Nation in Turmoil - A LatAm Political RPm (OOC - Open!)

[Vaquas]

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Party Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Vaquas

Party Name: Green Movement of Carbania (Espanol: Movimiento Verde de Carbania)

Preferred Party Acronym: MV

Party Colors (specific): Carbania Green

Party Leader: N/A

Position on Political Spectrum: Centre-Left to Left

Main Ideologies:

• Green Politics
• Progressivism
• Green Liberalism
• Indigenous Rights
• Direct Democracy

Economic Policy:

• Develop a green, open economy which will welcome foreign tourism and investment while improving quality of life across the board (A “Carbania Model”)
• Raise minimum wage
• Construct significant social safety net
• Pro-Immigration
• YIMBY’ism
• Free public university

Social Policy:

• Climate change is top priority
• Pro-Immigration
• Pro-LGBT including vocal support for Same-Sex Marriage and Transgender Rights
• Pro-Choice
• Pro-Feminism and Gender Equality
• Pro-Separation of Church and State
• Animal Welfare Advocacy
• Anti-War
• Supportive of Gun Control

Other Policy: The Green Movement’s first ever official platform calls for Carbania’s foreign policy to be based on the principles of advancement of human rights, a commitment to becoming an international leader in climate action, and permanent military neutrality.

Leader(s) coming soon.

[Dogutrakya]

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Dogutrakya
Character Name: Thomas Alexander Ruiz Galworth
Character Gender: M
Character Age: 50
Character Date of Birth: Syracuse, New York/January 9, 1972
Character Position/Role/Job:
Character Country/Province of Birth: New York, USA
Character Province of Residence: Santa Barbara, California, USA/Cayañar, Valenzuela, Carbania
Character Party Affiliation: Independent; lean PNPC, PPI
Faceclaim: Chris Sununu

Main Strengths: Thomas is a billionaire. He owns a conglomerate in Carbania and is a partner in an American venture capital, as well as being a major shareholder in various tech companies such as (Yelp), (Salesforce), and (PayPal). He also owns a mass media outlet in Carbania. Unlike many of the country's other business executives, Thomas kept a fairly low profile, refraining from controversial public appearances, and even founding a major charity in Carbania. He is also seen as a "success story" of Carbanians overseas, as he is a son of a Carbanian immigrant in the United States.

Main Weaknesses: He is the public enemy of Carbanian political left, due to two main reasons: his dual citizenship (Carbanian, United States) and the fact that Thomas owns a mass media company. He has even been subject to several assassination attempts from Carbanian communists.

Biography: Thomas Alexander "Tom" Ruiz Galworth was born in Syracuse, New York to parents Jefferson Ruiz Valdez, a banker, and Sophie Galworth, a psychiatrist. His father immigrated from Carbania to the United States in the 1950s; he was of Spanish (Canarian) descent, while his mother is of English and Italian descent. As a child, Tom Ruiz lived alternately in New York and Valenzuela, where most of his family resides. He went to high school in Syracuse, and ultimately attended University of California, Berkeley with a scholarship. Thomas has disclosed in several interviews that he "experienced forms of racism" due to his "name and heritage" when he was at school, though this is debated, since his father, despite being an immigrant, is classified as White and his family is considered of upper middle income. He graduated with a BA in Industrial Engineering and Operation Research, and BS in Business Administration from Berkeley, and started an internship with Intel, and later Microsoft.

He co-founded (X.com), an online bank that would later merge with another company to form (PayPal), a fintech that would become one of America's largest the following decade. Thomas sat on (PayPal)'s executive board until he resigned in 2003 to co-found (Tableau Software), which he and fellow co-founders later sold to Salesforce in exchange for a portion of their stocks, and (Yelp) in 2004, of which he maintained a significant share. He is also a partner at the (Founders Fund), a venture capital headquartered in San Francisco with investments in major American technological companies. Thomas maintained a low profile, tech billonaire persona, similar to contemporaries Marc Benioff or Larry Page; he refrained from Elon Musk-style bombastic media appearances and controversies. In addition to his venture capital and tech companies, Thomas invested in various investment and tech companies from Berkshire Hathaway to Amazon and Microsoft; as well as farmland in Oregon, Kansas, and Brazil, as well as multiple houses in California, New York, and Florida.

In 2017, just after the fall of the Carbanian dictatorship, Thomas moved into the country. He started Rio Negro Investments, LLC - a new, and the first venture capital in the country, named after a suburb of Cayañar. He then bought a major real estate company based in Puerto Plata. The company transformed into a conglomerate holding corporation after the purchase, and now holds multiple assets throughout the country; portfolio including real estate, retail, manufacturing, and most importantly - mass media. Thomas owns Mundovisión, the largest media company in Carbania, which operates four different TV stations (including the former national public broadcaster in the dictatorship era, which his company bought), two news outlets, and two radio franchises across the country. In the entertainment industry, Mundovisión runs numerous concert events, youth-oriented social media outlets, and entertainment events, including international franchises. Through Rio Negro, Thomas acquired a major, but nearly insolvent bank that he renamed Banco Rio Negro. It is now one of the largest banks in the country, with millions of customers in retail banking. Though not directly involved in politics, Thomas is a major political donor - mainly towards the PNPC and PPI - his foremost aim being expanding the Rio Negro conglomerate into all aspects of Carbanian business and life.

*(company) = real life company equivalent

Other Info: Married with three children; two lives in the United States

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: Dogutrakya

Do Not Remove: DRAFT123123

[Nova Anglicana]

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Nova Anglicana
Character Name: Francisco Torres Mendoza
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 40
Character Date of Birth: October 4th, 1981
Character Position/Role/Job: Charity worker/Social activist
Character Country/Province of Birth: Camparroz, Carbania
Character Province of Residence: Intichiquan
Character Party Affiliation: PLC/LAB (Partido Laborista de Carbania/Labourist Party of Carbania)
Faceclaim: Antidio Fagundez Campo
Main Strengths:

Rapport with the poor: Torres Mendoza has met many poor people throughout Intichiquan, whether through his work with Caritas or his own work as an activist and charity worker. Because of his genuine care and empathy for them, they have responded to him. If he launches a campaign for mayor, he can expect many to spend extra hours outside of work beating the street and eventually voting for "Hermano Francisco."

Go it alone spirit: Torres Mendoza has never been afraid to strike out on his own. He knows that he has the ability to achieve and thrive and build community even without the support of the Catholic Church or other institutions. His QC is his network, and he built it from the ground up. Therefore, even though he knows that a campaign for mayor seems quixotic to many, he believes in himself and his ability to succeed.

Courage of his convictions: Torres Mendoza will always fight for what he thinks is right. He will always strive for the poor, the working man or woman, and those left out by society. This single-minded conviction is powerful, because it inspires others and rallies them to his cause. He isn't in hock to an ideology, or running because he wants money or power; he is a crusader, a champion.

Boundless energy: Torres Mendoza has pushed himself all his life. Whether studying and working on the family farm in his childhood, driving himself to get the best grades possible to keep his scholarship in college, or taking on the umpteen different things he has done as a social activist and charity worker since graduating, he has always been a hard worker. He seems to draw on reserves that others don't have. He can grind through even when he is feeling discouraged. But this takes a toll on him, too.

Main Weaknesses:

Doesn't play well with authority: Torres Mendoza, while a devout Catholic, isn't exactly enamored with the Church hierarchy and how it has served the people of Carbania. He takes a similarly dim view of multinational corporations and other large institutions. He views social services as sclerotic and ineffective. Without the ability to at least pretend he respects institutions he considers to have failed the people, he can't expect much support from major players in society.

No patience for ideologies: Torres Mendoza is not prepared to co-operate with communists or far-rightists. Although he acknowledges that communists may have done some good for the poor, or that the far-right may be staunch defenders of the Church, he believes them to be blinded by false beliefs that lead them to do more harm than good. Thus, he may not take help from these groups even when they offer it, which could lead to failure.

All work and no play makes Francisco something something: Torres Mendoza has spent his whole life in the service of others. While this is undoubtedly something he feels called to doc, at times, the pressure can be immense. One has to wonder if that pressure will be released healthily, or perhaps in anger or some other unhealthy way, or even in a fatal illness.

Francisco be not proud: Having served so many throughout his entire life, Torres Mendoza surely knows the meaning of humility. But will he be able to keep his head when he enters into politics or will the seductive lures of power inflame something he has been trying to keep down for many years? To be successful, he'll have to remember that he wants to be mayor to do good, not to feed his ego, which rears its ugly head and snatches at the few opportunities it gets.


Biography: Born into a small farming community in Camparroz, Francisco was named after St. Francis, on whose feast day he was born. Unlike many others in his community, Francisco showed an aptitude for book learning, and his family saved to afford tuition fees to give him an education through high school. By no means did this exempt him from labor on the family farm throughout his childhood, however. The bedrock of his identity when he was growing up, even as he expanded his mind through education, were services at the local Catholic Church and the labor that he, his family, and his community had to do to survive. They instilled him a deep love for those who work and a conviction to care for them.

He later received a scholarship to study at a Catholic university in Intichiquan. The thought was that he would study agronomy, to return home and help the family farm and his community. However, he soon fell in love with theology and philosophy. He graduated with degrees in both and contemplated becoming a priest. However, he says he received a calling to join the Secular Franciscan Order, a group of laypeople who attempt to follow the example of Saint Francis in works of charity and love of neighbor. Through his work with the SFO in and among the poor of Intichiquan, he became acquainted with the many complaints against the dictatorship, which he previously had been less aware of. He fell into liberation theology and became an admirer of the later Archbishop Ordóñez.

He participated in the 2007 protests, but afterwards, resolved to ameliorate the suffering of the poor through charity and what good he could do. He became a worker and later a co-ordinator for Caritas International, the major Catholic charity. He buried himself in this good work for some time, but he could not ignore the imprisonment of Bishop Ordóñez, and he eventually joined the protests in 2016. Following the good bishop's release from prison, he has been a faithful attendee at many services and he has become more involved in politics. He quit working for Caritas International to start his own community, "Beloved Community of the Way of St. Francis and Jesus Christ/Querida Comunidad de la Via de San Francisco y de Jesucristo (QC)". Initially just one house with himself, another social worker, and some previously homeless individuals, it has now grown into a city-wide network of several dwellings. Residents pledge to pool the majority of their resources to provide for house needs and split the rest between individual needs and monetary assistance to the community. They also pledge to serve their community through charitable work as well organizing. This could be providing medicine or food, visiting the sick or elderly, teaching literacy, or organizing residents to advocate for their rights. Residents can be married and have families, though Torres Mendoza has neither.

Since 2017, he has done work in labor organizing, in charitable work, and in spreading the QC. He has recently also become involved in work around supporting pregnant women in either keeping children or giving them up for adoption, and has lobbied the Catholic Church for more support around orphanages. Since joining the Labourist Party, he has also tried to do what he can around racial discrimination and supporting runaway LGBTQ teens. He voted for Luis Fusco in the mayoral election, but has since become disillusioned with him. He sees him as overly friendly towards multinational corporations and believes he has not dealt with the surge of economic migrants as effectively as he could. As such, he has become increasingly convinced that he should run for mayor of Intichiquan, especially since rumors suggest Fusco is considering a run for president.

Other Info: Dislikes evangelical Protestants

#123Finished

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: (Nova Anglicana)

Do Not Remove: DRAFT123123

[Tehrangeles]

Here are some designs I made for Carbania’s flag:

([url=https://i.ibb.co/fCd2k45/08-F74-D97-A4-C9-4-F38-A537-CE90-B2-B240-BD.jpg]Image)[/url]

([url=https://i.ibb.co/MBnHgF0/EB79-AA5-E-FD5-E-45-DA-BD08-943-AA066-B071.jpg]Image)[/url]

([url=https://i.ibb.co/QHgvpMp/353-E963-D-162-B-4489-ACF4-B26228705495.jpg]Image)[/url]

([url=https://i.ibb.co/ZLPfH49/37-C34544-75-BD-46-B2-A5-FC-B6-B5565-A6905.jpg]Image)[/url]

Which one do you guys like best? OP(s), what do you think?

Third

[Tehrangeles]

(Image)

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Party Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Vaquas

Party Name: Green Movement of Carbania (Espanol: Movimiento Verde de Carbania)

Preferred Party Acronym: MV

Party Colors (specific): Carbania Green

Party Leader: N/A

Position on Political Spectrum: Centre-Left to Left

Main Ideologies:

• Green Politics
• Progressivism
• Green Liberalism
• Indigenous Rights
• Direct Democracy

Economic Policy:

• Develop a green, open economy which will welcome foreign tourism and investment while improving quality of life across the board (A “Carbania Model”)
• Raise minimum wage
• Construct significant social safety net
• Pro-Immigration
• YIMBY’ism
• Free public university

Social Policy:

• Climate change is top priority
• Pro-Immigration
• Pro-LGBT including vocal support for Same-Sex Marriage and Transgender Rights
• Pro-Choice
• Pro-Feminism and Gender Equality
• Pro-Separation of Church and State
• Animal Welfare Advocacy
• Anti-War
• Supportive of Gun Control

Other Policy: The Green Movement’s first ever official platform calls for Carbania’s foreign policy to be based on the principles of advancement of human rights, a commitment to becoming an international leader in climate action, and permanent military neutrality.

Leader(s) coming soon.

Accepted- unilaterally.

[Tehrangeles]

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([url=https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/d/de/GOV_SUNUNU_OFFICIAL_PHOTO.jpg/220px-GOV_SUNUNU_OFFICIAL_PHOTO.jpg]Image)[/url]

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Dogutrakya
Character Name: Thomas Alexander Ruiz Galworth
Character Gender: M
Character Age: 50
Character Date of Birth: Syracuse, New York/January 9, 1972
Character Position/Role/Job:
Character Country/Province of Birth: New York, USA
Character Province of Residence: Santa Barbara, California, USA/Cayañar, Valenzuela, Carbania
Character Party Affiliation: Independent; lean PNPC, PPI
Faceclaim: Chris Sununu

Main Strengths: Thomas is a billionaire. He owns a conglomerate in Carbania and is a partner in an American venture capital, as well as being a major shareholder in various tech companies such as (Yelp), (Salesforce), and (PayPal). He also owns a mass media outlet in Carbania. Unlike many of the country's other business executives, Thomas kept a fairly low profile, refraining from controversial public appearances, and even founding a major charity in Carbania. He is also seen as a "success story" of Carbanians overseas, as he is a son of a Carbanian immigrant in the United States.

Main Weaknesses: He is the public enemy of Carbanian political left, due to two main reasons: his dual citizenship (Carbanian, United States) and the fact that Thomas owns a mass media company. He has even been subject to several assassination attempts from Carbanian communists.

Biography: Thomas Alexander "Tom" Ruiz Galworth was born in Syracuse, New York to parents Jefferson Ruiz Valdez, a banker, and Sophie Galworth, a psychiatrist. His father immigrated from Carbania to the United States in the 1950s; he was of Spanish (Canarian) descent, while his mother is of English and Italian descent. As a child, Tom Ruiz lived alternately in New York and Valenzuela, where most of his family resides. He went to high school in Syracuse, and ultimately attended University of California, Berkeley with a scholarship. Thomas has disclosed in several interviews that he "experienced forms of racism" due to his "name and heritage" when he was at school, though this is debated, since his father, despite being an immigrant, is classified as White and his family is considered of upper middle income. He graduated with a BA in Industrial Engineering and Operation Research, and BS in Business Administration from Berkeley, and started an internship with Intel, and later Microsoft.

He co-founded (X.com), an online bank that would later merge with another company to form (PayPal), a fintech that would become one of America's largest the following decade. Thomas sat on (PayPal)'s executive board until he resigned in 2003 to co-found (Tableau Software), which he and fellow co-founders later sold to Salesforce in exchange for a portion of their stocks, and (Yelp) in 2004, of which he maintained a significant share. He is also a partner at the (Founders Fund), a venture capital headquartered in San Francisco with investments in major American technological companies. Thomas maintained a low profile, tech billonaire persona, similar to contemporaries Marc Benioff or Larry Page; he refrained from Elon Musk-style bombastic media appearances and controversies. In addition to his venture capital and tech companies, Thomas invested in various investment and tech companies from Berkshire Hathaway to Amazon and Microsoft; as well as farmland in Oregon, Kansas, and Brazil, as well as multiple houses in California, New York, and Florida.

In 2017, just after the fall of the Carbanian dictatorship, Thomas moved into the country. He started Rio Negro Investments, LLC - a new, and the first venture capital in the country, named after a suburb of Cayañar. He then bought a major real estate company based in Puerto Plata. The company transformed into a conglomerate holding corporation after the purchase, and now holds multiple assets throughout the country; portfolio including real estate, retail, manufacturing, and most importantly - mass media. Thomas owns Mundovisión, the largest media company in Carbania, which operates four different TV stations (including the former national public broadcaster in the dictatorship era, which his company bought), two news outlets, and two radio franchises across the country. In the entertainment industry, Mundovisión runs numerous concert events, youth-oriented social media outlets, and entertainment events, including international franchises. Through Rio Negro, Thomas acquired a major, but nearly insolvent bank that he renamed Banco Rio Negro. It is now one of the largest banks in the country, with millions of customers in retail banking. Though not directly involved in politics, Thomas is a major political donor - mainly towards the PNPC and PPI - his foremost aim being expanding the Rio Negro conglomerate into all aspects of Carbanian business and life.

*(company) = real life company equivalent

Other Info: Married with three children; two lives in the United States

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: Dogutrakya

Do Not Remove: DRAFT123123

I give first acceptance, needs a second look

[Fidimouni]

Tag. This looks amazing.

[Fidimouni]

Also, is there a working discord link for this? The one advertised does not work.

[Fidimouni]

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Party Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Fidimouni.
Party Name: Carbania Communist Refoundation Movement (Movimiento de Refundación Comunista de Carbania).
Preferred Party Acronym: CRM.
Party Colors (specific): Specifically this (#800000).
Party Leader: Pablo Miledo.
Position on Political Spectrum: Centre-Left to Far-Left.
Main Ideologies: While the Carbania Communist Refoundation Movement describes itself as Revolutionary Socialist, but has been (and probably rightfully so) described as Trotskyist and associates with Trotskyist organizations. With that said, the movement is a broad anti-dictatorship one, which includes Democratic Socialist and even Liberal Radicals. Just call it Trotskyist and Revolutionary Socialist.
Economic Policy: The movement manifesto supports a planned economy, the nationalization of all major industries, and the formation of cooperatives and collectives where possible. It is without a doubt absolutely left wing, although as stated before, factions within the movement heavily disagree on how left-wing it should be, with more moderate Democratic Socialist supporting a market socialist economy and liberal radicals even supporting privatization. The diversity has caused internal strife.
Social Policy: It is socially centre-left, supporting the decriminalization of homosexuality, environmentalist policies, and secular politics to rule.
Other Policy: The organization is staunchly anti-imperialist, viewing foreign intervention in the country as deeply harmful.

Other Info: The CRM are a peculiar movement. It had begun to circulate in the early 2010's among university students in major cities, building a base of mainly student protestors and young activist. However, by 2016, the movement became a broad coalition, as even non-communist flocked under it's banner in forming a strong, youth led, anti-dictatorial opposition in ousting the military junta. It was immediately banned by the government when it formalized into the Carbania Communist Refoundation Movement, for obvious reasons. From 2011 (the formation) to 2018 (the signing of the NATIONAL DEMOCRACY COMPACT), it lead a peaceful civil disobedience campaign in major cities alongside occasional violent outburst, it's height being in 2016 after the death of Marcelo Mandes, where it nearly transformed into a urban guerilla organization during the nationwide protests. However, with the signing of the NDC, the organization called for an end to an armed campaign, instead opting to attempt to gain political power through the emerging democratic system and eventual social revolution, much to the frustration of key party members and the old party guard.

It's relations with the CPC were originally somewhat positive, with cordial relations being held between the two groups, despite differences in the ideological communism each group followed. However, after abandoning the short-term armed struggle and deciding to work in so called "bourgeoisie" institutions, this agreement fell apart, as both groups now hold a bitter antagonism of eachother. Relations with the MPL have been more positive however, with tensions existing but being weighed out at the moment.

The major factions of the group are the Trotskyist (lead by Pablo Miledo, current party leader), and the Democratic Socialist + Liberal Radicals. Tensions continually exist within the movement as a whole between these groups, but power remains firmly in the hands of Trotskyist. With that said, a willingness to participate in electoral institutions have certainly angered members of the more radical old guard, and combined with already existing tension, the movement stands on a thin layer of ice. How long it will last, time will tell.

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Fidimouni.
Character Name: Pablo Miledo.
Character Gender: Male.
Character Age: 31.
Character Date of Birth: June 1st, 1991.
Character Position/Role/Job: Leader of Movimiento de Refundación Comunista de Carbania (CRM)
Character Country/Province of Birth: Tres Rios — Puerto Plata.
Character Province of Residence: Tres Rios — Puerto Plata.
Character Party Affiliation: Movimiento de Refundación Comunista de Carbania (CRM)

Faceclaim: A young, hippie, Gabriel Boric.
Main Strengths: A passionate public speaker, Pablo has large swathes of support from the Carbanian Youth, specifically among radical young activist in both working class communities and universities, giving him both support from more traditional elite institutions and support from working-class communities alike.
Main Weaknesses: Pablo is subject to incredible levels of party infighting, and as a result, often has his decisions sway, making him sometimes seem more bluff then action.
Biography:

Pablo Miledo was born to a lower-middle class family in Tres Rios. From a young age, Pablo was exposed to local activist influences, emboldening his faith in left-wing ideology, specifically Marxist ideology growing up. He wasn't much of an adventurous kid, spending his days holed up in his room, reading any literature he can: philosophical, political, and economic. It made him a bit of an odd one out to his classmates growing up, but really, he could care less. It was a simple life for him, but as he grew older and began to see the true effects of government repression, culminating in the disappearance of his own grandfather (a trade union activist), he understood that there was much to be done and much to be fixed. After moving into university, majoring in economics, he was a cornerstone of the local debate society, known as a passionate speaker. His influence on broader university politics became notable, with him and several other underground student groups eventually forming the CRM. Of course, what happened afterwards was beyond his wildest imagination.

Pablo quickly established a multi-group university network, mostly of Trotskyist and Marxist alike, in building a student network. His first action was in late August at his own university, when the police had recently shot a local migrant worker working at the shipyard. When no investigation was opened up, Pablo's organization lead a 10 day occupation of the dock, barricading it up with fellow workers and holding up cargo. It was eventually decided to continue an investigation into the death of the worker in question, but the move had put him on a radar, both to the nation's left opposition and to both the federal government. Consistent wiretapping followed, and police presence increased. While they couldn't immediately pinpoint it to him, it was almost universally clear that he had been responsible for this. Finally, one wrong slipup by a former member of the group gave the police there lead.

In 2012, not even a year after the formation of the group, Pablo was detained for 2 months in a local jail. When he eventually got out after mounting pressure on local authorities, he became a minor hero to the countries left-wing opposition. From there, he silently began to organize, assisting in union campaigns and student actions. By 2016, as he was pursuing a PHD in political science, the death to the dictator came as a national shock. And, alongside his comrades, they launched a militant and often violent campaign. With the opening of the organization to any left wing opposition, even liberal opposition, it became a student coalition against the dictatorship, with rioting and civil disobedience spawning at every university. But by 2018, with the signing of the compact, he asked his organization to lay down arms. And instead to go on a new route. While he accused Bolivarianism and Chavismo as bourgeoisie nationalism, a faux populism parading as a workers state, Pablo understood the need to use electoral institutions, at least for now, in fermenting the permanent revolution. But as internal party opposition grows and the threat of reprisal remains, time will tell how strong Pablo will remain in society's evershifting political landscape.

Other Info: Pablo is asexual.

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: Fidimouni.

Do Not Remove: DRAFT123123
#123Finished

[The Sarangtus Lands]

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Party Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Fidimouni.
Party Name: Carbania Communist Refoundation Movement (Movimiento de Refundación Comunista de Carbania).
Preferred Party Acronym: CRM.
Party Colors (specific): Specifically this (#800000).
Party Leader: Pablo Miledo.
Position on Political Spectrum: Centre-Left to Far-Left.
Main Ideologies: While the Carbania Communist Refoundation Movement describes itself as Revolutionary Socialist, but has been (and probably rightfully so) described as Trotskyist and associates with Trotskyist organizations. With that said, the movement is a broad anti-dictatorship one, which includes Democratic Socialist and even Liberal Radicals. But it can best be described as Trotskyist with factions of Democratic Socialist and Liberal Radicals.
Economic Policy: The movement manifesto supports a planned economy, the nationalization of all major industries, and the formation of cooperatives and collectives where possible. It is without a doubt absolutely left wing, although as stated before, factions within the movement heavily disagree on how left-wing it should be, with more moderate Democratic Socialist supporting a market socialist economy and liberal radicals even supporting privatization. The diversity has caused internal strife.
Social Policy: It is socially centre-left, supporting the decriminalization of homosexuality, environmentalist policies, and secular politics to rule.
Other Policy: The organization is staunchly anti-imperialist, viewing foreign intervention in the country as deeply harmful.

Other Info: The CRM are a peculiar movement. It had begun to circulate in the early 2010's among university students in major cities, building a base of mainly student protestors and young activist. However, by 2016, the movement became a broad coalition, as even non-communist flocked under it's banner in forming a strong, youth led, anti-dictatorial opposition in ousting the military junta. It was immediately banned by the government when it formalized into the Carbania Communist Refoundation Movement, for obvious reasons. From 2011 (the formation) to 2018 (the signing of the NATIONAL DEMOCRACY COMPACT), it lead a peaceful civil disobedience campaign in major cities alongside occasional violent outburst, it's height being in 2016 after the death of Marcelo Mandes, where it nearly transformed into a urban guerilla organization during the nationwide protests. However, with the signing of the NDC, the organization called for an end to an armed campaign, instead opting to attempt to gain political power through the emerging democratic system and peaceful disobedience, much to the grumblings of it's own members.

It's relations with the CPC were originally somewhat positive, with cordial relations being held between the two groups, despite differences in the ideological communism each group followed. However, after abandoning the short-term armed struggle and deciding to work in so called "bourgeoisie" institutions, this agreement fell apart, as both groups now hold a bitter antagonism of eachother. Relations with the MPL have been more positive however, with tensions existing but being weighed out at the moment.

The major factions of the group are the Trotskyist (lead by Pablo Miledo, current party leader), and the Democratic Socialist + Liberal Radicals. Tensions continually exist within the movement as a whole between these groups, but power remains firmly in the hands of Trotskyist. With that said, a willingness to participate in electoral institutions have certainly angered members of the more radical old guard, and combined with already existing tension, the movement stands on a thin layer of ice. How long it will last, time will tell.

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Fidimouni.
Character Name: Pablo Miledo.
Character Gender: Male.
Character Age: 31.
Character Date of Birth: June 1st, 1991.
Character Position/Role/Job: Leader of Movimiento de Refundación Comunista de Carbania (CRM)
Character Country/Province of Birth: Tres Rios — Puerto Plata.
Character Province of Residence: Tres Rios — Puerto Plata.
Character Party Affiliation: Movimiento de Refundación Comunista de Carbania (CRM)

Faceclaim: A young, hippie, Gabriel Boric.
Main Strengths: A passionate public speaker, Pablo has large swathes of support from the Carbanian Youth, specifically among radical young activist in both working class communities and universities, giving him both support from more traditional elite institutions and support from working-class communities alike.
Main Weaknesses: Pablo is subject to incredible levels of party infighting, and as a result, often has his decisions sway, making him sometimes seem more bluff then action.
Biography: Pablo Miledo was born to a lower-middle class family in Tres Rios. From a young age, Pablo was exposed to local activist influences, emboldening his faith in left-wing ideology, specifically Marxist ideology growing up. He wasn't much of an adventurous kid, spending his days holed up in his room, reading any literature he can: philosophical, political, and economic. It made him a bit of an odd one out to his classmates growing up, but really, he could care less. It was a simple life for him, but as he grew older and began to see the true effects of government repression, culminating in the disappearance of his own grandfather (a trade union activist), he understood that there was much to be done and much to be fixed. After moving into university, majoring in economics, he was a cornerstone of the local debate society, known as a passionate speaker. His influence on broader university politics became notable, with him and several other underground student groups eventually forming the CRM. Of course, what happened afterwards was beyond his wildest imagination.

In 2012, not even a year after the formation of the group, Pablo was detained for 2 months in a local jail. When he eventually got out after mounting pressure on local authorities, he became a minor hero to the countries left-wing opposition. From there, he silently began to organize, assisting in union campaigns and student actions. By 2016, as he was pursuing a PHD in political science, the death to the dictator came as a national shock. And, alongside his comrades, they launched a militant and often violent campaign. With the opening of the organization to any left wing opposition, even liberal opposition, it became a student coalition against the dictatorship, with rioting and civil disobedience spawning at every university. But by 2018, with the signing of the compact, he asked his organization to lay down arms. And instead to go on a new route, inspired partially by the strong left-wing electoral movements in both Venezuela, Bolivia, and Nicaragua: the use of liberal democratic institutions to bring an ideology so often noted for it's opposition to liberal democracy. And so begins Pablo's journey.

Other Info: Pablo is asexual.

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: Fidimouni.

Do Not Remove: DRAFT123123
#123Finished

This guy should join the MPL. I reckon he'll get along well as a newer face of the party.

[Tehrangeles]

(Image)

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Party Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Fidimouni.
Party Name: Carbania Communist Refoundation Movement (Movimiento de Refundación Comunista de Carbania).
Preferred Party Acronym: CRM.
Party Colors (specific): Specifically this (#800000).
Party Leader: Pablo Miledo.
Position on Political Spectrum: Centre-Left to Far-Left.
Main Ideologies: While the Carbania Communist Refoundation Movement describes itself as Revolutionary Socialist, but has been (and probably rightfully so) described as Trotskyist and associates with Trotskyist organizations. With that said, the movement is a broad anti-dictatorship one, which includes Democratic Socialist and even Liberal Radicals. But it can best be described as Trotskyist with factions of Democratic Socialist and Liberal Radicals.
Economic Policy: The movement manifesto supports a planned economy, the nationalization of all major industries, and the formation of cooperatives and collectives where possible. It is without a doubt absolutely left wing, although as stated before, factions within the movement heavily disagree on how left-wing it should be, with more moderate Democratic Socialist supporting a market socialist economy and liberal radicals even supporting privatization. The diversity has caused internal strife.
Social Policy: It is socially centre-left, supporting the decriminalization of homosexuality, environmentalist policies, and secular politics to rule.
Other Policy: The organization is staunchly anti-imperialist, viewing foreign intervention in the country as deeply harmful.

Other Info: The CRM are a peculiar movement. It had begun to circulate in the early 2010's among university students in major cities, building a base of mainly student protestors and young activist. However, by 2016, the movement became a broad coalition, as even non-communist flocked under it's banner in forming a strong, youth led, anti-dictatorial opposition in ousting the military junta. It was immediately banned by the government when it formalized into the Carbania Communist Refoundation Movement, for obvious reasons. From 2011 (the formation) to 2018 (the signing of the NATIONAL DEMOCRACY COMPACT), it lead a peaceful civil disobedience campaign in major cities alongside occasional violent outburst, it's height being in 2016 after the death of Marcelo Mandes, where it nearly transformed into a urban guerilla organization during the nationwide protests. However, with the signing of the NDC, the organization called for an end to an armed campaign, instead opting to attempt to gain political power through the emerging democratic system and peaceful disobedience, much to the grumblings of it's own members.

It's relations with the CPC were originally somewhat positive, with cordial relations being held between the two groups, despite differences in the ideological communism each group followed. However, after abandoning the short-term armed struggle and deciding to work in so called "bourgeoisie" institutions, this agreement fell apart, as both groups now hold a bitter antagonism of eachother. Relations with the MPL have been more positive however, with tensions existing but being weighed out at the moment.

The major factions of the group are the Trotskyist (lead by Pablo Miledo, current party leader), and the Democratic Socialist + Liberal Radicals. Tensions continually exist within the movement as a whole between these groups, but power remains firmly in the hands of Trotskyist. With that said, a willingness to participate in electoral institutions have certainly angered members of the more radical old guard, and combined with already existing tension, the movement stands on a thin layer of ice. How long it will last, time will tell.

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(Image)

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Fidimouni.
Character Name: Pablo Miledo.
Character Gender: Male.
Character Age: 31.
Character Date of Birth: June 1st, 1991.
Character Position/Role/Job: Leader of Movimiento de Refundación Comunista de Carbania (CRM)
Character Country/Province of Birth: Tres Rios — Puerto Plata.
Character Province of Residence: Tres Rios — Puerto Plata.
Character Party Affiliation: Movimiento de Refundación Comunista de Carbania (CRM)

Faceclaim: A young, hippie, Gabriel Boric.
Main Strengths: A passionate public speaker, Pablo has large swathes of support from the Carbanian Youth, specifically among radical young activist in both working class communities and universities, giving him both support from more traditional elite institutions and support from working-class communities alike.
Main Weaknesses: Pablo is subject to incredible levels of party infighting, and as a result, often has his decisions sway, making him sometimes seem more bluff then action.
Biography: Pablo Miledo was born to a lower-middle class family in Tres Rios. From a young age, Pablo was exposed to local activist influences, emboldening his faith in left-wing ideology, specifically Marxist ideology growing up. He wasn't much of an adventurous kid, spending his days holed up in his room, reading any literature he can: philosophical, political, and economic. It made him a bit of an odd one out to his classmates growing up, but really, he could care less. It was a simple life for him, but as he grew older and began to see the true effects of government repression, culminating in the disappearance of his own grandfather (a trade union activist), he understood that there was much to be done and much to be fixed. After moving into university, majoring in economics, he was a cornerstone of the local debate society, known as a passionate speaker. His influence on broader university politics became notable, with him and several other underground student groups eventually forming the CRM. Of course, what happened afterwards was beyond his wildest imagination.

In 2012, not even a year after the formation of the group, Pablo was detained for 2 months in a local jail. When he eventually got out after mounting pressure on local authorities, he became a minor hero to the countries left-wing opposition. From there, he silently began to organize, assisting in union campaigns and student actions. By 2016, as he was pursuing a PHD in political science, the death to the dictator came as a national shock. And, alongside his comrades, they launched a militant and often violent campaign. With the opening of the organization to any left wing opposition, even liberal opposition, it became a student coalition against the dictatorship, with rioting and civil disobedience spawning at every university. But by 2018, with the signing of the compact, he asked his organization to lay down arms. And instead to go on a new route, inspired partially by the strong left-wing electoral movements in both Venezuela, Bolivia, and Nicaragua: the use of liberal democratic institutions to bring an ideology so often noted for it's opposition to liberal democracy. And so begins Pablo's journey.

Other Info: Pablo is asexual.

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: Fidimouni.

Do Not Remove: DRAFT123123
#123Finished

I like this guy- I’ll take a closer look soon

[The Sarangtus Lands]

Also, is there a working discord link for this? The one advertised does not work.

Here it is: https://discord.gg/Z2TjqeyMTB

[Tehrangeles]

(Image)

---

Party Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Fidimouni.
Party Name: Carbania Communist Refoundation Movement (Movimiento de Refundación Comunista de Carbania).
Preferred Party Acronym: CRM.
Party Colors (specific): Specifically this (#800000).
Party Leader: Pablo Miledo.
Position on Political Spectrum: Centre-Left to Far-Left.
Main Ideologies: While the Carbania Communist Refoundation Movement describes itself as Revolutionary Socialist, but has been (and probably rightfully so) described as Trotskyist and associates with Trotskyist organizations. With that said, the movement is a broad anti-dictatorship one, which includes Democratic Socialist and even Liberal Radicals. But it can best be described as Trotskyist with factions of Democratic Socialist and Liberal Radicals.
Economic Policy: The movement manifesto supports a planned economy, the nationalization of all major industries, and the formation of cooperatives and collectives where possible. It is without a doubt absolutely left wing, although as stated before, factions within the movement heavily disagree on how left-wing it should be, with more moderate Democratic Socialist supporting a market socialist economy and liberal radicals even supporting privatization. The diversity has caused internal strife.
Social Policy: It is socially centre-left, supporting the decriminalization of homosexuality, environmentalist policies, and secular politics to rule.
Other Policy: The organization is staunchly anti-imperialist, viewing foreign intervention in the country as deeply harmful.

Other Info: The CRM are a peculiar movement. It had begun to circulate in the early 2010's among university students in major cities, building a base of mainly student protestors and young activist. However, by 2016, the movement became a broad coalition, as even non-communist flocked under it's banner in forming a strong, youth led, anti-dictatorial opposition in ousting the military junta. It was immediately banned by the government when it formalized into the Carbania Communist Refoundation Movement, for obvious reasons. From 2011 (the formation) to 2018 (the signing of the NATIONAL DEMOCRACY COMPACT), it lead a peaceful civil disobedience campaign in major cities alongside occasional violent outburst, it's height being in 2016 after the death of Marcelo Mandes, where it nearly transformed into a urban guerilla organization during the nationwide protests. However, with the signing of the NDC, the organization called for an end to an armed campaign, instead opting to attempt to gain political power through the emerging democratic system and peaceful disobedience, much to the grumblings of it's own members.

It's relations with the CPC were originally somewhat positive, with cordial relations being held between the two groups, despite differences in the ideological communism each group followed. However, after abandoning the short-term armed struggle and deciding to work in so called "bourgeoisie" institutions, this agreement fell apart, as both groups now hold a bitter antagonism of eachother. Relations with the MPL have been more positive however, with tensions existing but being weighed out at the moment.

The major factions of the group are the Trotskyist (lead by Pablo Miledo, current party leader), and the Democratic Socialist + Liberal Radicals. Tensions continually exist within the movement as a whole between these groups, but power remains firmly in the hands of Trotskyist. With that said, a willingness to participate in electoral institutions have certainly angered members of the more radical old guard, and combined with already existing tension, the movement stands on a thin layer of ice. How long it will last, time will tell.

---

(Image)

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Fidimouni.
Character Name: Pablo Miledo.
Character Gender: Male.
Character Age: 31.
Character Date of Birth: June 1st, 1991.
Character Position/Role/Job: Leader of Movimiento de Refundación Comunista de Carbania (CRM)
Character Country/Province of Birth: Tres Rios — Puerto Plata.
Character Province of Residence: Tres Rios — Puerto Plata.
Character Party Affiliation: Movimiento de Refundación Comunista de Carbania (CRM)

Faceclaim: A young, hippie, Gabriel Boric.
Main Strengths: A passionate public speaker, Pablo has large swathes of support from the Carbanian Youth, specifically among radical young activist in both working class communities and universities, giving him both support from more traditional elite institutions and support from working-class communities alike.
Main Weaknesses: Pablo is subject to incredible levels of party infighting, and as a result, often has his decisions sway, making him sometimes seem more bluff then action.
Biography: Pablo Miledo was born to a lower-middle class family in Tres Rios. From a young age, Pablo was exposed to local activist influences, emboldening his faith in left-wing ideology, specifically Marxist ideology growing up. He wasn't much of an adventurous kid, spending his days holed up in his room, reading any literature he can: philosophical, political, and economic. It made him a bit of an odd one out to his classmates growing up, but really, he could care less. It was a simple life for him, but as he grew older and began to see the true effects of government repression, culminating in the disappearance of his own grandfather (a trade union activist), he understood that there was much to be done and much to be fixed. After moving into university, majoring in economics, he was a cornerstone of the local debate society, known as a passionate speaker. His influence on broader university politics became notable, with him and several other underground student groups eventually forming the CRM. Of course, what happened afterwards was beyond his wildest imagination.

In 2012, not even a year after the formation of the group, Pablo was detained for 2 months in a local jail. When he eventually got out after mounting pressure on local authorities, he became a minor hero to the countries left-wing opposition. From there, he silently began to organize, assisting in union campaigns and student actions. By 2016, as he was pursuing a PHD in political science, the death to the dictator came as a national shock. And, alongside his comrades, they launched a militant and often violent campaign. With the opening of the organization to any left wing opposition, even liberal opposition, it became a student coalition against the dictatorship, with rioting and civil disobedience spawning at every university. But by 2018, with the signing of the compact, he asked his organization to lay down arms. And instead to go on a new route, inspired partially by the strong left-wing electoral movements in both Venezuela, Bolivia, and Nicaragua: the use of liberal democratic institutions to bring an ideology so often noted for it's opposition to liberal democracy. And so begins Pablo's journey.

Other Info: Pablo is asexual.

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: Fidimouni.

Do Not Remove: DRAFT123123
#123Finished

After reading more closely, I really like it. I think the char bio could be fleshed out more though

[Tehrangeles]

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((Image))

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Nova Anglicana
Character Name: Francisco Torres Mendoza
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 40
Character Date of Birth: October 4th, 1981
Character Position/Role/Job: Charity worker/Social activist
Character Country/Province of Birth: Camparroz, Carbania
Character Province of Residence: Intichiquan
Character Party Affiliation: PLC/LAB (Partido Laborista de Carbania/Labourist Party of Carbania)
Faceclaim: Antidio Fagundez Campo
Main Strengths:

Rapport with the poor: Torres Mendoza has met many poor people throughout Intichiquan, whether through his work with Caritas or his own work as an activist and charity worker. Because of his genuine care and empathy for them, they have responded to him. If he launches a campaign for mayor, he can expect many to spend extra hours outside of work beating the street and eventually voting for "Hermano Francisco."

Go it alone spirit: Torres Mendoza has never been afraid to strike out on his own. He knows that he has the ability to achieve and thrive and build community even without the support of the Catholic Church or other institutions. His QC is his network, and he built it from the ground up. Therefore, even though he knows that a campaign for mayor seems quixotic to many, he believes in himself and his ability to succeed.

Courage of his convictions: Torres Mendoza will always fight for what he thinks is right. He will always strive for the poor, the working man or woman, and those left out by society. This single-minded conviction is powerful, because it inspires others and rallies them to his cause. He isn't in hock to an ideology, or running because he wants money or power; he is a crusader, a champion.

Boundless energy: Torres Mendoza has pushed himself all his life. Whether studying and working on the family farm in his childhood, driving himself to get the best grades possible to keep his scholarship in college, or taking on the umpteen different things he has done as a social activist and charity worker since graduating, he has always been a hard worker. He seems to draw on reserves that others don't have. He can grind through even when he is feeling discouraged. But this takes a toll on him, too.

Main Weaknesses:

Doesn't play well with authority: Torres Mendoza, while a devout Catholic, isn't exactly enamored with the Church hierarchy and how it has served the people of Carbania. He takes a similarly dim view of multinational corporations and other large institutions. He views social services as sclerotic and ineffective. Without the ability to at least pretend he respects institutions he considers to have failed the people, he can't expect much support from major players in society.

No patience for ideologies: Torres Mendoza is not prepared to co-operate with communists or far-rightists. Although he acknowledges that communists may have done some good for the poor, or that the far-right may be staunch defenders of the Church, he believes them to be blinded by false beliefs that lead them to do more harm than good. Thus, he may not take help from these groups even when they offer it, which could lead to failure.

All work and no play makes Francisco something something: Torres Mendoza has spent his whole life in the service of others. While this is undoubtedly something he feels called to doc, at times, the pressure can be immense. One has to wonder if that pressure will be released healthily, or perhaps in anger or some other unhealthy way, or even in a fatal illness.

Francisco be not proud: Having served so many throughout his entire life, Torres Mendoza surely knows the meaning of humility. But will he be able to keep his head when he enters into politics or will the seductive lures of power inflame something he has been trying to keep down for many years? To be successful, he'll have to remember that he wants to be mayor to do good, not to feed his ego, which rears its ugly head and snatches at the few opportunities it gets.


Biography: Born into a small farming community in Camparroz, Francisco was named after St. Francis, on whose feast day he was born. Unlike many others in his community, Francisco showed an aptitude for book learning, and his family saved to afford tuition fees to give him an education through high school. By no means did this exempt him from labor on the family farm throughout his childhood, however. The bedrock of his identity when he was growing up, even as he expanded his mind through education, were services at the local Catholic Church and the labor that he, his family, and his community had to do to survive. They instilled him a deep love for those who work and a conviction to care for them.

He later received a scholarship to study at a Catholic university in Intichiquan. The thought was that he would study agronomy, to return home and help the family farm and his community. However, he soon fell in love with theology and philosophy. He graduated with degrees in both and contemplated becoming a priest. However, he says he received a calling to join the Secular Franciscan Order, a group of laypeople who attempt to follow the example of Saint Francis in works of charity and love of neighbor. Through his work with the SFO in and among the poor of Intichiquan, he became acquainted with the many complaints against the dictatorship, which he previously had been less aware of. He fell into liberation theology and became an admirer of the later Archbishop Ordóñez.

He participated in the 2007 protests, but afterwards, resolved to ameliorate the suffering of the poor through charity and what good he could do. He became a worker and later a co-ordinator for Caritas International, the major Catholic charity. He buried himself in this good work for some time, but he could not ignore the imprisonment of Bishop Ordóñez, and he eventually joined the protests in 2016. Following the good bishop's release from prison, he has been a faithful attendee at many services and he has become more involved in politics. He quit working for Caritas International to start his own community, "Beloved Community of the Way of St. Francis and Jesus Christ/Querida Comunidad de la Via de San Francisco y de Jesucristo (QC)". Initially just one house with himself, another social worker, and some previously homeless individuals, it has now grown into a city-wide network of several dwellings. Residents pledge to pool the majority of their resources to provide for house needs and split the rest between individual needs and monetary assistance to the community. They also pledge to serve their community through charitable work as well organizing. This could be providing medicine or food, visiting the sick or elderly, teaching literacy, or organizing residents to advocate for their rights. Residents can be married and have families, though Torres Mendoza has neither.

Since 2017, he has done work in labor organizing, in charitable work, and in spreading the QC. He has recently also become involved in work around supporting pregnant women in either keeping children or giving them up for adoption, and has lobbied the Catholic Church for more support around orphanages. Since joining the Labourist Party, he has also tried to do what he can around racial discrimination and supporting runaway LGBTQ teens. He voted for Luis Fusco in the mayoral election, but has since become disillusioned with him. He sees him as overly friendly towards multinational corporations and believes he has not dealt with the surge of economic migrants as effectively as he could. As such, he has become increasingly convinced that he should run for mayor of Intichiquan, especially since rumors suggest Fusco is considering a run for president.

Other Info: Dislikes evangelical Protestants

#123Finished

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: (Nova Anglicana)

Do Not Remove: DRAFT123123

I think he looks good. I just need a second opinion, and we need to work out the timeline on mayoral races, as it may not be happening any time soon.

[The Sarangtus Lands]

(Image)

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Party Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Fidimouni.
Party Name: Carbania Communist Refoundation Movement (Movimiento de Refundación Comunista de Carbania).
Preferred Party Acronym: CRM.
Party Colors (specific): Specifically this (#800000).
Party Leader: Pablo Miledo.
Position on Political Spectrum: Centre-Left to Far-Left.
Main Ideologies: While the Carbania Communist Refoundation Movement describes itself as Revolutionary Socialist, but has been (and probably rightfully so) described as Trotskyist and associates with Trotskyist organizations. With that said, the movement is a broad anti-dictatorship one, which includes Democratic Socialist and even Liberal Radicals. Just call it Trotskyist and Revolutionary Socialist.
Economic Policy: The movement manifesto supports a planned economy, the nationalization of all major industries, and the formation of cooperatives and collectives where possible. It is without a doubt absolutely left wing, although as stated before, factions within the movement heavily disagree on how left-wing it should be, with more moderate Democratic Socialist supporting a market socialist economy and liberal radicals even supporting privatization. The diversity has caused internal strife.
Social Policy: It is socially centre-left, supporting the decriminalization of homosexuality, environmentalist policies, and secular politics to rule.
Other Policy: The organization is staunchly anti-imperialist, viewing foreign intervention in the country as deeply harmful.

Other Info: The CRM are a peculiar movement. It had begun to circulate in the early 2010's among university students in major cities, building a base of mainly student protestors and young activist. However, by 2016, the movement became a broad coalition, as even non-communist flocked under it's banner in forming a strong, youth led, anti-dictatorial opposition in ousting the military junta. It was immediately banned by the government when it formalized into the Carbania Communist Refoundation Movement, for obvious reasons. From 2011 (the formation) to 2018 (the signing of the NATIONAL DEMOCRACY COMPACT), it lead a peaceful civil disobedience campaign in major cities alongside occasional violent outburst, it's height being in 2016 after the death of Marcelo Mandes, where it nearly transformed into a urban guerilla organization during the nationwide protests. However, with the signing of the NDC, the organization called for an end to an armed campaign, instead opting to attempt to gain political power through the emerging democratic system and eventual social revolution, much to the frustration of key party members and the old party guard.

It's relations with the CPC were originally somewhat positive, with cordial relations being held between the two groups, despite differences in the ideological communism each group followed. However, after abandoning the short-term armed struggle and deciding to work in so called "bourgeoisie" institutions, this agreement fell apart, as both groups now hold a bitter antagonism of eachother. Relations with the MPL have been more positive however, with tensions existing but being weighed out at the moment.

The major factions of the group are the Trotskyist (lead by Pablo Miledo, current party leader), and the Democratic Socialist + Liberal Radicals. Tensions continually exist within the movement as a whole between these groups, but power remains firmly in the hands of Trotskyist. With that said, a willingness to participate in electoral institutions have certainly angered members of the more radical old guard, and combined with already existing tension, the movement stands on a thin layer of ice. How long it will last, time will tell.

---

(Image)

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Fidimouni.
Character Name: Pablo Miledo.
Character Gender: Male.
Character Age: 31.
Character Date of Birth: June 1st, 1991.
Character Position/Role/Job: Leader of Movimiento de Refundación Comunista de Carbania (CRM)
Character Country/Province of Birth: Tres Rios — Puerto Plata.
Character Province of Residence: Tres Rios — Puerto Plata.
Character Party Affiliation: Movimiento de Refundación Comunista de Carbania (CRM)

Faceclaim: A young, hippie, Gabriel Boric.
Main Strengths: A passionate public speaker, Pablo has large swathes of support from the Carbanian Youth, specifically among radical young activist in both working class communities and universities, giving him both support from more traditional elite institutions and support from working-class communities alike.
Main Weaknesses: Pablo is subject to incredible levels of party infighting, and as a result, often has his decisions sway, making him sometimes seem more bluff then action.
Biography:

Pablo Miledo was born to a lower-middle class family in Tres Rios. From a young age, Pablo was exposed to local activist influences, emboldening his faith in left-wing ideology, specifically Marxist ideology growing up. He wasn't much of an adventurous kid, spending his days holed up in his room, reading any literature he can: philosophical, political, and economic. It made him a bit of an odd one out to his classmates growing up, but really, he could care less. It was a simple life for him, but as he grew older and began to see the true effects of government repression, culminating in the disappearance of his own grandfather (a trade union activist), he understood that there was much to be done and much to be fixed. After moving into university, majoring in economics, he was a cornerstone of the local debate society, known as a passionate speaker. His influence on broader university politics became notable, with him and several other underground student groups eventually forming the CRM. Of course, what happened afterwards was beyond his wildest imagination.

Pablo quickly established a multi-group university network, mostly of Trotskyist and Marxist alike, in building a student network. His first action was in late August at his own university, when the police had recently shot a local migrant worker working at the shipyard. When no investigation was opened up, Pablo's organization lead a 10 day occupation of the dock, barricading it up with fellow workers and holding up cargo. It was eventually decided to continue an investigation into the death of the worker in question, but the move had put him on a radar, both to the nation's left opposition and to both the federal government. Consistent wiretapping followed, and police presence increased. While they couldn't immediately pinpoint it to him, it was almost universally clear that he had been responsible for this. Finally, one wrong slipup by a former member of the group gave the police there lead.

In 2012, not even a year after the formation of the group, Pablo was detained for 2 months in a local jail. When he eventually got out after mounting pressure on local authorities, he became a minor hero to the countries left-wing opposition. From there, he silently began to organize, assisting in union campaigns and student actions. By 2016, as he was pursuing a PHD in political science, the death to the dictator came as a national shock. And, alongside his comrades, they launched a militant and often violent campaign. With the opening of the organization to any left wing opposition, even liberal opposition, it became a student coalition against the dictatorship, with rioting and civil disobedience spawning at every university. But by 2018, with the signing of the compact, he asked his organization to lay down arms. And instead to go on a new route. While he accused Bolivarianism and Chavismo as bourgeoisie nationalism, a faux populism parading as a workers state, Pablo understood the need to use electoral institutions, at least for now, in fermenting the permanent revolution. But as internal party opposition grows and the threat of reprisal remains, time will tell how strong Pablo will remain in society's evershifting political landscape.

Other Info: Pablo is asexual.

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: Fidimouni.

Do Not Remove: DRAFT123123
#123Finished

ACCEPTED

[The Sarangtus Lands]

(Image)

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Party Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Cybernetic Socialist Republics
Party Name: Unión de Nuevos Ejidos
Preferred Party Acronym: UNE
Party Colors (specific): Lime Green, Purple, Orange
Party Leader: Yesenia Antonio Lucia Espinosa
Position on Political Spectrum: Left to Radical Centre
Main Ideologies: Reformism, Authoritarian Constitutionalism, Technocracy, Anti-Corruption
Economic Policy: Corporatism, Pro-Development, Export-Oriented Industrialization, Social Economy
Social Policy: Communitarianism, Civic Nationalism, Multiracialism, Centralism

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(Image)

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Cybernetic Socialist Republics
Character Name: Yesenia Antonio Lucia Espinosa
Character Gender: Female
Character Age: 32
Character Date of Birth: April 28 1989
Character Position/Role/Job:
Leader of Unión de Nuevos Ejidos (2022-)
Mayor of Pumallaqta (2018-)
Consultant for Pumallaqta (2013-2018)

Character Country/Province of Birth: Intichiquan
Character Province of Residence: Valenzuela
Character Party Affiliation: Unión de Nuevos Ejidos
Faceclaim: Irina Karamanos
Main Strengths: Iron Fist in a Velvet Glove, Connected, Youth Appeal
Main Weaknesses: Daughter of the Regime, Falangist Youth, Young Woman in an Old Men's World

Biography:

Yesenia Antonio Lucia Espinosa was born April 28th, 1989 to the notorious regime Minister of Security, Francisco Javier Lucia Criadom and his American wife Maria Espinosa. She took after both her father and mother from an early age, combining her father's ruthless practicality with her mother's grace and intelligence. Her father's politics have shaped her worldview significantly, pulling her toward the reactionary right, with her mother subtly directing her to the progressive left. She'd end up attempting to solve this contradiction within herself by becoming a voracious reader of history that sought heroic figures to emulate that combined despotism with progress, from Frederick the Great, to Catherine the Great to Napoleon Bonaparte. She'd eventually end up reading and being inspired by the Rerum Novarum, which she would later cite as the basis of her progressive beliefs, but in her teens it lead her down the path of idolizing the man she was born exactly 100 years after and shared a name with, António de Oliveira Salazar, dictator of Portugal for nearly 40 years. Her politics in her teen years had significant fascist leanings, a rebellion against her father's strident commitment to neoliberal authoritarianism and her mother's timid christian democratic leanings. Despite not having any sincere racialist beliefs, she'd frequently lead her well-off Mestizo peers into scuffles with working class, indigenous and Afro-Latino youth, more out of pugnaciousness rather than hatred.

In University this inclination would put on more 'intellectual' dressing as she would become the lead female contributor to a rightist student magazine that would publish opinions from anarcho-capitalism to falangism. The paper, dominated by young males with right-libertarian leanings, would frequently make her and her rightist statism a butt of jokes that often contained a misogynist bent. This frustrated insecurity would perhaps contribute to what she'd go on to do in her fourth year at the university of Intichiquan. Some indigenous feminist protesters, lead by the girlfriend of the mayor of Pumallaqta's son, begun an occupation protests, restricting student access to facilities. The regime authorities, concerned about international condemnation and potentially triggering a larger protest in a revolutionary wave year, held back from breaking up the protest. Yesenia, a leader of a Mestizo sorority in the university, took it upon herself to organize her sorority members for increasingly aggressive counter protests, wearing all black with masks to contrast the rainbow colors of the indigenous protests and conceal their identity.

One morning, There was a minor scuffle between a counter protestors and indigenous protestor that the former got the worse end of. Yesenia led the group to pull back without immediately escalating. However, Yesenia had her excuse for a violent response. She instructed her fellow students to arm themselves, with blunt weapons, steel pipes, bats and batons. She also specifically told them target legs and never the head, life threatening injuries or death would be difficult for the regime to ignore. Later that day they'd return to break up the protests by force. Yesenia herself broke one of the protest leader's legs. Immediately after both groups of students cleared, the police moved in, allegedly to prevent the brawl from continuing, in reality to make sure the protest couldn't reform. The 'investigation' afterwards determined that angry students retaliated against the obstructive protests for non-political reasons. In exchange for the protestors not pursuing any further investigations, medical costs were covered and disciplinary action by neither the university or government was pursued. Naturally Yesenia's masked group went unidentified.

While Yesenia's parents were not absolutely sure she was involved, they assumed that she was. Her mother was disappointed but not surprised and her father was quietly in approval of saving the regime from having to clear out the protestors themselves. But both agreed that she should leave the country to pursue a Master's in The United States in order to avoid her getting into any trouble. Her mother would arrange have her share living arrangements with the progressive son of the Mayor of Pumallaqta, who's girlfriend was going to study in the US but couldn't make the trip. She would spend the next two years in Massachusetts with here'd break up with his girlfriend and begin dating and eventually marrying Yesenia.

In the United States she would use the citizenship she had thanks to her mother to wedge her way into minor participation in American politics. There her politics would be 'influenced' (as the story of her conversion to the center goes) by her new significant other. She'd get a minor job on the Senator [not-Warren] campaign through him. After completing her Master's she would return to Carbania. Her marriage would help her plans a consultancy job with the city of Pumallaqta.

There, she worked as the youth project manager for the city. Over the last 15 years, the average age of the city had been lowering as a result of the increasing importance of the service and knowledge industry, including the city becoming a hub for telemarketing and cheap Information technology services, owing to years of investment in telecommunications infrastructure.
It was her job to lead a variety of projects to accomadate the changing population of the city. She gained her a positive reputation within the city for running a tight ship while avoiding high turnover.

When Marcelo Mandes died in 2016, the political machine that had propped up her father in law grew concerned that the city's residents might get into their heads that there was need for change in Pumallaqata. The sitting mayor was also been considering eventual retirement in favor of his son for years but he has always seemed to uninterested in the role. The conclusion was eventually reached that the best compromise with changing face of the city would be Yesenia running for Mayor in 2018. Yesenia agreed, but suggested a little more than just a role as mayor, but the oppertunity to eventually present herself as a national political figure and have the influence to protect the interests of Pumallaqata at a nation level as well.

To that end, she was able to convince her father in law and his backers to sponsoring a Youth leadership conference in the city in 2017. While the event covered a variety of issues, she also announced the formation of the announced the formation of the Unión de Nuevos Ejidos political party and invited attendants who planned on running in Municipal elections across the county to join her.

In 2018 she would run associated to this party kn the Pumallaqata Mayor race and win in a convincing fashion. The success of the party around the country was sporadic but significant.

In office, One of Yesenia's key efforts has been to transition away from the artificial limitations on population growth that the city once practiced. Where possible, the city itself invests in new housing, where it isn't, land is privatized for development purposes, though land value taxes are very high. A pillar of her development strategy includes clearing out shanty towns on the outskirts of the city. This has controversially involved aggressive usage of police. One day a victim in shanty town might report a crime to the police and by next week their own home could end up bulldozed to make room for a new apartment complex. When dwellers don't report crimes, 'vigilantes' tend to appear, stirring up violence that justify police intervention. A consistent pattern that while not coordinated from the Mayors' office, is certainly indirectly incentivized. Yesenia frequently defends this by claiming a commitment to protecting the poor, women and ethnic minorities from crime. Despite this frequently shady pro-development behavior, Yesenia has proven committed to maintaining and increasing founding for the city's social services and she's subtly reached out to community activists for the purpose of building a pillar of power external the the one inherited from her father-in-law. Another major intiative of Yesenia has been the CyberPuma Municipal Digital Currency. In search of new revenue streams to fund social programs and infrastructure, Yesenia took note of the largely untaxable informal economy, the small payments made from person to person to do minor tasks and buy small products, from driving them somewhere to selling food on the street corner. One solution would be to aggressively crackdown on this and demand licensing, but that would be expensive and unpopular, while harming the character of the city. So instead a Yesenia and advisors came up with a plan to insert the government into this transactions by providing a service.

From she took office until the start of 2020, they would develop and test the CyberPumaCoin and app. The concept was a streamlined digital currency that could be purchased from the municipal government and exchanged into hard currency at a fee, providing an easy way to make digital payments from person to person. To aid with early adoption, retail businesses and taxi drivers were approached. The system has proven moderately successful. Efforts to get foreign companies to facilitate use of the coin in their business and service has proven difficult, particularly due to Yesenia's refusal to integrate the coin into the larger digital currency infrastructure.

Yesenia enters 2022 with greater ambitions for success, not only for herself but for what her party stands for. Over the last few years, the party has developed a strong bent towards supporting a strong central government to tackle the shortcomings of the country, a unique niche among the parties. This has also had the effect of widening the party's ideology. Who they'd work with after national elections was almost an open qeistion.


Other Info:

If you have a character that was at the university indigenous protest Yesenia attacked, it's possible that they could guess that she was there but have no proof.
If you have a character that was in the sorority she led, you'd know that she was there and lead the attack, but have no proof aside from other witnesses.
If you had a character that grew up in Intichiquan when she did (early to mid 00s), you might have come across her roving gang of troublemakers.
If you had a character that went to University of Intichiquan when she did (2007-2011) you might be aware that she contributed to a rightist student newspaper.
She does not deny that she had a right wing phase in her youth that she 'grew out of' but its radicalism/viciousness isn't widely known.

Pumallaqta is/was essential ran like a poor man's Singapore. Has a largely knowledge/service based economy, along with other manufacturing common in Valenzuela. Land is owned by the city, buildings are leased long term The residential population within the city is roughly 750 000, though most of those who work in the manufacturing industry commute from outside of the city and the factories are on its outskirts. Historically there has been some degree of disdain for the city on those forced to commute in it to work, but can't get access to live within the city. Pumallaqta's ethnic diversity is higher than the average city of in the country. Its police service is strict but not particularly abusive. Tourism and the city's beaches are also important to its economy. Pumallaqta also has a higher than average protestant population, but the city has a largely secular middle class bent.

Pumallaqta is located on the north western tip of Valenzuela, roughly below:

(Image)

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: Cybernetic Socialist Republics

Do Not Remove: ACCEPTED123123

APPROVED

[Guagolandum]

NS Nation Name: Guagolandum
Character Name: Germán Lacalle
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 55
Character Date of Birth: August 13, 1967
Character Role/Job: Presidential candidate for the PLC, also a lawyer
Character Country/Province of Birth: Intichiquan, Carbania
Character Province of Residence: Intichiquan
Character Party Affiliation: Labourist Party of Carbania
Faceclaim: Enrique Peñalosa
Main Strengths: As a lawyer, he knows Carbanian law perfectly. Very popular among nonviolent resistance to the dictatorship (as a lawyer he defended them in trials staged by the dictatorship)
Main Weaknesses: Little experience in politics, not very well-known among Carbanians in general
Biography: He was born in Intichiquan to a middle-class family in 1967, so the dictatorship arose when he was only 5. His father was secretly a sympathizer of nonviolent resistance against the dictatorship, but he kept it only to him and his family, so he wasn't persecuted.

He became a lawyer after graduating from the University of Intichiquan, and defended persecuted people during the dictatorship. Participated in the Jericho marches, which got him imprisoned.
Other Info: None
I have read and accepted the rules of the RP: Guagolandum

#123Finished

[Countesia]

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Federal Republic of Countesia
Character Name: Ernesto De Sandoval
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 64
Character Date of Birth: April 9th, 1958.
Character Position/Role/Job: Vice President of Partido de Libertad y Progresa
Character Country/Province of Birth: Carbania
Character Province of Residence: Bolívar y Carbán
Character Party Affiliation: Partido de Libertad y Progresa)
Faceclaim: Danny Trejo
Main Strengths: Pragmatic, in touch with the common man, business savvy.
Main Weaknesses: His goals are considered too ambitious by many for a country of its size and wealth. Criticised by many as a pathological fence sitter due to his views.
Biography:

Ernesto De Sandovals childhood, by his own admission, was completely unremarkable. He was born on the 9th of April 1958 to banana farmers Maria De Sandoval and Pablo De Sandoval. The eighth and youngest child of the De Sandoval Family. As was typical to dirt poor farmers of the time, Ernesto did not attend school nor did he learn to read. From the moment he was able to walk, Ernesto tended to the farm with his sister and brothers for eight hours a day, machete in hand, harvesting crops, clearing weeds and keeping the local pests from swiping produce. On the few hours of his day that he was not expected to work the farm, he would often be found playing football with friends or exploring the wilderness.

Ernesto was three weeks short of his fourteenth birthday when Marcelo Mendez usurped power in Carbenia. As a simple farmer who had never left a twenty mile radius of his community, he had little interaction with the local authorities, and was largely ignorant of the world beyond. This simplistic worldview of his would be shattered when his out of the way village found itself caught in the middle of an incredibly violent guerilla campaign between communist rebels and soldiers loyal to the Mendez Regime. His home had been transformed from a tight knit community into a police state almost overnight. Soldiers flooded the village, enforcing curfews, checkpoints and random searches at gunpoint. Many homes were raided under the pretext of searching for communist rebels. The surge of army activity in the area inevitably drew in the very communist fighters that the army had arrived to snuff out, leading to skirmishes being an almost daily occurrence in the surrounding countryside. The damage to the community was not just physical, as many residents took arms against the Mendez regime by siding with the communists, with others choosing to become informants for the army and local police.

By the time the communists had been driven out of the area, Ernesto had lost two brothers in the fighting as one had been spurred into joining the guerillas in response to what he perceived as an invasion of his home by tyrants. His other brother had died in a mass shooting perpetrated by the army. The surrounding farmland itself had been razed by the fighting, and many of the local populace lacked the funds to repair and reseed their homes, Ernesto's family being one of them. Those who had not already fled the fighting found themselves migrating towards the more urbanised areas of the country in look for work. This included Ernestos sole sister, and two of his still living brothers.

choosing to stay instead of relocating to the cities, Ernesto was desperate to find a new income for his parents who were growing too old to work. Although he was able to finds ome work as a harvester in the farms that were able to recover from the fighting, he struggled to provide for them. His hopelessness was cut short however, as he was suddenly hit by an idea after witnessing his employers lend farm equipment to less well off neighbours for cash. Alongside with the two brothers that had also stayed to look after his ailing parents, they were able to save up a sizeable sum of money over the course of a year. With their funds, they purchased dozens of various agricultural tools and began renting them out to neighbours for fixed periods. Taking advantage of this niche in the local economy, their small business grew exponentially, and within the year Ernesto and his brothers had hundreds of clients and a considerable cash flow. They took this opportunity to finally get an education, and learnt to read to help support their business. Within five years they had made their first 500,000 sucres.

In the next thirty years, their local business had expanded outright to become a massive operation with several warehouses across Bolívar y Carbán and Camparroz, leasing out tools and tractors to farmers which had become a more cost effective method as opposed to buying them outright. As the youngest brother, Ernesto was the sole founder still in the business. His other two brothers had retired with their own fortunes. By this point their venture more or less ran itself and Ernesto had found himself with more free time than he knew what to do with. With the death of Marcelo Mandez in 2016 and the subsequent promise to hold free and fair elections, Ernesto took the rnesto took the leap from the world of business into politics. The traumatic events of his early adult years had left him with an extreme dislike of the far right junta that had invaded his home, with an equal level of disdain towards the communists that turned it into a battleground. This centrist political stance eventually led to Ernesto meeting likeminded politician Alan Castañeda, who he would go on to help found the Partido de Libertad y Progresa, as one of its vice presidents.

Other Info:

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: Countesia.

Do Not Remove: DRAFT123123

#123Finished

[The Sarangtus Lands]

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((Image))

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Nova Anglicana
Character Name: Francisco Torres Mendoza
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 40
Character Date of Birth: October 4th, 1981
Character Position/Role/Job: Charity worker/Social activist
Character Country/Province of Birth: Camparroz, Carbania
Character Province of Residence: Intichiquan
Character Party Affiliation: PLC/LAB (Partido Laborista de Carbania/Labourist Party of Carbania)
Faceclaim: Antidio Fagundez Campo
Main Strengths:

Rapport with the poor: Torres Mendoza has met many poor people throughout Intichiquan, whether through his work with Caritas or his own work as an activist and charity worker. Because of his genuine care and empathy for them, they have responded to him. If he launches a campaign for mayor, he can expect many to spend extra hours outside of work beating the street and eventually voting for "Hermano Francisco."

Go it alone spirit: Torres Mendoza has never been afraid to strike out on his own. He knows that he has the ability to achieve and thrive and build community even without the support of the Catholic Church or other institutions. His QC is his network, and he built it from the ground up. Therefore, even though he knows that a campaign for mayor seems quixotic to many, he believes in himself and his ability to succeed.

Courage of his convictions: Torres Mendoza will always fight for what he thinks is right. He will always strive for the poor, the working man or woman, and those left out by society. This single-minded conviction is powerful, because it inspires others and rallies them to his cause. He isn't in hock to an ideology, or running because he wants money or power; he is a crusader, a champion.

Boundless energy: Torres Mendoza has pushed himself all his life. Whether studying and working on the family farm in his childhood, driving himself to get the best grades possible to keep his scholarship in college, or taking on the umpteen different things he has done as a social activist and charity worker since graduating, he has always been a hard worker. He seems to draw on reserves that others don't have. He can grind through even when he is feeling discouraged. But this takes a toll on him, too.

Main Weaknesses:

Doesn't play well with authority: Torres Mendoza, while a devout Catholic, isn't exactly enamored with the Church hierarchy and how it has served the people of Carbania. He takes a similarly dim view of multinational corporations and other large institutions. He views social services as sclerotic and ineffective. Without the ability to at least pretend he respects institutions he considers to have failed the people, he can't expect much support from major players in society.

No patience for ideologies: Torres Mendoza is not prepared to co-operate with communists or far-rightists. Although he acknowledges that communists may have done some good for the poor, or that the far-right may be staunch defenders of the Church, he believes them to be blinded by false beliefs that lead them to do more harm than good. Thus, he may not take help from these groups even when they offer it, which could lead to failure.

All work and no play makes Francisco something something: Torres Mendoza has spent his whole life in the service of others. While this is undoubtedly something he feels called to doc, at times, the pressure can be immense. One has to wonder if that pressure will be released healthily, or perhaps in anger or some other unhealthy way, or even in a fatal illness.

Francisco be not proud: Having served so many throughout his entire life, Torres Mendoza surely knows the meaning of humility. But will he be able to keep his head when he enters into politics or will the seductive lures of power inflame something he has been trying to keep down for many years? To be successful, he'll have to remember that he wants to be mayor to do good, not to feed his ego, which rears its ugly head and snatches at the few opportunities it gets.


Biography: Born into a small farming community in Camparroz, Francisco was named after St. Francis, on whose feast day he was born. Unlike many others in his community, Francisco showed an aptitude for book learning, and his family saved to afford tuition fees to give him an education through high school. By no means did this exempt him from labor on the family farm throughout his childhood, however. The bedrock of his identity when he was growing up, even as he expanded his mind through education, were services at the local Catholic Church and the labor that he, his family, and his community had to do to survive. They instilled him a deep love for those who work and a conviction to care for them.

He later received a scholarship to study at a Catholic university in Intichiquan. The thought was that he would study agronomy, to return home and help the family farm and his community. However, he soon fell in love with theology and philosophy. He graduated with degrees in both and contemplated becoming a priest. However, he says he received a calling to join the Secular Franciscan Order, a group of laypeople who attempt to follow the example of Saint Francis in works of charity and love of neighbor. Through his work with the SFO in and among the poor of Intichiquan, he became acquainted with the many complaints against the dictatorship, which he previously had been less aware of. He fell into liberation theology and became an admirer of the later Archbishop Ordóñez.

He participated in the 2007 protests, but afterwards, resolved to ameliorate the suffering of the poor through charity and what good he could do. He became a worker and later a co-ordinator for Caritas International, the major Catholic charity. He buried himself in this good work for some time, but he could not ignore the imprisonment of Bishop Ordóñez, and he eventually joined the protests in 2016. Following the good bishop's release from prison, he has been a faithful attendee at many services and he has become more involved in politics. He quit working for Caritas International to start his own community, "Beloved Community of the Way of St. Francis and Jesus Christ/Querida Comunidad de la Via de San Francisco y de Jesucristo (QC)". Initially just one house with himself, another social worker, and some previously homeless individuals, it has now grown into a city-wide network of several dwellings. Residents pledge to pool the majority of their resources to provide for house needs and split the rest between individual needs and monetary assistance to the community. They also pledge to serve their community through charitable work as well organizing. This could be providing medicine or food, visiting the sick or elderly, teaching literacy, or organizing residents to advocate for their rights. Residents can be married and have families, though Torres Mendoza has neither.

Since 2017, he has done work in labor organizing, in charitable work, and in spreading the QC. He has recently also become involved in work around supporting pregnant women in either keeping children or giving them up for adoption, and has lobbied the Catholic Church for more support around orphanages. Since joining the Labourist Party, he has also tried to do what he can around racial discrimination and supporting runaway LGBTQ teens. He voted for Luis Fusco in the mayoral election, but has since become disillusioned with him. He sees him as overly friendly towards multinational corporations and believes he has not dealt with the surge of economic migrants as effectively as he could. As such, he has become increasingly convinced that he should run for mayor of Intichiquan, especially since rumors suggest Fusco is considering a run for president.

Other Info: Dislikes evangelical Protestants

#123Finished

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: (Nova Anglicana)

Do Not Remove: ACCEPTED123123

Accepted

[Latvijas Otra Republika]

I will make lalo salamanca

[Tehrangeles]

(Image)
NS Nation Name: Guagolandum
Character Name: Germán Lacalle
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 55
Character Date of Birth: August 13, 1967
Character Role/Job: Presidential candidate for the PLC, also a lawyer
Character Country/Province of Birth: Intichiquan, Carbania
Character Province of Residence: Intichiquan
Character Party Affiliation: Labourist Party of Carbania
Faceclaim: Enrique Peñalosa
Main Strengths: As a lawyer, he knows Carbanian law perfectly. Very popular among nonviolent resistance to the dictatorship (as a lawyer he defended them in trials staged by the dictatorship)
Main Weaknesses: Little experience in politics, not very well-known among Carbanians in general
Biography: He was born in Intichiquan to a middle-class family in 1967, so the dictatorship arose when he was only 5. His father was secretly a sympathizer of nonviolent resistance against the dictatorship, but he kept it only to him and his family, so he wasn't persecuted.

He became a lawyer after graduating from the University of Intichiquan, and defended persecuted people during the dictatorship. Participated in the Jericho marches, which got him imprisoned.
Other Info: None
I have read and accepted the rules of the RP: Guagolandum

#123Finished

Must be expanded

[Madrinpoor]

Here are some designs I made for Carbania’s flag:

([url=https://i.ibb.co/fCd2k45/08-F74-D97-A4-C9-4-F38-A537-CE90-B2-B240-BD.jpg]Image)[/url]

([url=https://i.ibb.co/MBnHgF0/EB79-AA5-E-FD5-E-45-DA-BD08-943-AA066-B071.jpg]Image)[/url]

([url=https://i.ibb.co/QHgvpMp/353-E963-D-162-B-4489-ACF4-B26228705495.jpg]Image)[/url]

([url=https://i.ibb.co/ZLPfH49/37-C34544-75-BD-46-B2-A5-FC-B6-B5565-A6905.jpg]Image)[/url]

Which one do you guys like best? OP(s), what do you think?

My favorite is the third one too! These look great!

[Madrinpoor]

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([url=https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/d/de/GOV_SUNUNU_OFFICIAL_PHOTO.jpg/220px-GOV_SUNUNU_OFFICIAL_PHOTO.jpg]Image)[/url]

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Dogutrakya
Character Name: Thomas Alexander Ruiz Galworth
Character Gender: M
Character Age: 50
Character Date of Birth: Syracuse, New York/January 9, 1972
Character Position/Role/Job:
Character Country/Province of Birth: New York, USA
Character Province of Residence: Santa Barbara, California, USA/Cayañar, Valenzuela, Carbania
Character Party Affiliation: Independent; lean PNPC, PPI
Faceclaim: Chris Sununu

Main Strengths: Thomas is a billionaire. He owns a conglomerate in Carbania and is a partner in an American venture capital, as well as being a major shareholder in various tech companies such as (Yelp), (Salesforce), and (PayPal). He also owns a mass media outlet in Carbania. Unlike many of the country's other business executives, Thomas kept a fairly low profile, refraining from controversial public appearances, and even founding a major charity in Carbania. He is also seen as a "success story" of Carbanians overseas, as he is a son of a Carbanian immigrant in the United States.

Main Weaknesses: He is the public enemy of Carbanian political left, due to two main reasons: his dual citizenship (Carbanian, United States) and the fact that Thomas owns a mass media company. He has even been subject to several assassination attempts from Carbanian communists.

Biography: Thomas Alexander "Tom" Ruiz Galworth was born in Syracuse, New York to parents Jefferson Ruiz Valdez, a banker, and Sophie Galworth, a psychiatrist. His father immigrated from Carbania to the United States in the 1950s; he was of Spanish (Canarian) descent, while his mother is of English and Italian descent. As a child, Tom Ruiz lived alternately in New York and Valenzuela, where most of his family resides. He went to high school in Syracuse, and ultimately attended University of California, Berkeley with a scholarship. Thomas has disclosed in several interviews that he "experienced forms of racism" due to his "name and heritage" when he was at school, though this is debated, since his father, despite being an immigrant, is classified as White and his family is considered of upper middle income. He graduated with a BA in Industrial Engineering and Operation Research, and BS in Business Administration from Berkeley, and started an internship with Intel, and later Microsoft.

He co-founded (X.com), an online bank that would later merge with another company to form (PayPal), a fintech that would become one of America's largest the following decade. Thomas sat on (PayPal)'s executive board until he resigned in 2003 to co-found (Tableau Software), which he and fellow co-founders later sold to Salesforce in exchange for a portion of their stocks, and (Yelp) in 2004, of which he maintained a significant share. He is also a partner at the (Founders Fund), a venture capital headquartered in San Francisco with investments in major American technological companies. Thomas maintained a low profile, tech billonaire persona, similar to contemporaries Marc Benioff or Larry Page; he refrained from Elon Musk-style bombastic media appearances and controversies. In addition to his venture capital and tech companies, Thomas invested in various investment and tech companies from Berkshire Hathaway to Amazon and Microsoft; as well as farmland in Oregon, Kansas, and Brazil, as well as multiple houses in California, New York, and Florida.

In 2017, just after the fall of the Carbanian dictatorship, Thomas moved into the country. He started Rio Negro Investments, LLC - a new, and the first venture capital in the country, named after a suburb of Cayañar. He then bought a major real estate company based in Puerto Plata. The company transformed into a conglomerate holding corporation after the purchase, and now holds multiple assets throughout the country; portfolio including real estate, retail, manufacturing, and most importantly - mass media. Thomas owns Mundovisión, the largest media company in Carbania, which operates four different TV stations (including the former national public broadcaster in the dictatorship era, which his company bought), two news outlets, and two radio franchises across the country. In the entertainment industry, Mundovisión runs numerous concert events, youth-oriented social media outlets, and entertainment events, including international franchises. Through Rio Negro, Thomas acquired a major, but nearly insolvent bank that he renamed Banco Rio Negro. It is now one of the largest banks in the country, with millions of customers in retail banking. Though not directly involved in politics, Thomas is a major political donor - mainly towards the PNPC and PPI - his foremost aim being expanding the Rio Negro conglomerate into all aspects of Carbanian business and life.

*(company) = real life company equivalent

Other Info: Married with three children; two lives in the United States

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: Dogutrakya

Do Not Remove: DRAFT123123

I give first acceptance, needs a second look

If this hasn't been given a second look, here it is! ACCEPTED

Billionaires are usually discouraged, but this guy has a real story behind it that's explained sensibly, so I like it.

[Madrinpoor]

Tag. This looks amazing.

Aww

Also, is there a working discord link for this? The one advertised does not work.

Yes, sorry. I'll fix it right up!

[Madrinpoor]

(Image)

sorry if the Spanish doesn't check out. I'm relying on google translate.

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Party Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Federal Republic of Countesia
Party Name: Partido Forwardista de Carbania (Forwardist Party of Carbania)
Preferred Party Acronym: FPC
Party Colors (specific): This One
Party Leader: (if one has not been apped for, write "N/A")
Position on Political Spectrum: Centre-Libertarian
Main Ideologies: Radical Centrism
Economic Policy:

• Employee centered capitalism
• Trade Unions
• Economic Interventionism
• Universal Income Support

Social Policy:

• Social Welfare
• Free Education
• Free Healthcare
• Drug Decriminalisation
• Tiered Immigration
• LGBT Rights

Climate Policy

• Carbon Tax
• Nuclear Energy
• Emission Regulations

Other Policy:

• Electoral reform

Other Info:

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Federal Republic of Countesia
Character Name: Ernesto De Sandoval
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 64
Character Date of Birth: April 9th, 1958.
Character Position/Role/Job: Chairman of the Partido Forwardista de Carbania
Character Country/Province of Birth: Carbania
Character Province of Residence: Bolívar y Carbán
Character Party Affiliation: Partido Forwardista de Carbania
Faceclaim: Danny Trejo
Main Strengths: Pragmatic, in touch with the common man, business savvy.
Main Weaknesses: His goals are considered too ambitious by many for a country of its size and wealth. Criticised by many as a pathological fence sitter due to his views.
Biography:

Ernesto De Sandovals childhood, by his own admission, was completely unremarkable. He was born on the 9th of April 1958 to banana farmers Maria De Sandoval and Pablo De Sandoval. The eighth and youngest child of the De Sandoval Family. As was typical to dirt poor farmers of the time, Ernesto did not attend school nor did he learn to read. From the moment he was able to walk, Ernesto tended to the farm with his sister and brothers for eight hours a day, machete in hand, harvesting crops, clearing weeds and keeping the local pests from swiping produce. On the few hours of his day that he was not expected to work the farm, he would often be found playing football with friends or exploring the wilderness.

Ernesto was three weeks short of his twentieth birthday when Marcelo Mendez usurped power in Carbenia. As a simple farmer who had never left a twenty mile radius of his community, he had little interaction with the local authorities, and was largely ignorant of the world beyond. This simplistic worldview of his would be shattered when his out of the way village found itself caught in the middle of an incredibly violent guerilla campaign between communist rebels and soldiers loyal to the Mendez Regime. His home had been transformed from a tight knit community into a police state almost overnight. Soldiers flooded the village, enforcing curfews, checkpoints and random searches at gunpoint. Many homes were raided under the pretext of searching for communist rebels. The surge of army activity in the area inevitably drew in the very communist fighters that the army had arrived to snuff out, leading to skirmishes being an almost daily occurrence in the surrounding countryside. The damage to the community was not just physical, as many residents took arms against the Mendez regime by siding with the communists, with others choosing to become informants for the army and local police.

By the time the communists had been driven out of the area, Ernesto had lost two brothers in the fighting as one had been spurred into joining the communist in response to what he perceived as an invasion of his home by tyrants. His other brother had died in a mass shooting perpetrated by the army. The surrounding farmland itself had been razed by the fighting, and many of the local populace lacked the funds to repair and reseed their homes, Ernesto's family being one of them. Those who had not already fled the fighting found themselves migrating towards the more urbanised areas of the country in look for work. This included Ernestos sole sister, and two of his still living brothers.

choosing to stay instead of relocating to the cities, Ernesto was desperate to find a new income for his parents who were growing too old to work. Although he was able to finds ome work as a harvester in the farms that were able to recover from the fighting, he struggled to provide for them. His hopelessness was cut short however, as he was suddenly hit by an idea after witnessing his employers lend farm equipment to less well off neighbours for cash. Alongside with the two brothers that had also stayed to look after his ailing parents, they were able to save up a sizeable sum of money over the course of a year. With their funds, they purchased dozens of various agricultural tools and began renting them out to neighbours for fixed periods. Taking advantage of this niche in the local economy, their small business grew exponentially, and within the year Ernesto and his brothers had hundreds of clients and a considerable cash flow. They took this opportunity to finally get an education, and learnt to read to help support their business. Within five years they had made their first 500,000 sucres.

In the next thirty years, their local business had expanded outright to become a massive operation with several warehouses across Bolívar y Carbán and Camparroz, leasing out tools and tractors to farmers which had become a more cost effective method as opposed to buying them outright. As the youngest brother, Ernesto was the sole founder still in the business. All three of his brothers had retired with their own fortunes. By this point their venture more or less ran itself. Ernesto had found himself with more free time than he knew what to do with. With the death of Marcelo Mandez in 2016 and the subsequent promise to hold free and fair elections, Ernesto took the leap into politics. The traumatic events of his early adult years had left him with an extreme dislike of the far right junta that had invaded his home, with an equal level of disdain towards the communists that turned it into a battleground. This led Ernesto to found the Partido Forwardista de Carbania, a strictly centrist and politically moderate party that would have pragmatic and logical solutions towards the issues his country faced, instead of the solutions fuelled by fear and emotion that tore his home apart.
Other Info:

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: Countesia.

Do Not Remove: DRAFT123123

#123Finished

Forwardista is a bit funny, but I'm not here to critique Google Translate (if you want me to, I can help!)

Before I give the party a formal review, I want to strongly encourage you check out one of the other four billion centrist parties already. That way, chances are you won't steal other peoples' votes as much and they won't steal yours.

For the character, the dictatorship started exactly fifty years ago this year (2022) so he would be 14 when it happened, not 20.