Once upon a time in Esquarium 2.0 [Closed, Esquarium only]

[Katranjiev]

May 11, 1994
Krasimir, Katranjiev

"Sir?" a journalist asked Apostol XIV. "What was your life like under house arrest?"

Apostol XIV looked at the journalist and stared at him for a while, his gaze piercing the soul of the journalist who asked that question. Finally, he spoke. "I have never told anyone other than my family, but I know that it was quiet, but it was boring."

The King explained, "We had no contact apart from the guards and what the government assigned to deliver goods to us. We could not make any contact to the outside world, we cannot write mail, nor use the telephone, though we could read Slevdovatel."

He added, "The children grew up, but they had no friends, nobody who they could play with apart from each other. The adults at the grounds tried to keep life reasonably good, but it was difficult. What the government does not supply you, you had no choice but to be like a peasant: you had to grow your own food and produce it. You have no servants at your beck and call like they had in the Palace. It was difficult at first, but we got used to it."

"To pass the time, we often conducted many activities," Apostol XIV remarked. "My wife made lots of paintings, while I was more into poetry. My children were into football, and played friendly matches with all of us involved. I was the ref, and while things get boring after a while, what else could we do? If they got bored, we played chess. We taught the little ones how to read, how to do math, but a tutor helped teach them too, if he or she wanted to do it and not just insult us for being oppressors, since that tutor was always Namorese."

"But it is difficult to explain everything about my house arrest," he stated. "The gardens were spacious, the home was just pleasant, but there are many days which I have forgotten due to my old age: I was 57 when I was put under house arrest by that traitorous leader, Chen, and I was 95 when I got released. It did not help that towards the end, flats grew towards my home, so the residents can see us, but not interact with us. It felt intimidating and overwhelming, to be frank. But back to how it is difficult to explain everything, it is just strange."

"By the time I got released," he said, "the world had changed. Katranjiev, my country, had stagnated, but we now had color TV. We had a massive electrical grid where everybody can get power. Medical technology has gotten way better, the cars look uglier, and the toys are now made of plastic in Namor instead of by hand here. I was so used to being just an ordinary citizen under house arrest, that by the time I became King again, it took quite a lot of getting used to, since I had to relearn royal etiquette. The best part is that since I am restarting the monarchy, I am not really bound to my predecessors, and can now do what I wish, to a reasonable extent. I also am amazed that I can go where-ever I want, when I want to do so, and I can even go shopping at a big box store. Five decades ago, you can't do that: you had to go to the market to buy what you need from many merchants, or to a general store and a few other stores like the butcher's."

"In a way," the King concluded, "my life was quiet, but I missed out on a lot of changes. I pray my son and grandson shall be able to adapt better than I ever can. I know my little Princess Mariana certainly will, she never had to grow up under house arrest."

[Soled]

RETCONNED

[Tuthina]

From Peccavi (1)

---

It was a tiny world, fully submerged in total darkness. Not a single spot of light, or any hint of an exit could be spotted. The air was cold, stiff and, above all, tainted with all sorts of unpleasant smell: the smell of rusting metals, decaying rubber and food, mould thriving from the moist darkness hidden in gaps too small for cleaning tools to reach, as well as a faint taste of engine fuel and gunpowder—it was as if someone had spent their whole live inside this crowded world before finally dying in it.

However, such silent death was not the sole inhabitant of this isolated space. Despite being confined to an area barely allowing any movement for one person, two managed to squeeze themselves inside, pressing their body towards each other. Occasionally, the sound of cloth rubbing against each other, as well as almost-inaudible panting could be heard within the dark, cold air, before it gradually filled the compartment and dissolved into the moist air. It was obvious that both were trying their best to suppress both instinct-based actions with their mind, as any movement beyond the bare minimal would mean a less-than-pleasant contact with all the protrusions that littered the border of the world, and the last thing they want was to catch any attention from outside this tiny world meant just for them.

Life seemed to briefly return to this place, as the movement and sound became more and more rapid and loud, barely suppressed by their owner and only blocked by the thick, metallic walls that drew the boundary of this prison. However, it did not take long for all the voice and movement to converge into a brief outburst of chaos, not unlike a catharsis, before all of them died out almost instantly, as the dark and silent world reclaimed its seemingly eternal slumber.

It took a while for the duo to recover from both the exhaustions, as well as the temporary explosion of emotions and instincts that flooded their mind and rationality that would be against what they did. As the passion cooled down in what seemed to be eternal, a pair of more well-built male hands started to picked up the loose clothes scattered around the compartment, gently putting them back onto the merged bodies. However, they were swiftly stopped by the other pair of hands—slim and smooth, covered in the faint scent of femininity—as the silence between the narrow space of the two was broken by an equally feminine, almost seducing voice. “Don’t go.” To complement her words, the body on top of the prey moved slightly to bury itself deeper into the other.

“I would love to, milady, but—” A young, unrefined male voice explained, but it was also swiftly stopped, as his lips were blocked by its moist counterpart.

“Then do it.” She ordered as she briefly released him. However, she did not wait for an answer until she continued to seal his mouth with herself for another while.

“You have to excuse me, Your Highness, but I am already late for—”

“Don't call me that.” She interrupted against, first by a surprisingly commanding voice, then by a gentle caress across his body with her refined fingers. “And if you insist… as I am the heiress to the throne, sooner or later you will be mine anyway…”

“I… milady…” Despite being arguably the most popular fantasy for male and sometimes female alike, having a complicated relationship with an attractive noblewomen—let alone the heiress presumptive to the throne of an Empire was not as pleasant and enjoyable for most: while it might be truly empowering for one to be complementary, even superior to someone beyond their social ranks, the risk that came along with meddling with the existing social order also acted as a sword hanging over their head—sometimes literally. The lust and desire for carnal pleasure only made it even more complicated, and the noble riding on him knew it well. Even without a single spot of light to see anything, he could feel the flowery scent that gently blew on his face from her, and the slim, refined fingertips skilfully caressed his body, both to relieve his tension and to grant her access to his mind itself.

However, he had made up his mind despite all this, as he learnt, by experience, that interaction with her should be kept at bare minimal for his safety—a lowly footsoldier and a royalty was never born equal. As gentle as a—for a want of better word—grunt could be, he slowly pushed her hands back towards her, before putting the remaining clothes back on the body of the two. Although the scent continued to breath against his face, dispelling all the unpleasant taints from around, he knew that her expression would be better left undiscovered. After quickly redressing herself, the slim hand reached upwards towards the cold copula, before slowly exploring this unknown space with her touch alone. While the seal itself was generally smooth, it was surrounded by all sorts of protrusions, knobs, buttons and switches, none of them resembling anything that would release them back to the outside world.

Before frustration built up, though, the male hand—a lot more familiar with this place than the princess—reached for one of the levers before pushing it upwards. With a clear clicking sound from the metallic parts, the zenith of this confined world gently open as both hands slowly pushed it upward and sideways. The light from outside, while dim, was more than enough to illuminate the surroundings for their eyes, already adjusted to darkness for the better part of the night.

Beneath the metal hatch was a crowded space, intended only for one crew despite the two of them hiding within. As light slowly flooded the space, the true nature of all the protrusions revealed themselves as numerous machines and electronic parts. The abundance of lights and monitors—all turned off as the engines that powered them were silent—only affirmed the false impression that it was all part of an advanced vehicle, a starship of a sort, or at least a detailed replica of one, instead of a relatively mundane and land-bound combat vehicle it was. That said, with a height exceeding two men and an irregular, sleek turret, it still posed a rather formidable presence.

“It still amazes me how you manage to operate it.” The woman commented as she emerged from the copula. She was young, with an appearance that barely reached adulthood, and a smooth, light skin that was clearly not tainted by menial labour or malnutrition of any sort. Her clothes, while clearly simplified for better mobility, was still very elaborate even for a culture that focused a lot on aesthetics. Made of several layers of loose robes, each clearly made of high quality silk as their extremely smooth tactile sensation suggested, almost all of her garments were decorated carefully with a myriad of gold and silver lining, forming stylised flora and fauna as well as abstract symbols—it was as if she was wearing a collection of fine arts. However, perhaps the most significant symbol of them all was the main colour of the main robe, as its pale tint of yellow, mixed with a slight touch of red suggested her exalted status as the heiress to the Imperial throne. Despite all these, though, the sweet scent of sweat from her body, decorated with the loosely-dressed garments, instead conveyed an unparalleled sense of lewdness and licentiousness.

Although not as much as the tight space beneath her, she could still feel the same moist and suffocating atmosphere around her. The ambient heat, as well as the fact that it was a large, concrete-laced depot with no window, suggested that it was located somewhere deep underground, and the abundance of military armament, ranging from the tank they were in, to a large assortment of infantry weapons, hinted the chief purpose of such concealed place.

As the tactile sensation from her legs started to move upward, the slim hands, gloved in stainless white silk, pressed against the cold steel and rise from the small compartment within the turret, revealing the rest of her body to the ambient lights, gently leaking from the distant floodlights and the round tunnels leading to and from this space. Then, with a sudden demonstration of her dexterity, she focused all the weight of her fine body onto her hands, before a swift turn pulled her long legs from the darkness into the air. As her inundated lower body settled on the surface of the sleek, yet irregular turret, her hands gently adjusted her posture to allow her a comfortable seat on its side, while the man beneath her slowly appeared beside her in a less spectacular fashion.

He was a young man in his prime, with a well-toned body that was clearly the product of both rigorous exercise and well-regimented lifestyle. Unlike the elaborate costume on his partner's body, the man was wearing a mostly utilitarian uniform. Made of some sort of dull, greyish-brown cloth, the simple uniform offered a rough sensation for the delicate skin of the woman, although its tight tailoring offered some compensation for her eyes to enjoy his refined body.

Despite far from being the first time the duo engaged in such an intensive activity, the expression on the man's sedated face still suggested exhaustion, a sharp contrast to the spirited young lady sitting beside him. As he sat beside her, her sharp eyes lingered on the tired body, while the moist budding of her tongue skimmed across the pink lips. However, it was clear that the feeling was not mutual, as his mind was occupied by things of far greater importance, such as yet another excuse to cover up their secret—if fleeting—relationship.

After all, the privilege of being in charge of the safety of the most important individuals of the Empire came with the duty of eternal diligence.

“If you may excuse me, Your H—" Almost immediately, the lustful stare turned into a discontented glare, one that even a well-trained soldier dare not to look at, as he carefully unload himself from the armoured vehicle.

“I said. DON'T. call me that.”

“Only when we are alone." It was not until his words left the mouth and melted into the weakening waves of echoes that he realised he just risked violating her majesty, not a light offence within the realm. Before he could turn around to remedy it, though, it was her voice that dispersed his concern—or at least, part of it.

“See you later, then. Do not get caught.” Despite the calming tone and words, the young man seemed to be unnerved a little bit more than before—after all, there were few things that were scarier than a calm and pleasant reaction where one was supposed to be furious. With a quick, yet still dedicated bow as answer, he turned himself from her one last time and jogged towards one of the numerous tunnels leading to this confined space.

The noblewoman remained sitting beside the armoured vehicle for a while, before quietly slipping into the darkness. Filled with a plethora of different war machines, it was like a labyrinth laced with walls of steel, floor of cold concrete and a ceiling of blue-tainted darkness, with occasion spikes of ambient yellow lights solemnly performing their programmed duties as the watchman of this desolate locale.

Despite the lack of sufficient illumination and a confusing layout—to the point that made one wonder if it was intentionally made so—the lady did not seem to have any problems navigating between the rows of tanks and crates, as if she had done that numerous times before. Soon, her serene physique quietly slipped into an opening of the storage and into the true darkness beyond.

Once again, the enclosed world beneath the concrete dome was devoid of any sign of life. Rows and columns of vehicles—still standing in formation—continued their diligent wait for their last mission that might never come.

---

To Peccavi (2-2)

[Ziegenhein]

Koniczena, Lecistan

---

A large gathering was occuring in the central city square. It was evident there was an annoucement of sorts, with the large strung banners and displays, central podium, and video cameras. The spectators were holding their own cellphones and recording devices to take their own memories of the event. The podium at the front of the steps to the Mayor's Mansion was flanked by several guards of the Shock Troops, with several others patrolling around the ceremony area. Behind them were chairs for members of the city council, the Mayor, and high profile National Socialist party members. A company of Shock Troops stood in formation with color guard off to the right-hand side.

A middle-aged man walked up to the podium to give a microphone test and calibrate the audio system. After the tests were concluded the man spoke.

"Ladies and gentlemen, the ceremony will begin shortly."

After a few short minutes, Wicus Wilczewski, leader of the National Socialist community, stepped out of the Mayor's mansion and walked down the steps to the podium.

"Good evening, ladies and gentlemen, and welcome to this event. Over the last few days we have been lied and cheated to. The Judeo-Monarchist bastards of Nevanmaa and forced a legitimate government out in order to propagate their degenerate values. As a result of this, we too have also been forced out.

The selfishness of these foreigners, who only see us as tools in their bloodlust for conquest against a governing system. We say 'No more!' to this foreign invasion. No more to their troops patrolling our streets. No more to foreign monarchs ruling our lands. We, as free Lecs, declare for ourselves a new nation, governed by Lec values and Lec people. This new Republic will be chosen by the common man and provide for a stable and secure society.

Let us rise up and unleash the storm!"

The crowd erupted into mass appraisal and cheering. Personal fireworks, as well as those a part of the ceremony, were set off. The company of Shock Troops began their march in the front of the podium, bearing the [/url=http://imgur.com/9H2IUCE]new flag[/url] of the Lec Social Republic and the flag of the National Socialist Community. Wicus saluted the troop commanders as they passed by, signifying his authority over them as Chief of Staff. After the parade was finished, Wicus took his leave back inside the mansion. His actions, although justified in his mind, would bring all of Lecistan into another civil war.

[Qianrong]

A Lecistani rapper in Lùtórowo, named Włodòmierz Strzébny and going by the stage name Owczarek, publishes a song entitled Fuck the Sellouts, "sellouts" referring to the Grand Duchy and Social Republic and their ties to Nevanmaa and Ziegenhain, respectively. A rap piece, its lyrics are vulgar and viciously denounce the abuses conducted by both sides standing in opposition to the Solidarity Alliance. The music video for the song features Owczarek and several others in a studio committing acts such as shredding NLPdOL election material, defacing a Nevan flag by spraypainting a crude facsimilie of the Nevan Republican flag over the blue cross, burning several thousand Nevan markka bearing the image of Juhani III, tearing up the uniform of the Shock Troops, and beating effigies of Jóvanne-Márco Sáltucéri and Tobéasz Dunôjski with blunt objects, amongst others; this is interspersed with video clips of Nevan soldiers and Shock Troopers marching, drilling, and assaulting or abusing civilian protesters.

(tune)

My name's Owczarek,
My hometown is Ricérzów.
And I'd rather anger some tyrant's puppet
Than see my homeland sold off and enslaved.
Listen:

Why should I fear the threats of jail? Fuck the sellouts.
It's wrong to try to change our country? Fuck the sellouts.
You dare to cede our father's land? Fuck the sellouts.
Assault, torture, and murder? Fuck the sellouts.
Jailing civilians in the thousands? Fuck the sellouts.
I'll never fucking be your slave. Fuck the sellouts.
Soon you will be overthrown. Fuck the sellouts.
And then the real truth will be known. Fuck the sellouts.

Dunôjski and Wilczewski have got skeletons in their closets-
You're all just ruthless thieves- traitors for profit!
People in misery, and you're selling the country,
Placing foreign regimes over your own citizenry!
Yeah, the policemen stuffing ballot boxes will be punished
For leaving protesters' corpses to rot out in the sun.
Do you enjoy harassing innocent people for no reason?
Compensating your victims will leave you bankrupt!
Starting tomorrow, fill the streets and go on strike, all!
You do nothing wrong by responding to your country's call!
We won't bribe them, or for mercy beg,
We aren't a bunch of cowardly sheep in a cage!
Protests are illegal? I'll protest anyways, so what now?
Gonna arrest and harass me and try to shut my mouth?
Gonna torture me the same way you torture thousands?
Or just kill every Lecistani who disagrees? I laugh at your bullshit!

Why should I fear the threats of jail? Fuck the sellouts.
It's wrong to try to change our country? Fuck the sellouts.
You dare to cede our father's land? Fuck the sellouts.
Assault, torture, and murder? Fuck the sellouts.
Jailing civilians in the thousands? Fuck the sellouts.
I'll never fucking be your slave. Fuck the sellouts.
Soon you will be overthrown. Fuck the sellouts.
And then the real truth will be known. Fuck the sellouts.

No Lecistani website will fucking dare to publish this song.
The slaves of Nevans and Teutonians won't let their ears hear it.
They're so terrified of Bread and Cornflowers, naturally,
Because that'd stop them from selling our country away.
To see so many give their home away, it's a shame!
Armies of zombies, marching without thinking!
Hate the sellouts but don't speak up, you're as good as mute;
Hate the occupation but don't resist, you're insane or mad!
My words are rude but I dare to raise my voice
Against Nevan soldiers and Shock Troops who are still hungry.
We can't rid ourselves of them without new government.
We can't trust the forces of the traitors and embezzlers!
Juhani tells us fairy tales about how his democratic vote
But we've clearly seen that they're just words from a lying fuck.
And then there's Wicus and Ulrich, assaulting our neighbors,
Dividing and conquering the Lecistani people!

Why should I fear the threats of jail? Fuck the sellouts.
It's wrong to try to change our country? Fuck the sellouts.
You dare to cede our father's land? Fuck the sellouts.
Assault, torture, and murder? Fuck the sellouts.
Jailing civilians in the thousands? Fuck the sellouts.
I'll never fucking be your slave. Fuck the sellouts.
Soon you will be overthrown. Fuck the sellouts.
And then the real truth will be known. Fuck the sellouts.

Freeing ourselves would never be easy
But I'd rather live free than enslaved 'til I die.
Why should I live a life as an irrelevancy?
Sleeping, drinking, abused by autocracy?
If you have a vision, will you fight for it, huh?
Will you sacrifice everything to claim your freedom?
In Lecistan, the people suffer daily
Nobody can list all of our suffering!
Once this is out, some groups will try to hurt me
The Nevan Realm, the Shock Troops, and the sellouts
To eliminate me and others who've done nothing wrong
To spread fear, terror, and suffering!
But they forgot the strength of the Lecistani people
To silence us is to try and stop the sun rising!
You want to beat us but have failed-
The bullets you fire will miss us on purpose!

Why should I fear the threats of jail? Fuck the sellouts.
It's wrong to try to change our country? Fuck the sellouts.
You dare to cede our father's land? Fuck the sellouts.
Assault, torture, and murder? Fuck the sellouts.
Jailing civilians in the thousands? Fuck the sellouts.
I'll never fucking be your slave. Fuck the sellouts.
Soon you will be overthrown. Fuck the sellouts.
And then the real truth will be known. Fuck the sellouts.

Fuck the sellouts!
Fuck the sellouts!
Fuck the sellouts!
Fuck the sellouts!
Fuck the sellouts!
Fuck the sellouts!
Fuck the sellouts!
Fuck the sellouts!

The song is an instant hit, and at the protests and rallies crowding the streets of cities under Nevan control- the Lecistani Republic having come to a complicit, unspoken, unofficial agreement with the Social Republic to target the Grand Duchy first, protesters in the cities under the Social Republic were biding up their time and clandestinely planning for a massive future strike- many of the protesters begin singing it as a marching chant. It is often accompanied by Bread and Cornflowers, as well as burnings of the Nevan flag and of effigies of Juhani III, Rolf Tuura, and Kustaa Lamminlaita. A majority of people in many Nevan-controlled areas, as supporters of the Solidarity Alliance and opponents of the Nevan-backed regime, crowd the streets and go on strike in an attempt to disrupt Nevanmaa's ability to conduct Nevan military operations. Protesters clog major thoroughfares; industrial workers refuse to produce weapons for the Nevan regime's troops; air traffic controllers don't show up to work, making flying into the Grand Duchy chaotic and hazardous. Thousands of people protest against the Grand Duchy and Nevanmaa- and Nevan attempts to repress them only seem to bring more anger out, and more people into the streets...

[Ainin]

__________________ THE CABINET OF AININ __________________

FROM:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Esquarian Community of the Republic of Ainin
11552 boulevard Océanique Est
Forêt-aux-Sétias, FO 000138

TO:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Nevan Realm
Yrjönkatu 25
Nevanlinna NA010

___________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Dear Sir/Ma'am/other,

In protest over the engagements of the Nevan military forces in Lecistan in flagrant violation of the Nevan Realm's moral and diplomatic responsibility to ensure and protect the Lecistani peoples' fundamental human right to self-determination, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Esquarian Community of Ainin has opted to recall Ambassador Justine Kylie as the minister extraordinary and plenipotentiary of the Republic of Ainin to the Nevan Realm without replacement.

As chargé d'affaires, The Honourable Grégoire Honoré Legault is now the minister extraordinary and plenipotentiary of the Republic of Ainin to the Nevan Realm on an ad interim function.

Please accept, Madam, Sir, other, the expression of my distinguished sentiments.

Remy Micheaux
Minister of Foreign Affairs and the Esquarian Community of the Republic of Ainin
Minister of Democratic Advancement and Human Rights of the Republic of Ainin
Deputy for Forêt-aux-Sétias—Saint-Denis-le-Grand

[Shibdan]

Dochag
National epic of Shibdan since 1984, first put into writing in 1857

---

On the teimog¹ from the Kuntang²
We have had nowhere else to go, but away from the pagocha³
Who destroys the land and takes us hostage
And scatters us among the four winds

Some of us headed to the Eyontang⁴
But the rest are sailing forth to a new land
One wonder if we will ever reach a home
Or whether we shall die in the godug bada⁵

On the ninth day, we saw the outline
The sun was high in the sky
We cheered for at least, we have found
Ulijib⁶, where we can live in peace

On the tenth sunrise, we reach shore
We saw the kun ai⁷ on the beach
They look at us like we are the bunonim⁸
And they sought our guidance to survive

Yet we were ones who needed help: the hyongja⁹
Took advice from the kun ai to keep us alive
The yongju¹⁰ wanted to rule us like
What we were in Eyontang

The first winter, we let the yongju rule us
They tried to impose their rules upon us
Many of us perished that fateful winter
And we realized the kun ai were the true hyongja

The following spring, from the Chagyugjom¹¹
We gave the yongju a choice:
to let the hyongja guide our people
Or to leave for the Chosotang¹²

The yongju agreed to the advice of the hyongja
But they reneged their agreement from the start
They obstructed us at every turn, determined to make us starve
For this is the land where rice can't grow

In the summer's heat, we had enough of the yongju
We pushed them onto the teimog and sent them south
Then with the blessing of the hyongja,
Chagyugjom was burned to the ground

The flames lasted for days, and we left Chagyugjom
The buildings and teimog consumed by the flames
To spread across Ulijib, and be shaped by
And shape the kun ai to co-exist with us

As the summers go on and on, we learn how to live
We fish for yonyo¹³ and hunt sasumi¹⁴
Each summer, the kun ai become more like us
And we become more like the kun ai

Our language came towards the kun ai
Their kolyoyon¹⁵ came towards us
We adopt their ways of living
And they adopt our tatutam¹⁶

We brought our concept of bohoya¹⁷
And they gave us the sengjuni mom¹⁸
It was no longer possible to distinguish between
The kun ai and the yongchag¹⁹

After over a hundred summers, the kun ai and
The yongchag were one and the same
All inhabiting one Ulijib, but each made of
Hundreds of buyog²⁰ and a myriad of clans

This was how we arrived onto Ulijib from the
Kuntang to escape the pagocha and the chaos
That follow the path of the pagocha and his men
And ensure that we are safe and protected for eternity

The pagocha shall never follow us
For their teimog shall never reach Ulijib
Even if they do reach us, they will never damage us
And they shall reach their end if they try

And ultimately, it reaches our end
It is now up to you on Ulijib
To continue our history and ensure that
We will survive for eternity

---

• ¹ boat
• ² traditional word for North Velkia
• ³ destroyer
• ⁴ frozen land
• ⁵ lonely sea
• ⁶ Our Home, traditional name for the mainland of Shibdan
• ⁷ literally big children, reference to the native inhabitants who lived there prior to the Shibdanese
• ⁸ literally parents
• ⁹ wise men
• ¹⁰ lords
• ¹¹ Landing Point, said to be near present day Bangson
• ¹² small island, referring to either the Seagull Islands or Chendiao
• ¹³ salmon
• ¹⁴ deer
• ¹⁵ lit. hanging writing, vertical script used until the 1800s
• ¹⁶ traditional dress
• ¹⁷ Guardians, similar to kamuwi in Kamuwism
• ¹⁸ body of Sengjun: it implies that the Shibdanese took the rituals from the kun ai and only added in the bohoya
• ¹⁹ refers to the present-day indigenous Shibdanese people
• ²⁰ tribes

[Victoriala]

From Her Glorious Majesty
To the Esteemed Emissary of our Min Empire, open only to whom it concerns

A long life to you, Hafu do Atekonemori and Kuru do Bimekyo.

I, Lady and co-bearer of the Min Banner, order you to accept and attend the invitation from the government of the Serene Realm in light recent notices from their government. As our voice and ear to the other realms your obligations to us and your Empire are paramount.

Remember always to take in consideration their words. You will be safe. They will guard you in silence.

Your Glorious Majesty

From His Glorious Majesty
To the Most Serene Majesty of the Most Serene Realm, open only to whom it concerns

Many blessed tidings to thee, Most Serene Majesty and his government.

We accept your notice of our Embassy in light our recent diplomatic announcements. Our emissaries shall attend to you two days from the day this notice has reached you. May this put our nations closer among each other and bring something beneficial to our land and people.

If needed, we can bring me and my consort as well should it deem so.

"Fire of the Day"

[The Ocelot Isles]

OOC: This implies that Namor's Popular Front debate takes in Facebook questions.

James Adelaide November 1, 2015 · Apparently a Popular Front debate is coming up. So should the status quo of Namor's overall foreign policy be changed, or should it become either more interventionist or non-interventionist? #PopFrontQuestion Like · Comment · Share Alyna Azurite and 334 others like this. View 302 more comments Julia Haggard 9:14 am · Like · 9 I doubt the next Namgov would actually change its foreign policy. Doing so either alienates it from countries or isolate it unnecessarily... George Minkus 9:15 am · Like · 14 Whatever it is, I hope our friends don't screw up too much.

[Nevamaa]

The ad begins with a timelapse of a busy city street. Tuomas Hyvärinen's starts speaking:

"Nevanmaa's brightest days are still ahead. In 15 years during which the National Coalition has led our nation, our economy has grown and we are safer and wealthier than ever before."

The video cuts to Hyvärinen talking with voters and shaking their hands.

"National Coalition has a plan to continue this growth. It will bring more jobs and also strengthen Nevanmaa's position in the international community."

The video cuts to an old couple standing in front of a Nevan flag.

"Our plan will bring more funding to Nevanmaa's pensioners..."

The couple is replaced with a soldier.

"...military..."

The soldier is replaced with a teenage girl carrying a violin case.

"...students..."

The couple is replaced with a family of four; father, mother, one boy and one girl.

"...and families."

The music begins gradually ramping up as pictures of Nevan soldiers in training camps, mother picking up her child from kindergarten, a fishmonger handing a package to a customer and a grandfather embracing his grandchild.

"Can we really afford to sacrifice this to the unknown? Only the National Coalition can build Nevanmaa. Only we can enable it grow and prosper. We stand for the values of our forefathers, with a hundred years of experience."

The music begins to die down as the screen fades to black. A blue lion inside a blue laureal wreath appears.

"On Tuesday 10th, give your vote to the National Coalition. For Nevanmaa's sake."

[Nevamaa]

Ad begins with a Nevan flag waving in the background.

"Next week, you'll choose who will lead the Realm for the next four years."

A picture of Tuomas Hyvärinen is shown.

"Will you choose a war-mongerer who has managed to alienate the Realm from entire Esquarium and crash our economy?"

A picture of Valtteri Rantala is shown.

"..or will you choose a leader with a proven track record who will put the economy back on track and stop the war in Lecistan?"

A picture showing the latest results of an opinion poll is shown. National Coalition is polling at 34%, Liberals are at 26%, Social Democrats at 10% and Patriotic Front at 7%

"You might ask, how can you defeat the National Coalition? The only party that can do that is the Liberal Party. We need your vote to get over that limit."

An aerial picture flying over fields and villages is shown.

"Nothing has been decided yet. Help give your children and your children's children a Nevanmaa that you can be proud of and choose those who stand for progress and freedom in Nevanmaa. Choose the Liberal Party."

[Soled]

State of Diq'ao, capital city of Ikodo
6 May 1944
The wind howls calmly across the port. An old man sits on a bench near the water, watching the seagulls fight over food droppings. A tear drops down from his eye as he looks down on the ground, up to the sky. Once upon a time, this was a busy port. Ships passing by, while he played catch and annoyed fishermen in his youthful days. The distant sound of a window breaking wakes him up again, as a man in a wrapped green suit shoves his shotgun into broken glass and drags a young man with him.

"Hey you! You never gave the plans!" The green man shouts. You'd think it would be a soldier, but he wears no badges, brown shoelaces and his hat is an ordinary gray factory's one. The young, with his short, black hair, sturdy face and armless t-shirt, seems just like your ordinary street thug.

Several other men run towards the green man, and they start to fight. A loud bang comes from the shotgun. One of the men falls down in a bloody mess. The green man holds his position, still holding the first man's t-shirt with his grasp. They all stand silent for a second, looking down to the bleeding corpse. The men gain scrunched faces and back off.

The shotgun is fired again, but misses and hits the ground. The other men run and finally tackle the green man, beating him again and again. Five other green men run towards them from the corner street and manage to detain the group of men. The green men tackle them down, and their bodies are dragged into the street corner. Never to be seen again.

A little boy passes by the old man on the bench. The boy's hair is a blondish brown, his skin fair and smooth, and his eyes are sparkling blue like the old river, probably ten years old, but his face covered in bruises and his clothes partially ripped apart. "Get away from here, kid. This is no place for you" the old man looks at the boy and speaks. The boy sees the bloody scene's aftermath, and shakes with fear.

"Where are your parents?" the old man asks.

"I don't know" the boy responds. "I don't know my name". He sits down on the bench next to the old man. The old man's wicked face opens up, his little moon-shaped gray hair starting to stand up. His mouth opens slowly, struggling to come to his senses. The eerie, empty narrow street by the water gets silent.

"Oh. I know how it is to be like that, with no hope. Then why not be hopeless together?" The old man looks down to the kid and smiles the best he can. The kid wanders around him for a while, picking up a flower that cracked through the gravel.

"Hey, oldie" The kid stutters. "Are... Are you with no home too?" The old man stands up from the bench, his brown jacket beginning to fall down from his shoulders. He grabs the jacket and pulls it back up in proper position, although the "proper" status of the jacket was doubtful in itself. A heavy rain cloud begins to approach from the southwest, and a weak thunder roars at the sea. "Yes. Most of the city is in ruins, is it not? It's better to get out of here while you can than staying here."

The old man thinks for a short moment, before he realizes. "The train to Soledstad passes today, and even though it never lets passengers without tickets on... I think..." He takes out his hand to the boy, and they begin to walk southwards along the water. They reach a good-sized, stone-covered plaza. A series of busy small shops are situated at it's edges, with even tinier streets passing through them, except for a large, straight road, passing directly to the city center. The seagulls are gone, replaced with hundreds of folks wandering around, laughing, shouting and running around with wares, as if none of the troubles Diq'ao has suddenly don't exist. But none of this is relevant to the old man. He takes the boy further up the big road, slowly but decisively.

"I never go further up than this" the boy says. The old man stops for a moment. The wind grows stronger and stronger behind their backs from the sea. The amount of people decreases sharply, fearing the oncoming storm.

"I want you to see a special place. Maybe it can even bring you back home?'' The old man says, but the boy sighs, saying he has no home. A powerful wind blow strikes through, darkening the street in a ghastly instant. But they keep walking, and they keep walking. Another large, empty square at the end of the road ends their walk in front of a giant, red brick building. On the edges of the roof, the tile and color of the wall is slightly different and badly cut, and one could see the buildings nearby had been separated from the structure not too long ago. A bunch of dusted, cracked black inscriptions had been put almost on the backside of the building, behind a tall fence separating the open road from the station grounds, almost as wounded as the strangely small, iron door leading into the station. But as always, the door is closed when the train to Soledstad arrives. That train does not take any passengers from Ikodo; only cargo, but nevertheless a crowd of a hundred stand here, waiting for any chance to get the heck out of here.

"I heard the Tzalastadic ("Soledstad[ians]") are completely closing the border" one of them says silently, but it catches many others' attention. "They're gonna build this huge barrier on the border, even to the north, and... Well, I don't know, maybe it'd be better to travel far out seas, and back to Soled that way?"

In these days' Diq'ao, the news reached slowly. There were a few Diq'aoese military news sources, but it was not viable for any honest information, so the few who had access to Soledan newspapers such as the Republican Daily Information Newsletter, known more commonly as 'The Stadletter' (from 'stad' in 'Soledstad'), were highly attracted by the shrinking amount of the intelligentsia, activists and businessmen, potential escapists, curious bystanders and of such around Diq'ao - but also to the the military junta, who wished to use the brains of the city for continuing the repression of the people - or make them face harsh consequences.

"Why are all these people coming here?" a short, stumbled man says as he sits down on the asphalt. The depressed look in his face gaps downwards as his beer bottle slips from his hands, crushing onto the ground into countless glass pieces. "Oh dammit, they'd just shoot us down like every other day. Yshka, ya remember how many times I've gotten shot?"

"Lost count." A fellow replies sharply. "Even we want you dead, you piece of trash", he continues.

"Look who's talking, the shitskin lover." The other one replies. They muffle and walk away from each other.

A couple of guards along the stations signal a change of some kind. "My shift is over, get Haka here quick" one of them says, putting down his machine rifle for a moment, and walks inside the station, loudly shutting the door behind him. Another guard follows him, but accidentally leaves the side gates into the station area open from the inside. A hoard of people stream through, with the sound of the cargo train arriving from the northern line at the same moment. The guards quickly attempt to get back out, but the door locks itself, so they waste several seconds reopening it; but by then, even if they begin to shoot the crowd and fell down several, the vast majority escape onto the platform. The old man hurries the boy into the crowd. The boy cries and cries as he is held up by a middle-aged man, who is also Soledan in appearance, through the station, with the train slowly stopping only meters ahead of them. The man quickly slips through a narrow opening in the a cargo tram and throws the boy in. They are immediately crushed towards the back wall, as the train is still moving.

"It's going to stop, and they're gonna come here and shoot us" the Soledan man thinks to himself. The boy was knocked unconscious and bleeds from somewhere on his head. The man tries to move his arms and hips, but cannot. He sighs as he hears the screams and deaths of the many others who attempted to reach the train, and his eyesight fades out. "If only... I'd stayed at home."

Many hours later, the man wakes up again. He's not dead, nor in a torture cell, or in the middle of Ikodo's streets with all his clothes ripped off like last time. He's in the tram, with the train moving at full speed through the Diq'aoese countryside, with a little slip of light passing through where he had miraculously entered. The boy sleeps tight, seemingly having crawled next to him for warmth. He bends his head back towards the wall and pats the boy's head softly, wondering what the hell had happened. Why didn't the train stop to let them get shot and dragged out? Had the operators at the far front decided it was better to gas ahead, amidst the shooting and chaos? The man's short, but stray brown beard stiffen and his eyes widen. He reaches into his jacket's pocket and finds a curled-up piece of paper. "Meet me at Vacoucåvas station when you're there. Tomas" it says. He doesn't remember when the message is from, but he knows he was outside Diq'ao briefly a few months ago,

The train continues through Diqao's hillside, periodically going through short tunnels and long, noisy bridges, and the man looks out of the bright narrow opening, observing a fascinating wonder; a deep, long mountain valley, situated between sharp mountains and distant massive waterfalls at its edges. The wilderness of the area is incredible, with no signs of human activity for miles. The man looks into the back of the tram. The boy is still sleeping, thankfully. The man clings himself onto the wall and waits. After the sun has already vanished from the horizon, the train finally stops. The man looks back outside and sighs of relief. A massive statue of Ismeri Komlare, the first president of the Republic of Soled and a national hero, stands out behind a series of long, flat buildings. Exactly ten soldiers walk towards the tram to inspect.

"Is that a person, in there? Come out with your hands up!" one of them shouts, and the man comes out of the tram, carrying the boy with him.

"Es Triam-cyr dos Zoldata dos-Oidshån." he says clearly as he puts the boy on the ground. A soldier takes up a torchlight, and they greet the man and boy with cheering as they see their Soledan appearance. Since the chaos began in Diq'ao in 1938 after a disastrous military coup, the Soledan Republic has attempted to bring all ethnic Soledans in Diq'ao back into Soled; however, the military government of Diq'ao had actively prevented this, resulting in isolation and neglect for years, and even open border conflicts and ethnic hate across both Soled and Diq'ao.

After their arrival to Soled, the man allegedly returned to his childhood home in northern Ornuia, where he first got work at a production factory,- however, it shut down soon after, and he eventually became a farmer in the area and disappeared from public view. The boy, who named himself Ismeros Libergoud as he technically did not exist in any registers and therefore had no legal name, became internationally renowned after it was discovered he participated on the front lines in the invasion of Diq'ao in early 1955 and was assigned with leading the speech of the 'Declaration of Annexation of the State of Diq'ao into the People's Republic of Soled' in front of the masses of Ikodo together with Soled's new leader, Harald Aknotsas, and served as Minister of Diq'ao from 1979 to 2004. Ismeros gradually became hesitant of the "Soledfication" of Diq'ao, and after convincing the Soledstad government to end the cultural assimilation policies in the 80's, his leadership over Diq'ao mainly focused on the creation of a "unique, strong Diq'ao for all peoples" as he called it under the Renewal Policy. He resigned voluntarily in 2004, and Bilha Ke was appointed by the President as a replacement.

The men who fight for justice
Are rewarded with torture.
The men who fight for a better tomorrow
Have their future stolen from them.
They name enemies, they give bounties
But they cannot take our will to survive.
For the sake of what is good, take my hand
And let us turn this country, fair and free.
Let us turn the sour rivers and molded statues into streets of gold!
Let us all dance together, in happy harmony!
Every person of Diq'ao will know true love when the people are in charge.
Every child in our land will grow with greatness
May Ethereal Blossom be everlasting for the Love of this land!

-Anthem of the Autonomous Region of Diq'ao, as originally composed by Ismeros Libergoud.

[Namor]

NMR 2378 PRESIDENTIAL PRIMARY DEBATE: POPULAR FRONT


LOCATION: Po'ai Library, Po'ai, West Namor

MODERATOR: Vanan, and from the library in Po'ai, West Namor, welcome to the Popular Front presidential debate, brought to you by WNTV. I'm Jun Chiada, and I'm the moderator for tonight.

As you may know, there are three candidates on stage this evening, and it's my pleasure to introduce them all tonight: Namsa Singho, secretary-general of the Democratic Socialist Party; Shohai Antelope, deputy for the 5th Legislative District in the Central Council and secretary-general of the Liberationist Party; and Tao James, deputy for the 31st egislative District in the Central Council, running on behalf of the Socialist Party. Please welcome them all!

(applause)

In this debate, we will pose questions to the candidates and they will answer. In addition, we will take questions via Facebook, Twitter and other social media and pose them to the candidates. On Twitter, you can ask any question to the candidates by adding the hashtag #PopFrontQuestion to your tweet.

Now, without further ado, let us allow the candidates of this debate to give their opening statements. Secretary-General Namsa, you first.

Opening Statements

NAMSA: Vanan to my fellow colleagues on stage, to the audience watching this debate in person, and most importantly, to the millions who are watching this debate unfold on television. It is you - the hard-working Namorese voter - whom my party and I care about. This is a very diverse nation. You, we, all of us come from various backgrounds. Some of us make a living by toiling in the factories or in the streets, while some of us make a living by working in the office. Regardless of what we do to live, there is something we all do, and that is to benefit ourselves, our families and our friends. That's what makes Namor a great country. Not only are we the most populous nation on Earth, but we work to serve not just ourselves, and society as a whole.

Whenever I talk with my fellow Namorese, I am reminded of this truth - that What is under heaven is for all. Whenever I hear that phrase, I spring to action. Because I want to ensure that everything that we have as a people lands in the hand of every citizen, regardless of their ethnicity, regardless of their religion, regardless of their social standing, regardless of their creed. As our nation continues to prosper in general, we need to start thinking about how we can make sure that whenever prosperity comes to Namor, every Namorese gets an opportunity to taste that prosperity. If we the people do this, and we elect a government that vows to do this, the sky's the limit for us. I want to tackle poverty, I want to tackle income inequality, I want to tackle societal ills, because as a human being I have an obligation to do just that. So let us do this together, and let us do it now.

(applause)

MODERATOR: Secretary-General Antelope?

SHOHAI: First of all, thanks to West Namor Television for organizing this debate, and thank you to all of you who tuned in to watch it. I am glad to be here in the Namorese prefecture of Nantai (short applause) to discuss important issues with others here on stage.

This morning as I arrived at the Po'ai airport, I caught a glimpse of the barrier nearby, and the thousands of square kilometers of Namorese territory that lie beyond it. And I was inspired - inspired to finish the job where the previous generation of Namorese had left off. Just like how our great cause of national reunification isn't complete, our cause to bring justice and equality to everyone in post-Minjuha Namor isn't complete. But I don't see this as a time to berate. I see this as an opportunity - an opportunity to mobilize the Namorese people and lead our country to a better future.

But if we want to have a better future, we must recognize what's there to change. Our country is quickly becoming a republic of the powerful, not a republic of the people. We're beginning to stray from the values that the older generation of revolutionaries established and adhered to in order to create the conditions for our current happiness. As a result, we've suffered some setbacks. The wealth gap is widening, not closing. Our unregulated attacks on mother nature is starting to take its toll on ourselves. Millions of men, women and children remain in the streets, some of them crippled, unable to find a place to live, unable to find a job. Obviously, never before has our country existed without problems. But when there is a government that looks at all these problems and tries to downplay them or blame them on others, you know it's time to take action. So as we have this debate tonight, I hope voters can understand that we need a second revolution, a revolution that will make our government more accountable for its actions, a revolution that will bring the "people" back into the People's Republic.

(applause)

MODERATOR: Deputy Tao?

TAO: (pauses) Well, hello. (laughter, cheering) I'm Tao James. To those who are watching this debate you know me as that famous defector, that soldier who jumped on a Humvee and drove his way to liberation. That little traitor scum, to quote the..(laughter, Shohai is seen smirking) ...uh...That's good and all, but..I want to be known as someone else, and that is a leader who has brought real revolution back into the Executive House. Believe me, I love this country, but there's lots of room for improvement. There's no reason for the People's Republic of Namor to not have free healthcare, when there's tons of other countries that do. There's no reason for the People's Republic of Namor to not have a national minimum wage, when most of the world already does. There's no reason for the People's Republic of Namor to not have a lower retirement age, when there's a bunch of countries that already have it and are doing exceptionally well. When there are models worth emulating and we're not emulating them, we can only blame ourselves for any negative consequences that ensue.

Some of my detractors point out that my party is called the 'Socialist' party, but I don't see anything wrong with that. And it astounds me that to this day, simple wisdom such as Gejin Gezu is ignored. The true tenets of socialism are distorted. Well, I've lived a long time, and I can tell you that socialism works - we just got to find the right to carry it out. We're smart enough, we can do it. Let's make Namor socialist again!

(applause)


First Phase: Domestic Policy


MODERATOR: Let's begin this debate with domestic affairs, particularly the economy. The Namorese economy in particular isn't doing very well due to the financial crisis engulfing major Esquarian economies. Months ago, the Esquarian City Stock Exchange suffered its greatest loss in years. Unemployment has increased a bit, and President-General Fu's policy of "encouragement and discouragement" is receiving mixed results. The New Democrats claim that the Popular Front's economic policy is quote "myopic" and "authoritarian." In your view, how are they wrong, and why? Secretary-General Namsa, start us off.

NAMSA: To respond to the New Democrats' claims of our economic policy being "authoritarian," the New Democrats can call our policy by whatever name they want - authoritarian, old, or even crazy. But it doesn't matter what names they call us, because they're wrong. The New Democrats' own economic policy is a paradox - that in order to achieve economic progress, the government should allow, if not encourage, the exploitation of the driving forces behind economic progress: exploitation of the worker and exploitation of the consumer. The New Democrats like to say that it's the big businesses and corporations that drive economic success. They're not wrong. But they forget that it's the millions of hard-working Namorese who work for these big businesses, and without them there won't be economic progress. When there's millions of people who work over 12 hours a day but still can't feed themselves, and you've got a system that encourages things to stay that way, that's pretty authoritarian. So we ask the New Democrats: How about you take a step back and evaluate your own economic policy before throwing brickbats at ours'? Thank you. (applause; Shohai, Tao nod in agreement)

SHOHAI: There really isn't much for me to add, he took the words right out of my mouth. The New Democrats don't know what they're talking about when they call us names. May I remind everyone that as the most populous country in Esquarium, Namor has more workers struggling to make a living than any other country. If you New Democrats have no problem with that, then shame on you.

TAO: (chuckles) They both spoke, leaving me with no words to say. What can I say, really? (laughter)

MODERATOR: (chuckles) So you're all in agreement, yes? Alright. Now my next question is: what is your plan to get this economy back on track? Anyone of you can start.

(the three candidates look at each other. Finally, Shohai speaks)

SHOHAI: Let's face it, there's going to be days when our economy isn't doing well. Anyone who understands economics well can tell you that the business cycle is divided into four periods: an expansionary period, a period, a recessionary period, and a trough. When we're in good times, we spend too much and then a recession begins.

But one doesn't have to understand economics thoroughly to know that there's going to be bad times. Just turn to simple wisdom; the Book of Ecclesiastes says "There's a time for everything." A time for our economy to grow and a time for our economy to suffer a bit. The recent crash in the stock market was inevitable; it was caused partially by a broken economic system and growing conflict overseas. As such, it's about time that we as Namorese stop bickering about the assets we lost from the crash and think of solutions to rebuild our economy.

Our first priority should be to make sure that those who suffer most from tough times - the working poor - are protected. Fu Wen killed our safety net; we need to expand it back to how it was before he came to office. The government must invest in the most vulnerable elements in our society, because if we don't, we risk raising the poverty line, increasing poverty in this country. We must heavily promote jobs and industries that are based here, not elsewhere. We must roll back the current administration's privatization of our state-owned enterprises. Most importantly, we must work to improve the condition of working class people everywhere.

TAO: The real reason why we're having a recession is because of capitalism, period. Capitalism encourages people to keep consuming, which in turn leads to greed and an eventual recession. Our economy is broken; the system broke it. It's time that we stop compromising with the system, get rid of it altogether and find a new one that won't land us in a recession once every often.

MODERATOR: This question goes to Deputy Tao. Deputy Tao, you called the Common Medical Care System imperfect and suggested that if it does not lead to a single-payer healthcare system in the near future, it should be shelved and replaced with a better system. Now Secretary-General Namsa, a few days ago you criticized Deputy Tao's remarks. You are a personal friend of former President-General Wolf, who introduced Common Medical Care, and you remain a strong proponent of it. You defended the system while attacking Tao, saying that it does lead to free healthcare. Tell Deputy Tao why you're right and he's wrong.

NAMSA: Sure. (facing Tao) I think it doesn't take myself to prove that Common Medical Care is a successful system; all it takes are the facts. And the facts show that since Common Medical Care was adopted, over 500 million Namorese gained access to quality healthcare at a reduced cost. It's true that as of now, healthcare isn't single-payer and even patients who live in the countryside still have to pay something to get the treatment they need. I do not want this to remain the case forever; that's why I support Common Medical Care as it was implemented by the Wolf and Khan administrations, because I sincerely believe that if we take the extra step and implement the policy through and through, it won't be long before we join the enlightened list of nations with single-payer healthcare. We the Popular Front must stand behind this policy, lest the New Democrats take advantage of our disunity and impose a system we all hate. I'm sure Deputy Tao agrees with me on that.

MODERATOR: Deputy Tao?

TAO: First off, let me just say that when I first defected to liberated territory, I was 31 years old. At that time, the government was revamping its outdated healthcare policy, but it was veering in the wrong direction. When President-General Wolf introduced Common Medical Care System, I was 49. I was optimistic about it and thought that it was step one to achieving free healthcare. Now I am 72, and we still don't have free healthcare yet. My question to Secretary-General Namsa is: How long do we have to wait? The Namorese people do not have all day to wait. I don't have all day to wait. I'm sure Common Medical Care has good intentions, but good intentions aren't enough. We need good results. (applause)

We need free healthcare. It isn't an utopian idea. To prove this, let me talk about a country that already has free healthcare in place: Atlantica. There, the government pays for all healthcare costs. When a citizen - be he a 9 year-old child or a 72 year-old like myself - goes to the doctor, he pays nothing. All of his costs are covered by the state. And Atlantica has one of the most successful healthcare systems in the world. We need to start following Atlantica's example. We need to divert our attention to pumping billions of ramon into our healthcare industry, building hospitals and clinics and promoting health education. What are we waiting for? We -

SHOHAI: (interjects) Deputy Tao, with all due respect, Atlantica is a country with less than one million people. The People's Republic of Namor is the most populous country in the world. How do you expect a system that works well in a country with less than one million people to work just as well in a country with over 900 million people?

TAO: So you're saying we shouldn't have a single-payer healthcare system?

SHOHAI: What I'm saying is, you cannot think of it in such a simplistic way. This is Namor, not Atlantica. I like to say that you give clutches to the guy with a broken bone, not the cancer patient. Likewise, you don't give the guy with a broken bone chemotherapy. Yes, healthcare should be affordable, if not free, but Namorese problems can only be solved by Namorese solutions. The means used elsewhere may not work here.

That said, I think that Common Medical Care is overall a good thing. Millions of people, especially in the rural areas, are gaining access to reduced-cost quality healthcare they weren't able to imagine of in the past. The only reason why some people perceive Common Medical Care to be so ineffective is because we have an administration that isn't willing to implement it the right way, an administration that is willing to raise healthcare costs for Namorese who need healthcare the most. We need Common Medical Care, we need it done right, and we need it so that someday my children and even myself can go to the doctor's free of charge.

MODERATOR: We're continuing to receive questions posed by our friends in the social media. Sverrir Sigurdsson asks about income inequality in Namor. Here's the question:

Sverrir Sigurdsson @SverrirSigurdsson What will you do to combat Namor's growing income inequality? #PopFrontQuestion RETWEETSFAVORITE 1619

NAMSA: Growing income inequality in Namor is a reality. It is a sad reality. If Yunglang Antelope wakes from his grave and glances at us today, he wouldn't recognize it from the People's Republic that he envisioned - one where all people are equal. Since the government first implemented economic reforms in the NMR 2320s, our Gini has doubled. The rich are getting richer and the poor are getting poorer. As President-General, my first priority would be to expand the middle class. Raise the minimum wage. Improve our tax system so that it truly ensures equality. There's a lot of things we can do, I can go on for hours if I want to.

SHOHAI: You know, I never met my great grandfather, but there's no doubt that, like Namsa said, if he came back to life he will be dismayed at how this country is "progressing" in terms of social equality. Adding fuel to the fire, there are, unfortunately, some radical elements within the Popular Front who I believe are taking advantage of the growing inequality by promoting class warfare. Guys, class warfare does not help. Pitting one Namorese against another will not bring about equality, only rancor. In order to effectively fight income inequality, we must mobilize the people and promote unity - not rancor - between classes. We must encourage progressive elements in the lower, middle and upper classes to set aside their own interests and work for prosperity and equality in this country.

TAO: What Deputy Antelope said is reminiscent of the propaganda we're hearing from the New Democrats. Shohai often reiterates his "union of the classes," which is a component of Liberationist ideology. While I'll like to believe that he wants a return to revolutionary principles, in reality he doesn't -

SHOHAI: Yes I do -

TAO: (facing Shohai) Listen. The New Democrats are promoting "unity" between classes to justify big money's oppression of the millions of laborers. This is not left-wing propaganda, this is not an agitation for class warfare, this is reality (applause). When I say big money is oppressing those with little or no money, I'm not agitating, I'm being brutally honest (applause gets louder) Big money is responsible for the present income inequality, and we need to end its monopoly over people's lives! (applause)

SHOHAI: Deputy, dividing the populace with your one-sided rhetoric isn't wise.

TAO: Nor is sugarcoating big money's heinous oppression, Deputy Antelope.

SHOHAI: (chuckles) Deputy Tao, I don't -

MODERATOR: Alright, alright, thank you deputies, let's move on to...corruption. According to a report by Transparency Esquarium, cases of corruption in Namor have gotten quote "more serious than ever" under the watch of Fu Wen. Deputy Antelope, you proposed fighting corruption by expanding the powers of the Ministry of Public Security to prosecute corrupt officials, comparing your proposed action to a purge. That was not positively received by some within your own party, especially those who remember the Green Fever and the purges that happened then. When you say "purge," do you mean purge?

SHOHAI: Jun, there are times when a heavy-handed government is necessary to keep hostile forces in check, and corruption's a great example. There are hundreds, if not thousands of officials right now, most of them at the local level, embezzling money and making bribes. The Fu administration's strategy in fighting corruption involves strengthening local governments so that they can fight the corrupt officials effectively, but so far, even as the government has prosecuted around 40 officials since Fu's re-election, corruption remains a problem. Not only that, it's become more serious. We need to purge these corrupt officials and punish them thoroughly. If we do that, we deter other officials from even thinking about embezzling or bribing a single ramon. The ones who are comparing my idea of fighting corruption with the Fever are just trying to distract the people from talking about what really matters, which is the struggle between transparency and corruption in this country.

MODERATOR: Deputy Tao, do you have a problem with what he said?

TAO: Well clearly something needs to be done about this, but I would have preferred that Shohai didn't call his idea a "purge." Because guess who purges? Dictators. Jung To purged. Huankun Chen purged. And (facing Shohai) no offense, but your great grandfather also purged.

SHOHAI: Well that -

TAO: - You see, here's the thing: we do not fight corruption with purges. We fight corruption with transparency. As times pass, social media is becoming an important aspect of life. Let us use social media as a weapon against corruption. Let's encourage netizens to bravely point out any scandal that may have been left out in the dark. If we mobilize the people against corrupt officials, and promise the people that the people's government is on their side, we will not be talking about corruption in the next election.

SHOHAI: I agree with you, Deputy, that the people must have some role in fighting corruption, but what about the government? Where does it fit into the equation? Downplaying the government's role in fighting corruption doesn't really sound socialist to me.

TAO: I never said the government shouldn't play a role.

SHOHAI: So what's wrong with purging corrupt officials? Do you have a problem with the action itself, or do you have a problem with the word itself?

TAO: Well -

SHOHAI: (cuts Tao off, faces audience) The hype that was created over my mentioning of the word "purge" shows how successful the right-wingers are in instilling fear of the left in the hearts of voters. They want to associate "purge" with authoritarianism, and while authoritarian governments did indeed purge, when I say "purge" I mean something different. I don't mean the unlawful removal of people from office in the middle of the night. I mean, no more or less, than the removal of officials who break their oaths of office and swindle at the expense of the people. Both the government and people have a responsibility to carry this out. (faces Tao) Am I wrong?

MODERATOR: Thank you, Deputy. Our final topic for this phase of the debate is Nantai.

New Democratic candidate and front-runner Huan An has called for a territory-wide referendum to resolve the question regarding Nantai's political status. In turn, major politicians in Luziyca have signed the so-called "Kenyen declaration," affirming their desire for a referendum in Nantai. The declaration was met with protest from the Namorese government, which condemned the move as "unilateral." Just recently, Deputy Huan became the first mainland politician to visit occupied Nantai, where he met with local leaders and reaffirmed his support for Nantai's people to choose their territorial status in a referendum.

Deputy Shohai, you yourself questioned Luziyca's right to hold a referendum in the occupied areas, and you proposed what you called a counter-proposal in which all Namorese, including the people of Nantai, decide Nantai's status. I want to ask you: do you believe the people of Nantai have the right to decide Nantai's future?

SHOHAI: Yes they do. But that right does not belong to them exclusively. It also belongs to all the 938 million Namorese people to whom Nantai belongs. (applause) Luziyca seized most of Nantai from the Namorese people; it's not right that the Namorese people do not have a say in what happens to their territory, just as it isn't right that the Luziycan people do not have a say in what happens to Gijirokastra or Bethlehem. So if we're going to have a referendum, that's fine. Let all of Namor decide the fate of Namor's own territory! (applause)

MODERATOR: But in responding to Tuyet An's comparison of Nantai with a foreign embassy, you said that "there is nothing illegal" in taking the Luziycan-occupied parts of Nantai by military force. Your remarks have sparked a fierce backlash among local pro-Luziycan loyalists in Nantai, who organized anti-reunification protests in Kenyen. Plain pacifists allege that you want a Fourth Namo-Luziycan War -

SHOHAI: I -

MODERATOR: So can people in Nantai, the rest of Namor and the world trust you to resolve this question peacefully without luring the Luziycans into a shootout?

SHOHAI: Look Jun, I never, ever advocated for war, nor have I implied that I want one. Those who say I want a fourth war are fearmongers working on behalf of Huan An's campaign. They want to confuse voters by telling them 'If you do not vote for Huan An or if you vote for Shohai, you are voting for war.' No, that's not true. I want peace, but I also want peace with dignity, peace with honesty. When I say it isn't illegal to take Nantai by force, it's not because I want to take Nantai by force, but because I want to remind people what's legal and what's illegal. You can't, can't wage aggression against your own territory. We need to look beyond the right's propaganda and make this distinction. (applause)

MODERATOR: On Thursday you criticized Deputy Huan An for visiting Kenyen to meet with local leaders. You even went as far as suggesting that Deputy Huan could be committing treason and that authorities should look into investigating him once he returns home. Nguyen Bien Phu has a question regarding what you said.

Nguyen Bien Phu @TuhaoesePhoSure If so, #PopFrontQuestion for Shohai: is any meeting between Namorese & Luziycan/Nantainese officials "treason"? RETWEETSFAVORITES 1712

Nguyen Bien Phu @TuhaoesePhoSure If yes, should all Nantainese who have ever interacted w/ Nantai gov't be charged with treason? #PopFrontQuestion RETWEETSFAVORITES 1815

SHOHAI: So let me clarify what I said about...Deputy Huan. I said, back in Thursday, that the Constitution bars Namorese from collaborating with anyone to undermine the sovereignty of this country. I'm not saying that anyone who meets, say, Kung Alicia or anyone else is committing treason. It depends on what you do. If you strike any deal with officials that undermines Namor's sovereignty, then yes, you are committing treason against the People's Republic. If you don't, then that's another story.

MODERATOR: But having returned from Kenyen, Deputy Huan did not say Nantai is Luziycan; all he did was voice support for a referendum. He did not sign the Kenyen Declaration. Did he still commit treason?

SHOHAI: When I said that, Deputy Huan did not meet Kung Alicia and the others yet. When I said he could be committing treason, I was really warning my countrymen about the possible consequences of such a trip. Deputy Huan visited occupied Nantai and didn't inform anyone else about it, not even the party he's loyal to. And no one's happy about that.

MODERATOR: But did Deputy Huan commit treason against the People's Republic?

SHOHAI: When he isn't willing to let the Namorese people decide the fate of their own territory, I think that's treasonous enough. (applause)

MODERATOR: So you stand by your statement that Deputy Huan should be investigated.

SHOHAI: It'll be great if we can open an inquiry so that he can answer to the people, yes.

TAO: Jun, may I respond?

MODERATOR: Oh sure, Deputy Tao. You were born and raised in Nantai, after all, you deserve a say.

TAO: It surprises me...that on this stage, we are debating about something so incontrovertible like Nantai. It surprises me that come the first post-primary debate, something so uncontroversial will become a point of contention! There are more important issues we should be talking about. Rebuilding the economy. Ensuring that our workers own what they produce. Laissez-faire policies have transformed this country into a volcano that is about to explode, and we're sitting here talking about whether Huan An is right on Nantai? That's ridiculous. Nantai is Namorese, Huan An is wrong. Stop buying into Luziycan propaganda and let's get back to discussing how to improve the lives of our people!

(continued applause that wouldn't die down for half a minute. Shohai Antelope and Tao James smile at each other)

MODERATOR: Deputy Tao, of all the candidates running in the election, you are the only one who isn't very clear on your stance on a possible referendum to resolve the Nantai question. Do you support a referendum on Nantai, and, if so, who do you think has the right to participate in that referendum?

TAO: I'm a reluctant supporter of it, but letting Luziyca hold a referendum is kinda like telling Koyro to hold a free and fair election. Don't expect the best from a country that isn't a democracy. Otherwise, I'm supportive of Nantai returning to Namorese control with high-degree autonomy as outlined in my plan.

MODERATOR: Secretary-General Namsa?

NAMSA: I agree with Deputy Shohai. Nantai is a question that can only be answered by the Namorese people.

MODERATOR: It's been a great discussion. We'll be back after a brief commercial break, please stay with us here on WNTV as we enter the second phase of our Popular Front primary debate. Keep getting these questions in on social media, #PopFrontDebate, we are continually receiving them and will present them to the candidates. Stay with us!

---

(a chorus comprised of shoppers and employees are seen singing in front of a Karshev's store)

I just called to say - I love Karshev's!
I just called to say I much I shop there...
I just called to say - I love Karshev's!
Cause only Karshev's offers stuff at a real low price!

Come to Karshev's for the Holiday Sale! This year, we're offering prices lower than any you can find in any other store! Lower prices, better quality. That's our promise at Karshev's and we're never going to break it.

---

Second Phase: Foreign Policy


MODERATOR: Welcome back to the NMR 2378 Popular Front Primary Debate, here on WNTV. Once again, I'm your moderator Jun Chiada and we're about to enter the second phase of our debate. We're now turning to foreign policy. We have a lot of questions pertaining to foreign policy not just from Namorese, but from viewers from all around the world. As a result, we've decided to reserve a large portion of this phase of the debate to answering questions posted on Facebook, Twitter and other social media. Remember, you can always ask a question to the candidates by adding the hashtag #PopFrontQuestion.

Our first question comes from a fairly prominent person. James Adelaide, the former Governor-President of Pavonistade asks...

(distant laugher)

James Adelaide
November 1, 2015 ·
Apparently a Popular Front debate is coming up. So should the status quo of Namor's overall foreign policy be changed, or should it become either more interventionist or non-interventionist? #PopFrontQuestion
Like · Comment · Share

Namsa, you first.

NAMSA: Uh first of all, thank you for the question. If you ask me, I do not believe that in deciding the right course of Namorese foreign policy, you have to decide between "interventionist" or "non-interventionist." I ask myself this - what policy is rational, and what policy isn't? We are an influential country, and we have many allies abroad. But that doesn't mean we have to be the world's policeman. We never fulfilled that role and we shouldn't fulfill that role anytime in the future. To me, an ideal Namorese foreign policy is one that puts Namorese interests first, one that strives continuously for world peace and progress. (applause)

SHOHAI: I am not in favor of military interventions. We Namorese are a peaceful people, and we do not owe our glory to war. I prefer to keep it that way. If we intervene, it should only be to protect our country, our territorial integrity or our allies. Otherwise, we should stick to diplomacy first.

TAO: (chuckles) Well they took the words right out of my mouth. I'm not fond of a staunchly interventionist policy. We should only be responding to external threats. Interventions are costly. Money that can be used to build schools, roads and hospitals are used to fund bloodshed. It doesn't sound nice. Let others do the intervening, and let us focus on developing this country.

MODERATOR: Next question concerns Namo-Luziycan relations; this one's for Deputy Tao. We all know you as a famous defector from Nantai. We all know about the story of how you hijacked a Humvee and killed a soldier to get here. But some of your critics say that because you did all of that, you're not the right person for the job, because every President-General since Wolf had to shake the hand and talk with the leaders of Luziyca. The question is: as President-General, can you shake President Shjoraski's... hand?

TAO: Jun, I don't think Breuvi will be in office by the time I'm inaugurated. Just saying.

(laughter from audience, other candidates) MODERATOR: (chuckles) Well, the election day next door happens tomorrow so we'll see about that. I'm talking about...any Luziycan leader. Would you -

TAO: Well, look. Obviously I know my background well and I know why some might think I'm not qualified to meet certain leaders because of it. The thing is, it's true that I haven't been so nice to my Luziycan rulers during my youth, but that was then. This is now. I know in my heart that what I did was right. (applause) Breuvi Shjoraski knows that as much as I do. Sera Svensson knows that as much as I do. (applause gets louder) Here's the thing, our two countries can't ignore each other anymore. If I'm President-General, we'll have to shake hands whether we like it or not. That's how I see it. (applause)

MODERATOR: Deputy Antelope, Secretary-General Namsa, do you have anything to say about that?

SHOHAI: (faces Tao) Well, Deputy, I believe that what you did earlier in the days was right, it was patriotic. But I'm concerned for your safety. Don't you fear going to a country where you risk getting harassed by astroturfed demonstrators or even assassinated?

TAO: (interjects) Shohai, Shohai...it's OK, I got this. I was a soldier. I still know some martial arts so I think I can make it out of there alive. (laughter, applause)

And I'm sure you can't. (shouts of "oooohhh" fill the auditorium)

SHOHAI: (laughing) Alright then!

TAO: But let me continue, I want to talk about (cheering dies down as he speaks) our relations with the Luziycans. Like our relations with any other country, it should be mutual. It should be bilateral. In pursuing better ties with them, we should not be forsaking our own national interests. They have theirs', we have ours'. Everywhere along the way we must encourage the Luziycans to integrate themselves to the norms and, uh, improve their image in the world, which is broken. When we do that, we improve our own image in the world. I think we can all agree that President-General Fu's take on detente is in the wrong direction. It's submissive, it's disastrous. And Huan An's already taking the initiative to let the Luziycans legitimize their occupation of Namorese soil. That won't happen if I'm in office.

SHOHAI: I agree with Tao, except he did not mention something else - our friends in the Northern Sea and elsewhere. Just last night I met a Britannon man in a cafe, a tourist. He loves his country and he is very concerned about Luziyca's power projection. This is a regime that continues to secretly plot the overthrow of other governments for its own benefit. And unfortunately it's gotten them as far as to Ocidenia.

Not so long ago, the "Esquarian" Union publicly stated that it would take advantage of NOSDO's decline by admitting NOSDO members. Esquarileaks revealed that our own President-General considered joining the EU. And just recently, we've heard a Luziycan presidential candidate talk about "freeing Oteki," and he's doing pretty damn well in the polls. I don't want a war with Luziyca, no one does, but -

MODERATOR: Thank you, Deputy -

SHOHAI: - we Namorese have to start paying attention to what our next door neighbors say about us and the rest of the world. Otherwise, we're in big trouble.

MODERATOR: Thank you, Deputy. This question's directed to all candidates: a tweet from Seumas Seòsaidh from Hoy Phong. Namsa goes first.

Seumas Seòsaidh @SSeòsaidh #PopFrontQuestion As President-General, will you recognize the Republic of Lecistan? RETWEETSFAVORITE 8997

NAMSA: You know, I heard a lot of news about Lecistan in the past few months. Things are getting nastier over there, people are dying, it's a tragedy. And I definitely sympathize with the people who are suffering. But before we take any diplomatic steps, we have to grasp the situation first, understand what's going on, because it's really complicated. Rather than taking sides, our number one priority should be working with the international community to bring an end to the violence, because violence is not the answer.

SHOHAI: What's happening in Lecistan is an episode of the greater show that is the Esquarian Cold War. There's the government, which is backed by Nevanmaa, then there's the fascists backed by the Triumvirate, and there's the opposition government backed a coalition of countries generally opposed to Nevanmaa. Like Namsa said, it's not black and white. We're hearing a lot of contrasting stories from the world media about who's right, who's wrong and so forth. What I would do as President-General is turn Namor into a potential medium through which the warring sides can come together and resolve their differences. I don't always agree with President-General Fu, but in this regard he's right in proposing his Three Point Plan for peace. Democracy cannot come before peace, and democracy cannot come without peace.

TAO: With all due respect, you are not answering the question. What's going on in Lecistan? Both of you say it's complicated, but I have a more concise answer - it's not. This is not exactly a proxy conflict. This is a struggle between the Lecistani people and two evils - an autocratic dictatorship that serves the interests of a faraway abuser of human rights and another autocratic dictatorship that tries to legitimize itself through harassing minorities. The world has analyzed the three sides in this conflict, searching for the side that's willing to stand for freedom, democracy and basic human rights. And only one side has done that, and that is the Lecistani Republic under the leadership of President Łukôsz Grzéskowicz. And we must support them all along the way, and we must recognize them! (applause)

MODERATOR: OK, we're now entering the lightning round. I'm going to ask several questions regarding foreign policy. Each candidate has a maximum 30 seconds' time to respond. Are you ready?

NAMSA, SHOHAI, TAO: Yes.

MODERATOR: The Trumvirate: Unolia, Ziegenhain and Koyro. What's your policy towards the Triumvirate?

NAMSA: We must not misinform ourselves about the Triumvirate. The alliance continues to pose a threat to the free world, and it's our duty to stand with our allies to make sure that it doesn't do anything stupid. So far, we're doing a great job - our Namorese forces remain committed to helping Roubao defend itself from Jahistic Unolian aggression. While I'm open to breaking the ice with any Triumvirate country that wishes to come forward, Namor must remain vigilant at all times and do its part in maintaining the balance of power that has kept Esquarium in peace.

SHOHAI: Yes, the Triumvirate is a threat and it needs to be stopped. But we can't stop it alone. Unfortunately, the community of nations opposing the Triumvirate are now at odds with each other. NOSDO is crumbling as Nevanmaa exerts its own aggression on other countries. It's hard to stand united against the Triumvirate when the forces against the Triumvirate aren't even united themselves. So I would unite the bunch first.

TAO: Our military is strong enough to hold the Triumvirate back. We've got an army that's stronger than Unolia's, and a fight over Roubao will not result in a Unolian victory, as it hasn't in the past. Honestly, I think we're forgetting that the Triumvirate itself is becoming increasingly insecure from within. The three countries that hold it together are all trying to recover from recent power struggles, so as far as I can tell they're not going to mess with us for now. Let's focus more on what's more important: rebuilding our economy.

MODERATOR: Monic Union membership: yes or no?

NAMSA: I'd let the people answer that question. If the people support it, then yes, but if the people don't support it, then no. And the people don't support it, if I recall correctly.

SHOHAI: The whole point of joining the Monic Union makes no sense given that we do not have diplomatic relations with up to half of its current members. We have no embassy in Koyro. We have no embassy in Tuthina. We don't recognize the Qianrongese rebels yet. What's more, occupied Nantai is a member. We should try establishing diplomatic ties with all the members in the union first before joining it. Otherwise it's going to be awkward.

TAO: You know, I love Monic culture, and I like the people living in all Monic countries. We all share common values. It's important that the Monic world comes together and celebrates its shared heritage together. But if we're to join a union, I agree with Secretary-General Namsa that occupied Nantai's status in the union be altered to respect Namorese sovereignty. We must also demand that Tuthina, which virtually owns the union, drop its archaic support for the imperial restoration movement.

MODERATOR: Resuming humanitarian aid to Qianrong: yes or no?

NAMSA: I prefer that we have nothing to do with that country. It's messy down there.

SHOHAI: I can't really give you an answer right now, because it's more of something that I should address once I'm elected, and that's because from what I know, Qianrong today may be drastically different from the Qianrong of tomorrow. So personally I think it's wise to be prudent and not act rashly. President-General Fu's policy towards Qianrong failed because he was acting too rashly.

TAO: It's sad that we have a President-General that values our country's name more than the lives of hundreds of thousands of Qianrongese civilians who did nothing to cause the conflict that's killing them. Huan An said he's willing to resume humanitarian aid, and you know what? He's right for once. So Yes to humanitarian aid.

CLOSING STATEMENTS

MODERATOR: We're now towards the end of the debate, and the candidates will present their closing statements. Here's a question from Mataas Davanganao:

Mataas Davanganao @Matt-Davao Why are you the best choice for the Popular Front? #PopFrontQuestion RETWEETSFAVORITES 149

NAMSA: I served as Vice President when Kaitlyn Khan was President-General. True, my tenure wasn't long and I only served one term, but I think I did a great job. Add that to the years I've served as Secretary-General of the Democratic Socialists since my vice presidency ended. I know how Namo works, I have the political experience to get Namo working. I have the experience to lead the people, especially the working people of this country, and bring them to a brighter new future. After this election, we've got another five years ahead of us. Let's make it an unforgettable next five years. Let's do this together. Choose the right candidate to represent the Popular Front. (applause)

MODERATOR: Deputy Antelope?

SHOHAI: I do inherit a significant political legacy from my father, whom I love very much; my grandfather, whom I was lucky to meet with during my childhood; and my great-grandfather, whom I never met since he passed before my birth. But if I'm President-General, I want people to remember me not by my family name. I want people to remember me as someone who works for their interests. I want them to know me as someone who works tirelessly for equality, reform and justice. This is a great country with a lot of people. I've been a deputy in the Central Council long enough to understand that it takes more than one person to make Namor better. I believe my experience, coupled with the intellect of the Namorese people, are sufficient to bring about a new age. A revolution is coming, and I want you (points at camera) to be a participant, not a bystander. (applause)

MODERATOR: Last but not least, Deputy Tao.

TAO: When I was growing up in Kenyen, my father left me before I could know who he was, and neither my mother nor I expected that years later I would come to liberated territory and proudly represent the 31th Legislative District in the Central Council. Namor is my motherland. She raised me to become who I am today. And after years of living within this country, I feel like I have an obligation to pay the motherland back by serving as its leader. The Socialists are fighting a campaign like never before, but then again, the Namorese people has never seen a party like the Socialists, a candidate like yours truly. This campaign isn't about me. It's about you, it's about true democracy, true equality. I hope the people can select me as the torchbearer in our common struggle to realize both. Thank you. (applause)

MODERATOR: And that concludes the debate for tonight. Thank you to the candidates for joining us here, I wish you the best. And to all of you watching the debate, have a good night.

(the camera pans across the stage. Namsa, Shohai and Tao are seen shaking each others' hands)

[Victoriala]

WARNING: This piece is pretty much graphic as I envisioned it. It may be considered not safe for work and well, read at your own risk, I guess.

1677
Hall of Banners

---

I am the Emperor.

My hand is august and my will is absolute. Most Glorious among the Majesties, as Serene as his, as divine as the White King, as Fortunate as the Civilized, as noble as the Great Lion, as brave as my most valiant ancestors. All banners upon my realm bow to me in awe in respect. The Lady bows to me, so is my kin and so is my councillors. Even the lowest of rats come to me and pay their best tribute, for what's it worth. No one stands in my way. The can't, they won't, and never shall. I am the Emperor.

It was noon when Court has assembled. The hottest, most unsound time of the day, meeting and talking with all those bastardous rich men, with their wives and children watching on who think they can sway me by their suggestions. Fuck them, a waste of time and an affront to my will. Old men without august power than I, they do not deserve to talk to the helm who holds this Empire together. How dare they, come into my palace and complain! This worthless court, this should be destroyed. The forefathers made a mistake for calling themselves among equals to the people. Now our bloodline has lost its glory. We were not revered anymore as the Serene Emperors of the east, not worshipped like the Emperors of the Plains, not given respect deserving as to an Akka Emperor.

In the incessant words of these "noblemen", I raised my hand to shut them up. I stood up, and spoke.

“Take heed, ministers, lords and rulers. You and your domains will take note of this declaration, for this is the most important of them all.”

I walk around the front and gesture to a scribe from the Glorious Council. “The Imperial House’s prestige has been lessening and eroding over time, and we are being shadowed by fellow realms in all sides. If we let this near-inevitable order of things, we must take heed to improve the standings of the Empire and empower the glory of Sokan itself. This maintenance will take more than our own resources to keep us from being an empire in name only. To ensure the upholding of Imperial Prestige and glory, I must proclaim a mandatory requirement for everyone, and I mean everyone. present in this Court, with the exception of me and my immediate family, for a definite and fixed tribute. There will be an exact punishment to any transgressions enacted against this decree and will be defined as the heaviest of treasons to me, the empire, and the very fabric of reality itself. This shall be official today, in the fourth day of the fourth month, in the 2448th year by our reckoning, ensured by my seal.”

I gestured again to the scribe to seal the paper. The red emblem of our house is now pasted in scroll, the law is in order.

“I shall outline the mechanics of the tribute after this meeting. For now, continue your debates.”

As soon as I finished my proclamation, a hand was raised.

“Your Majesty, your humble inferior wishes to speak.” A man in a night blue robe comes and bows. “Taking note from your recent illustrious decree, I find the proclamation to be unfair and vehemently straining to the rights of the Lower Banners, especially to the poorer domains! Your Majesty, this goes against what this Court and Empire stood for, and to the wills of your predecessors. Have you no respect for the rights and sanctities for them? This is the tyranny that this nation have worked on for long to go against among other realms. With all my due respect and reverence to thee, Your Glorious Majesty, I beg of you to overturn this immediately.”

Impotent old turtle*. Do you know who you are talking to? Ah, scratch that thought. You know who. You are a minister of the Law, subservient, enforcer of my voice. Yet here you are, as impotent as the ones before you, to raise your voice at me, your emperor, the descendant of the great Teacher? Bastard. I have had it with you lesser ones trampling on your Glorious Majesty’s voice. It is time.

I raise up, my fist hidden in my robe clenching. His face shows that he notices my disgust. My deep, deep disgust. My anger. I took a deep breath, and smiled.

“Eminent Minister.” I say. “Your antagonism to my causes are seemingly continuous, and becomes more apparent of your opposition to the Banner’s will. I am very, very, very, very, very displeased by such display upon the most respected court, and most importantly, to me.”

Moments of silence pass like ghosts of the dead.

“Y… Your Majesty?” he asked me with little worry.

“You will address me as ‘Glorious Majesty’, you indolent, senile hog.” I triumphantly declared. I face the whole court. “And that goes to all of you.”

“Your Glorious Majesty, I do not mean disrespect from the throne but your actions as of yet are going against what your ancestors has--”

“SILENCE!” I shouted, raising my sword, the order raised. The Imperial Guards enter and surround the hall, with black-red robes that hide their armor, swords embroidered with our banner’s emblem, the Lion, on their belts and a stern face unchanged, as warriors do.

“You have ired me long enough. Guards, seize him and his family. Bring them to me” The guards nodded.

“Your Glorious Majesty, please, this isn't right!” The old man pleaded.

“Fuck you.” I replied, straight like an arrow to the eye as the guards drag three crying children and an alarmed woman in their noble garb towards the front. “It’s time I instill great changes upon this corrupt and defiled system. Take this as a lesson.”

“Guards, hold them all down headfirst.” I ordered, as the guards put the bastardous lowly Minister and his wife and children down to the ground, their eyes facing the ceiling’s cloth and unlit lanterns and their limbs locked into the strong arms of the Imperial Guards. I notice the other members of the court watch in horror. The Lady looks on in fear. The rotting turtle’s family crying. “Do not let them move.”

“Y-your Majesty! What are you d--” The codger opens his mouth with his blasphemous honorifics.

“Didn’t I tell you to stop addressing me that?”

“Your Glorious Majesty, please, I beg of you!”

“Shut up. Mune, my sword.” I ordered as one attendant quickly brought me the Luminous Sabre, the blade of our House. I descend from the throne.

I hear mutters from other members of the court. I will deal with them later.

“Your Majesty, no, no, no, please, I beg of you, leave them out of here--” I raise my hand, and one of the guards keeping him down muffle him.

“LET THIS BE A LESSON TODAY, FOR EVERYONE PRESENT IN THIS COURT.”

I come near the youngest, and draw my sword. This will end as I foresee it.

I hear the Lady raise her voice in total alarm.

“PLEASE, AGAKO, DON’T DO IT!” she pleas. I ignore it, with a raise of my hand I silenced her, and as I draw nearer to the child I gestured to the bastard old man to be raised.

Everyone is in an air of fear. Good.

“Take him up front.” I ordered. They complied. He was put for all to see, for him to see his kin, lying down as I took a gaze on his almost-crying, muffled, struggling face. I smile in reply. I take the shining blade near the child’s face.

It is time.

I will exact what I have promised.
.
.
.
A sharp slash to the child’s face.

Out of everyone’s shock, and the horror of the remaining, I hear the old man’s muffled screams. I can almost discern what he is trying to say.

“no.”

I proceeded, and slit her neck.

He’s breaking in tears. Fucking old man, I’m not done yet.

I proceeded to the son. Most likely he would bring your bloodline into order. I would not bullshit this along.

I ordered my men to raise him up.

I prefered it quick. A clean slice, a decapitation as they all gasp in shock and terror. Oh, I revel at their sound, furthering only the enaction of my pure, glorious will! It makes me laugh, I want to deeply peal in thunderous laughter as the Lightbearer after the victory! Such a magical sight. Very, very magical. The tears, the the helplessness! THE SURETY! THE VERY SURETY THAT I HAVE BEEN WISHING TO HAPPEN SINCE THE EARLY MORNING! THIS WILL MAKE THEM KNOW MY NAME, THIS WILL MAKE THEM GLORIFY ME IN SUCH A WAY I TRULY DESERVE. THIS IS THE WILL OF HEAVEN, THE WILL OF THE LIGHTBEARER, THE WILL OF MY OWN.

I hear the lady’s muffled sobbing. Impotent whore. No will and strength to uphold her own post. Let her watch. Let them watch.
.
.
.

No.

Get them to watch.

I gestured for the guards to force them to see. To plant a message in their minds. To remind them of their place. To make them known throughout all nations that I am not to be swayed and talked to as if I am their equals. I am not their equals.

I am not their equals.
Now, I turn to the next. The consort. I place my blade to her throat and turn my head to the bastard impotent. I glare in the most explicit way, I make him see how I feel about him, and shitheels like him. Only hatred and anger, unforgivable transgressions.

I see the eyes of a begging dog in reply. An ultimately transgressive traitor pleading for the last life I intend to take.

“Beat his face.” I say to one of the guards holding him. The guard obeys, as all in this court must. As all in this Empire must.

“Make him look.” I say once again and he did.

The woman is pleading right now.

I only want the senile hog taste my reply.
.
.
.
I stabbed her straight to the neck in the deepest way. Blood sputters to my face like a slaughtered pig. Ugh, disgusting.

“Break his limbs.” I gestured with the implication to keep him muffled.

Faint and muffled screams follow. Tears. Fractures. Suffering. More terror and some tears from the audience and the receiving end. This is getting very, very, very, very, very, very, tiring. It’s time.

Time to finish my execution.

“Bring him to me.”

He lays down in front of me, for all to see and all to take pity on. All to take example on. All to take the most illustrious lesson of all.

I take away my blade.

I beat his face this time to a bloody, blithering mess, straight blows to his front and swinging ones to his side. His nose broken and his face all colored in force and my infliction. He’s still in tears. I bring heavy blows to his chest until he moans in pain as he breathe. I still feel him alive. Good. Is he broken? Yes. Limbs and soul and all. But still alive. I want to keep him living.

Good, Good, Good.

I gestured to one of the guards once more, and he brings me an iron bell hammer. I think I will reward these guards a hefty reward for their services.

I take hold of the hammer. A firm grasp.

I turn for a final time back to the impotent bastard as I raise the hammer highest.

“Die.”
.
.
.
And I swung it down to his head face first, breaking his skull and spattering more bastard filth in me. Disgusting, but satisfying.

I repeatedly do it until the head becomes flat and unrecognizable. I do it heavily with all my rage and all my hatred of this insolent, piece of shit, impotent, senile old fool who still thinks he has the right to transgress on my will. I scream in full emotion like the roar of the ever-valiant Lightbearer.

The deed is done.

I am tired and filthy, exhausted in soul and body.

I take my gaze to the whole court, watching in horror in my enaction of my will.

“NOW, WHO DARES TO JOIN HIM.” I proclaim loudest.

No one dared to speak, most in terror and most in disgust. I might take care of the latter once they transgress the same way.

“Good.

Silence.

“Now remember this. Go against me, and you will join them.

“Now leave.”

I had the guards escort them. The lady is frozen in shock. I had him returned to our quarters.

A guard comes near me.

“Your Glorious Majesty, should we dispose of the bodies?”

“No, put them for all to see.”

[The Jahistic Unified Republic]

Speech from Zheng Zhuli to Jarrod Thuman Square
City of Unolia, Jahistic Republic of Unolia
11/9/15, 12:30 PM, Delivered in English

Ladies and gentlemen, Comrades in the Union and the Worldover, and sympathetic friends of the Union and our goals, thank you for attending this, the fortieth anniversary of the birth of our Great Leader, Comrade Jarrod Thuman, a friend of many people in attendance here whether it be personally, as with many people on this stage, or in spirit, as with people below us.

Today, unlike last year, will be a day of celebration with none of the mourning. We are here to commemorate the life, legacy, and overall greatness of the man who built everything you see here, beyond all odds, a Union from the ashes of four different nation-states. A Union with popular support of all of the different peoples in the face of serious opposition from forces internal and external. We come here today to celebrate that life and the ideology he built that can be applied internationally. We are also to celebrate our fraternal and non-fraternal comrades that are great friends to this glorious experiment of ours.

He was a man who preached the ultimate greatness of the individual above all. He preached the idea that the individual, even when working in a collective, was supreme above all. The idea that we, as people, should work together to achieve our own individuality-ness, and push on and far to gain our own liberties and eventually free the world, until one fine morning...

He preached the radical idea of self-determination and the lack of collective bondage to the state and prescribed from the state. He walked amongst the people, mending racial tensions that had stood for hundreds of years. Every week, in some city, he would be spotted talking with various individuals, business owners, workers and the common person, asking what he could do to make his administration better and he never disappointed.

He turned the idea that the older generations had to rule over the young on its head, creating a great paramilitary and youth movement who, even today, play an influential role in the Jahistic lifestyle. They are the true standard bearers for the idea that the Party and the Revolution will be victorious.

The Great Leader, sometimes in futile efforts, made overtures to the world saying that Unolia was ready to open up.

The people standing behind me are the people who responded with open arms to a New Unolia, one where man controlled his own fate. They aren't all Jahistics, but they are all friends.

Today, we carry on his message of progressing with the Revolution until its very end. This is why we do these military marches and these civilian parades every year, in this historic Square: to show off our knack for progress and our passion to speak softly with a bayonet placed firmly in our palm. Today, I am glad to make an announcement which will have a mixed reaction across the world but will ultimately be for the greater good of the Unolian and Jahistic People.

We, as a nation and Union, are the target of dire threats by enemies created to stump our progress towards the Final Goal. Also, we are the Island of Light in a Sea of Troubles, and we must prevent the Troubles from consuming us, and we must do our best to secure our Island from the Seas.

There is a legend that my parents told a young me. My parents told me, when I was getting constantly bullied and harassed in middle school for my smaller stature, of a man that had to walk four-thousand miles because the Gods and Heavens had commanded him to show his faith. He walked from one end of Unolia to another five times. The first two times, the people commended his bravery as he shoved through the adverse conditions to pursue his dreams and desires. The third time, the people in each town that he would cross began to get annoyed with him, even though he was just pursuing his dreams and ambitions to serve the Gods and Heavens.

The fourth time, people began throwing stones and bloodying him. The Gods and Heavens commanded him that he was to take the abuse. He continued, turning around as he reached the western coasts; ready to go on his fifth march. He lay down to rest on a bed of rocks, as he had nowhere to sleep. The rocks made his sleep inevitably uncomfortable. It seemed to him that even nature was against him now. Yet, the next morning, he developed an idea: He found a stick and twigs and created a crude hammer with the two pointiest rocks he could find.

The Gods and Heavens had told him that he may not strike first, but they did not say the man could not intimidate. He made a crude weapon with these supplies. He marched through the villages again, with no confrontation, as people began to fear. For the rest of the trip, he had not a single incident, as people knew he had power now. He needn't use his power, but he had it. Today, Unolia will begin to pursue this power.

Today, I announce that, sometime in 2016, Unolia, hopefully with Triumvirate backing, will attempt to conduct its first underground nuclear test. We believe ourselves to a great addition to the pantheon of nuclear actors in the region. We expect our ambitions to be completed sometime next decade, but the choice is obvious.

The new foreign policy is independence. We need not Koy nuclear weapons to flex our muscles. We need not Triumvirate troops until the time comes. We need to be respected on the international stage and taken seriously as our comrades in Koyro are.

[...]

[Namor]

OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT-GENERAL OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF NAMOR
Namo, Capital District

---

In the name of the Revolution, to the Honorable Mrs. Sera Svensson

---

Madam,

ON BEHALF OF the Government of Namor, I congratulate you for your election as the next president of the Christian Republic of Luziyca.

As you may know, Namo-Luziycan relations have improved over the past few years. Despite differences, Namor and Luziyca are good neighbors and key players in ensuring stability and prosperity in South Velkia, Western Esquarium and the world at large. In establishing diplomatic ties and strengthening exchanges, both our countries have shown the rest of the world - and our own peoples - that any difference between our countries can be resolved through diplomacy and mutual understanding. I have full confidence that under the new administration, led by yourself, the two countries can continue to cooperate in maintaining world peace.

I look forward to working with you in aforementioned areas during the remainder of my presidency.

Fu Wen
President-General of the People's Republic of Namor
November 11, NMR 2377

[Luziyca]

OFFICIAL COMMUNIQUE OF THE CHRISTIAN REPUBLIC OF LUZIYCA

---

To: President-General Fu Wen of Namor
Cc: Shohai Antelope, Huan An, Tuyet An, Namsa Singho, Kuo Zhang
From: President-Elect Sera Svensson
Encryption: N/A

---

Firstly, Mr. Fu, I wish to thank you for your congratulations for my victory last night.

I acknowledge that in recent times, Namor and Luziyca have become close neighbors: there are some issues, but for the most part, relations have been good, and I seek to ensure that they remain that way. Under my predecessor's administration, ties have become more and more important, and we are now becoming very important trading partners and we also prove that we can set aside our differences. Our economies are becoming more interdependent, and I anticipate that we will almost certainly see an increase of economic growth as a result of Namo-Luziycan trade.

But we still have some issues: especially with the northwestern region of Namor situated directly east of Geadland, as well as the territory of Nantai. The former, I pledge to co-operate to clamp down on the OGIE's militant activities, and prevent them from conducting any further terrorist attacks within Namor, as well as similar-minded organizations that wish to "liberate" that region using terrorism.

As for the latter, I am of the opinion that while the current status quo as was negotiated by Shjoraski is a good way to ease tensions, we need a permanent solution to the Nantai dispute. The current appellation of "Namorese territory under Luziycan administration" should not be permanent, and this leads to a proposal for a referendum.
While Shohai has said that all of Namor should vote because Nantai is Namorese territory, by his logic, shouldn't all Luziycans vote in that referendum, considering that Nantai is also our territory? That is why I feel that Nantainese should decide their own future, with both of us (and other parties) monitoring the referendum to ensure that it follows international standards, and to assuage fears by the Namorese left that we will rig the referendum. But by no means should the rest of Namor or Luziyca vote, since Nantai at the end of the day, belongs to the Nantainese.

However, these issues should not be a reason to strangle and slay detente to the detriment of both sides: if we both work together, detente can continue to flourish. I want to continue expanding relations, especially in a time where a Third Great War might begin at any moment as a result of Nevan imperialism. If we are lucky, we will not be fighting against each other in this future war, which would be a senseless waste of human life, as has been demonstrated in 1996.

Thus, I look forward to working with you for the rest of your presidency, and prove to the rest of the world that even historic arch-enemies can engage in diplomatic relations and mutual understanding.

Signed,
Sera Svensson
President-elect of the Christian Republic of Luziyca

[Geadland]

English-language interview with Katarin Appelhorst, the Minister of Housing & Urban Affairs

Katarin isn't known for being the brightest minister in the government (see here). Neither is she the best at speaking English or dealing with unexpected interviews, as this one shows:
Reporter: So, Mrs Appelhorst. We understand that the Geadish government has chosen to not participate in the Ainin-led invasion of Arnborg.
Appelhorst: That's correct, yes.
Reporter: So do you support the invasion?
Appelhorst: What, me or the government?
Reporter: Um, the government?
Appelhorst: The government approves of the invasion.
Reporter: And do you agree with this? It is normally assumed that a minister would agree with what their government is doing.
Appelhorst: If that's true, then yes, I do support it
Reporter: So what is the government's stance regarding this invasion?
Appelhorst: I told you, they approve of it?
Reporter: But why?
Appelhorst: They like not the Apartheid government. (Pause) Yeah, they want it out. They say that the invasion is a good thing as it can make Arnborg better. They are also worried. I think...that's all?
Reporter: Could you also explain why are they worried?
Appelhorst: They are not sure it will win. They are worried that the black and white people in Arnborg will not go well together. They are worried that the democracy may have bad politicians. They are also worried that there may be civil war. (Pause) That would be very, very bad.
Reporter: You sound like you don't know much about what you're talking about.
Appelhorst: I'm sorry. I'm Geadland's Minister of Housing and Urban Stuff? I know not much about foreign policy! (Pause) No, I do know some stuff! It's just I am not good at foreign policy.
Reporter: So if Geadland supports the invasion, why are you not participating in it?
Appelhorst: We do not want there to be too many countries taking part. Too many cooks spoil the brothel, as you Anglophones would say. But the government does want to help. We may send armies into Arnborg and drop bombs on it? I don't know. We will decide. The Ministry of Defence chooses this, not me.
Reporter: Okay, thank you very much Mrs Appelhorst.
Appelhorst: My pleasure. Sorry if my English has been not very good?
Reporter: We've managed.

[Namor]

"This election, let's bring positive change to Namor."
HUAN AN wants to keep Namor in the new age. Join him in securing a peaceful and prosperous future for all of us.


ON THE ISSUES

A COUNTRY FRIENDLY TO INNOVATION

As a deputy in the Central Council, I've fought for legislation that will make Namor friendlier to people who want to improve the lives of themselves and their families. I understand that Namor, like other countries, is undergoing tough economic times. The left is clamoring for increased restrictions on businesses big and small, but the truth is during a time when businesses are being impacted negatively, the government will add injury to harm by enacting policies that harass businesses. As President-General, I will champion the right of average citizens and small businesses to perform their best without having to consider the government an impediment to their shared dream of success.

A SIMPLER AND TRULY PROGRESSIVE TAX CODE

I was the author of the Fair Taxation Act, which called for the abolition of Namor's current "progressive" tax and the institution of a 25 percent income tax rate for all Namorese, regardless of how much they earn. I believe firmly than ever that if we are to truly move beyond the left's hypocrisy when it comes to taxation, we must make it clear that the amount of money you earn each month should not determine how much of your income goes to the state. The purpose of taxes is to collect money for the government, not to oppress a particular class.

BETTER HEALTH FOR MORE NAMORESE

While it is important that we acknowledge the good intentions of Alicia Wolf's administration in introducing Common Medical Care, we must also acknowledge that our healthcare system isn't perfect. Striving for complementary healthcare for all Namorese is impossible until we find out how to improve the quality of healthcare in this country.

That is why as President-General, I will widen the choices people have when it comes to healthcare. People can choose to be taken care of by the current system, which I will maintain, or choose an alternative system they think works better for them. The Namorese people should not be confined to one system only when there are a variety of choices they can choose from. I will also promote programs that encourage the health and well-being of our people.

PEACE WITH OUR NEIGHBORS, PEACE WITH THE WORLD

The last decade has seen an increasing commitment to maintaining peace with our neighbors, especially Luziyca. Namo-Luziycan detente has brought many benefits and no drawbacks - people in both countries are starting to understand each other better, the chances of a future war have reduced, and trade has increased, benefiting everyone. The recent election of a Liberal government in Luziyca means that there is an even better chance of strengthening our commitment to detente tomorrow.

Most countries in the world, especially those located in our region, support detente. This election, let's not listen to the bombastic propaganda of the Popular Front and focus on how to enhance stability in the Velkias for the sake of our children and grandchildren. At the same time, let us extend a hand to our allies, old and new, and offer to create a better world together.

LET THE 2.5 MILLION NAMORESE IN NANTAI DECIDE THEIR FUTURE

Since returning from my visit to Kenyen, I am surer than ever that as Namorese, we need to respect our fellow Nantai compatriots' right to decide their political future. Unfortunately, my position on this issue has been made more controversial than it needs to be. The people of the occupied territories can choose between staying Namorese territory under Luziycan administration or reunifying with the rest of Namor. And that choice belongs to them, and them only.

Supporting Nantainese people's right to self-determination doesn't equate to cowering to anybody. It's simply that - respecting a right.

TRULY EMPOWERING OUR ETHNIC MINORITIES

The bigger and meddling government gets, the more disadvantaged Namor's ethnic minorities become. The Namorese people must recognize that the leftists' policies towards our ethnic minority groups, especially groups that are worse off than others, never worked and won't ever work. Instead of encouraging minorities to become patriotic, optimistic and hard-working individuals, left-wing governments' policies have made ethnic minorities more dependent, less motivated to work and less productive for society as a whole.

I will give minority groups incentives to go above and beyond the poverty line and achieve a superb standard of living. We must give them the tools they need, especially education, to succeed. We need to stop treating them like poor people who aren't capable of benefiting themselves and those around them by their own means. These are intelligent people who are willing to contribute to our nation, so long as we give them the opportunity to. I will not harass our minorities with a stifling bureaucracy.

[Namor]

TAO JAMES
Fighting for those who can't

THE LONG TITLE OF OUR COUNTRY is the People's Republic of Namor. Namor is a country run by its people, or at least that's how it's supposed to be. Instead, Namor is steadily becoming a plutocracy that's dependent on the affluent elite and dangerous forces. This is the path we're currently on so long as the New Democrats remain in control.

Since escaping my former life as a soldier and reuniting with the land more than 900 million people call home, I realized how much potential Namor really has. As a populous country, we have more workers than any other country. This has given us the edge when it comes to productivity and innovation. Yet it saddens me to see that as time goes by, the ones who are contributing the most to Namor's present prosperity are also the ones who aren't treated with dignity by those who oversee them.

It doesn't have to be that way, because a revolution is coming - a true revolution that I sincerely hope you can join. Together, let's put the masses back in charge.

Namor's laborers have toiled for our prosperity. It's time we do more than thanking them.
It's inexcusable that our workers, the people who contribute the most to our present-day prosperity, are toiling in the most precarious of conditions. The next President-General must put their interests first. We need to establish a national minimum wage of P84.00/hour, work with businesses to make sure that labor laws are followed, and set up a governmental agency solely dedicated to ensuring that men and women who work from sunrise to sunset do not risk their lives working for this nation.


Children belong in schools, not sweatshops.
Being a country with a lot of children, Namor has always been plagued with the unfortunate problem that is child labor. While big business believes it isn't wrong to hire children to work so long as they are paid, I see it differently. Children should be educated before entering the workplace. Under no circumstance would I allow my grandchildren to work themselves to death when they're supposed to be learning about their place in our society. The next President-General should impose stiff penalties on anyone who depends on child labor.


We agree healthcare is a right. Now why don't we take the extra step and make it free?
We can no longer pat ourselves in the back just for acknowledging that healthcare is a human right. We need to go the extra step so that one day, all Namorese will be able to receive the healthcare they need free of charge. That means instituting a single-payer health system and investing a lot of our money into providing quality healthcare to our citizens. Disgustingly enough, New Democrats do not want universal, single-payer healthcare. As a country, we must know that if a country like Atlantica can have a full-functioning single-payer system, so can we. This is not an empty dream, nor should it be.


A decade of Fu's detente still hasn't reduced the threat posed to us from the west.
It's important that responsible and honest leaders do not sugarcoat things. The current President-General's policy of "detente" still hasn't reduced the threat posed to us by our western neighbor. Our western neighbor dwarfs us when it comes to military spending, not for its own defense, but for our eventual destabilization. Instead of being a good neighbor who views us as equals, our western neighbor continues to support terrorists who are hell-bent on splitting the country, and using every means to justify wrongs against us. However, I have no ill sentiment against our western neighbor, and I have faith that if we have a policy that is reflected upon reality, the current situation doesn't have to prevail. We need peace, but we need a peace that benefits the Namorese people instead of putting us in a state of continual submission. Let's fight for a real detente for once.

[Namor]

NMR 2378 PRESIDENTIAL PRIMARY DEBATE: NEW DEMOCRATIC PARTY


LOCATION: THDB Headquarters, Nghenh Nghenh, Antelopia

MODERATOR: Chào buổi tối, and welcome to the New Democratic primary debate held here at Nghenh Nghenh, capital of the Autonomous Republic of Antelopia. I am Nguyen Tai, host of Politics Antelopia on THDB. I will be moderating tonight's debate. This debate is significant, not just because it's the first in this electoral season held between New Democratic candidates, but the first time we've had a presidential debate being held in an autonomous republic. As you know, Nghenh Nghenh is to host the next New Democratic convention, where the nominee is expected to be announced. We are fortunate to not only host this debate in this great city, but the national convention as well.

Now on to our candidates, the two who are running for the party nomination. Ladies and gentlemen, please welcome Deputy Huan An of the 14th Legislative District and Deputy Tuyet An of the 23rd Legislative District.

[applause, Huan and Tuyet wave]

Tonight, questions from this debate will come from myself, social media as well as these people. Please welcome...Sang Guli, columnist for the Mojing Sibo, and Trieu Dang Vinh, political affairs commentator for the local newspaper Quoc Dan.

[applause]

Please note that this debate will be conducted in Standard dialect, but there is an interpreter who will translate what the candidates and we are saying in Antelopian. THDB will provide Antelopian and Namorese subtitles throughout the debate.

OPENING STATEMENTS

Now, I would like the candidates to open the debate with their opening statements. We start with Deputy Huan.

HUAN: Shin...chow. [applause] I want to thank you all for being here. Good evening to all of you who are watching this debate. My name is Huan An, I'm a deputy in the Central Council, and I represent the 14th Legislative District.

I know many of you who are watching the debate on television may be asking: why are we doing this? Why is politics, out of all things, taking up air time? I'm supposed to be watching opera! [laughter] But here's why. What we're doing here will shape the future of our country. We are at a crossroads. The President-General has been in office for nearly ten years, and he's done a tremendous job. We the Namorese people can either choose to make our country prosperous and peaceful, or we can take a less certain route.

I spent my life transforming Namorese politics to something more than mere bickering on television. I've been doing this long before I was elected to Central Council. As deputy, I've fought for limited government because the alternative is a burgeoning bureaucracy that promotes limited opportunity. I've fought for a tax that's truly progressive, a tax that reminds us what the real purpose of taxes are. I've fought for a less aggressive foreign policy that builds the foundation for peace with our neighbors and peace with the world. The first months of my campaign have been an encouraging experience not just for myself, but for the Namorese people. Millions of people set aside their differences to agree with me that we need positive change, not change for the worse, in this country. I hope we can continue to put up a good fight, even as the Namorese left continues its onslaught against myself and my party. Deputy Tuyet?

TUYET: Chào buổi tối. I'm Tuyet An, deputy for the 23rd Legislative District. It feels nice to be here in my hometown, where many of my constituents are in this audience. It's my pleasure to be here, to debate important issues with Deputy Huan and inform voters about why this election is important, not just for New Democrats, but for people of other parties.

There's a lot of things Namor needs to do in the next presidency, such as maintaining an efficient and growth-friendly limited government and making success accessible to all. But before we do all that, it's important that we define the values by which we adhere to for this new age. Times are changing. The People's Republic of Namor, once a totalitarian-authoritarian state, is now a true liberal democracy. The stains of the past should no longer define who we are as a people. A new generation of Namorese is springing forth. The future should, and will, belong to them. It's important that we bury the obsolete ideas of the Old Left and replace them with new ideas, fresh ideas that will invigorate the populace. That means dropping the notion that an overwhelming bureaucracy still works for the people, that the people who drive this economy cannot save the economy themselves. The New Democrats are a party rebelling for positive change, change that will lead to our country becoming more peaceful, prosperous and free. And I hope voters can see through this debate why I am capable of leading this charge.

DEBATE

MODERATOR: To start off with tonight's debate, I want to ask both of you a question regarding the Popular Front debate which took place on the 8th of November. Both of you watched it, both of you had something to say about it. To you, what did the debate tell about the ability of the Popular Front's candidates to lead a country?

HUAN: That debate shows exactly why the Namorese people should not elect a Popfronter as their next leader. They make empty promises, promise to give free stuff, and make a fool of themselves by misinforming the audience about our country's place in the world. We New Democrats provide no-nonsense, realistic and logical solutions to problems. The next President-General cannot burden the people with higher taxes and more debt. He must let support, not suppress, economic growth. He must keep the region stable. Nobody needs to listen to the Popular Front to know that with unrestrained government, the bubble will pop somewhere along the road, and the consequences won't be pretty. Here we are, in a financial crisis, our prestige threatened. The last thing we need is a President-General who will tell his own people 'Sorry, but you can't start your own business, that's our job.' Growing the economy should be our first and foremost priority.

TUYET: I agree with Deputy Huan that the Popular Front debate reveals the leftist candidates to be unfit for the presidency-general. But here's another reason why none of them are capable of holding office: they are reactionary. They want to bring Namor back to a past that never existed. Shohai Antelope said he will bring the "people" back into the "people's republic." Excuse me, but since when did Namor belong to "the people?" Under Antelope's party, Namor was a single-party dictatorship. Only when the Liberationists get out of power did Namor become the democracy it is today. I find it rather ironic that Popular Front candidates are hollering "people" and "revolution," when in fact their predecessors were overthrown by both. It was the people who started a revolution that put a New Democrat in the Executive House. Everyone should understand that we New Democrats, not the Popular Front, are the true progressive forces.

MODERATOR: Another question about the Popular Front debate. I'm sure you're aware that all three candidates emphasized helping working people. Front-runner Tao James said workers should own what they produce, Shohai Antelope said New Democrats have no problem with Namorese workers struggling to make a living, and Namsa Singho claimed the New Democrats encourage the exploitation of workers and consumers. Deputy Huan, how do you respond to that?

HUAN: Well, as an intelligent person, I prefer listening to real and constructive talk about how to improve our society as opposed to drowning myself in endless left-wing rhetoric. Tao says he wants workers to own what they produce? You know, that's known as something he's supposedly against, and it's called capitalism. Capitalism allows the individual to keep and reap the benefits of his labor, rather than allowing the government to confiscate hard-earned gains. There is scientific evidence that socialism doesn't work. Just compare a country with a free market economy and a country whose economy revolves around centralized planning. Countries that have a free market capitalist system end up becoming prosperous, whereas countries that do not have such a system become impoverished. Advocates of socialism know that their system is historically unsuccessful, so they invoke the name of working people just to get gullible listeners to their side.

MODERATOR: But is the Popular Front right in asserting that the New Democrats aren't worker friendly?

HUAN: Back in the NMR 2368 election, a majority of Namor's blue-collar workers did not vote for Democratic Socialist Kaitlyn Khan. Instead, these workers voted for New Democrat Fu Wen. I think that says enough about who really cares about Namorese workers: a left wing that supports taking their hard-earned money away or a right wing that opposes such an idea. Now admittedly, there are some people who indulge themselves in the Popular Front's rhetoric and refuse to see it that way. So what I would do if I were elected is I would spend a good deal of my time informing voters about what our party stands for. When you fight class warfare and misinformation with the truth, nothing can stop you.

MODERATOR: Deputy Tuyet, your thoughts?

TUYET: On whether New Democrats are or aren't friendly towards workers, it's a question that's so ridiculous beyond imagination that I shouldn't be answering it, but thanks to the effectiveness of leftist propaganda I'll answer it nevertheless. Yes, the New Democrats care about workers. Yes, the New Democrats recognize workers' role in growing the economy. What we're against are programs that trick workers into thinking they're in control of their lives when in reality they aren't. I can't help but laugh when someone says socialism has the solution to the worker's problem. How are a worker's sufferings, may I ask, mitigated by an overreaching government that takes her money away? You're only hurting the worker if you do that, you're discouraging productivity, innovation, everything that can combat a recession, essentially.

MODERATOR: It seems both of you agree on the New Democrats' economic policies, so maybe I should move to something else.

TUYET: Of course, we're New Democrats. But it's also because Election Day is coming up and we don't need a divided right as much as we don't need a united left.

HUAN: Correct.

MODERATOR: How about the tax system? Both of you voiced support for the Fair Taxation Act, which was proposed by Deputy Huan but struck down by a Shohai Antelope filibuster. You still call for a flat tax, but polls show that a majority of Namorese like the graduated income tax system as the way it is. There are even some New Democrats who believe the problem lies in high tax rates for each bracket rather than each income bracket being taxed at a different rate. Why do you want a taxation system that most Namorese don't want, and what will you do to change their minds?

HUAN: May I ask where you got the information from?

MODERATOR: What information?

HUAN: Where you said most Namorese oppose a fair tax. Because the last time I checked, it's split: 50% want a fair tax and 50% want the current tax.

MODERATOR: But the Mojing Sibo, Liberator and PTH have all conducted polls on the issue, and none of their polls show support for a flat tax soaring beyond 40 percent before, during or after the Fair Taxation Act was being debated in the Central Council.

HUAN: I'll have to challenge that, but again this doesn't have to be as controversial as it has to be. I don't know who instituted the first tax in history, but whoever did probably didn't think of taxes as something that would supposedly make the rich poorer and the poor richer. The purpose of taxes is to collect money for the government, period. Leftists like equality, right? Well, how about abolishing the current "progressive" tax and replacing with a tax that requires every Namorese, from the beggar to the millionaire, to pay 25 percent of their income to the government? When you do that, the person who makes P100 puts in P25, and the person who makes P1,000,000 puts in P250,000. That way, the tax will "hurt" the poor guy as much as it "hurts" the rich guy. Now that's what I call a truly progressive tax. Let's implement that while at the same time working to reduce the tax rate so that in the future people pay less and less of their income to the government and keep more and more of what they earn in their own pockets.

TUYET: Deputy Huan, I still like your idea, except what you just said implies you want an eventual tax free haven.

HUAN: Well, that'd be great.

TUYET: But as much as I agree with you that the current "progressive" tax isn't progressive at all, we can't afford to not have taxes, am I right?

HUAN: I don't know when we're going to have a 0% income tax. In a principled world, what people get through hard work and sacrifice should not be surrendered to the government, but I understand that the government has to get its money from somewhere. So no, I wouldn't support the government collecting nothing if that's what keeps the government from functioning. What I would do, however, is ensure that most of what the people earn stays in the people's pockets. That way, we prevent the government from overspending, and we all know what overspending does to any society - it increases the debt, thereby increasing our dependency on other countries, ultimately eroding our sovereignty and independence.

MODERATOR: Moving on to healthcare, an issue that you two have disagreements over. Deputy Tuyet, you said you support a quote "reformed Common Medical Care System that works more efficiently and makes completely free healthcare accessible to more people, not just in the countryside." But Deputy Huan, besides promising to "maintain" the current system, you added that you will give Namorese patients "more choices" so that patients can choose between receiving treatment from the current system or another system that they think works best for them. Deputy Tuyet, in a radio interview you called universal free healthcare a "human right" and accused Deputy Huan of denying that right, saying it "transcends politics." Could you elaborate on that to Deputy Huan and the audience?

TUYET: Deputy Huan, I'm sure we both want limited government and rational spending akin to that of President-General Fu. You and I both agree that there are several government programs out there that should be rolled back or disbanded altogether because they no longer serve a purpose. But healthcare is different. Healthcare is what keeps the population healthy. An unsuccessful healthcare system is something we cannot afford, because this is a matter of life or death to some. This is one of the areas where we cannot turn to other systems for solutions. Common Medical Care, for all its flaws, must be improved upon, not abandoned in favor of another system. What we should be doing is thinking of ways to make Common Medical Care more efficient and accessible in a way that doesn't jeopardize taxpayers, instead of leaving a void unfilled and expecting alternatives to fill it.

HUAN: But can you expect Common Medical Care to be perfect? A better question: can you expect anything to be perfect?

TUYET: No -

HUAN: The answer is no.

TUYET: But Deputy -

HUAN: The government's already spending billions of ramon on healthcare. Most of our taxpayer money goes to keeping Common Medical Care intact so that it doesn't tear under the weight. While it may be true that President-General Fu trimmed a lot of fat from the program that doesn't be there, but Common Medical Care is still costly, with bureaucracy and red tapes everywhere. It's my responsibility as a realist to understand that no matter how we change or reform Common Medical Care, it's always going to be like that, complicated. That means we have to think outside the box. Private healthcare may not be free of charge, but there are some aspects of it that are far more superior to Common Medical Care. As President-General, not in a million years will I tell a patient who is in dire need of treatment that he or she can only be treated by Common Medical Care when the system doesn't have the right treatment the patient needs. The patient can choose what treatment he needs, be it Common Medical Care or some other system, but it's his right to choose. And I'm not going to stop him from getting what he wants, what he needs.

TUYET: Are you not going to spend your presidency at least reducing healthcare costs for some who want Common Medical Care?

HUAN: Let's put things into perspective, shall we, Mademoiselle Deputy? These costs are already low. In fact, in the current system, only one out of 75 people cannot afford healthcare bills. You put that in proportion to the whole population, that's 12 million people -

TUYET: 12 million people! Namo has around -

HUAN: Deputy. Deputy. It's 12 million people compared to some 920 plus million people who can afford their healthcare bills. That means to a super-majority of people, paying one's bills is at most a nuisance. It's not a perfect system, but it's not broken, so there isn't any point in changing it.

TUYET: So you just admitted it yourself: Common Medical Care isn't broken. So why can't you spend your time doing something so that one person can be able to pay her healthcare bills rather than inviting private healthcare companies into the country and telling patients to go there if they aren't satisfied with Common Medical Care?

HUAN: The reason why that one person cannot pay healthcare bills is because he's living in dire poverty. You can eradicate poverty by promoting growth, and you promote growth by creating jobs, and you create jobs by getting rid of all the restrictions that prevent jobs from being created. Notice how you can do all that without changing the current system as it is. It's not magic, it's called capitalism. We give people more choices without tiring ourselves out.

TUYET: So you expect...other healthcare to overtake Common Medical Care and become the primary source of healthcare for all Namorese?

HUAN: Who knows? People will choose what they want. Both Common Medical Care and other systems have their strengths and weaknesses. I never said one is better than the other, I never said one should overtake the other. So long as a person who's sick can get amply get out of bed in the end, right?

TUYET: The bottom line is, healthcare is a human right. No one should deny this fact no matter what his or her political position is. This shouldn't even be debatable.

HUAN: With all due respect, that's an irrelevant argument because we're not debating about the right to healthcare. We're debating about whether healthcare should be accessible to more Namorese, and how that increased accessibility can be implemented without jeopardizing taxpayers.

MODERATOR: On to national security. Deputy Huan, you're a critic of what you call the "Namorese police state," and you support reducing the size of the military and armed police. This has attracted criticism from even other New Democrats, who say such moves would threaten our security during a time when potential threats are increasing. What have you to say about that?

HUAN: Let me talk about the military first. There used to be time when people judged the quality of a military by the number of active personnel. That meant an army of 5 million people was generally considered more powerful than an army of 1 million people. But times are changing. Many military superpowers in the world are focusing on improving technology than recruiting more soldiers, because when you go to war, it's not the number of soldiers that count, it's what weapons you have and how well you're able to use them. Military aside, you've got a rapidly changing international situation. Our neighbors have grown less bellicose. There is no credible threat posed to us by the separatists anymore. The Triumvirate's threats are nothing but political rhetoric. Sure, there is Islamic terrorism, but do we really need a burgeoning army to fight a ragtag army of 30,000 or so people who are mostly based on another continent? There are many resources we have at our disposal that we can use to effectively fight terrorism that do not require expanding a stifled bureaucracy.

TUYET: Deputy Huan paints a rosy picture about the situation in Esquarium today. He may be right that several threats directed at us from longtime enemies have become less serious over time. But what he fails to acknowledge is that the only reason why such threats are decreasing is because our ability to defend ourselves from these threats are increasing. Deputy Huan also said that we don't need a strong army to fight an army of terrorists an ocean away. But he fails to acknowledge that these terrorists are not concentrated to one continent, that they have the capability of striking anywhere in the world if they have the will to. Arguably, the world has become a more dangerous place since those who are bringing death and destruction are not governments that can be pinpointed, but insurgents who are elusive and are difficult to track down even with spy satellites. We need a powerful military and a powerful security apparatus that will serve as an effective deterrent against such threats. I would love that it doesn't have to be this way, though, but we have to face reality.

HUAN: Deputy Tuyet, it's preposterous to paint me as someone who doesn't understand the "reality" of today's world. I do see that international terrorism is on the rise. But we must act wisely. Past attempts to quell terrorists via military force and the weakening of civil liberties have only produced the opposite effect. You should remember why there are terrorists. Terrorists exist because they want money, they want attention. If we refuse to give them both, they'll eventually lose interest in what they're doing and the world will become safer. If I'm elected, I will use our country's economic wealth to contain terrorism. I'll announce that most of our energy will not come from countries overrun by terrorists. That will deprive the terrorists of a major market. In the meantime, let us increase civil liberties at home. Stop profiling ethnic minorities that are "susceptible" to terrorism. Follow the law when maintaining national security. Let the national police force focus on containing threats that are actually serious on a national level, and let the local authorities handle everything else. We can be safe without becoming a police state.

MODERATOR: I would like to thank you both for the lively discussion, but we have a commercial break coming up next. Stay with us here at THDB as we continue the New Democratic presidential debate right after these following messages.

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(some commercial here)

MODERATOR: Hello, and welcome back to the NMR 2378 New Democratic presidential debate. We're here with the two candidates, Deputy Huan An from District 14 and Deputy Tuyet An from District 23. Much of the second half of this debate will focus on Nantai and foreign policy.

Deputy Huan, your unannounced visit to Kenyen surprised many, even some colleagues within your party. As a result, not everybody welcomed your meeting with Kung Alicia, even though it might have been historic. The government criticized the hurried nature of the visit, as you announced the meeting only moments before it happened. Shohai Antelope even said you committed an act of treason and demanded that you be investigated. During the Popular Front debate, he refused to retract his statement about you. Do you think your visit was an act of treason, and if not, why?

HUAN: I do not understand why Shohai said I'm committing treason. What did I do besides visiting my own country's territory? It's not like I went to Luziyca or signed some secret deal on behalf of the government.

MODERATOR: But Shohai says that by shaking the hand of a Namorese who collaborates with the Luziycans, all without the government's permission, you are basically collaborating with the Luziycans.

HUAN: If I committed an act of treason, I would've signed a treaty with Kung Alicia that says Nantai is Luziyca. I would've signed a treaty agreeing to sell more Namorese territory or Namorese weapons to Luziyca. I couldn't have done that because I wasn't representing the administration in my capacity, nor did I have the authority to sell weapons or territory. I did not commit an act of treason, and I believe Deputy Shohai said I did just so he can whip up nationalistic sentiment and buy more votes in this election.

TUYET: Deputy Huan, it's not your visit to Nantai that some have an issue with, it's how you didn't properly notify the government of the visit beforehand. I'd like voters to think for themselves. If we are to have a President-General who is with the people, that President-General can't just keep everything to himself. He can't suddenly announce a meeting with people we have problems with without notifying the Central Council, and, most importantly, his own people.

HUAN: When I visited Kenyen, I wasn't President-General. So you can't say that.

TUYET: But it sets a bad precedent -

HUAN: Here's the thing about Nantai. The sole reason why there are tensions between us and the Luziycans over Nantai is because our government has a longstanding policy of not listening to what the 2.5 million Namorese in Nantai want. We have a government that denies the Nantainese people hold the views they hold, and we have a media that completely looks the other way. For one, I'm not surprised many in Nantai are opposed to reunification. How do you expect them to support reunification if that means coming under the control of a government that not only isn't willing to listen to them, but respect their views? If we want to win the hearts and minds of the Nantainese people, we need to give them incentives that come with reunification. We need to develop a new policy where reunification means they get more, not less. And above all, we must listen to them. I visited Kenyen so I could listen to the people, and I will make no apologies for that.

[applause]

MODERATOR: Deputy Huan, you support a referendum to resolve the question of occupied Nantai's political status. But a lot in the left as well as in the New Democrats, are unsure whether a referendum will work, especially when the possibility of Luziycan rigging is high. Deputy Tuyet, you're among the skeptics of Huan's referendum plan. Can you tell Deputy Huan why you're skeptical?

TUYET: Well, I doubt Luziyca's ability to hold free and fair referendums, especially at a time when many Nantainese are not yet educated about the benefits reunification may bring. Many of them have grown up under occupation in a relatively Namophobic environment. They went to school learning about how bad Namor is and how they're blessed to live under the rule of a God-fearing fatherland. As a result, you got many people who do not know what positive things reunification may bring and will vote against reunification in a heartbeat. Add that to some who identify with this country and support reunification, but may experience repercussions, official or otherwise, if they vote for reunification in the referendum. Bottom line is, I would not recommend that we allow a referendum in occupied Nantai until we are given the opportunity to present our stance to the Nantainese electorate. When the people see our side of the story and compare it to what Luziyca has been feeding them all along, then they are more likely to make an intelligent decision.

HUAN: I understand that there's a lot of concern over whether my proposed referendum will properly reflect the popular will of Nantainese people. But I've said since the very beginning that if we're going to have a referendum, it's going to be internationally monitored so that no one can rig it one way or the other. And ideally there's going to be two choices - Namorese territory under Luziycan administration, which is the status quo, or Namorese territory under Namorese administration, which means reunification. Either way, Nantai stays territory of Namor, so the referendum will not infringe upon our sovereignty.

TUYET: But how are you going to make sure that your proposed referendum is carried out as envisioned? Like it or not, the Luziycans control most of Nantai, and it's they who determine the choices available on the ballot, not you. Neither you nor the Luziycans could agree upon what should be on the ballot. Sera Svensson, the president-elect, even said independence for Nantai should be a choice. And that's against our law. What are you going to do about it?

HUAN: Deputy, that's why the two countries must agree on what choices are available first. Being the ones who administer occupied Nantai, the Luziycans have a say in what should be on a ballot. We do as well, because we're the country Nantai belongs to. I can invite Svensson over to Namo, or she can meet me in Bethlehem, so that both of us can work this out. I'll explain to her how some of her proposed choices go against our constitution, and what choices can be put on the ballot paper instead.

TUYET: And where do pro-reunification Nantainese fit into this equation? How will you ensure they aren't intimidated into either not voting or voting against reunification by the occupying authorities?

HUAN: You don't listen. I already said that the referendum will be monit -

TUYET: Monitoring the election won't be enough. Monitors only make sure that everything in the polling stations is OK, but they do not go anywhere beyond that. They -

HUAN: But monitors will make sure that the authorities do not threaten to detain or kill anyone who votes another way.

TUYET: And what if they rig it?

HUAN: Who, the monitors?

TUYET: No, the Lu -

HUAN: They won't, Deputy, considering there will be monitors there.

TUYET: Monitors don't prevent fraud, they just report it. The referendum can still be rigged for all the Luziycans care.

HUAN: Well...if there are cases of voter fraud we won't recognize the referendum, simple as that.

TUYET: And who will the monitors be? Where will they come from?

HUAN: Other countries, obviously. NGOs.

MODERATOR: Thank you, deputies -

TUYET: Which countries? Katranjiev?

[laughter]

HUAN: They'll come from a variety of countries, neutral countries, preferably countries far away that have nothing to do with Nantai. Alright?

MODERATOR: Deputy Tuyet, what's your stance on Nantai? Do you support the occupied people's right to decide whether they want Luziycan rule or reunification?

TUYET: I like Nantai the way it is now. President-General Fu had a rare opportunity to meet with the leader of Luziyca and come up with the so-called October 7 Consensus. There might be various interpretations as to what that really means, but any effort to supposedly resolve this question "permanently" is going to complicate a problem that was, for the most part, resolved diplomatically. Breuvi Shjoraski said that "this is going to the best we will ever get," and you know what? He's right. If we continue trying to answer questions where there is no clear answer, nobody will be satisfied. Deputy Huan, let's just stick with the status of Nantai as defined by the October 7 Consensus, avoid needless bickering, and focus on what's most important - ensuring peace and stability across South Velkia.

MODERATOR: I want to turn to commentator Trieu Dang Vinh. He has a question about South Velkia.

TRIEU: Thank you, Nguyen. Uh, Deputy Huan, just a few days before the debate you announced your support for a free trade agreement across South Velkian countries. This flies in the face of rhetoric coming from the Popular Front, where many candidates are advocating against what they see as growing vulnerability of the Namorese economy to Luziycan domination. Deputy Tuyet isn't enthusiastic about your plan, either. Can you tell Deputy Tuyet why you believe South Velkia needs a free trade agreement, and why?

HUAN: The Popular Front is deluding voters with its propaganda about "economic subordination." Trading with Luziyca doesn't mean we are allowing Luziycans to take over our economy, nor does it mean we are allowing ourselves to take over Luziyca's economy. It's an accepted fact among economists that more trade is a good thing, since it means growing the economy. The Popular Front candidates aren't concerned about economic growth, regardless of the fact that we need growth to get this economy back on track. They only want to keep the distrust between us and our neighbors alive, regardless of changing times. They want to bring Namor back to the NMR 2340s, regardless of current reality.

If Namor wants to quickly recover from the latest pitfalls in Esquarian City and elsewhere, it has to face the future without fear. We need to commit ourselves to our place in this newly-interconnected world. We need to stop longing for the hermit shell of protectionism. South Velkia is a hotbed of Esquarian economic activity. What all countries in this region should look forward to is a regional free trade agreement where goods and services can flow, freely, from one country to another. That way, all countries trade economic sovereignty for common prosperity, economic strength. Our region can use our strength and potential to benefit ourselves and the rest of the world.

TUYET: Deputy Huan, I agree with you that we need more trade between nations in South Velkia for the sake of our nation and others. However, it's premature to conclude that prosperity can be necessarily achieved through free trade. Certainly Namor deserves less, not more, restrictions on trade with other countries. Certainly, less restrictions on trade translates to economic growth. But nobody's sure if the other countries like the idea of a region-wide free trade agreement, and thus we cannot impose this proposal upon them. Plus, as much as protectionism isn't with the times, we still need to keep our industries intact. In a time like this, people need jobs, and I'm not going to sign a free trade agreement that literally tells Namorese they can find a job in a country where they can't assimilate. We need to think of ways to spur economic growth here, and we need to think of ways to create jobs here.

HUAN: But Deputy, you don't see the potential South Velkia has to lead the world out of recession. This continent is home to two of Esquarium's largest economies. Add that to our country, which has a large population and a large workforce ready to do its job in creating prosperity for all. If we offer to share our strength with the rest of the region, and other countries offer to do their part, we'll have a pool of talent, expertise and innovation, a pool of wealth that we can then share with the rest of the world. And don't worry about jobs; they will be made accessible to more people. Human beings in general will be better off. What's bad about that?

TUYET: But how do you get others into agreeing with your idea?

HUAN: [chuckles] Look, I don't control other countries, and it's their choice. But with the ongoing recession, I suspect a lot of them want to get out of it, the sooner the better. And this is one way they can do so.

MODERATOR: Mr. Sang Guli of the Mojing Sibo has a question.

SANG: Thank you. Deputy Huan is no longer the only candidate in the election to openly support the resumption of humanitarian aid to Qianrong. Deputy Tao James of the Socialists - Popular Front - shares the view that Qianrongese civilians are suffering and that they deserve Namorese aid. I just want to get Deputy Tuyet's take on the issue. Do you support resuming aid to Qianrong?

TUYET: I support resuming aid under one condition - that the Qianrongese government -

SANG: Which Qianrongese government?

TUYET: Wait - what do you - what? -

SANG: Xiangmen or Yucheng?

TUYET: I...well, I'm talking about the government of Qianrong, so I don't know what -

SANG: There's a government in Yucheng and one in Xiangmen. I'm just wondering which Qianrongese government you're addressing.

TUYET: Look, I know there's many governments in Qianrong because of the rebellion, but I'm talking about the Qianrongese government that accused Namor of discriminating. What I'm saying is that if they want to get Namorese aid, they have to acknowledge that the Namorese government was not denying aid to a certain segment of Qianrongese society in the first place, and remove Namor from their blacklist. Deputy Huan wants to deliver aid at the expense of Namor's reputation, and that isn't wise. We have to clear up all misconceptions first.

MODERATOR: Deputy Huan, your response?

HUAN: [takes deep breath] Look, Deputy Tuyet, for your information, there are two governments in Qianrong. One is based in Yucheng and is capitalist, and the other is based in Xiangmen and is socialist. It's the government in Yucheng that said we're discriminating and put us on the blacklist.

TUYET: Oh, then.

HUAN: So here's my view. The Qianrongese can label us discriminators, but if anything they should be handling our aid because it's their country, and since it's their country it's only weird if they don't handle foreign aid. The fundamental question is: "Why do we deliver humanitarian aid?" Is it to buy love? Is it to improve our name? No, we deliver humanitarian aid out of a genuine concern for the humanitarian situation of the Qianrongese people. People are suffering, and it's our duty as a compassionate country to extend a hand. If we don't, others who are solely interested in expanding their influence will, if they haven't already.

TUYET: But did we discriminate, Deputy Huan?

HUAN: Are you really going to place answering that question above helping innocent civilians?

TUYET: I just want a logical answer. Did we discriminate, yes or no?

HUAN: I don't think we did, no. Then again I'm not in Fu's cabinet, so I don't know. But -

TUYET: Deputy Huan, all evidence points to the fact that we did not discriminate. Sure, there was Esquarileaks, but their leaks only revealed that a disgruntled member of the cabinet proposed denying aid to someone, but it also showed the President-General turning down that proposal. So there is no evidence of discrimination. Deputy Huan, why can't you tell the Qianrongese that we didn't discriminate and demand that they either fork over the evidence or remove us from the list? It's not a difficult thing to do.

HUAN: Well, again, it's important that we recognize what's paramount here - a petty question or the lives of thousands, possibly millions, of civilians who had nothing to do with the power struggle and terrorism ravaging the country? That's what's most important. Why can't you agree with that?

TUYET: Why, I never said I don't sympathize with the civilians. They -

MODERATOR: OK, Deputies, we're running out of time and I want to move to other subjects. As President-General, do you support joining the Esquarian Union? Deputy Tuyet, you first.

TUYET: It's not a bad idea, but again many are against it, and I prefer we leave that choice to the people.

MODERATOR: Deputy Huan?

HUAN: Like I said before, I support free trade between South Velkian countries. But I don't think it's the right time for us to join the Esquarian Union, if there even is a right time. There are too many complex issues that need to be resolved between us and the member countries. But I am definitely open to the idea of becoming an observer, which doesn't require us to conform to their rules.

MODERATOR: How about Monic Union membership?

TUYET: Not until they prove it isn't led by Tuthina first.

HUAN: Uh, I'll consider that, but...what she said.

MODERATOR: Thoughts on the Aininian invasion of Arnborg?

TUYET: The invasion is long overdue. Arnborg is a racist state and its leadership deserves to be overthrown, either by internal revolution or external intervention. I just hope that our Aininian friends can clean up after themselves once the invasion is over, cause that's the hard part.

HUAN: Normally I don't support military interventions, but as we've seen there was no other way to get rid of racism in Arnborg. So, godspeed with the coalition, I guess.

MODERATOR: The Triumvirate. How are we going to deal with them?

TUYET: The same way as the current President-General and President-Generals before him did - maintain a strong defense apparatus to check Triumvirate aggression, but extend a hand if they genuinely desire a diffusion in tensions.

HUAN: I agree that we cannot look weak in front of the Triumvirate, but the truth is that in this new geopolitical picture, the Triumvirate poses less of a threat than it did when it was founded. The Unolians, Koy and Ziegenhainians are all too focused on their own issues, and it's unlikely that they will come together and wage a war of aggression at the expense of our taxpayers. As you can see, we aren't even reserving much of this debate talking about the Triumvirate, so that shows you how much their threat has been reduced, thanks to the efforts of the international community. But yes, peace through strength is the key here.

CLOSING STATEMENTS

MODERATOR: Ladies and gentlemen, we're reaching the end of this debate, so I want you both to make your closing statements by answering this question: "Why do you believe you are the best choice for President-General, not just for the New Democrats, but for all Namor?"

TUYET: I think it's clear from the discussion we had tonight that it is in the best interests of Namorese voters to stick with the New Democrats. As a party, we offer a clearer and more pragmatic vision for the future of the Namorese people. We are the party that supports true and workable reforms, economic growth and world peace. It can't get better than that. But just promoting my party's platform won't be enough. I must present myself as the woman for the job. And here's why I'm the woman for the job: like millions of other Namorese, I grew up in a relatively unstable and hostile environment, but I managed to become successful as a businesswoman and a representative for the people. It's true that along the way, I got invaluable help from my friends and family to become who I am today. But it's also true that I realized my own potential, what I had in myself. And tonight, I want the Namorese people to look inside and see what they can do - what we all can do - for our children, for our country, and for our future. The New Democrats need a problem-solver like me, and Namor needs a leader like me. Together, we can turn from the rhetoric of the Old Left and let the new generation of Namorese lead the country we all cherish.

[applause]

HUAN: I went a long way. I remember when I was younger, how my family was constantly ostracized and harassed by the Liberationists because of what they believed. I remember how I was pressured by the government when I exposed its corruption as a columnist for the Xhinan Daily. And I remember how even though I was faced with that pressure, I didn't retreat an inch. I was the Establishment's most hated person, and I was proud of that. I still am. This election is crucial for the future of our country. We are at the fork of the road, and we can take one of two paths. We can continue along the way of real change, positive change - or we can go the way of the Popular Front and lead ourselves to uncertainty and instability. This election will become a testament to whether the Namorese people made the right choice for a leader that they believe should get the economy back on track. And I am fully confident that I am that leader, because I've spent my whole lifetime supporting economic growth, peace and prosperity for all. There was a time when Namor was a People's Republic in name only; now that's no longer true. But if we make the wrong decision, we risk falling back into the dark past. Let's not do that. I need you. Send the Left a message. Send a warrior for positive change to the Executive House. You won't regret it.

[applause]


MODERATOR: Deputy Tuyet An of the 23rd District and Deputy Huan An of the 14th District, thank you both for attending tonight's debate, we appreciate it. And to all of you who are watching the debate, thank you for tuning in. From all of us here at THDB, we hope you make the right decision, whatever you think that is. Good night!

[Namor]

AN ACT to clarify the stance taken by the Government
of the People's Republic of Namor in regards to the
question surrounding the occupied parts of Nantai
Prefecture, West Namor

Primary sponsor: Tao James (S-39)

• Lin Chiu (DS-35)
• Li Mintxo (L-1)
• Zong Ching (L-1)
• Fu Dong (L-3)
• Wu Ning (L-4)
• Shohai Antelope (L-5)
• Jung Hangpa (L-16)
• Shui An (PF-1)
• Jo Chia (PF-1)
• Huan Pingkuang (PF-1)
• Ling Su (S-39)
• Tu Van (S-39)
• Gang Haishang (S-39)
  

Legislative Cadre: Nantai Reunification
Status: AWAITING APPROVAL BY LEGISLATIVE CADRE*

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WHEREAS the Governments of the People's Republic of Namor and the Christian Republic of Luziyca reached a consensus regarding the status of occupied Nantai on October 7, NMR 2371, defining the territory as "Namorese territory under Luziycan administration (henceforth referred to as the 'October Consensus'),

WHEREAS in spite of the consensus' stated aim of defining the status quo of occupied Nantai, there remains certain elements in Luziyca that seek to undo all past efforts to bilaterally diffuse tensions across the barrier by advocating an unilateral redefinition of occupied Nantai's current status without seeking the consent of either the Government of the People's Republic of Namor or the Namorese people,

WHEREAS the Namorese policy towards occupied Nantai should be clarified in a comprehensive manner,

WHEREAS the Namorese people of occupied Nantai do not deserve to become pawns of a greater geopolitical game,

BE IT ENACTED BY THE 18TH CENTRAL COUNCIL OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF NAMOR

Section One: Definition and Implications of the Status of Occupied Nantai as Determined by the October Consensus

a. Defines "occupied Nantai" as all parts of Nantai Prefecture, West Namor that is not under the jurisdiction of the People's Republic of Namor.

b. Upholds the status of occupied Nantai as defined by the October Consensus between the People's Republic of Namor and the Christian Republic of Luziyca, as well as the definition of the status - that occupied Nantai is an integral part of the People's Republic of Namor currently being administered by Luziyca. Luziyca has administrative rights to the area, but sovereignty belongs to Namor and no other country.

c. The October Consensus grants Luziyca administrative rights to occupied Nantai, which means Luziyca's responsibilities in occupied Nantai include:

• Insurance of the general well-being of the local population
• Maintenance of the area's basic infrastructure
• Maintenance of law and order within the area so as to protect it from criminal activity and other pernicious disturbances

d. Since the October Consensus explicitly states occupied Nantai as territory of Namor, the Government of the People's Republic of Namor, as the legitimate government and elected representative of the People of Namor, reserves the right to determine the ultimate status of its territory, and the means by which such a status is determined.

Section Two: Government policy towards reunification

a. The aim of the Government of Namor is the ultimate reunification of occupied Nantai with the People's Republic, which means an end to foreign administration over the area. The Government must strive for reunification by peaceful means whenever possible while not ruling out the use of force if a peaceful settlement is not possible.

b. In the event of reunification, the Government of the People's Republic of Namor guarantees a framework in which the people of occupied Nantai enjoy a high degree of political, economic and cultural autonomy from the Central Government. The aspects of such a framework are as follows:

• Occupied Nantai will have its own distinct legal, governmental, educational and judicial systems which will not be interfered with by the Central Government.
• Occupied Nantai will be designated as a separate legislative district, meaning it can send 50 deputies to represent it in the Central Council.
• Occupied Nantai may maintain its own self-defense force and police force, so long as both forces do not pose a threat to national security. The Namorese Liberation Army may be garrisoned in the area, but shall serve no purpose beyond defending the area from foreign aggression and maintaining order upon the request of local authorities.
• Occupied Nantai is not obliged to pay revenue to the Central Government.
• No official representing the Central Government will occupy a post in the local government. Occupied Nantai's politics after reunification will be managed by the local people only.
• Occupied Nantai may enter certain international organizations under the name "Nantai, Namor." It is free to join the Esquarian Union and retain its membership in the Monic Union provided that it recognizes Namorese sovereignty.
• Occupied Nantai may maintain its current monetary system or adopt a new one according to the people's will.

c. Whenever possible, the Government should encourage economic and cultural exchange with the people of occupied Nantai.

Section Three: Terms that justify the use of force

a. With respect to Section 2A of this law, the People's Republic of Namor reserves the right to resolve the question through non-peaceful means should a peaceful settlement prove impossible. Such means should not be considered an act of aggression, for Nantai is neither a state nor a part of another state, but a territory of Namor. However, it is the Government's responsibility to articulate the circumstances that set the preconditions necessary for the use of force to ensue.

b. The following conditions may render peaceful reunification impossible:

• Luziycan aggression
• External unilateral attempts at redefining occupied Nantai's status without the consent of the Namorese people
• Failure by the Luziycan authorities to exercise their administrative responsibilities as laid out in Section 1C, as a means of either deliberately thwarting the reunification process or otherwise
• Refusal by Luziycan authorities to resolve the question peacefully with their Namorese counterparts

Should any one of these conditions occur, the Government of the People's Republic of Namor is under no obligation to resolve the question by means accepted by the Luziycan authorities.

c. Should the Government choose to employ force as a means of resolving the question, maximum measures should be taken to safeguard the lives and property of local inhabitants.

*This bill must be passed by a majority of the members of the CenCo Nantai Reunification Cadre before it can be passed on to the whole CenCo for a vote

[Luziyca]

Fighting for Kenyen

We shall take revenge
For our defeat in the coupe
And we shall win it

May we recover
From the last edition of
Coupe D'Esquarium

We are in the lead
We will win the trophy soon
And we will succeed

[United Provinces of Atlantica]

OFFICIAL COMMUNIQUÉ OF THE JARLDOM OF ATLANTICA

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To: All Esquarian heads of state and government, all Esquarian foreign ministers, all national ambassadors to Atlantica, the religious heads of all non-racist and non-fascist Germanic pagan faiths, all religious heads of all religions affiliated to the Esquarian Congress of Ethnic Religions
From: Their Majesties' Government
Subject: The Coronation of His Most Serene, Norse, and Royal Majesty, Þorleif II
Encryption: None

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It is with utmost pleasure that Their Majesties' Government would like to cordially invite you to the Coronation of His Most Serene, Norse, and Royal Majesty, Þorleif II, Jarl of the lands of Atlantica and Muspell Eyja, scheduled to occur on the 22nd of December, 2015, the date of the Winter Solstice and the beginning of Yuletide, in accordance with the traditions, laws, and customs of the Jarldom of Atlantica and the Atlantican people. Already in attendance shall be all 300 members of the Althing, all 600 members of the Atlanticanist Temple's Temple Assembly and all of its Hofgoðar and Goðar, all Atlantican Lawspeakers and the members of the High Court and Constitutional Court, the Mayors of all Atlantican Autonomous Cities and all Autonomous City City Councils, and the Meadcupbearer of the Jarldom of Atlantica; 27 Housecarls shall also, per the ancient traditions of the Jarldom, take part in the Coronation of His Most Serene, Norse, and Royal Majesty, Þorleif II.

All travel expenses to and from the Jarldom shall be paid in full by Their Majesties' Government, whilst a great Blót shall be held, all expenses paid in full by Their Majesties' Government. Appropriate accommodations shall also be provided during the short stay you shall have if you attend the Coronation of His Most Serene, Norse, and Royal Majesty, Þorleif II by Their Majesties' Government, all expenses paid. If you have any religious objections to eating, or are allergic to, beef, pork, or horsemeat, please inform Their Majesties' Government so that Their Majesties' Government may provide proper accommodations during the Blót.

Please reply by the 21st of December, so that you may travel to the Jarldom by the time of the Coronation.

[Aucuria]

OFFICIAL COMMUNIQUE OF THE UNITED AUCURIAN REPUBLIC

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To: the Government of the Jarldom of Atlantica
Subject: The Coronation of His Most Serene, Norse, and Royal Majesty, Þorleif II
Encryption: None

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We are pleased to respond that Her Excellency President Patrīcija Jankauskaitė, His Excellency Speaker Endrijūs Gruduškas, and the Honorable Ambassador Jonas Ciurlonis will be attending the ceremony celebrating the coronation of His Most Serene, Norse, and Royal Majesty, Þorleif II. Her Excellency the President, His Excellency the Speaker, and the Honorable Ambassador will be looking forward to attending the celebration and hope for continuing warm relations between Aucuria and Atlantica.