Bulletin of Socialist Revolutionaries [Invite only]

[Bulgar Rouge]

The Bulletin of Socialist Revolutionaries

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August 16 Political Sciences School,
which issues the Bulletin.

MISSION. The Democratic Republic of Bulgar Rouge hereby presents the Bulletin of Socialist Revolutionaries. NationStates has long lacked unity among the representative nations of the progressive left. Rightist or opportunist leftist vultures have used this weakness to prey on the weaker, enslave the workers and oppress the majority.

The Bulletin of Socialist Revolutionaries aims to provide leftist nations and movements with the know-how to combat external and internal threats through a wide range of theoretical tools. A revolutionary struggle can only be won with excellent theoretical preparation which allows the worker to become a soldier and the masses to become a living organism of socialist unity, regardless of ideological background.

AUDIENCE. The Bulletin of Socialist Revolutionaries and its theoretical materials are open to everyone, but their primary target are aspiring revolutionary movements and Socialist or Communist-oriented nations. Our materials are designed to improve both roleplaying capacity and understanding of what Socialist Revolutionaries fight for, as seen through the practical experience of the Leftist Agrarian Revolutionary Party, aka the Bulgar Rouge. Theoretical developments by other successful revolutionary movements or nations can be added into the bulletin by request.

The Bulletin of Socialist Revolutionaries will expand constantly with new chapters, theoretical developments and propaganda pieces.

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The Bulletin will issue the following chapters in the given order:

• The People-masses
• Revolutionary motivation
• Victory, regime change, purification
• Economic foundations of a Socialist utopia
• Building paradise on Earth
• The army of the people-masses: a natural evolution of the "people's army" concept
• Decentralised defence of the popular organism
• The propaganda state and the state of mind

[Bulgar Rouge]

The People-masses
Category: Ideological foundations

I
Origins

In the past, as well as quite often now, leftist groups seek to "liberate" the working class using various methods like class struggle or armed conflict spearheaded by a vanguard party. By doing so, they create a form of open elitarianism and automatically lose their legitimacy of true representatives of the entire people. Revolutionary struggle must encompass the entire society and not attempt to isolate certain groups from it by fighting against them.

These groups, however reactionary, revisionist or hostile, will only blossom with new strength after the dust of the Revolution settles. The reason for this is that applying force against them merely legitimises their will to power and social control; by attempting their total eradication during the stage of armed revolutionary struggle, the revolutionary motivates by stimulating their subconscious survival instinct. Resistance against post-revolutionary order will always exist.

Socialist revolutionaries thus have two options:
1) Eradicate revisionists, reactionaries, the bourgeoisie and the lumpenproletariat in the pre-revolutionary phase and continously cleanse society of their offspring in the post-revolutionary phase, or
2) Accept their existence, limit their means of operation, silence them and wait for them to dissolve naturally as they lose their credibility in the new Socialist order.

Up until now, virtually all Socialist Revolutionary groups and countries followed the first pattern of action, which only saw them gradually destabilising socialist construction until the point where more resources were spent on crushing dissent than on socialist construction itself. The presence of said dissent is itself a symbol of the failure of Marxist-Leninist societies - they seemingly do not operate with a singular, organic society, but with a society divided into an ideologically neutral-to-positive majority, and an ideologically negative minority.

The Bulgar Rouge realised that an all-inclusive mass line was needed to offset this problem and guarantee a stable post-revolutionary development. They thus created the concept of the people-masses - a singular social body which includes all pre-revolutionary groups and moulds them together into the new Socialist man not through force, but through social evolution. Redistribution of social roles with the help of a new economic model then provides the necessary environment to dissolve reactionaries by rendering them useless under the new economy. Equality is achieved and the Marxist concept of a "transitional stage to Communism" is rendered useless - the concept of communism is achieved immediately after the Revolution and only needs strengthening thereafter. The people-masses, therefore, are the basis, essence and soil of a Socialist Utopia.

II
Role

The people-masses alone can achieve all objectives of
Socialist construction.

We refuse to call for a "Communist society", as the word itself carries too many different ideological burdens that jeopardise international cooperation between leftist and progressive forces. However, a society of the people-masses can be seen as "communist" as it has formed an unbreakable bond in its unity which allows it to think and act in perfect uniformity and equality.

The people-masses are capable of single-handedly planning and carrying out objectives in the framework of a communal or a planned economy. A State planning committee would be unnecessary as every facet of the people-masses is self-sustaining. Every facet controls the means of production and distribution in a communal, localised manner, but all of these facets can build state-wide economic assets. Communes are the cells of a single organism, and when one of its fragments is ailing, the others come to its aid. Here lie the foundations of the Army of the people-masses as well, but this shall be discussed in another issue of the Bulletin.

By having complete self-consciousness and control over the economy, the people-masses do not need central economic institutions. All the state institutions work for the people-masses and merely serve a coordinating purpose, unlike other Socialist economies where planning is centralised. Keep in mind that a centrally planned economy is not to be rejected - sometimes it is necessary, especially in times of war or crisis, but a stable post-revolutionary environment requires a communal economic basis.

The people-masses are the springboard of every Socialist Utopia because of all these qualities they possess. They play a central role in its establishment and maintenance, and they should be the primary concern of every Socialist Revolutionary aspiring for a stable society of the people's long-term well-being and they will mark the end of history.

[Bulgar Rouge]

Revolutionary motivation
Category: Ideological foundations

I
Theory is a tiger in a sandbox

Through its elaborate philosophical toolkit, Marxism has established a theoretical piece that is not directly applicable to revolutionary conditions. The appearance of Leninism, a transcript designed to apply Marxism in practice, has only produced a hybrid which is neither pure Marxism nor a pure and comprehensive collection of revolutionary sentiments. Marxism-Leninism was an excellent system for its local conditions, but it is inapplicable today. In our time, the information age, it is impossible to present a single party as a vanguard of revolutionary ideology. Information is not only all-accessible, but it is also much more prone to bending, skewing or being otherwise distorted. In this situation, Marxism-Leninism has only two ways before it - either become a dogmatic piece refusing to become more flexible and maintain its grip on power through forceful means, or engage with the information age and develop. The former caused the collapse of the USSR; an end to Marxism-Leninism as a theory is certain with the latter.

This necessitates a different approach towards the mobilisation of revolutionary forces. Revolutionary motivation should be centred entirely on underlying social issues and nothing else. The core motivating sentiment for every revolution is the rejection of the existing status quo; relying on a theoretical basis to build a proposed, assumedly fairer society is today doomed to fail. Promises are void of meaning, especially if pre-revolutionary conditions do not allow the construction of a prosperous Socialist society in the immediate post-revolutionary phase. Promises for a better life are a tiger in a sandbox, they will never motivate and will crumble when facing information warfare; poverty, oppression and exploitation cause objective suffering and will always motivate.

II
The futility of materialist-centred thought

However, this is not a call to re-introduce dialectical materialism. Marx has consistently rejected Hegel's dialectical idealism in favour of his own dialectical materialism. Interestingly, Marx discusses historical and social processes from a bird's nest, and not through the experience of the working class. His ideas needed Leninism to become practical, and it is so today. However, unlike previous centuries, materialism today is understandable only for the middle class. The lower class cannot comprehend as it lacks the means to build a functioning understanding of materialism, while the upper class possesses so much material means that it is desensitised to them. We are thus left with the middle class as the only viable social layer that could lead a revolution; this is also the layer that is least likely to demand a revolution.

All three groups must demand revolution in order to achieve a revolutionary environment. But this will not happen through a materialistic root only; just as social issues create dissent, creativity is the channel which funnels dissent into the furnace of change. Idealism is not theory. It is merely a naked belief in improvement which can take a multitude of forms. Marxism has committed an error in its attempt to place a framework over this noble and entirely human sentiment. Idealism is the basis of human creativity.

What is materialism then ? It is merely one side of the coin. Metaphysicians are indeed vulgar evolutionists as Chairman Mao said, but a materialistic-only world would have never progressed beyond the survival stage. Progress throughout human history has been aided by physical advancement through science and technology, but the application of these advancements is owed to man's creative power. It has been belief that drove Columbus' caravels through an unknown Atlantic and into the New World; it was idealism that created the concept of representative democracy, however dysfunctional it may be. Progress is impossible without the locomotive of creative idealism.

III
Creativity as the glue of the people-masses

Dry theory is a limitation on revolutionary aspirations and it can only alienate the masses from attempting a change. The Revolution in its essence is the most disorganised act of resistance. But it is in the middle of this anarchy that creativity forms the patterns of progress. Under revolutionary conditions, spontaneous protests give rise to self-organising collectives, thousands of them. When collectives begin to merge, they merge their ideas. The various layers of the masses mould into what will become the people-masses. A revolution is, therefore spontaneous - it is never planned. The people-masses do not have a mass consciousness and it needs to be ignited by the Socialist revolutionary, however.

Revolutionaries should never rely on theory to do so; they must rely on practical activities, inspiring armed struggle against the status quo, and a string of victories on all fronts of pre-Socialist construction to legitimise the revolutionary movement. Careful and creative planning must be executed at this crucial stage - if a Socialist Revolutionary alienates the people-masses, the Revolution may as well collapse as it is man's natural drive to rapidly dissolve or abandon constructs born in euphoria and idealism. The most vital ability of the Socialist Revolutionary is thus to ride the wave of spontaneous creation and be creative in this process himself.

[Bulgar Rouge]

Victory, regime change, purification
Category: Establishment of Socialism

I
Victory & regime change

The victory of the Socialist Revolutionary cause is an inevitability. Once the political structures saddle the wave of popular discontent and channel it into a tidal wave of popular creative destruction, no state or government apparatus will be able to legitimise itself. The lid of the saucepan has been blown away by the boiling revolutionary spirit of the masses; the only way for it to hold onto power would be to decimate the stronger portion of the masses and incite fear into the rest. But this will only make the fire of the revolution burn stronger. If, in this case, the government manages to hold onto power, that means the revolution is a false revolution which lacks the necessary driving force to grow into a full-scale socialist construction towards a Socialist utopia.

Regime change in itself is a physical process driven by natural physical laws. It includes the destruction of outdated political structures and practices. It is a kind of socio-political land clearance whose purpose is to make way for Socialist construction of a new, just and eternal revolutionary society. But as physical processes are described by both senses and words, there need be a non-physical victory.

II
Purification

The primary capitalist-reactionary argument against leftist movements is that they appeal to less educated social strata. In this elitarian mindset, Revolutionary Socialist ideologies are demagoguery which only captivates those who do not know the basics of Enlightenment Age philosophies, the sociology behind democracy and the rigid verbal constructions that define individual freedom.

In reality, any liberal democracy or non-people's democracy is a sham democracy. The phenomenon of non-universal voting in these democracies is a testament to unequal distribution of political freedoms. Those who do not feel themselves empowered or represented do not vote; those who do not see a point in voting are suffering from the failure to be made politically responsible by the very system that promotes responsible handling of rights and freedoms.

Then, how is liberal democracy non-demagoguery ? How is a people's democracy, which provides for universal, equal and all-encompassing political participation of the people-masses the product of Socialist demagoguery ? For all flaws that may arise in application, a people's democracy is superior both in theory and practice. Criticism against it is a result of prolongued conditioning of the masses to believe that liberal democracy is not the best form of political participation, but the most fair one.

Mass conditioning into this liberal demagoguery is the principal cause of post-revolutionary dissent; it is therefore necessary to carry out social purification after the revolutionary victory. Regime change is the physical aspect of victory, but purification is the cognitive aspect which cleanses the constructs of pre-revolutionary societies from the mind of the people-masses. The non-existence of these anti-Socialist concepts is only guaranteed when they are subjected to damnatio memoriae, for they shall never again appear physically if they do not appear conceptually under any form.

[Bulgar Rouge]

Economic foundations of a Socialist Utopia
Category: Economy

[Bulgar Rouge]

Building paradise on Earth
Category: Society

[Bulgar Rouge]

The army of the people-masses: a natural evolution of the "people's army" concept
Category: Military

I
The people's army is a Marxist-Leninist vanguardist army

The truest form of Marxism-Leninism, that is Maoism, defined the people's army as a force of combat, mass work and production. It was a force of regulars, local forces and militia who carried out revolutionary-propaganda work among the masses and set up the revolutionary political process. Just as the Communist Party in Marxism-Leninism is considered the vanguard of the masses, the people's army is the vanguard of its protection. This "vanguardism" yet again creates a dichotomy where the leading revolutionary structure is not part of the Socialist Revolutionary body, that is, the people-masses, nor is it an elitarian force because it does abide by the willing of revolutionaries.

Many forces formed along the Marxist-Leninist principle have suffered a defeat chiefly because they were a centralised structure which defended the Socialist ideal without a proper conviction. The hearth of Socialism in the 21st century - Bulgaria - has presented examples of both a people's army and an army of the people-masses, and their comparison only proves the superiority of the latter.

The Bulgarian republican military, already grossly underfunded and outgunned, collapsed when facing the first army of the people-masses in the world. It faced an onslaught of popular anger armed with weapons - the strongest natural force in the world. In a matter of months the republican reactionary army was wiped out as it suffered consecutive defeats on the three main layers of combat - front lines, supply lines and bases. In comparison, the people's army of 1923 suffered a disastrous defeat and never recovered. The one established after 1946 was a force to be reckoned with, but it was a product of residual bourgeois thinking - one that required financial maintenance and a rigid centralised structure. Needless to say, after the counter-revolution of 1990, it collapsed utterly and faded into oblivion.

II
Organic guidance of the army of the people-masses

The prime example of an army of the people-masses is the National People's Liberation Army of Bulgar Rouge and its experience will thus be referred to in this chapter. It is a revolutionary force capable of carrying out both basic and advanced tasks not only of the military, but also of the economic struggle of the people-masses. Its single greatest advantage is its grassroots organic structure. The NPLA arose spontaneously out of the creative force of the popular consciousness: when the oppressed throughout the nation awoke by the first fires of change, they were then guided by their hearts towards the inevitable physical armed struggle. No political commissars or revolutionary committees prompted the people to rise against their oppressor. They did it of their own conviction and overcame their fears and weaknesses using their own inner strength.

The guidance of an organic structure such as this one is a tricky matter, however. The prime mistake of many nations, Socialist or tyrannical alike, has always been the same. They attempt to integrate genuine revolutionary formations into a regular armed force, putting it under the control of non-revolutionary figures with little or no on-the-spot experience in guidance that locals have. A nationwide centralised structure then imposes its strategic vision over purely localised forces who, needless to say, often desert or turn their guns against the new authority.

The NPLA was a remarkable achievement in popular military construction. It did not follow this path, but left the revolutionary forces as they were, in the true spirit of a people's democracy. Using propaganda and agitation to instigate and maintain the spirit of spontaneous combat and genuine desire to carry out the Socialist duty was the NPLA's main tool in convincing the armed people-masses to keep their guard on and professionalise on a local instead of a national level. Political commissar teams are crucial at this stage - they collect information of weapons availability, manpower and deployments by location while maintaining the revolutionary spirits high. After adequate assessments, nationwide weapon and uniform standards are imposed. Uniforms and weapons are produced by communal manufactures, while the people-masses who refuse or fail to abide by the military standard are simply considered "peasant revolutionaries" by NPLA nomenclature.

While the lack of advanced weaponry initially put most of the NPLA in the peasant revolutionary category, popular enthusiasm for the revolutionary cause gradually inspired the people-masses to produce better, arm better and fight better. To follow the revolutionary standard is a question of devotion to the Socialist cause which many seek to attain. The number of NPLA regulars thus expanded gradually and now consists more than 75% of total active NPLA personnel. None of these units is, however, stationed in military bases or has classical supply lines. Instead, they belong to different communes who have rally points and gather division-sized forces based on geographic and other natural defence necessities of the popular organism and its territorial habitat. The only centralised military structure of the NPLA, the People's Committee of Defence, is responsible to manage and improve supply availability on location as well as to coordinate rallying units instead of having an active role in the production or distribution of these supplies. Thus, regardless of the point of attack, the nation will respond as a multitude of cells defending the organic structure from the intruder.

III
Maintaining & using the army of the people-masses

[Bulgar Rouge]

Decentralised defence of the popular organism
Category: Military

[Bulgar Rouge]

The propaganda state and the state of mind
Category: Society