly its relations with other dominant-party regimes. Born in Isikawa in 1963, he obtained his doctorate at the University of the Community of Nations in Keisi. He was subsequently a professor at Keisi Gakuin University, the University of Innsheim, the University of Verlois, and the University of Damesbridge, and was briefly a member of the Tosei city council for the Farmer-Laborer Party. He currently works at Haneda University as a professor of political science and comparative politics.

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Neri: Etrurians should feel "disgraced" by lack of action on backsliding in Etruria
In a scathing and uncalled interview on TV1, Culture Minister Edmondo Neri threw a manner of criticisms at his own government for their "lack of spine" over democratic backsliding in Etruria.
August 24, 2021 | POLITICS by Hans Cartensen

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Neri, right, meets with an Etrurian community in Kalstad, his home city

KALSTAD, VESTELIA
In an unusual and untimely airing of grievances, with an election just seven days away, Minister for Culture Edmondo Neri (Rad.) has publicly criticised the government, and foreign ministry in particular, for their "ignorance" over continued democratic backsliding from the incumbent Tribune government in Etruria.

Neri, who was born in Solaria in 1977 and moved to Kalstad aged four, is the only cabinet minister of Etrurian descent, representing a minority some 350,000 in number, localised mainly to the two largest cities of Rimso and Kalstad. He is generally a popular figure among the Scoverne-Etrurian community.

Speaking to TV1 today, he remarked his "disappointment" that the government "had not even recognised" the continued backsliding in Etruria. Mentioning Foreign Minister Hans Aage Ohlsen by name, Neri said his "reluctance" and "lack of urgency" on the matter was symbolic of his party's response, promising to meet with him in the near future to "co-ordinate and propose an appropriate response".

Spokespeople for Ohlsen said the foreign ministry had been "caught off-guard" by the comments, also confirming a meeting between the Scoverne and Caldish foreign ministries will take place to discuss the issue fairly soon.

In addition to his own government, he criticised Kesselbourg's response to the ordeal, calling for "stricter" Euclean responses to the issue.

"In an era where Etruria's proud democratic institutions are eroding at record rates, it is certainly a shame that we, as a collective leader of the democratic world, have not done more to combat this issue.", Neri said.

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