In the months prior to the elections, a general malaise had crept into the hearts of Stjernland's people. Work had grown scarce as the economy contracted, and, by the time speeches began to sputter through spotty Storstrand radios, tens of thousands relied on meager government handouts to keep their families from starvation. Even those citizens secure in their employment faced dwindling hours, not to mention severe pay reductions. By January 8th, runaway inflation had caused the price of milk to climb to 6.20 eiras per gallon, whereas the price of bread had skyrocketed to 8.80 eiras per loaf. Making matters worse, Herman Evenstad's government categorically refused to consider adjusting welfare policies to accommodate the tens of thousands who had been laid off, opting instead to allow the market to remedy itself. As the distress of the most destitute citizens grew, more and more became disenchanted with the Konservative Parti's stalwart commitment to laissez faire economics.
On January 23rd, the Nationale Union af Skovhuggere (NUS), the Kombineret Lærerforening (KLF), the Stjernlandhinghir Skibsbesætninger Union (SSU), and the Stålarbejderliga (SAL)1 staged a series of workplace strikes and town-hall type demonstrations against the apparent inaction of the Althing2. Lumber in particular comprised a substantial part of Stjernland's shrinking primary sector, giving the NUS a symbolic role as the soul of anti-establishment protests. Furthermore, the SSU's influence over the bustling docklands of Sollefterness, Thyrmhindhor, and Nylfliende meant that their picketing exacerbated existing shortages, especially those of imported goods. Union leaders stood firm despite stern words from Herman Evenstad, the Forseti Althingis3, who characterized the protesters as "rabble-rousing terrorists who had taken the nation hostage." Norman Falk, President of the NUS, responded aggressively, decrying Evenstad's remarks as "inappropriate and symptomatic of the elitist mentality of a man altogether apathetic to the plight of the working classes." His fiery speech, given in the Azurblå Rådhusplads4 on February 3rd, called for the dissolution of the current government pending a vote of no confidence.
Four days later, on February 7th, Herman Evenstad announced across-the-board tax cuts aimed at stimulating private sector growth and hiring. He also promised to push for a public sector jobs program, addressing the principal concern put forth by organized labor. These measures placated the vast majority of the protesters temporarily, though sporadic strikes continued with increasing frequency as shortages led to breadlines in Vintershoven, Retfærdigheim, Kristiania, and other large cities. Months passed without serious attempts by the Konservative fulltrúar5 in the Althing to make good on Evenstad's promises. On March 18th, the Olson-Grimstad Bill proposed by Franz Olson and Asgar Grimstad of the left-wing Demokratiske Arbejderparti was overwhelmingly defeated following a five day legislative battle. Meanwhile, the more moderate Swenhaugen Bill proposed by Valter Swenhaugen and edited by Sigmund de Marinis had been sent to committee by Evenstad, ensuring that it would never come to a vote. The watered-down Barlie-Selberg Bill, a creation of the ruling Konservative Parti, eventually passed on March 25th, over the dissent of the more radical fulltrúar, though it was seen as impotent and toothless by the unions and their allies.
The Barlie-Selberg Bill sequestered close to fifty million eiras as part of a so-called stimulus package. Critics lambasted the sequestration as "too little, too late," and bemoaned the allocation of sixty percent of it to large corporations in the form of subsidies. As the details of the legislation became more readily available, especially through outlets like Erik Losnedahl's popular left-wing talk show, the anger of opposition forces became more palatable. On March 28th, protests resumed, reaching an unprecedented mass. Highways were shutdown by marches and pickets, resulting in a compete economic shutdown. Sigmund de Marinis, the leader of the Kristendemokraterne, a moderate Catholic-backed party serving in Herman Evenstad's coalition government, denounced the Forseti Althingis, hinting that a dissolution might be imminent unless a deal could be reached. On March 30th, a vote of no confidence occurred, with sixty percent of the Althing voting for Evenstad to call special elections and step down. Finally, on March 31st, Evenstad acquiesced to the request of his colleagues, proclaiming his resignation in a heartfelt address, as well as his retirement from political life.
In the resulting elections, the Kristendemokraterne and the Demokratiske Arbejderparti were expected to have strong showings at the polls, with the former projected to sweep the elections with thirty eight percent of the vote. Socialism had never been popular in Stjernland, excusing a brief stint in the 1930's, and most educated people viewed the ideology as foreign and extreme. Despite this, Niklaus Bruunik's Demokratiske Arbejderparti seemed to gain as April wore on, climbing from nineteen percent of the vote to twenty eight percent of the vote. Some in more moderate circles suggested that the Konservative Parti's softened stance on the Swenhaugen Bill, promoted by the energetic leadership of Valter Rasmussen, would undermine the support enjoyed by the Kristendemokraterne. Additionally, some commentators began to suspect that the educated elites had underestimated the extent to which the unions had become radicalized by their experiences with the recession and corporate crackdowns. When voting closed on April 30th, their fears were proven legitimate.
The Demokratiske Arbejderparti had swept the elections, amassing 34% of the vote and securing 60 seats in the 175 seat Althing.
Election Results
Demokratiske Arbejderparti - 34%
Konservative Parti - 31%
Kristendemokraterne - 29%
Jord og Fred - 3%
Folkeforsamling: Lysendflamme - 3%
While this victory was unprecedented and impressive, it marked the beginning of an upward battle. The Konservative Parti had acquired 54 seats in the Althing, shocking analysts who had predicted the downfall of conservatism as a viable ideology in the wake of growing cynicism towards economic liberalism. This left the wounded Kristendemokraterne, who had under-performed by seizing a relatively meager 51 seats, with a conundrum. Sigmund de Marinis and Valter Rasmussen, ignoring the unlikely threat of their socialist rivals, had waged a mutually bitter campaign, parrying vitriolic words with personal attacks and mudslinging. By the time the polls had closed, a strong antipathy had sprung up between the two men, making cooperation nearly unthinkable. De Marinis, for his part, felt distrustful of Rasmussen's assurance that he would lobby for the passage of a renewed Swenhaugen Bill, believing that this campaign promise had been a gimmick designed to undermine his own party's soaring popularity.
Sensing the profound enmity between his political opponents, Niklaus Bruunik reached out to de Marinis on May 2nd, proposing a coalition government. Bruunik guaranteed that the passage of the Swenhaugen Bill, albeit in a more expanded format, would be a priority of his administration. Furthermore, the Kristendemokraterne would be treated as equal partners in the coalition, a departure from their former status as the back-benchers of a right-wing Althing. The Kristendemokraterne having wanted for a taste of genuine power for close to eight years readily accepted this proposal, and, on May 4th, a joint Demokratiske Arbejderparti-Kristendemokraterne-Jord og Fred government was announced, with Niklaus Bruunik sitting as Forseti Althingis.
Ástandkontor, Forgildhus1
Sollefterness, Kingdom of Stjernland
Astrid blinked several times in quick succession, then bit her lower lip to suppress the yawn that had been threatening to escape for the better part of an hour.
"So, you as you can see, Your Highness," the bald man in a stuffy gray suit prattled, "It is imperative that the Crown acknowledges the good sense of this legislative undertaking. The Bruunik-Swenhaugen Act polls favorably with most demographics and will be seen as a decisive, proactive response to our recent economic woes. More importantly, it will mark the beginning of our resurgence as a respected nation-state with a stable, modern economy." This verbose statement punctuated what had been a three-hour conversation on the subject of economics. It had meandered around the topics of discouraging speculation, hiking taxes, passing regulations to discourage frivolous loans, and engaging in robust stimulus spending, feeling more like a soliloquy than a conversation much of the time. Astrid managed to nod or mumble her agreement occasionally, but this was never anything more than halfhearted and cursory.
Despite having endured a month-long barrage of scholarly terms and poorly-sketched graphs, Astrid was still clueless about how economics functioned. Herman Evenstad had rambled about something called a Laffer Curve, and waxed passionate about the evils of protectionism and dead-weight loss about a week ago. He had been followed by a man whose name she couldn't remember, who thought interest rates essential to correcting all the world's problems. Terms of trade, collusion, oligopolies, progressive income taxes, aggregate demand, inflation, price ceilings, and all manner of other things had been mentioned since then. These phrases flitted aimlessly through Astrid's brain. She could not recall any of it most of the time, and, even when she did, it came out as a confusing jumble of unintelligible hogwash. In truth, she had begun to wonder whether any of these suits, as she called them with contempt, even understood their elaborate theories and grand designs. Probably not, she thought, heaving a sigh.
She toyed with a strand of her hair, twirling it between her thumb and pointer finger absentmindedly. I'm getting split ends, she noted with frustration, And these lectures aren't helping. God, I need a break. A polite cough stirred her from her reveries. Niklaus Bruunik was still sitting across from her, a single well-muscled hand thumping lightly against his mahogany desk with a grandfather's patience. He was peering at her expectantly through the glasses that sat like a slug atop his bulbous nose, a trio of wrinkles etching themselves into his broad, gently sloping forehead. "Um..." Astrid began, pursing her lips and glancing sideways out a window to her left. An orchard trimmed with rosy pink flowers greeted her from the courtyard. She thought it a much more attractive sight than the man who had just gotten himself elected as the Forseti Althingis. It was certainly more interesting. Flowers seldom attempted to scold her on the virtues of this or that economic policy.
"I was just explaining why the Crown should support the Bruunik-Swenhaugen Act," Bruunik remarked dryly. "Oh, right!" Astrid exclaimed, feigning excitement, "You made a lot of good points. I'll bring it up with uncle Frederick as soon as I leave." A tense albeit shrewd smile crossed Bruunik's face, causing his high cheek bones to jut out, making him seem even gaunter than he actually was. "Thank you, Your Highness," he said simply. Rising from her chair, Astrid groaned inwardly about her shaky her legs were. Her right foot had fallen asleep an hour and a half ago, and had been revived by a swift kick to the desk. This had caused the Forseti Althingis to raise an eyebrow and, more importantly, had put a small but noticeable scratch on her boot. She was grumpy already. Staying any longer would only put her in a worse mood. "Is that everything?" she asked, looking pitifully at her damaged boot. "It is," he said with a nod, "I wouldn't want to keep the queen from her duties..." Astrid strolled towards the door, striving to preserve a facade of elegance and cool decorum. "Likewise," she called back, "I wish you the best, sir."
Once the queen had escaped the confines of the Ástandkontor, she hurried down to the courtyard, where a motorcade of black Cadillac automobiles waited to spirit her back to Skumringfallas2. The scent of the orchard was intoxicating as she passed, with the light breeze of early afternoon causing dying petals to dance from branch to ground in a slow, graceful motion. A warm buzzing sound echoed through the trees as a pair of bumble bees swirled around the flowers. They were collecting honey no doubt. I'll have to ask the cook to make honningkager3 for dessert, Astrid thought, her mouth watering as she imagined the mingled taste of savory honey, sweet baked fruits, and light dessert wines. She also made a note to work the bag for an hour before supper, though swimming was an equally tantalizing possibility. Dining with her uncle would be a less pleasant experience, of course, but he was a kind man, despite his sternness. Stepping briskly through the center Cadillac's opened door, Astrid cleanly rubbed the wrinkles from her skirt. She disliked skirts generally, preferring jeans or tights, but her uncle Frederick had insisted on her looking proper today.
"Maybe I'll dine in my bikini tonight," she mused, giggling at the image of her uncle's tomato red face as he fumed. What a prank that would be!