Tokyo, Empire of Japan
After quiet decades of the post Great War status quo, the past few weeks witnessed the Empire of Japan embarking on a new economic policy designed to safeguard its financial future. This policy had become known as the Pacific Trade Organization and the short of it was that Japan intended to create a new trading dynamic where resource-rich countries would receive Japanese manufactured goods and technology in return for Japan gaining access to the oil, gas, lumber, minerals and other necessities its secondary and tertiary sectors craved. Initially things went well: the Grand Republic of the Indus, long a Japanese trading partner, was the first to sign on, and the Federated Islamic States had expressed an interest—the dialogue was ongoing.
But then Anahuac, with its numerous domestic problems, had joined, and Japan had seized the opportunity with both hands, promising the troubled Central American country the moon and stars. The brief result was an attempted Japanese intervention in its civil war, which resulted in a Californian sneak attack on a Japanese military transport. Over one hundred Japanese soldiers were killed, further intervention was made impossible, and the empire found itself facing a violent opponent intent on denying Japan access to the markets of America. Although in the short term an evacuation plan was authorized for the thousands of Japanese citizens stranded in Anahuac, the crisis brought the long-term goals of the Pacific Trade Organization and indeed Japan's fundamental foreign policy into question.
This question—what to do now—confronted the many different factions and cabals (which together constituted the de facto government of the Empire of Japan) equally. The more nationalist and right-wing elements, such as the Kokumin Dōmei political party and the Imperial Way Faction 皇道派 or 'Kōdōha' within the military, believed the time had come at last for the empire to openly challenge (by means of preemptive assaults) Euro-American 'interlopers' in the Pacific...namely Amerique and the Chrinthani Empire. They also advocated serious retaliatory strikes against California in response to the downing of the M-100 and a full deployment to Anahuac to secure the Directory's government and crush the rebels. Fortunately such a radical approach was hardly popular with the other factions, it was challenged most notably by the zaibatsu conglomerates and political moderates (such as the influential center-right Kenseitō ‘Constitutional Party’ and Mitsui-zaibatsu funded Rikken Seiyūkai ‘Friends of Constitutional Government’ party) and, importantly, by the military’s conservative Control Faction or 統制派 'Tōseiha'. On the opposite side of the policy discourse was the more left wing Rōdōnōmintō or 'Labour-Farmer Party'. Somewhat counter-intuitively the Labour-Farmer Party, inevitably along with left-leaning academics, wanted to government to continue support of Anahuac's government notwithstanding the perils and difficulties of doing so. They believed that without Japanese support Anahuac's lower middle class, always in a tenuous position, faced destruction. The traditionally distant, non-involved Imperial Family and its Imperial Privy Council, as well as the unelected Kizoku-in (the aristocratic House of Peers or upper house of the Diet) were conservative by their very nature, and inevitably supported whatever policy was seen to be the most sensible and least dramatic.
Debating between the factions, well behind closed doors, somewhat organized and moderated by the centrist Prime Minister Hiranuma Kiichirō (who despite a few setbacks retained the support of the emperor and corporate oligarchs) was fierce and continuous following the attack on and destruction of Military Flight 003. In the end it was political moderates and their zaibatsu overseers that triumphed, although it was only the hitherto unseen direct intervention of Emperor Ōtomo in support of his prime minister that finally ended the debate. Winning over the radicals on the right with military enlargement via S.L.O.R.C.A. (the Security, Law, Order and Commerce Act) and dissenters on the left with a few pro public sector pieces of domestic legislation Prime Minister Kiichirō was able to move forward with his plan to forge new economic alliances favorable to Japan and to increase membership in the Pacific Trade Organization. However given that the Anahuac Crisis was ongoing, and that California was now openly hostile to Japan, the government intended to focus its efforts on the Eastern Hemisphere.
Such efforts included, primarily, strengthening relations in all respects with the Grand Republic of the Indus, presently viewed as Japan's most important new ally and the premier signatory of the Pacific Trade Organization. They would also include working closely with the Federated Islamic States, to come to terms that the Ummah would find acceptable, so that the alliance would gain the F.I.S. as its newest member. Dealing with these nations, vital to the strategic future of Japan, occupied the majority of the Kiichirō government's attention.
But amidst the setbacks and negativity there was an important and positive development. News was finally received in Tokyo that, after months of secret negotiations, the Socialist Federation of the Congo was ready to openly discuss new terms of trade—and possibly of alliance—with the Empire of Japan. The Congo and Japan were decades-old trading partners, although only a fairly low-scale. This shared history would provide the basis, at least Hiranuma Kiichirō hoped it would provide the basis, of a new and enduring relationship. Therefore, the moment the news was received by Tokyo that new discussions were a 'go', the Deputy Prime Minister, who had been on a tour of South Asia to shore up the new relationship with the Grand Republic and to lead negotiations with the Federated Islamic States, hopped on a jet and proceeded immediately down to Kinshasa.
Kinshasa, Socialist Federation of the Congo
On the one hand the Congo presented the perfect ally and partner from a Japanese point of view. It was a massive country, still developing, possessed of a large population and (for all intents and purposes) abundant natural resources such as metals, oil, and timber (especially the Socialist Federation boasted a number of rarer minerals, such as uranium, that were a critical supply for Japan's growing energy needs). Such a growing population would need vehicles, electronics, and a rails and roads infrastructure—all things that the Empire of Japan would be happy to provide in any trade agreement. On the other hand the Congo's government, socialist with Kurosite predilections, hardly seemed to be a good fit with conservative, consumerist Japan. Yet this political disparity allowed Prime Minister Kiichirō to put into action one of his most common talking points, that Japan did not judge a country based on its political systems and domestic policies but on their 'willingness to do business, and on a shared history of commercial relations.' Ironically enough then Japan, fresh from the debacle in Anahuac where it had tried to save a government from a Kurosite insurgency, eagerly embraced the opportunity to form a new agreement and perhaps alliance with the Socialist Federation.
The arrival of Deputy Prime Minister Katō Komei in the urban sprawl of Kinshasa was a carefully choreographed event. The Japanese vice-executive and his delegation of Foreign Ministry staffers, various corporate representatives, and a handful of Defense Ministry attaches—all fresh from their South Asian Visit—greeted their Congolese counterparts on the tarmac of Kinshasa International Airport with bows, handshakes, smiles, and high-end gifts. Premier Dawoud Nkandu was presented with a 14th Century Kamakura period katana sword, formerly of the Imperial Collection and priceless. Dozens of Japanese media were embedded in the delegation as well, they were joined recording the historic event, no doubt, by hundreds of Congolese and international reporters.
After gifts and introductions came a scripted prologue in which Deputy Prime Minister Komei expressed his admiration of the Congolese people for enduring the past century's challenges: “In overcoming whole generations of attempted enslavement, the people of the Congo have given the world a noble example of how to triumph in the face of adversity. The Socialist Federation of the Congo is not a nation of victims, rather it is nation of conquerors. Of lions.” An optimistic vision of future co-operation between the 'land of the rising sun and the beating heart of Africa' followed. The arrival at the airport then concluded with some applause, whereupon Komei and the Japanese were driven off to the executive compound.
The Empire of Japan's appeal to the Congo would contain similar offers to those given the Federated Islamic States and the Grand Republic of the Indus, but as with both other countries some individual provisions would be marked out for the Socialist Federation.
Japan was, of course, interested in signing a free-trade agreement with the Congo, and interested in removing any tariffs that could obstruct one. Japan's heavy industries and mineral concerns were eager to increase the Congo's export of oils, metals, and other raw resources. If possible, these same companies wanted to directly participate in the Socialist Federation, to operate their own mines and operations under license. Certainly, if high levels of trade were to begin, at least some factories would needed to be built, probably in Kinshasa, to process the very raw materials before they were shipped away. The Japanese would also make another offer: for the Congo to invest in the Yen as a reserve currency. By no means was taking on the Yen as a reserve currency a requisite for any trade treaty or agreement—but it was offered as a means for the Congolese to invest in a strong currency and, when they had Japanese treasury notes, they would earn credit with Japanese commercial banks. Additionally, because more business meant more expats, the Deputy Prime Minister was going to ask—politely—about the possibility of building a new suburb of Kinshasa where the Japanese workers could live.
In any case the Japanese were going to be very delicate when making these fairly large requests for trade and alliance. In return Tokyo believe it had much to offer Kinshasa. Firstly, low interest development loans could be arranged. Secondly, if the trading economy was to grow, it would be in the interests of the Japanese to help develop the Congo's infrastructure—railways and roadways. New port facilities would probably need to be constructed. There was the specific offer of a technical university in Kinshasa that could focus on mathematics and the natural sciences. Toyota and Nissan and Honda were itching to sell basic, economy automobiles in the Socialist Federation, sold without any tax or tariff levied. Depending on how comprehensive an alliance chosen by the Congolese was, Japan was also willing to sell them varying amounts of their military hardware. Training would be provided, both to familiarize Congolese soldiers with any new weapons purchased and to instruct Congolese soldiers generally. Also, if this new level of trade started, it would no doubt create income for Congolese citizens. In time the Congo could work towards building a middle class perhaps.
So that would be Japan's proposition, more or less. It was hoped by Tokyo as well that since both states had histories of competition with the European powers, there would be a real basis for working together. And Japan could not overstate the importance of this agreement, to secure a new agreement with the Congo was irreplaceable goal in its foreign and economic policy. The S.F.C. would of course be free to add or modify any parts of the treaty they wished, as had been the case for every Japanese trade partner, most recently the Indus and Federated Islamic States. The Deputy Prime Minister frequently would mention that the empire was looking for a long term ally and was interested in helping the Congo as much as he was sharing profits. This was by no means a short-term get rich scheme at the Congo's expense, but a fair and balanced cooperation.
If the Congo did decide to purpose to join in any of trade agreement or alliance, they could do inside or outside the Pacific Trade Organization. Indeed there was a growing number inside Japan, followers of economist Yoshio Nasai, who thought the name no longer fitted the purpose and that the appellation World Trade Organization suited and made a great deal more sense. The goal was to create an economic bloc that would see all members thrive and become a competitive, if not the dominant, player in the world's arena.
Katō Komei had lofty thoughts, indeed the whole empire still had lofty thoughts, as his motorcade approached the executive compound. As large as his and his country's vision was, however, the Deputy Prime Minister intended to open up the negotiations delicately and only to begin with small ideas that were practicable for both parties. He was sure as well that the Congolese would have their own ideas, and was perfectly ready to entertain them. They were sailing into uncharted territory to be sure, but arguably had enough in common to start the voyage.