Nation in Turmoil - A LatAm Political RPm (OOC - Open!)

[Dentali]

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([url=<Photo%20of%20Applicant%20Here>]Image[/url])

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Dentali
Character Name: Alejandro de la Vega
Character Gender: M
Character Age: 58
Character Date of Birth: May 2nd, 1965
Character Position/Role/Job: MP
Character Country/Province of Birth: Tres Rios
Character Province of Residence: Valenzuela
Character Party Affiliation: PLP
Faceclaim: Iván Duque
Main Strengths: Extensive Business and political ties outside the country, Independently wealthy,
Main Weaknesses: Spent most of life outside country
Biography: (Minimum 2-3 paragraphs)

Born to a middle class family in 1965 his father was a friend and ally to the future dictator Marcelo Mandes and was in his circle of close confidants during the 1972 coup for which he was rewarded with a Deputy Minister of Defense position. Alejandro and his siblings were afforded the best education in the country. When he turned 18 he left the country to attend Harvard Business School, rubbing shoulders with the future business leaders of the world.

His father’s connections, his own business acumen and his newfound friends in the ivy league enabled him to secure a position at JP Morgan in 1988. By 1990 Alejandro had returned to Carbania managing assets of Morgan in the country and in South America more generally. In 1997 the senior de la Vega refused to order his troops to fire on the striking unions, believing they would be able to successfully topple the Government. When the strike failed the De la Vega family fled the country, though a little over half of them were captured and imprisoned, or outright executed.

Alejandro’s connections in the country were his most valuable assets at Morgan, which by ‘97 had made him a millionaire multiple times over, now he was not only significantly diminished as a corporate asset but was an active detriment. Alejandro negotiated with JP and split amicably, and with a generous payout.

He used this wealth and business acumen to found “Vega Consulting & Management”, a global consulting firm, in 1999. The firm became a global success, specializing in countries that had recently emerged from the Iron Curtain. Emerging businesses in Estonia, Latvia, Lithuanian, Hungary, Poland and other similar nations hired the company which helped set up companies throughout Europe and indirectly influenced policy.

De Vega however did not forget his home country and would use his financial power to encourage nations to put international pressure on the murderous regime. Throughout the 2000s he held countless fundraisers with the Carbanian diaspora, gathering financial, political, and moral support. He has also been accused of funding pro-democracy groups in Carbania which were actively combating the dictator, though such accusations were never fully proven.

In 2012, De Vega took early retirement from his Consulting group and focused full time on advocacy, meeting with influential people in the financial, political and entertainment world, rubbing shoulders with Cuban exiles and the Dalai Lama. After the death of the Dictator in 2016, De Vega made a full court press advocating for Democracy, and would soon return from his exile as the tides turned.

In 2018 he formally joined the Party for Freedom and Progress (Partido de Libertad y Progresa) political party, helping fund them and get them off the ground and getting himself elected as an MP and the leader of the party in the legislature.

Other Info: wife and 4 children, oldest daughter now runs the consulting firm.

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: Dentali

Do Not Remove: DRAFT123123

[Tehrangeles]

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([url=<Photo%20of%20Applicant%20Here>]Image[/url])

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Dentali
Character Name: Alejandro de la Vega
Character Gender: M
Character Age: 58
Character Date of Birth: May 2nd, 1965
Character Position/Role/Job: MP
Character Country/Province of Birth: Tres Rios
Character Province of Residence: Valenzuela
Character Party Affiliation: PLP
Faceclaim: Iván Duque
Main Strengths: Extensive Business and political ties outside the country, Independently wealthy,
Main Weaknesses: Spent most of life outside country
Biography: (Minimum 2-3 paragraphs)

Born to a middle class family in 1965 his father was a friend and ally to the future dictator Marcelo Mandes and was in his circle of close confidants during the 1972 coup for which he was rewarded with a Deputy Minister of Defense position. Alejandro and his siblings were afforded the best education in the country. When he turned 18 he left the country to attend Harvard Business School, rubbing shoulders with the future business leaders of the world.

His father’s connections, his own business acumen and his newfound friends in the ivy league enabled him to secure a position at JP Morgan in 1988. By 1990 Alejandro had returned to Carbania managing assets of Morgan in the country and in South America more generally. In 1997 the senior de la Vega refused to order his troops to fire on the striking unions, believing they would be able to successfully topple the Government. When the strike failed the De la Vega family fled the country, though a little over half of them were captured and imprisoned, or outright executed.

Alejandro’s connections in the country were his most valuable assets at Morgan, which by ‘97 had made him a millionaire multiple times over, now he was not only significantly diminished as a corporate asset but was an active detriment. Alejandro negotiated with JP and split amicably, and with a generous payout.

He used this wealth and business acumen to found “Vega Consulting & Management”, a global consulting firm, in 1999. The firm became a global success, specializing in countries that had recently emerged from the Iron Curtain. Emerging businesses in Estonia, Latvia, Lithuanian, Hungary, Poland and other similar nations hired the company which helped set up companies throughout Europe and indirectly influenced policy.

De Vega however did not forget his home country and would use his financial power to encourage nations to put international pressure on the murderous regime. Throughout the 2000s he held countless fundraisers with the Carbanian diaspora, gathering financial, political, and moral support. He has also been accused of funding pro-democracy groups in Carbania which were actively combating the dictator, though such accusations were never fully proven.

In 2012, De Vega took early retirement from his Consulting group and focused full time on advocacy, meeting with influential people in the financial, political and entertainment world, rubbing shoulders with Cuban exiles and the Dalai Lama. After the death of the Dictator in 2016, De Vega made a full court press advocating for Democracy, and would soon return from his exile as the tides turned.

In 2018 he formally joined the Party for Freedom and Progress (Partido de Libertad y Progresa) political party, helping fund them and get them off the ground and getting himself elected as an MP and the leader of the party in the legislature.

Other Info: wife and 4 children, oldest daughter now runs the consulting firm.

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: Dentali

Do Not Remove: DRAFT123123

He couldn’t be elected as MP

[Jovuistan]

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([url=<Photo%20of%20Applicant%20Here>]Image[/url])

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Dentali
Character Name: Alejandro de la Vega
Character Gender: M
Character Age: 58
Character Date of Birth: May 2nd, 1965
Character Position/Role/Job: MP
Character Country/Province of Birth: Tres Rios
Character Province of Residence: Valenzuela
Character Party Affiliation: PLP
Faceclaim: Iván Duque
Main Strengths: Extensive Business and political ties outside the country, Independently wealthy,
Main Weaknesses: Spent most of life outside country
Biography: (Minimum 2-3 paragraphs)

Born to a middle class family in 1965 his father was a friend and ally to the future dictator Marcelo Mandes and was in his circle of close confidants during the 1972 coup for which he was rewarded with a Deputy Minister of Defense position. Alejandro and his siblings were afforded the best education in the country. When he turned 18 he left the country to attend Harvard Business School, rubbing shoulders with the future business leaders of the world.

His father’s connections, his own business acumen and his newfound friends in the ivy league enabled him to secure a position at JP Morgan in 1988. By 1990 Alejandro had returned to Carbania managing assets of Morgan in the country and in South America more generally. In 1997 the senior de la Vega refused to order his troops to fire on the striking unions, believing they would be able to successfully topple the Government. When the strike failed the De la Vega family fled the country, though a little over half of them were captured and imprisoned, or outright executed.

Alejandro’s connections in the country were his most valuable assets at Morgan, which by ‘97 had made him a millionaire multiple times over, now he was not only significantly diminished as a corporate asset but was an active detriment. Alejandro negotiated with JP and split amicably, and with a generous payout.

He used this wealth and business acumen to found “Vega Consulting & Management”, a global consulting firm, in 1999. The firm became a global success, specializing in countries that had recently emerged from the Iron Curtain. Emerging businesses in Estonia, Latvia, Lithuanian, Hungary, Poland and other similar nations hired the company which helped set up companies throughout Europe and indirectly influenced policy.

De Vega however did not forget his home country and would use his financial power to encourage nations to put international pressure on the murderous regime. Throughout the 2000s he held countless fundraisers with the Carbanian diaspora, gathering financial, political, and moral support. He has also been accused of funding pro-democracy groups in Carbania which were actively combating the dictator, though such accusations were never fully proven.

In 2012, De Vega took early retirement from his Consulting group and focused full time on advocacy, meeting with influential people in the financial, political and entertainment world, rubbing shoulders with Cuban exiles and the Dalai Lama. After the death of the Dictator in 2016, De Vega made a full court press advocating for Democracy, and would soon return from his exile as the tides turned.

In 2018 he formally joined the Party for Freedom and Progress (Partido de Libertad y Progresa) political party, helping fund them and get them off the ground and getting himself elected as an MP and the leader of the party in the legislature.

Other Info: wife and 4 children, oldest daughter now runs the consulting firm.

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: Dentali

Do Not Remove: DRAFT123123

Elections to parliament have not happened yet. These will be the first elections.

[Tehrangeles]

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([url=https://i.ibb.co/7JwgM03/image.png]Image)[/url]

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: The Sarangtus Lands
Character Name: Alca Mallama Huaman (more commonly known as El Cantor del Granjero Rojo ("The Red Farmer's Singer" for his speaking style and often loud and rowdy speeches) or Commandante del Pueblo Atahualpa, as was his nom de guerre during the resistance)
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 75
Character Date of Birth: 5th of September 1947
Character Position/Role/Job: Chairman of the Young Socialists of Carbania (1967 - 1972), Prisoner (1972 - 1976 , 1984 - 1986, 1998 - 1999), Chairman of the Agricultural Syndicates of Carbania (1976 - 1984, 1986 - 1993), Chairman of the Carbanian Workers' Confederation (1993 - 1998, 1999-)
Character Country/Province of Birth: Camparroz
Character Province of Residence: Camparroz
Character Party Affiliation: Socialist Party of Carbania (1967 - 1976), Free Socialist Party of Carbania (1976 - 1991), People's Liberation Movement (1991-)
Faceclaim: Lenin Moreno
Main Strengths: Icon of the resistance, strong links to the pre-dictatorship revolution, quite charismatic, strong organiser, conscientious, free of personal scandals, loved by the working class, has resisted many assassination attempts, in reasonably good health thanks to taking care of himself, has a significant amount of power over the MPL
Main Weaknesses: Loathed by anyone who is even remotely pro-dictatorship, seen as a liberal by those to his left and a communist by those to his right, perhaps a bit militant for the centre, disliked by the middle class for often being a bit rough, quite aggressive and can get sweary at times, prone to obsession and paranoia, has suffered significant injuries before and is limited in campaigning due to this, hated by every major superpower and by corporate leaders.
Biography: Born to a rice farmer and to a primary school teacher, Huaman grew up in the worst of the worst conditions, having been put to work at a very young age, growing up illiterate and hungry. However, his mother's political activism spurned him on, and she taught him how to read in her own time, as Huaman was unable to go to school due to the nearest indigenous school being too far away and mostly spent his time in the fields. After being taught how to read, he mostly was unable to do much with this, however his mother, being a member of the local Socialist Party organisation, was able to fetch him some books when he was 14-16, and he started getting into reading Marx, Luxemburg, Lenin and others.

He got into political activism early, using his limited free time to attend local Socialist Party meetings and became a member of the Young Socialists of Carbania, first being elected chair of the local Young Socialists of Carbania chapter at 18. He focused on organising young people, using them to push the message and bringing energy to the organisation. [President Overthrown By The Dictatorship] saw this, and, seeing Huaman's 'bright light', or alternatively, more cynically, seeking to win the indigenous vote and continue shifting the party to the left. He took him on as a protege, pushing him to victory in the election as he was able to woo and charm his way to victory, while being assisted by the left flank of the party which was on the ascendancy.

After being assisted up, he spent his side of the party's budget on activism and outreach, hoping to build a youth army to campaign in the essential 1970 election. As an ex officio member of the National Executive Committee, while previously their seat was seen as merely honourary, he proved himself more than that, charging ahead with the left flank of the party's concerns, and assisting {President Overthrown By The Dictatorship] in the 1969 leadership election after the stepping down of the moderate leader. The two had a reasonably close relationship, with Huaman being asked by [President Overthrown By The Dictatorship] to draft strategies on youth and rural outreach, which he did with skill, helping [President Overthrown By The Dictatorship] win the 1970 election through a strong youth turnout.

Huaman cheered [President Overthrown By The Dictatorship]'s victory, declaring him a champion for the poor and making supportive radio speeches in favour of him. He was seen as a rising star of the left of the party, as he continued his activism and challenged internal opponents of the President. Many were whispering about whether he would run for the Assembly in 1974, and perhaps may even become President or Prime Minister of the country in the 1980s. He did think about it, though historians are unsure about whether he would've actually run in 1974 or not based off writings at the time.

But that didn't matter in the end.

It was the crack of dawn on an oddly warm autumn day. Huaman had woke up early as usual, sifting through documents. It was just another day, right? He cleaned out his desk, did a bit of tidying, when suddenly he saw something rather odd in the horizon. He picked up his binoculars and took a look. He saw columns of men marching in the horizon. Tanks, even. He could feel a sense of unease, and considered calling the Minister of Defence. But he didn't.

And that was a great mistake. He stepped down, had his coffee, read the local newspaper, and of course the Carbania-wide socialist magazine by the party. He then heard a bang. Then another bang. He decided to go back up. He ran up the stairs, and saw the tanks and the men. They were firing on the city. Huaman knew what was coming. He knew the time for action was now. He called the Minister of Defence. He called the Prime Minister. He called the President.

But they were unable to do anything now.

Huaman picked up the phone and decided he needed to fight. He picked up his AK-47, and then rung the city chair of the Young Socialists of Carbania. The chair nodded and followed his instructions, sending them off to the various people within the city, as an announcement had been made by radio by the Minister of Defence.

"Intichiquan is now in a state of emergency."

The coup was underway. Huaman managed to release a final message - before the military had noticed what was going on and cut the lines - calling on the people of the country to resist the impending military coup, along with a special transmission from the office of the President.

But any help that would come was too late, he knew. He picked up his gun, gathered with his comrades, and began the fight to defend the city. They shot at officers, the officers shot back. It was mayhem. It was madness. Many of the men he knew that day died, along with his closest friend. But nevertheless, he carried on. Firing, and firing, and firing, until a bullet hit him in the backside. He fell to the ground, as he was apprehended by the security forces.

He lived in the most maximum of maximum securtiy for four years, being regularly beaten with sticks, waterboarded and tortured through a hundred other ways possible. It was said that the experience turned Huaman from a sprightly young man to a man who had the personality of someone three times his age. But nonetheless, he was able to break out. How? Well, the KGB had decided to do a plan. They knew that most of the political prisoners - or at least the most important ones - were being kept there, and so they decided to infiltrate the prison and start a riot on purpose, hoping people would escape, especially the Marxist-Leninist academic who they believed would be the vanguard of the new revolution.

The academic was killed, but Huaman had been able to escape, as the chaos let him leave, though he did face stiff resistance from one security guard who was promptly kicked in the head. After walking out, he fled back to his home state, and came home to find out his mother died in the resistance to the coup which was easily put down by the dictatorship. Still determined, he decided to get the gang back together and form the Agricultural Syndicates of Carbania, hoping to unite the farm workers. However, a split had formed among the remaining socialists. The moderates went off to form the Social Democratic Party of Carbania, while the left flank went off to form the Free Socialist Party of Carbania. As expected, Huaman joined the Free Socialist Party of Carbania.

He began organising and he began agitating, expanding his network across the entirety of rural Carbania. He did much valuable work, and spearheaded the non-violent resistance to the regime, often blocking roads and holding illegal protests, causing non-violent disruption across the entire country constantly through the tactical, flexible deployment of his forces. He was seen as one of the great enemies of the regime, and became known in international leftist circles as a hero. There were over 43 assassination attempts by the regime on his life, and while many of them were stopped in their tracks - though they turned Huaman increasingly paranoid - one particularly good attempt saw him shot in the spine, being stuck to a wheelchair for life in 2001.

However, he had two particularly interesting manouevres, both of which landed him in prison. The first one was in 1984, when he, as leader of the agricultural workers, got directly involved in a dispute between an employer and some farm workers, leading to the farm workers seizing the farm and then arming themselves in defence. This was known as the Garetta Standoff, and Huaman was personally in attendance, making a speech calling for the government to back the farm workers, though obviously they did not. Nearby farms also saw similar rebellions, as a large tract of land had been seized in the name of the workers. The standoff lasted for a few months, as first the farmers were able to resist police officers, but then the army was sent in, leading to a massive bloodbath as the farm workers fought back, with Huaman joining in on horseback. He was then captured by a member of the military force, being beaten and tied up in a bag.

After his harrowing experience, he decided to go on hunger strike, which attracted some international attention to the Carbanian situation, though support for Huaman was mostly limited to left-wing activists. During this time, he was force fed through a rectal tube, designed to pacify him. However, deliverance was to come soon, as a sympathetic guard had allowed him to sneak off in the night. The guard, he later found out, was executed via military trial.

He took a bit of time to recoup himself and to heal his wounds, then got back into the fight. He continued to organise the workers, increasing the numbers against the dictatorship and convincing the leader of the Free Socialist Party of Carbania to agree to dissolve and form into the MPL. After doing so, he consolidated the various trade unions to form the Carbanian Workers' Confederation, integrating it as an official part of the MPL, and where it got a significant amount of its funding. With the fall of the Soviet Union, he recalculated the political odds and saw this as an opportunity for

After this, he continued his agitation, this time pulling off his second manouevre. With the support of other forces, he organised his people and began a general strike known as the November Days, held on the 80th anniversary of the October Revolution. The general strike caused massive chaos, as the Carbanian economy was slammed into recession. Inflation began to hit, and the dictator knew that his days were possibly numbered. He imposed martial law, which did not stop the strikers, as they occupied the Assembly and attempted to capture the President but failed.

While the insurrection was mostly contained in the capital, it also gave other groups such as the MPL and the CPC the opportunity to advance. The insurrection took a few weeks to put down, as it was unable to rise into full revolution due to Huaman simply having misjudged the national mood. He was put in prison once again, and fired off another hunger strike, ready to become a martyr for the people. Protests continued demanding his release, and the dictator realised that the mood was still so angry that executing him or simply leaving him to starve would cause absolute chaos. The dictator, after being convinced by reformist advisors, decided to release him in order to prevent a national and/or international scandal, as there was some coverage of it for a week or so on Western media and for far longer in Eastern media.

He returned to leadership, seeking to tend to his health and make sure he was alright. He continued disrupting the dictatorship, gnawing it down over time, while a member of the Workers' Confederation killed the Deputy Prime Minister - without having been ordered to do so by Huaman - in a botched attempt to kill the Prime Minister and President, causing further crackdowns. Huaman was shot in the spine in his own assassination attempt in 2001, but miraclously survived thanks to the good work of a doctor. The dictatorship would make further attempts on his life, but to no avail.

In 2017, he thought "Why not, let's go at it a third time." and decided to order yet another general strike. This time, seeing the state of the country, more workers listened to him, as he issued his list of demands, which the successors to the dictator accepted in part, as he bargained an agreement to end the strike. His union now exists legally, and he exists as the leader of a significant left bloc in the MPL, and stands as an outspoken leader of the left in Carbania.
Other Info: Has written many books, releasing his diaries during prison as well, along with books on political theory. Had a wife and a son, but both were killed by the dictatorship in a failed assassination attempt in 1996.

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: The Sarangtus Lands

Do Not Remove: DRAFT123123

Either tone down the extent of his abuse or tone down his heroic ventures- not sure how he’s sneaking around in the night, escaping prison, fighting in standoffs with the regime, riding horses etc after being confined to a wheelchair, shot multiple times, beaten incessantly, etc. Also I don’t think there should be so many protests and general strikes under the dictatorship, given the grip of the regime. What do other admins think?

[Jovuistan]

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([url=https://i.ibb.co/7JwgM03/image.png]Image)[/url]

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: The Sarangtus Lands
Character Name: Alca Mallama Huaman (more commonly known as El Cantor del Granjero Rojo ("The Red Farmer's Singer" for his speaking style and often loud and rowdy speeches) or Commandante del Pueblo Atahualpa, as was his nom de guerre during the resistance)
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 75
Character Date of Birth: 5th of September 1947
Character Position/Role/Job: Chairman of the Young Socialists of Carbania (1967 - 1972), Prisoner (1972 - 1976 , 1984 - 1986, 1998 - 1999), Chairman of the Agricultural Syndicates of Carbania (1976 - 1984, 1986 - 1993), Chairman of the Carbanian Workers' Confederation (1993 - 1998, 1999-)
Character Country/Province of Birth: Camparroz
Character Province of Residence: Camparroz
Character Party Affiliation: Socialist Party of Carbania (1967 - 1976), Free Socialist Party of Carbania (1976 - 1991), People's Liberation Movement (1991-)
Faceclaim: Lenin Moreno
Main Strengths: Icon of the resistance, strong links to the pre-dictatorship revolution, quite charismatic, strong organiser, conscientious, free of personal scandals, loved by the working class, has resisted many assassination attempts, in reasonably good health thanks to taking care of himself, has a significant amount of power over the MPL
Main Weaknesses: Loathed by anyone who is even remotely pro-dictatorship, seen as a liberal by those to his left and a communist by those to his right, perhaps a bit militant for the centre, disliked by the middle class for often being a bit rough, quite aggressive and can get sweary at times, prone to obsession and paranoia, has suffered significant injuries before and is limited in campaigning due to this, hated by every major superpower and by corporate leaders.
Biography: Born to a rice farmer and to a primary school teacher, Huaman grew up in the worst of the worst conditions, having been put to work at a very young age, growing up illiterate and hungry. However, his mother's political activism spurned him on, and she taught him how to read in her own time, as Huaman was unable to go to school due to the nearest indigenous school being too far away and mostly spent his time in the fields. After being taught how to read, he mostly was unable to do much with this, however his mother, being a member of the local Socialist Party organisation, was able to fetch him some books when he was 14-16, and he started getting into reading Marx, Luxemburg, Lenin and others.

He got into political activism early, using his limited free time to attend local Socialist Party meetings and became a member of the Young Socialists of Carbania, first being elected chair of the local Young Socialists of Carbania chapter at 18. He focused on organising young people, using them to push the message and bringing energy to the organisation. [President Overthrown By The Dictatorship] saw this, and, seeing Huaman's 'bright light', or alternatively, more cynically, seeking to win the indigenous vote and continue shifting the party to the left. He took him on as a protege, pushing him to victory in the election as he was able to woo and charm his way to victory, while being assisted by the left flank of the party which was on the ascendancy.

After being assisted up, he spent his side of the party's budget on activism and outreach, hoping to build a youth army to campaign in the essential 1970 election. As an ex officio member of the National Executive Committee, while previously their seat was seen as merely honourary, he proved himself more than that, charging ahead with the left flank of the party's concerns, and assisting {President Overthrown By The Dictatorship] in the 1969 leadership election after the stepping down of the moderate leader. The two had a reasonably close relationship, with Huaman being asked by [President Overthrown By The Dictatorship] to draft strategies on youth and rural outreach, which he did with skill, helping [President Overthrown By The Dictatorship] win the 1970 election through a strong youth turnout.

Huaman cheered [President Overthrown By The Dictatorship]'s victory, declaring him a champion for the poor and making supportive radio speeches in favour of him. He was seen as a rising star of the left of the party, as he continued his activism and challenged internal opponents of the President. Many were whispering about whether he would run for the Assembly in 1974, and perhaps may even become President or Prime Minister of the country in the 1980s. He did think about it, though historians are unsure about whether he would've actually run in 1974 or not based off writings at the time.

But that didn't matter in the end.

It was the crack of dawn on an oddly warm autumn day. Huaman had woke up early as usual, sifting through documents. It was just another day, right? He cleaned out his desk, did a bit of tidying, when suddenly he saw something rather odd in the horizon. He picked up his binoculars and took a look. He saw columns of men marching in the horizon. Tanks, even. He could feel a sense of unease, and considered calling the Minister of Defence. But he didn't.

And that was a great mistake. He stepped down, had his coffee, read the local newspaper, and of course the Carbania-wide socialist magazine by the party. He then heard a bang. Then another bang. He decided to go back up. He ran up the stairs, and saw the tanks and the men. They were firing on the city. Huaman knew what was coming. He knew the time for action was now. He called the Minister of Defence. He called the Prime Minister. He called the President.

But they were unable to do anything now.

Huaman picked up the phone and decided he needed to fight. He picked up his AK-47, and then rung the city chair of the Young Socialists of Carbania. The chair nodded and followed his instructions, sending them off to the various people within the city, as an announcement had been made by radio by the Minister of Defence.

"Intichiquan is now in a state of emergency."

The coup was underway. Huaman managed to release a final message - before the military had noticed what was going on and cut the lines - calling on the people of the country to resist the impending military coup, along with a special transmission from the office of the President.

But any help that would come was too late, he knew. He picked up his gun, gathered with his comrades, and began the fight to defend the city. They shot at officers, the officers shot back. It was mayhem. It was madness. Many of the men he knew that day died, along with his closest friend. But nevertheless, he carried on. Firing, and firing, and firing, until a bullet hit him in the backside. He fell to the ground, as he was apprehended by the security forces.

He lived in the most maximum of maximum securtiy for four years, being regularly beaten with sticks, waterboarded and tortured through a hundred other ways possible. It was said that the experience turned Huaman from a sprightly young man to a man who had the personality of someone three times his age. But nonetheless, he was able to break out. How? Well, the KGB had decided to do a plan. They knew that most of the political prisoners - or at least the most important ones - were being kept there, and so they decided to infiltrate the prison and start a riot on purpose, hoping people would escape, especially the Marxist-Leninist academic who they believed would be the vanguard of the new revolution.

The academic was killed, but Huaman had been able to escape, as the chaos let him leave, though he did face stiff resistance from one security guard who was promptly kicked in the head. After walking out, he fled back to his home state, and came home to find out his mother died in the resistance to the coup which was easily put down by the dictatorship. Still determined, he decided to get the gang back together and form the Agricultural Syndicates of Carbania, hoping to unite the farm workers. However, a split had formed among the remaining socialists. The moderates went off to form the Social Democratic Party of Carbania, while the left flank went off to form the Free Socialist Party of Carbania. As expected, Huaman joined the Free Socialist Party of Carbania.

He began organising and he began agitating, expanding his network across the entirety of rural Carbania. He did much valuable work, and spearheaded the non-violent resistance to the regime, often blocking roads and holding illegal protests, causing non-violent disruption across the entire country constantly through the tactical, flexible deployment of his forces. He was seen as one of the great enemies of the regime, and became known in international leftist circles as a hero. There were over 43 assassination attempts by the regime on his life, and while many of them were stopped in their tracks - though they turned Huaman increasingly paranoid - one particularly good attempt saw him shot in the spine, being stuck to a wheelchair for life in 2001.

However, he had two particularly interesting manouevres, both of which landed him in prison. The first one was in 1984, when he, as leader of the agricultural workers, got directly involved in a dispute between an employer and some farm workers, leading to the farm workers seizing the farm and then arming themselves in defence. This was known as the Garetta Standoff, and Huaman was personally in attendance, making a speech calling for the government to back the farm workers, though obviously they did not. Nearby farms also saw similar rebellions, as a large tract of land had been seized in the name of the workers. The standoff lasted for a few months, as first the farmers were able to resist police officers, but then the army was sent in, leading to a massive bloodbath as the farm workers fought back, with Huaman joining in on horseback. He was then captured by a member of the military force, being beaten and tied up in a bag.

After his harrowing experience, he decided to go on hunger strike, which attracted some international attention to the Carbanian situation, though support for Huaman was mostly limited to left-wing activists. During this time, he was force fed through a rectal tube, designed to pacify him. However, deliverance was to come soon, as a sympathetic guard had allowed him to sneak off in the night. The guard, he later found out, was executed via military trial.

He took a bit of time to recoup himself and to heal his wounds, then got back into the fight. He continued to organise the workers, increasing the numbers against the dictatorship and convincing the leader of the Free Socialist Party of Carbania to agree to dissolve and form into the MPL. After doing so, he consolidated the various trade unions to form the Carbanian Workers' Confederation, integrating it as an official part of the MPL, and where it got a significant amount of its funding. With the fall of the Soviet Union, he recalculated the political odds and saw this as an opportunity for

After this, he continued his agitation, this time pulling off his second manouevre. With the support of other forces, he organised his people and began a general strike known as the November Days, held on the 80th anniversary of the October Revolution. The general strike caused massive chaos, as the Carbanian economy was slammed into recession. Inflation began to hit, and the dictator knew that his days were possibly numbered. He imposed martial law, which did not stop the strikers, as they occupied the Assembly and attempted to capture the President but failed.

While the insurrection was mostly contained in the capital, it also gave other groups such as the MPL and the CPC the opportunity to advance. The insurrection took a few weeks to put down, as it was unable to rise into full revolution due to Huaman simply having misjudged the national mood. He was put in prison once again, and fired off another hunger strike, ready to become a martyr for the people. Protests continued demanding his release, and the dictator realised that the mood was still so angry that executing him or simply leaving him to starve would cause absolute chaos. The dictator, after being convinced by reformist advisors, decided to release him in order to prevent a national and/or international scandal, as there was some coverage of it for a week or so on Western media and for far longer in Eastern media.

He returned to leadership, seeking to tend to his health and make sure he was alright. He continued disrupting the dictatorship, gnawing it down over time, while a member of the Workers' Confederation killed the Deputy Prime Minister - without having been ordered to do so by Huaman - in a botched attempt to kill the Prime Minister and President, causing further crackdowns. Huaman was shot in the spine in his own assassination attempt in 2001, but miraclously survived thanks to the good work of a doctor. The dictatorship would make further attempts on his life, but to no avail.

In 2017, he thought "Why not, let's go at it a third time." and decided to order yet another general strike. This time, seeing the state of the country, more workers listened to him, as he issued his list of demands, which the successors to the dictator accepted in part, as he bargained an agreement to end the strike. His union now exists legally, and he exists as the leader of a significant left bloc in the MPL, and stands as an outspoken leader of the left in Carbania.
Other Info: Has written many books, releasing his diaries during prison as well, along with books on political theory. Had a wife and a son, but both were killed by the dictatorship in a failed assassination attempt in 1996.

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: The Sarangtus Lands

Do Not Remove: DRAFT123123

Either tone down the extent of his abuse or tone down his heroic ventures- not sure how he’s sneaking around in the night, escaping prison, fighting in standoffs with the regime, riding horses etc after being confined to a wheelchair, shot multiple times, beaten incessantly, etc. Also I don’t think there should be so many protests and general strikes under the dictatorship, given the grip of the regime. What do other admins think?

I agree with you on that.

[Tehrangeles]

Either tone down the extent of his abuse or tone down his heroic ventures- not sure how he’s sneaking around in the night, escaping prison, fighting in standoffs with the regime, riding horses etc after being confined to a wheelchair, shot multiple times, beaten incessantly, etc. Also I don’t think there should be so many protests and general strikes under the dictatorship, given the grip of the regime. What do other admins think?

I agree with you on that.

Yeah. Some of the stuff like storming the parliament is probably impossible. I’m amazed this guy wasn’t just killed one of the times they captured him, or that he wasn’t exiled from the country.

[The Sarangtus Lands]

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([url=https://i.ibb.co/7JwgM03/image.png]Image)[/url]

---

Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: The Sarangtus Lands
Character Name: Alca Mallama Huaman (more commonly known as El Cantor del Granjero Rojo ("The Red Farmer's Singer" for his speaking style and often loud and rowdy speeches) or Commandante del Pueblo Atahualpa, as was his nom de guerre during the resistance)
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 75
Character Date of Birth: 5th of September 1947
Character Position/Role/Job: Chairman of the Young Socialists of Carbania (1967 - 1972), Prisoner (1972 - 1976 , 1984 - 1986, 1998 - 1999), Chairman of the Agricultural Syndicates of Carbania (1976 - 1984, 1986 - 1993), Chairman of the Carbanian Workers' Confederation (1993 - 1998, 1999-)
Character Country/Province of Birth: Camparroz
Character Province of Residence: Camparroz
Character Party Affiliation: Socialist Party of Carbania (1967 - 1976), Free Socialist Party of Carbania (1976 - 1991), People's Liberation Movement (1991-)
Faceclaim: Lenin Moreno
Main Strengths: Icon of the resistance, strong links to the pre-dictatorship revolution, quite charismatic, strong organiser, conscientious, free of personal scandals, loved by the working class, has resisted many assassination attempts, in reasonably good health thanks to taking care of himself, has a significant amount of power over the MPL
Main Weaknesses: Loathed by anyone who is even remotely pro-dictatorship, seen as a liberal by those to his left and a communist by those to his right, perhaps a bit militant for the centre, disliked by the middle class for often being a bit rough, quite aggressive and can get sweary at times, prone to obsession and paranoia, has suffered significant injuries before and is limited in campaigning due to this, hated by every major superpower and by corporate leaders.
Biography: Born to a rice farmer and to a primary school teacher, Huaman grew up in the worst of the worst conditions, having been put to work at a very young age, growing up illiterate and hungry. However, his mother's political activism spurned him on, and she taught him how to read in her own time, as Huaman was unable to go to school due to the nearest indigenous school being too far away and mostly spent his time in the fields. After being taught how to read, he mostly was unable to do much with this, however his mother, being a member of the local Socialist Party organisation, was able to fetch him some books when he was 14-16, and he started getting into reading Marx, Luxemburg, Lenin and others.

He got into political activism early, using his limited free time to attend local Socialist Party meetings and became a member of the Young Socialists of Carbania, first being elected chair of the local Young Socialists of Carbania chapter at 18. He focused on organising young people, using them to push the message and bringing energy to the organisation. [President Overthrown By The Dictatorship] saw this, and, seeing Huaman's 'bright light', or alternatively, more cynically, seeking to win the indigenous vote and continue shifting the party to the left. He took him on as a protege, pushing him to victory in the election as he was able to woo and charm his way to victory, while being assisted by the left flank of the party which was on the ascendancy.

After being assisted up, he spent his side of the party's budget on activism and outreach, hoping to build a youth army to campaign in the essential 1970 election. As an ex officio member of the National Executive Committee, while previously their seat was seen as merely honourary, he proved himself more than that, charging ahead with the left flank of the party's concerns, and assisting {President Overthrown By The Dictatorship] in the 1969 leadership election after the stepping down of the moderate leader. The two had a reasonably close relationship, with Huaman being asked by [President Overthrown By The Dictatorship] to draft strategies on youth and rural outreach, which he did with skill, helping [President Overthrown By The Dictatorship] win the 1970 election through a strong youth turnout.

Huaman cheered [President Overthrown By The Dictatorship]'s victory, declaring him a champion for the poor and making supportive radio speeches in favour of him. He was seen as a rising star of the left of the party, as he continued his activism and challenged internal opponents of the President. Many were whispering about whether he would run for the Assembly in 1974, and perhaps may even become President or Prime Minister of the country in the 1980s. He did think about it, though historians are unsure about whether he would've actually run in 1974 or not based off writings at the time.

But that didn't matter in the end.

It was the crack of dawn on an oddly warm autumn day. Huaman had woke up early as usual, sifting through documents. It was just another day, right? He cleaned out his desk, did a bit of tidying, when suddenly he saw something rather odd in the horizon. He picked up his binoculars and took a look. He saw columns of men marching in the horizon. Tanks, even. He could feel a sense of unease, and considered calling the Minister of Defence. But he didn't.

And that was a great mistake. He stepped down, had his coffee, read the local newspaper, and of course the Carbania-wide socialist magazine by the party. He then heard a bang. Then another bang. He decided to go back up. He ran up the stairs, and saw the tanks and the men. They were firing on the city. Huaman knew what was coming. He knew the time for action was now. He called the Minister of Defence. He called the Prime Minister. He called the President.

But they were unable to do anything now.

Huaman picked up the phone and decided he needed to fight. He picked up his AK-47, and then rung the city chair of the Young Socialists of Carbania. The chair nodded and followed his instructions, sending them off to the various people within the city, as an announcement had been made by radio by the Minister of Defence.

"Intichiquan is now in a state of emergency."

The coup was underway. Huaman managed to release a final message - before the military had noticed what was going on and cut the lines - calling on the people of the country to resist the impending military coup, along with a special transmission from the office of the President.

But any help that would come was too late, he knew. He picked up his gun, gathered with his comrades, and began the fight to defend the city. They shot at officers, the officers shot back. It was mayhem. It was madness. Many of the men he knew that day died, along with his closest friend. But nevertheless, he carried on. Firing, and firing, and firing, until a bullet hit him in the backside. He fell to the ground, as he was apprehended by the security forces.

He lived in the most maximum of maximum securtiy for four years, being regularly beaten with sticks, waterboarded and tortured through a hundred other ways possible. It was said that the experience turned Huaman from a sprightly young man to a man who had the personality of someone three times his age. But nonetheless, he was able to break out. How? Well, the KGB had decided to do a plan. They knew that most of the political prisoners - or at least the most important ones - were being kept there, and so they decided to infiltrate the prison and start a riot on purpose, hoping people would escape, especially the Marxist-Leninist academic who they believed would be the vanguard of the new revolution.

The academic was killed, but Huaman had been able to escape, as the chaos let him leave, though he did face stiff resistance from one security guard who was promptly kicked in the head. After walking out, he fled back to his home state, and came home to find out his mother died in the resistance to the coup which was easily put down by the dictatorship. Still determined, he decided to get the gang back together and form the Agricultural Syndicates of Carbania, hoping to unite the farm workers. However, a split had formed among the remaining socialists. The moderates went off to form the Social Democratic Party of Carbania, while the left flank went off to form the Free Socialist Party of Carbania. As expected, Huaman joined the Free Socialist Party of Carbania.

He began organising and he began agitating, expanding his network across the entirety of rural Carbania. He did much valuable work, and spearheaded the non-violent resistance to the regime, often blocking roads and holding illegal protests, causing non-violent disruption across the entire country constantly through the tactical, flexible deployment of his forces. He was seen as one of the great enemies of the regime, and became known in international leftist circles as a hero. There were over 43 assassination attempts by the regime on his life, and while many of them were stopped in their tracks - though they turned Huaman increasingly paranoid - one particularly good attempt saw him shot in the spine, being stuck to a wheelchair for life in 2001.

However, he had two particularly interesting manouevres, both of which landed him in prison. The first one was in 1984, when he, as leader of the agricultural workers, got directly involved in a dispute between an employer and some farm workers, leading to the farm workers seizing the farm and then arming themselves in defence. This was known as the Garetta Standoff, and Huaman was personally in attendance, making a speech calling for the government to back the farm workers, though obviously they did not. Nearby farms also saw similar rebellions, as a large tract of land had been seized in the name of the workers. The standoff lasted for a few months, as first the farmers were able to resist police officers, but then the army was sent in, leading to a massive bloodbath as the farm workers fought back, with Huaman joining in on horseback. He was then captured by a member of the military force, being beaten and tied up in a bag.

After his harrowing experience, he decided to go on hunger strike, which attracted some international attention to the Carbanian situation, though support for Huaman was mostly limited to left-wing activists. During this time, he was force fed through a rectal tube, designed to pacify him. However, deliverance was to come soon, as a sympathetic guard had allowed him to sneak off in the night. The guard, he later found out, was executed via military trial.

He took a bit of time to recoup himself and to heal his wounds, then got back into the fight. He continued to organise the workers, increasing the numbers against the dictatorship and convincing the leader of the Free Socialist Party of Carbania to agree to dissolve and form into the MPL. After doing so, he consolidated the various trade unions to form the Carbanian Workers' Confederation, integrating it as an official part of the MPL, and where it got a significant amount of its funding. With the fall of the Soviet Union, he recalculated the political odds and saw this as an opportunity for

After this, he continued his agitation, this time pulling off his second manouevre. With the support of other forces, he organised his people and began a general strike known as the November Days, held on the 80th anniversary of the October Revolution. The general strike caused massive chaos, as the Carbanian economy was slammed into recession. Inflation began to hit, and the dictator knew that his days were possibly numbered. He imposed martial law, which did not stop the strikers, as they occupied the Assembly and attempted to capture the President but failed.

While the insurrection was mostly contained in the capital, it also gave other groups such as the MPL and the CPC the opportunity to advance. The insurrection took a few weeks to put down, as it was unable to rise into full revolution due to Huaman simply having misjudged the national mood. He was put in prison once again, and fired off another hunger strike, ready to become a martyr for the people. Protests continued demanding his release, and the dictator realised that the mood was still so angry that executing him or simply leaving him to starve would cause absolute chaos. The dictator, after being convinced by reformist advisors, decided to release him in order to prevent a national and/or international scandal, as there was some coverage of it for a week or so on Western media and for far longer in Eastern media.

He returned to leadership, seeking to tend to his health and make sure he was alright. He continued disrupting the dictatorship, gnawing it down over time, while a member of the Workers' Confederation killed the Deputy Prime Minister - without having been ordered to do so by Huaman - in a botched attempt to kill the Prime Minister and President, causing further crackdowns. Huaman was shot in the spine in his own assassination attempt in 2001, but miraclously survived thanks to the good work of a doctor. The dictatorship would make further attempts on his life, but to no avail.

In 2017, he thought "Why not, let's go at it a third time." and decided to order yet another general strike. This time, seeing the state of the country, more workers listened to him, as he issued his list of demands, which the successors to the dictator accepted in part, as he bargained an agreement to end the strike. His union now exists legally, and he exists as the leader of a significant left bloc in the MPL, and stands as an outspoken leader of the left in Carbania.
Other Info: Has written many books, releasing his diaries during prison as well, along with books on political theory. Had a wife and a son, but both were killed by the dictatorship in a failed assassination attempt in 1996.

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: The Sarangtus Lands

Do Not Remove: DRAFT123123

Either tone down the extent of his abuse or tone down his heroic ventures- not sure how he’s sneaking around in the night, escaping prison, fighting in standoffs with the regime, riding horses etc after being confined to a wheelchair, shot multiple times, beaten incessantly, etc. Also I don’t think there should be so many protests and general strikes under the dictatorship, given the grip of the regime. What do other admins think?

Will do a bit of both, two seconds.

[Madrinpoor]

EVERYBODY!

https://forum.nationstates.net/viewtopic.php?f=31&t=519574&p=39655837#p39655837

IC is LIVVVVEEEE! YAY!

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Everybody, please make an IC introduction post to your character(s) that lets us know a little about who they are — maybe they're talking with advisors, maybe they're at a baptism, or engaging the community or visiting Davos. Be creative!

[The Sarangtus Lands]

CHANGELOG:

- He is no longer beaten in the bag after being carried away in 1984, and instead comes peacefully after being surrounded
- Fixed a random sentence that doesn't end properly
- Added CPC/CPRA involvement in important events
- Gets exiled instead of freely released in 1999, though he doesn't listen at all
- Assembly isn't stormed in the November Days
- Reduced the number of survived assassination attempts, note that many of the survived assassination attempts were simply attempts foiled before they were able to even get close
- Added detail regarding 1996 assassination attempt
- Fixed the date of the November Days

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: The Sarangtus Lands
Character Name: Alca Mallama Huaman (more commonly known as El Cantor del Granjero Rojo ("The Red Farmer's Singer" for his speaking style and often loud and rowdy speeches) or Commandante del Pueblo Atahualpa, as was his nom de guerre during the resistance)
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 75
Character Date of Birth: 5th of September 1947
Character Position/Role/Job: Chairman of the Young Socialists of Carbania (1967 - 1972), Prisoner (1972 - 1976 , 1984 - 1986, 1997 - 1998), Chairman of the Agricultural Syndicates of Carbania (1976 - 1984, 1986 - 1993), Chairman of the Carbanian Workers' Confederation (1993 - 1997, 1998-)
Character Country/Province of Birth: Camparroz
Character Province of Residence: Camparroz
Character Party Affiliation: Socialist Party of Carbania (1967 - 1976), Free Socialist Party of Carbania (1976 - 1991), People's Liberation Movement (1991-)
Faceclaim: Lenin Moreno
Main Strengths: Icon of the resistance, strong links to the pre-dictatorship revolution, quite charismatic, strong organiser, conscientious, free of personal scandals, loved by the working class, has resisted many assassination attempts, in reasonably good health thanks to taking care of himself, has a significant amount of power over the MPL
Main Weaknesses: Loathed by anyone who is even remotely pro-dictatorship, seen as a liberal by those to his left and a communist by those to his right, perhaps a bit militant for the centre, disliked by the middle class for often being a bit rough, quite aggressive and can get sweary at times, prone to obsession and paranoia, has suffered significant injuries before and is limited in campaigning due to this, hated by every major superpower and by corporate leaders, worked with the communists.
Biography: Born to a rice farmer and to a primary school teacher, Huaman grew up in the worst of the worst conditions, having been put to work at a very young age, growing up illiterate and hungry. However, his mother's political activism spurned him on, and she taught him how to read in her own time, as Huaman was unable to go to school due to the nearest indigenous school being too far away and mostly spent his time in the fields. After being taught how to read, he mostly was unable to do much with this, however his mother, being a member of the local Socialist Party organisation, was able to fetch him some books when he was 14-16, and he started getting into reading Marx, Luxemburg, Lenin and others.

He got into political activism early, using his limited free time to attend local Socialist Party meetings and became a member of the Young Socialists of Carbania, first being elected chair of the local Young Socialists of Carbania chapter at 18. He focused on organising young people, using them to push the message and bringing energy to the organisation. [President Overthrown By The Dictatorship] saw this, and, seeing Huaman's 'bright light', or alternatively, more cynically, seeking to win the indigenous vote and continue shifting the party to the left. He took him on as a protege, pushing him to victory in the election as he was able to woo and charm his way to victory, while being assisted by the left flank of the party which was on the ascendancy.

After being assisted up, he spent his side of the party's budget on activism and outreach, hoping to build a youth army to campaign in the essential 1970 election. As an ex officio member of the National Executive Committee, while previously their seat was seen as merely honourary, he proved himself more than that, charging ahead with the left flank of the party's concerns, and assisting {President Overthrown By The Dictatorship] in the 1969 leadership election after the stepping down of the moderate leader. The two had a reasonably close relationship, with Huaman being asked by [President Overthrown By The Dictatorship] to draft strategies on youth and rural outreach, which he did with skill, helping [President Overthrown By The Dictatorship] win the 1970 election through a strong youth turnout.

Huaman cheered [President Overthrown By The Dictatorship]'s victory, declaring him a champion for the poor and making supportive radio speeches in favour of him. He was seen as a rising star of the left of the party, as he continued his activism and challenged internal opponents of the President. Many were whispering about whether he would run for the Assembly in 1974, and perhaps may even become President or Prime Minister of the country in the 1980s. He did think about it, though historians are unsure about whether he would've actually run in 1974 or not based off writings at the time.

But that didn't matter in the end.

It was the crack of dawn on an oddly warm autumn day. Huaman had woke up early as usual, sifting through documents. It was just another day, right? He cleaned out his desk, did a bit of tidying, when suddenly he saw something rather odd in the horizon. He picked up his binoculars and took a look. He saw columns of men marching in the horizon. Tanks, even. He could feel a sense of unease, and considered calling the Minister of Defence. But he didn't.

And that was a great mistake. He stepped down, had his coffee, read the local newspaper, and of course the Carbania-wide socialist magazine by the party. He then heard a bang. Then another bang. He decided to go back up. He ran up the stairs, and saw the tanks and the men. They were firing on the city. Huaman knew what was coming. He knew the time for action was now. He called the Minister of Defence. He called the Prime Minister. He called the President.

But they were unable to do anything now.

Huaman picked up the phone and decided he needed to fight. He picked up his AK-47, and then rung the city chair of the Young Socialists of Carbania. The chair nodded and followed his instructions, sending them off to the various people within the city, as an announcement had been made by radio by the Minister of Defence.

"Intichiquan is now in a state of emergency."

The coup was underway. Huaman managed to release a final message - before the military had noticed what was going on and cut the lines - calling on the people of the country to resist the impending military coup, along with a special transmission from the office of the President.

But any help that would come was too late, he knew. He picked up his gun, gathered with his comrades, and began the fight to defend the city. They shot at officers, the officers shot back. It was mayhem. It was madness. Many of the men he knew that day died, along with his closest friend. But nevertheless, he carried on. Firing, and firing, and firing, until a bullet hit him in the backside. He fell to the ground, as he was apprehended by the security forces.

He lived in the most maximum of maximum securtiy for four years, being regularly beaten with sticks, waterboarded and tortured through a hundred other ways possible. It was said that the experience turned Huaman from a sprightly young man to a man who had the personality of someone three times his age. But nonetheless, he was able to break out. How? Well, the KGB had decided to do a plan. They knew that most of the political prisoners - or at least the most important ones - were being kept there, and so they decided to infiltrate the prison and start a riot on purpose, hoping people would escape, especially the Marxist-Leninist academic who they believed would be the vanguard of the new revolution.

The academic was killed, but Huaman had been able to escape, as the chaos let him leave, though he did face stiff resistance from one security guard who was promptly kicked in the head. After walking out, he fled back to his home state, and came home to find out his mother died in the resistance to the coup which was easily put down by the dictatorship. Still determined, he decided to get the gang back together and form the Agricultural Syndicates of Carbania, hoping to unite the farm workers. However, a split had formed among the remaining socialists. The moderates went off to form the Social Democratic Party of Carbania, while the left flank went off to form the Free Socialist Party of Carbania. As expected, Huaman joined the Free Socialist Party of Carbania.

He began organising and he began agitating, expanding his network across the entirety of rural Carbania. He did much valuable work, and spearheaded the non-violent resistance to the regime, often blocking roads and holding illegal protests, causing non-violent disruption across the entire country constantly through the tactical, flexible deployment of his forces. He was seen as one of the great enemies of the regime, and became known in international leftist circles as a hero. There were 22 assassination attempts by the regime on his life, and while many of them were stopped in their tracks - though they turned Huaman increasingly paranoid - one particularly good attempt saw him shot in the spine, being stuck to a wheelchair for life in 2001.

However, he had two particularly interesting manouevres, both of which landed him in prison. The first one was in 1984, when he, as leader of the agricultural workers, got directly involved in a dispute between an employer and some farm workers, leading to the farm workers seizing the farm and then arming themselves in defence. This was known as the Garetta Standoff, and Huaman was personally in attendance, making a speech calling for the government to back the farm workers, though obviously they did not. Nearby farms also saw similar rebellions, as a large tract of land had been seized in the name of the workers, as MPL and CPC/CPRA militants came in to help defend the farm workers. The standoff lasted for a few months, as first the farmers were able to resist police officers, but then the army was sent in, leading to a massive bloodbath as the farm workers fought back, with Huaman joining in on horseback. He was then captured by a member of the military force, being tied up in a bag after being encircled and surrendering peacefully after a soldier bayoneted his horse.

After his harrowing experience, he decided to go on hunger strike, which attracted some international attention to the Carbanian situation, though support for Huaman was mostly limited to left-wing activists. During this time, he was force fed through a rectal tube, designed to pacify him. However, deliverance was to come soon, as a sympathetic guard had allowed him to sneak off in the night. The guard, he later found out, was executed via military trial.

He took a bit of time to recoup himself and to heal his wounds, then got back into the fight. He continued to organise the workers, increasing the numbers against the dictatorship and convincing the leader of the Free Socialist Party of Carbania to agree to dissolve and form into the MPL. After doing so, he consolidated the various trade unions to form the Carbanian Workers' Confederation, integrating it as an official part of the MPL, and where it got a significant amount of its funding. With the fall of the Soviet Union, he recalculated the political odds and saw this as an opportunity for his own brand of socialism to rise.

After this, he continued his agitation, this time pulling off his second manouevre. With the support of other forces, he organised his people and began a general strike known as the November Days, held on the 80th anniversary of the October Revolution. The general strike caused massive chaos, as the Carbanian economy was slammed into recession. Inflation began to hit, and the dictator knew that his days were possibly numbered. He imposed martial law, which did not stop the strikers, as they continued to occupy the city, working with the CPC/CPRA in doing so.

While the insurrection was mostly contained in the capital, it also gave other groups such as the MPL and the CPC the opportunity to advance. The insurrection took a few weeks to put down, as it was unable to rise into full revolution due to Huaman simply having misjudged the national mood. He was put in prison once again, and fired off another hunger strike, ready to become a martyr for the people. Protests continued demanding his release, and the dictator realised that the mood was still so angry that executing him or simply leaving him to starve would cause absolute chaos. The dictator, after being convinced by reformist advisors, decided to release him in order to prevent a national and/or international scandal, as there was some coverage of it for a week or so on Western media and for far longer in Eastern media. He was exiled, and he faithfully served his exile for a few weeks to regain his strength then came back in the country secretly with the help of foreign allies.

He returned to leadership, seeking to tend to his health and make sure he was alright. He continued disrupting the dictatorship, gnawing it down over time, while a member of the Workers' Confederation killed the Deputy Prime Minister - without having been ordered to do so by Huaman - in a botched attempt to kill the Prime Minister and President, causing further crackdowns. Huaman was shot in the spine in his own assassination attempt in 2001, but miraclously survived thanks to the good work of a doctor. The dictatorship would make further attempts on his life, but to no avail.

In 2017, he thought "Why not, let's go at it a third time." and decided to order yet another general strike. This time, seeing the state of the country, more workers listened to him, as he issued his list of demands, which the successors to the dictator accepted in part, as he bargained an agreement to end the strike. His union now exists legally, and he exists as the leader of a significant left bloc in the MPL, and stands as an outspoken leader of the left in Carbania.
Other Info: Has written many books, releasing his diaries during prison as well, along with books on political theory. Had a wife and a son, but both were killed by the dictatorship in a failed assassination attempt in 1996 in which his family's food was poisoned, though the wrong dish was poisoned and he ended up not eating the dish.

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: The Sarangtus Lands

Do Not Remove: DRAFT123123[/quote]

[Cybernetic Socialist Republics]

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Party Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Cybernetic Socialist Republics
Party Name: Unión de Nuevos Ejidos
Preferred Party Acronym: UNE
Party Colors (specific): Lime Green, Purple, Orange
Party Leader: Yesenia Antonio Lucia Espinosa
Position on Political Spectrum: Left to Radical Centre
Main Ideologies: Reformism, Authoritarian Constitutionalism, Technocracy, Anti-Corruption
Economic Policy: Corporatism, Pro-Development, Export-Oriented Industrialization, Social Economy
Social Policy: Communitarianism, Civic Nationalism, Multiracialism, Centralism

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Cybernetic Socialist Republics
Character Name: Yesenia Antonio Lucia Espinosa
Character Gender: Female
Character Age: 32
Character Date of Birth: April 28 1989
Character Position/Role/Job:
Leader of Unión de Nuevos Ejidos (2022-)
Mayor of Pumallaqta (2018-)
Consultant for Pumallaqta (2013-2018)

Character Country/Province of Birth: Intichiquan
Character Province of Residence: Valenzuela
Character Party Affiliation: Unión de Nuevos Ejidos
Faceclaim: Irina Karamanos
Main Strengths: Iron Fist in a Velvet Glove, Connected, Youth Appeal
Main Weaknesses: Daughter of the Regime, Falangist Youth, Young Woman in an Old Men's World

Biography:

Yesenia Antonio Lucia Espinosa was born April 28th, 1989 to the notorious regime Minister of Security, Francisco Javier Lucia Criadom and his American wife Maria Espinosa. She took after both her father and mother from an early age, combining her father's ruthless practicality with her mother's grace and intelligence. Her father's politics have shaped her worldview significantly, pulling her toward the reactionary right, with her mother subtly directing her to the progressive left. She'd end up attempting to solve this contradiction within herself by becoming a voracious reader of history that sought heroic figures to emulate that combined despotism with progress, from Frederick the Great, to Catherine the Great to Napoleon Bonaparte. She'd eventually end up reading and being inspired by the Rerum Novarum, which she would later cite as the basis of her progressive beliefs, but in her teens it lead her down the path of idolizing the man she was born exactly 100 years after and shared a name with, António de Oliveira Salazar, dictator of Portugal for nearly 40 years. Her politics in her teen years had significant fascist leanings, a rebellion against her father's strident commitment to neoliberal authoritarianism and her mother's timid christian democratic leanings. Despite not having any sincere racialist beliefs, she'd frequently lead her well-off Mestizo peers into scuffles with working class, indigenous and Afro-Latino youth, more out of pugnaciousness rather than hatred.

In University this inclination would put on more 'intellectual' dressing as she would become the lead female contributor to a rightist student magazine that would publish opinions from anarcho-capitalism to falangism. The paper, dominated by young males with right-libertarian leanings, would frequently make her and her rightist statism a butt of jokes that often contained a misogynist bent. This frustrated insecurity would perhaps contribute to what she'd go on to do in her fourth year at the university of Intichiquan. Some indigenous feminist protesters, lead by the girlfriend of the mayor of Pumallaqta's son, begun an occupation protests, restricting student access to facilities. The regime authorities, concerned about international condemnation and potentially triggering a larger protest in a revolutionary wave year, held back from breaking up the protest. Yesenia, a leader of a Mestizo sorority in the university, took it upon herself to organize her sorority members for increasingly aggressive counter protests, wearing all black with masks to contrast the rainbow colors of the indigenous protests and conceal their identity.

One morning, There was a minor scuffle between a counter protestors and indigenous protestor that the former got the worse end of. Yesenia led the group to pull back without immediately escalating. However, Yesenia had her excuse for a violent response. She instructed her fellow students to arm themselves, with blunt weapons, steel pipes, bats and batons. She also specifically told them target legs and never the head, life threatening injuries or death would be difficult for the regime to ignore. Later that day they'd return to break up the protests by force. Yesenia herself broke one of the protest leader's legs. Immediately after both groups of students cleared, the police moved in, allegedly to prevent the brawl from continuing, in reality to make sure the protest couldn't reform. The 'investigation' afterwards determined that angry students retaliated against the obstructive protests for non-political reasons. In exchange for the protestors not pursuing any further investigations, medical costs were covered and disciplinary action by neither the university or government was pursued. Naturally Yesenia's masked group went unidentified.

While Yesenia's parents were not absolutely sure she was involved, they assumed that she was. Her mother was disappointed but not surprised and her father was quietly in approval of saving the regime from having to clear out the protestors themselves. But both agreed that she should leave the country to pursue a Master's in The United States in order to avoid her getting into any trouble. Her mother would arrange have her share living arrangements with the progressive son of the Mayor of Pumallaqta, who's girlfriend was going to study in the US but couldn't make the trip. She would spend the next two years in Massachusetts with here'd break up with his girlfriend and begin dating and eventually marrying Yesenia.

In the United States she would use the citizenship she had thanks to her mother to wedge her way into minor participation in American politics. There her politics would be 'influenced' (as the story of her conversion to the center goes) by her new significant other. She'd get a minor job on the Senator [not-Warren] campaign through him. After completing her Master's she would return to Carbania. Her marriage would help her plans a consultancy job with the city of Pumallaqta.

There, she worked as the youth project manager for the city. Over the last 15 years, the average age of the city had been lowering as a result of the increasing importance of the service and knowledge industry, including the city becoming a hub for telemarketing and cheap Information technology services, owing to years of investment in telecommunications infrastructure.
It was her job to lead a variety of projects to accomadate the changing population of the city. She gained her a positive reputation within the city for running a tight ship while avoiding high turnover.

When Marcelo Mandes died in 2016, the political machine that had propped up her father in law grew concerned that the city's residents might get into their heads that there was need for change in Pumallaqata. The sitting mayor was also been considering eventual retirement in favor of his son for years but he has always seemed to uninterested in the role. The conclusion was eventually reached that the best compromise with changing face of the city would be Yesenia running for Mayor in 2018. Yesenia agreed, but suggested a little more than just a role as mayor, but the oppertunity to eventually present herself as a national political figure and have the influence to protect the interests of Pumallaqata at a nation level as well.

To that end, she was able to convince her father in law and his backers to sponsoring a Youth leadership conference in the city in 2017. While the event covered a variety of issues, she also announced the formation of the announced the formation of the Unión de Nuevos Ejidos political party and invited attendants who planned on running in Municipal elections across the county to join her.

In 2018 she would run associated to this party kn the Pumallaqata Mayor race and win in a convincing fashion. The success of the party around the country was sporadic but significant.

In office, One of Yesenia's key efforts has been to transition away from the artificial limitations on population growth that the city once practiced. Where possible, the city itself invests in new housing, where it isn't, land is privatized for development purposes, though land value taxes are very high. A pillar of her development strategy includes clearing out shanty towns on the outskirts of the city. This has controversially involved aggressive usage of police. One day a victim in shanty town might report a crime to the police and by next week their own home could end up bulldozed to make room for a new apartment complex. When dwellers don't report crimes, 'vigilantes' tend to appear, stirring up violence that justify police intervention. A consistent pattern that while not coordinated from the Mayors' office, is certainly indirectly incentivized. Yesenia frequently defends this by claiming a commitment to protecting the poor, women and ethnic minorities from crime. Despite this frequently shady pro-development behavior, Yesenia has proven committed to maintaining and increasing founding for the city's social services and she's subtly reached out to community activists for the purpose of building a pillar of power external the the one inherited from her father-in-law. Another major intiative of Yesenia has been the CyberPuma Municipal Digital Currency. In search of new revenue streams to fund social programs and infrastructure, Yesenia took note of the largely untaxable informal economy, the small payments made from person to person to do minor tasks and buy small products, from driving them somewhere to selling food on the street corner. One solution would be to aggressively crackdown on this and demand licensing, but that would be expensive and unpopular, while harming the character of the city. So instead a Yesenia and advisors came up with a plan to insert the government into this transactions by providing a service.

From she took office until the start of 2020, they would develop and test the CyberPumaCoin and app. The concept was a streamlined digital currency that could be purchased from the municipal government and exchanged into hard currency at a fee, providing an easy way to make digital payments from person to person. To aid with early adoption, retail businesses and taxi drivers were approached. The system has proven moderately successful. Efforts to get foreign companies to facilitate use of the coin in their business and service has proven difficult, particularly due to Yesenia's refusal to integrate the coin into the larger digital currency infrastructure.

Yesenia enters 2022 with greater ambitions for success, not only for herself but for what her party stands for. Over the last few years, the party has developed a strong bent towards supporting a strong central government to tackle the shortcomings of the country, a unique niche among the parties. This has also had the effect of widening the party's ideology. Who they'd work with after national elections was almost an open qeistion.


Other Info:

If you have a character that was at the university indigenous protest Yesenia attacked, it's possible that they could guess that she was there but have no proof.
If you have a character that was in the sorority she led, you'd know that she was there and lead the attack, but have no proof aside from other witnesses.
If you had a character that grew up in Intichiquan when she did (early to mid 00s), you might have come across her roving gang of troublemakers.
If you had a character that went to University of Intichiquan when she did (2007-2011) you might be aware that she contributed to a rightist student newspaper.
She does not deny that she had a right wing phase in her youth that she 'grew out of' but its radicalism/viciousness isn't widely known.

Pumallaqta is/was essential ran like a poor man's Singapore. Has a largely knowledge/service based economy, along with other manufacturing common in Valenzuela. Land is owned by the city, buildings are leased long term The residential population within the city is roughly 750 000, though most of those who work in the manufacturing industry commute from outside of the city and the factories are on its outskirts. Historically there has been some degree of disdain for the city on those forced to commute in it to work, but can't get access to live within the city. Pumallaqta's ethnic diversity is higher than the average city of in the country. Its police service is strict but not particularly abusive. Tourism and the city's beaches are also important to its economy. Pumallaqta also has a higher than average protestant population, but the city has a largely secular middle class bent.

Pumallaqta is located on the north western tip of Valenzuela, roughly below:

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: Cybernetic Socialist Republics

Do Not Remove: DRAFT123123

[Dentali]

(Image)

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Party Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Cybernetic Socialist Republics
Party Name: Unión de Nuevos Ejidos
Preferred Party Acronym: UNE
Party Colors (specific): Lime Green, Purple, Orange
Party Leader: Yesenia Antonio Lucia Espinosa
Position on Political Spectrum: Radical Centrist/Center-Left
Main Ideologies: National Liberalism, Centralism, Progressivism, Social Liberalism
Economic Policy: Corporatism, Georgism, Export-Oriented Industrialization, Ordoliberalism
Social Policy: Communitarianism, Civic Nationalism, Multiculturalism, Securitization

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(Image)

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Cybernetic Socialist Republics
Character Name: Yesenia Antonio Lucia Espinosa
Character Gender: Female
Character Age: 32
Character Date of Birth: April 28 1989
Character Position/Role/Job:
Leader of Unión de Nuevos Ejidos (2022-)
Mayor of Pumallaqta (2018-)
President of Carbania Spring (2016-2018)
Youth Consultant at Inter-American Dialogue (2013-2016)
Character Country/Province of Birth: Intichiquan
Character Province of Residence: Valenzuela
Character Party Affiliation: Unión de Nuevos Ejidos
Faceclaim: Irina Karamanos
Main Strengths: Iron Fist in a Velvet Glove, Connected, Youth Appeal
Main Weaknesses: Daughter of the Regime, Falangist Youth, Young Woman in an Old Men's World

Biography:

Yesenia Antonio Lucia Espinosa was born April 28th, 1989 to the notorious regime Minister of Security, Francisco Javier Lucia Criadom and his American wife Maria Espinosa. She took after both her father and mother from an early age, combining her father's ruthless practicality with her mother's grace and intelligence. Her father's politics have shaped her worldview significantly, pulling her toward the reactionary right, with her mother subtly directing her to the progressive left. She'd end up attempting to solve this contradiction within herself by becoming a voracious reader of history that sought heroic figures to emulate that combined despotism with progress, from Frederick the Great, to Catherine the Great to Napoleon Bonaparte. She'd eventually end up reading and being inspired by the Rerum Novarum, which she would later cite as the basis of her progressive beliefs, but in her teens it lead her down the path of idolizing the man she was born exactly 100 years after and shared a name with, António de Oliveira Salazar, dictator of Portugal for nearly 40 years. Her politics in her teen years had significant fascist leanings, a rebellion against her father's strident commitment to neoliberal authoritarianism and her mother's timid christian democratic leanings. Despite not having any sincere racialist beliefs, she'd frequently lead her well-off Mestizo peers into scuffles with working class, indigenous and Afro-Latino youth, more out of pugnaciousness rather than hatred.

In University this inclination would put on more 'intellectual' dressing as she would become the lead female contributor to a rightist student magazine that would publish opinions from anarcho-capitalism to falangism. The paper, dominated by young males with right-libertarian leanings, would frequently make her and her rightist statism a butt of jokes that often contained a misogynist bent. This frustrated insecurity would perhaps contribute to what she'd go on to do in her fourth year at the university of Intichiquan. Some indigenous feminist protesters, lead by the girlfriend of the mayor of Pumallaqta's son, begun an occupation protests, restricting student access to facilities. The regime authorities, concerned about international condemnation and potentially triggering a larger protest in a revolutionary wave year, held back from breaking up the protest. Yesenia, a leader of a Mestizo sorority in the university, took it upon herself to organize her sorority members for increasingly aggressive counter protests, wearing all black with masks to contrast the rainbow colors of the indigenous protests and conceal their identity.

One morning, There was a minor scuffle between a counter protestors and indigenous protestor that the former got the worse end of. Yesenia led the group to pull back without immediately escalating. However, Yesenia had her excuse for a violent response. She instructed her fellow students to arm themselves, with blunt weapons, steel pipes, bats and batons. She also specifically told them target legs and never the head, life threatening injuries or death would be difficult for the regime to ignore. Later that day they'd return to break up the protests by force. Yesenia herself broke one of the protest leader's legs. Immediately after both groups of students cleared, the police moved in, allegedly to prevent the brawl from continuing, in reality to make sure the protest couldn't reform. The 'investigation' afterwards determined that angry students retaliated against the obstructive protests for non-political reasons. In exchange for the protestors not pursuing any further investigations, medical costs were covered and disciplinary action by neither the university or government was pursued. Naturally Yesenia's masked group went unidentified.

While Yesenia's parents were not absolutely sure she was involved, they assumed that she was. Her mother was disappointed but not surprised and her father was quietly in approval of saving the regime from having to clear out the protestors themselves. But both agreed that she should leave the country to pursue a Master's in The United States in order to avoid her getting into any trouble. Her mother would arrange have her share living arrangements with the progressive son of the Mayor of Pumallaqta, who's girlfriend was going to study in the US but couldn't make the trip. She would spend the next two years in Massachusetts with here'd break up with his girlfriend and begin dating and eventually marrying Yesenia.

In the United States she would use the citizenship she had thanks to her mother to wedge her way into minor participation in American politics. There her politics would be 'influenced' (as the story of her conversion to the center goes) by her new significant other. She'd get a minor job on the Senator [not-Warren] campaign through him. After completing her Master's she would search for another job in American politics, this time securing a job as a youth consultant for Inter-American Dialogue, a pro-market, pro-democracy institute. She'd work there for three years, building up a profile as a centre-left, youth-connected individual that was mildly critical of some aspects of American hostility to the pink tide.

When Marcelo Mandes died in 2016, her father-in-law got in contact with her and her husband. He figured with the death of Mandes, it would be a good time for transition away from his long time rule of Pumallaqta. Originally he had been thinking of handing control of his political machine in Pumallaqta along with an almost certainly the mayoralship victory, to his son, but he seemed to uninterested in the role. Instead they hatched a different plan. Yesenia and her husband would return to Carbania and spend the next couple years running an organization they'd call Carbania Spring. It would serve three main purposes. The stated goal of the organization would be educating and organizing Carbanian citizens for a future of democratic participation. However it would also serve as a means to survey the population's views and concerns to see what plays well and poorly. Additionally have the effect of raising Yesenia's name recognition while laying the foundation for her future political platform.

While the organization operated nationwide, its primary focus was Valenzuela and Pumallaqta. With Mayoral elections on the way, Yesenia would announce her candidacy for. She would make active use of social media in her campaign, to reach the young middle class educated middle class presenting herself as a youth friendly progressive, while the patronage networks that had helped prop her father-in-law for years worked in the background to strangle any effective alternative to her in its cradle. She'd win in a convincing and announce her resignation from the presidency of Carbania Spring, which would pass to her husband a role that he was comfortable with, leading the organization to become more national and a lot less of a self-promotion vehicle. In office, One of Yesenia's key efforts has been to transition away from the artificial limitations on population growth that the city once practiced. Where possible, the city itself invests in new housing, where it isn't, land is privatized for development purposes, though land value taxes are very high. A pillar of her development strategy includes clearing out shanty towns on the outskirts of the city. This has controversially involved aggressive usage of police. One day a victim in shanty town might report a crime to the police and by next week their own home could end up bulldozed to make room for a new apartment complex. When dwellers don't report crimes, 'vigilantes' tend to appear, stirring up violence that justify police intervention. A consistent pattern that while not coordinated from the Mayors' office, is certainly indirectly incentivized. Yesenia frequently defends this by claiming a commitment to protecting the poor, women and ethnic minorities from crime. Despite this frequently shady pro-development behavior, Yesenia has proven committed to maintaining and increasing founding for the city's social services and she's subtly reached out to community activists for the purpose of building a pillar of power external the the one inherited from her father-in-law.

In 2022, Yesenia announced the formation of the Unión de Nuevos Ejidos. While she has ambitions of one day aiming for her presidency, her primary concern has been trying to coalition build, so that the party can get in a platform to to advance its aim. As a consequence of the party's 'radically centrist/center-left leanings, along with Yesenia's own politics, she is well positioned to aligned with parties from the- left to the center to the right, its only a question of who.


Other Info:

If you have a character that was at the university indigenous protest Yesenia attacked, it's possible that they could guess that she was there but have no proof.
If you have a character that was in the sorority she led, you'd know that she was there and lead the attack, but have no proof aside from other witnesses.
If you had a character that grew up in Intichiquan when she did (early to mid 00s), you might have come across her roving gang of troublemakers.
If you had a character that went to University of Intichiquan when she did (2007-2011) you might be aware that she contributed to a rightist student newspaper.
She does not deny that she had a right wing phase in her youth that she 'grew out of' but its radicalism/viciousness isn't widely known.

Pumallaqta is/was essential ran like a poor man's Singapore. Has a largely knowledge/service based economy, along with other manufacturing common in Valenzuela. Land is owned by the city, buildings are leased long term The residential population within the city is roughly 750 000, though most of those who work in the manufacturing industry commute from outside of the city nad the factories are on its outskirts. Historically there has been some degree of disdain for the city on those forced to commute in it to work, but can't get access to live within the city. Pumallaqta's ethnic diversity is higher than the average city of in the country. Its police service is strict but not particularly abusive. Tourism and the city's beaches are also important to its economy. Pumallaqta also has a higher than average protestant population, but the city has a largely secular middle class bent.

Pumallaqta is located on the north western tip of Valenzuela, roughly below:

(Image)

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: Cybernetic Socialist Republics

Do Not Remove: DRAFT123123

Jesus centrists are going to get fucked in this election

[Caliland]

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(Image)

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Caliland
Character Name: Chuck Duncan
Character Gender: male
Character Age: 27
Character Date of Birth: August 4, 1995
Character Position/Role/Job: Foreign Reporter for a US newspaper (yes, it is the New Amsterdam Daily)
Character Country/Province of Birth: US
Character Province of Residence: New York
Character Party Affiliation: n/a
Faceclaim: Matt LeBlanc
Main Strengths:

Hard-Nosed Reporter: As a reporter, Duncan is always determined to get to the bottom of things. He doesn't take the words of politicians at face value, always does his own research, and never stops asking questions.

Photographer: He's pretty good with a camera, managing to get good shots. He carries his camera with him wherever he goes, and should it be taken away or broken, he has a back-up.

Close-Up Magic: Alright, this is a bit of an exaggeration, he can only make playing cards and a few coins disappear. It's all in the sleeves.

Main Weaknesses:

Stereotypical American: Chuck Duncan is the living image of the American national stereotype. He wears a US flag t-shirt, mispronounces things, loves BBQ, hot dogs, fried chicken and potato chips. This gives him an image problem, even though he means well.

Fuhgeddabaudit: A born-and-raised New Yorker, his accent is the classic Northeastern US accent, further widening the language gap.

Inexperienced Traveler: Even though he is a foreign reporter, this is his first time out of the States. This being the case, he is carrying a backpack that is as tall as he is, filled with everything he thinks he needs. He is also not used to other challenges of travelling, such as navigating airports, transportation, and arranging lodging. And of course, he doesn't speak Spanish.

Biography: Chuck Duncan was born to a working-class New York family in the mid-90's. He grew up watching movies, going to 7-Eleven, eating at McDonalds, and playing baseball. The oldest of 3 siblings, he felt the pressure to be the best, and so he went to college on a baseball scholarship. At first, everything was going fine, but as his grades started to slip, the school administrators told him he needed one more class to bring up his grades, or else he would be kicked off the baseball team. He chose journalism, thinking it would be easy. As the year went on, he became more and more fascinated by the world of journalism, and decided to make it his career.

When he graduated, he was hired by The New Amsterdam Daily, a newspaper in New York City. At first, it all went well, but as the paper sank into financial troubles, and lost readership other papers, and the internet, things got hard. To add to that, Chuck' rivals were the ones whose stories were printed on the front pages. For several years at the Daily, he felt his wasn't being appreciated. So when the main international reporter left for some kind of detox/mindfulness/character building trip to "find himself", Chuck managed to convince his editor to send him to Carbania. He is excited to start his first international trip, since he's never left the country. The only thing he knows about Carbania is that it used to be a dictatorship. He has no idea what's in store for him..
Other Info: n/a

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: Caliland
#123Finished
Do Not Remove: DRAFT123123

[Tehrangeles]

(Image)

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Party Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Cybernetic Socialist Republics
Party Name: Unión de Nuevos Ejidos
Preferred Party Acronym: UNE
Party Colors (specific): Lime Green, Purple, Orange
Party Leader: Yesenia Antonio Lucia Espinosa
Position on Political Spectrum: Radical Centrist/Center-Left
Main Ideologies: National Liberalism, Centralism, Progressivism, Social Liberalism
Economic Policy: Corporatism, Georgism, Export-Oriented Industrialization, Ordoliberalism
Social Policy: Communitarianism, Civic Nationalism, Multiculturalism, Securitization

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(Image)

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Cybernetic Socialist Republics
Character Name: Yesenia Antonio Lucia Espinosa
Character Gender: Female
Character Age: 32
Character Date of Birth: April 28 1989
Character Position/Role/Job:
Leader of Unión de Nuevos Ejidos (2022-)
Mayor of Pumallaqta (2018-)
President of Carbania Spring (2016-2018)
Youth Consultant at Inter-American Dialogue (2013-2016)
Character Country/Province of Birth: Intichiquan
Character Province of Residence: Valenzuela
Character Party Affiliation: Unión de Nuevos Ejidos
Faceclaim: Irina Karamanos
Main Strengths: Iron Fist in a Velvet Glove, Connected, Youth Appeal
Main Weaknesses: Daughter of the Regime, Falangist Youth, Young Woman in an Old Men's World

Biography:

Yesenia Antonio Lucia Espinosa was born April 28th, 1989 to the notorious regime Minister of Security, Francisco Javier Lucia Criadom and his American wife Maria Espinosa. She took after both her father and mother from an early age, combining her father's ruthless practicality with her mother's grace and intelligence. Her father's politics have shaped her worldview significantly, pulling her toward the reactionary right, with her mother subtly directing her to the progressive left. She'd end up attempting to solve this contradiction within herself by becoming a voracious reader of history that sought heroic figures to emulate that combined despotism with progress, from Frederick the Great, to Catherine the Great to Napoleon Bonaparte. She'd eventually end up reading and being inspired by the Rerum Novarum, which she would later cite as the basis of her progressive beliefs, but in her teens it lead her down the path of idolizing the man she was born exactly 100 years after and shared a name with, António de Oliveira Salazar, dictator of Portugal for nearly 40 years. Her politics in her teen years had significant fascist leanings, a rebellion against her father's strident commitment to neoliberal authoritarianism and her mother's timid christian democratic leanings. Despite not having any sincere racialist beliefs, she'd frequently lead her well-off Mestizo peers into scuffles with working class, indigenous and Afro-Latino youth, more out of pugnaciousness rather than hatred.

In University this inclination would put on more 'intellectual' dressing as she would become the lead female contributor to a rightist student magazine that would publish opinions from anarcho-capitalism to falangism. The paper, dominated by young males with right-libertarian leanings, would frequently make her and her rightist statism a butt of jokes that often contained a misogynist bent. This frustrated insecurity would perhaps contribute to what she'd go on to do in her fourth year at the university of Intichiquan. Some indigenous feminist protesters, lead by the girlfriend of the mayor of Pumallaqta's son, begun an occupation protests, restricting student access to facilities. The regime authorities, concerned about international condemnation and potentially triggering a larger protest in a revolutionary wave year, held back from breaking up the protest. Yesenia, a leader of a Mestizo sorority in the university, took it upon herself to organize her sorority members for increasingly aggressive counter protests, wearing all black with masks to contrast the rainbow colors of the indigenous protests and conceal their identity.

One morning, There was a minor scuffle between a counter protestors and indigenous protestor that the former got the worse end of. Yesenia led the group to pull back without immediately escalating. However, Yesenia had her excuse for a violent response. She instructed her fellow students to arm themselves, with blunt weapons, steel pipes, bats and batons. She also specifically told them target legs and never the head, life threatening injuries or death would be difficult for the regime to ignore. Later that day they'd return to break up the protests by force. Yesenia herself broke one of the protest leader's legs. Immediately after both groups of students cleared, the police moved in, allegedly to prevent the brawl from continuing, in reality to make sure the protest couldn't reform. The 'investigation' afterwards determined that angry students retaliated against the obstructive protests for non-political reasons. In exchange for the protestors not pursuing any further investigations, medical costs were covered and disciplinary action by neither the university or government was pursued. Naturally Yesenia's masked group went unidentified.

While Yesenia's parents were not absolutely sure she was involved, they assumed that she was. Her mother was disappointed but not surprised and her father was quietly in approval of saving the regime from having to clear out the protestors themselves. But both agreed that she should leave the country to pursue a Master's in The United States in order to avoid her getting into any trouble. Her mother would arrange have her share living arrangements with the progressive son of the Mayor of Pumallaqta, who's girlfriend was going to study in the US but couldn't make the trip. She would spend the next two years in Massachusetts with here'd break up with his girlfriend and begin dating and eventually marrying Yesenia.

In the United States she would use the citizenship she had thanks to her mother to wedge her way into minor participation in American politics. There her politics would be 'influenced' (as the story of her conversion to the center goes) by her new significant other. She'd get a minor job on the Senator [not-Warren] campaign through him. After completing her Master's she would search for another job in American politics, this time securing a job as a youth consultant for Inter-American Dialogue, a pro-market, pro-democracy institute. She'd work there for three years, building up a profile as a centre-left, youth-connected individual that was mildly critical of some aspects of American hostility to the pink tide.

When Marcelo Mandes died in 2016, her father-in-law got in contact with her and her husband. He figured with the death of Mandes, it would be a good time for transition away from his long time rule of Pumallaqta. Originally he had been thinking of handing control of his political machine in Pumallaqta along with an almost certainly the mayoralship victory, to his son, but he seemed to uninterested in the role. Instead they hatched a different plan. Yesenia and her husband would return to Carbania and spend the next couple years running an organization they'd call Carbania Spring. It would serve three main purposes. The stated goal of the organization would be educating and organizing Carbanian citizens for a future of democratic participation. However it would also serve as a means to survey the population's views and concerns to see what plays well and poorly. Additionally have the effect of raising Yesenia's name recognition while laying the foundation for her future political platform.

While the organization operated nationwide, its primary focus was Valenzuela and Pumallaqta. With Mayoral elections on the way, Yesenia would announce her candidacy for. She would make active use of social media in her campaign, to reach the young middle class educated middle class presenting herself as a youth friendly progressive, while the patronage networks that had helped prop her father-in-law for years worked in the background to strangle any effective alternative to her in its cradle. She'd win in a convincing and announce her resignation from the presidency of Carbania Spring, which would pass to her husband a role that he was comfortable with, leading the organization to become more national and a lot less of a self-promotion vehicle. In office, One of Yesenia's key efforts has been to transition away from the artificial limitations on population growth that the city once practiced. Where possible, the city itself invests in new housing, where it isn't, land is privatized for development purposes, though land value taxes are very high. A pillar of her development strategy includes clearing out shanty towns on the outskirts of the city. This has controversially involved aggressive usage of police. One day a victim in shanty town might report a crime to the police and by next week their own home could end up bulldozed to make room for a new apartment complex. When dwellers don't report crimes, 'vigilantes' tend to appear, stirring up violence that justify police intervention. A consistent pattern that while not coordinated from the Mayors' office, is certainly indirectly incentivized. Yesenia frequently defends this by claiming a commitment to protecting the poor, women and ethnic minorities from crime. Despite this frequently shady pro-development behavior, Yesenia has proven committed to maintaining and increasing founding for the city's social services and she's subtly reached out to community activists for the purpose of building a pillar of power external the the one inherited from her father-in-law.

In 2022, Yesenia announced the formation of the Unión de Nuevos Ejidos. While she has ambitions of one day aiming for her presidency, her primary concern has been trying to coalition build, so that the party can get in a platform to to advance its aim. As a consequence of the party's 'radically centrist/center-left leanings, along with Yesenia's own politics, she is well positioned to aligned with parties from the- left to the center to the right, its only a question of who.


Other Info:

If you have a character that was at the university indigenous protest Yesenia attacked, it's possible that they could guess that she was there but have no proof.
If you have a character that was in the sorority she led, you'd know that she was there and lead the attack, but have no proof aside from other witnesses.
If you had a character that grew up in Intichiquan when she did (early to mid 00s), you might have come across her roving gang of troublemakers.
If you had a character that went to University of Intichiquan when she did (2007-2011) you might be aware that she contributed to a rightist student newspaper.
She does not deny that she had a right wing phase in her youth that she 'grew out of' but its radicalism/viciousness isn't widely known.

Pumallaqta is/was essential ran like a poor man's Singapore. Has a largely knowledge/service based economy, along with other manufacturing common in Valenzuela. Land is owned by the city, buildings are leased long term The residential population within the city is roughly 750 000, though most of those who work in the manufacturing industry commute from outside of the city nad the factories are on its outskirts. Historically there has been some degree of disdain for the city on those forced to commute in it to work, but can't get access to live within the city. Pumallaqta's ethnic diversity is higher than the average city of in the country. Its police service is strict but not particularly abusive. Tourism and the city's beaches are also important to its economy. Pumallaqta also has a higher than average protestant population, but the city has a largely secular middle class bent.

Pumallaqta is located on the north western tip of Valenzuela, roughly below:

(Image)

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: Cybernetic Socialist Republics

Do Not Remove: DRAFT123123

Jesus centrists are going to get fucked in this election

The good thing about the proportional system is that for the legislature it won’t matter. Making the presidential runoff is a bigger concern.

[Lavan Tiri]

<Party%20Logo%20Here>

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Party Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Dchabavaanan

Party Name: Partido Laborista y Agrario

Preferred Party Acronym: PLA

Party Colors (specific): this and this

Party Leader: Salvador Carlos Maria de la Luz Hernandez y Lozano

Position on Political Spectrum: Far-left

Main Ideologies: Agrarian socialism, left-wing populism, social conservatism

Economic Policy:

Social Policy:

Other Policy:

Other Info:

---

([url=<Photo%20of%20Applicant%20Here>]Image[/url])

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: lavabcbava cnababa

Character Name: Salvador Carlos Maria de la Luz Hernandez y Lozano

Character Gender: MAN

Character Age:

Character Date of Birth:

Character Position/Role/Job:

Character Country/Province of Birth:

Character Province of Residence:

Character Party Affiliation:

Faceclaim:

Main Strengths:

Main Weaknesses:

Biography: (Minimum 2-3 paragraphs)

Other Info:

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: (Your Nation's Name Here)

Do Not Remove: DRAFT123123

WIP

[Dentali]

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([url=<Photo%20of%20Applicant%20Here>]Image[/url])

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Dentali
Character Name: Alejandro de la Vega
Character Gender: M
Character Age: 58
Character Date of Birth: May 2nd, 1965
Character Position/Role/Job: Philanthropist, Investor
Character Country/Province of Birth: Tres Rios
Character Province of Residence: Valenzuela
Character Party Affiliation: PPI
Faceclaim: Iván Duque
Main Strengths: Extensive ties outside the country, Independently wealthy, COVID Hero
Main Weaknesses: Spent most of life outside country
Biography: (Minimum 2-3 paragraphs)

Born to a middle class family in 1965 his father was a friend and ally to the future dictator Marcelo Mandes and was in his circle of close confidants during the 1972 coup for which he was rewarded with a Deputy Minister of Defense position. Alejandro and his siblings were afforded the best education in the country. When he turned 18 he left the country to attend Harvard Business School, rubbing shoulders with the future leaders of the world.

His father’s connections, his own acumen and his newfound friends in the ivy league enabled him to secure a series of positions in the labor Department after 8 years of school. From 1990 to 1997 he rapidly climbed the ranks and was considered a friend to labor, as much as he could be from within a Conservative Government.



In 1997 the senior de la Vega refused to order his troops to fire on the striking unions, believing they would be able to successfully topple the Government. When the strike failed the De la Vega family fled the country, though a little over half of them were captured and imprisoned, or outright executed.

Alejandro had been exiled from his own country, but escaped with his family’s small fortune intack, and with many friends in the world. With some former Harvard colleagues he founded “Vega Consulting & Management”, a global consulting firm, in 1999. The firm became a global success, specializing in countries that had recently emerged from the Iron Curtain. Emerging businesses in Estonia, Latvia, Lithuanian, Hungary, Poland and other similar nations hired the company which helped set up companies throughout Europe and indirectly influenced policy.

De Vega however did not forget his home country and would use his financial power to encourage nations to put international pressure on the murderous regime. Throughout the 2000s he held countless fundraisers with the Canbarian diaspora, gathering financial, political, and moral support. He has also been accused of funding pro-democracy and pro labor groups in Carbania which were actively combating the dictator, though such accusations were never fully proven.

In 2012, De Vega took early retirement from his Consulting group and focused full time on advocacy, meeting with influential people in the financial, political and entertainment world, rubbing shoulders with Cuban exiles and the Dalai Lama. After the death of the Dictator in 2016, De Vega made a full court press advocating for Democracy, and would soon return from his exile as the tides turned.

In 2018 he formally joined the Partido Justicia y Prosperidad political party, helping fund them and get them off the ground. In 2020 as COVID ravaged the world De Vega organized one of the largest private relief efforts on the planet, exhausting every favor and connection he had, leveraging all his resources and his personal fortune to fight the disease, funding research, financial relief, PPE, expansions to medical facilities, and anything that could remotely help. He funneled millions into public/private partnerships and saw a relative degree of success.

Will be running for President.

Other Info:

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: Dentali

Do Not Remove: DRAFT123123

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Party Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Dentali
Party Name: Organización por la Justicia y la Solidaridad
Preferred Party Acronym: OJS
Party Colors (specific): Purple, Yellow, White
Party Leader: Alejandro de la Vega
Position on Political Spectrum: Left
Main Ideologies: Social Democracy
Economic Policy: Left
Social Policy: Left
Other Policy: Pro USA and Pro EU

The Partido Justicia y Prosperidad considers itself a Social Democracy ‘blending capitalist economics with socialist values’ and supports

An elaborate social safety net, free education, and universal healthcare.
Strong Property Rights, contract enforcement and overall ease of doing business.
Little product market regulation
High Trade Union Density and collect bargaining coverage with members of trade unions being required to be on any corporate board with over 2000 employees.
Mixed-Market Capitalist Economic System which includes a number of state owned enterprises.
Promotion of Gender Equality
Civil Union Legalization
Legalized Abortion before the first trimester
Highly transparent government and strong anti-corruption measures
Heavy Farm Subsidies


Other Info:

#123Finished

[Madrinpoor]

Jesus centrists are going to get fucked in this election

The good thing about the proportional system is that for the legislature it won’t matter. Making the presidential runoff is a bigger concern.

Unless they merge into a coalition, they will still siphon votes though...

[Deblar]

(Image)

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Party Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Deblar
Party Name: National People’s Liberation Party (Spanish: C)
Preferred Party Acronym:PNLP
Party Colors (specific): crimson
Party Leader: Florián Che Palencia
Position on Political Spectrum: left to far-left
Main Ideologies:

• Socialism of the 21st Century
• Guevarism
• Democratic Socialism
• Anti-Imperialism
• Anti-Capitalism
• Left-Wing Populism
• Liberation Theology

Economic Policy:

• Market Socialism
• Syndicalism

Social Policy:

• Progressivism
• Civic Nationalism

Other Policy:

• Anti-America
• Anti-colonialism

Other Info:

---

---

(Image)

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Deblar
Character Name: Florián Che Palencia
Character Gender: male
Character Age: 61
Character Date of Birth: 12/12/1951
Character Position/Role/Job: Chairman of the PNLP (2020-present), Candidate for President, head of the Movimiento Clandestino de Liberación Popular (1976-2019)
Character Country/Province of Birth: Carbania - Bolívar y Carbán
Character Province of Residence: Intichiquan
Character Party Affiliation: PNLP
Faceclaim: Michel Temer
Main Strengths: Strong support among working class, grassroots origins, charismatic
Main Weaknesses: Often portrayed as a communist, not great at compromise, could be seen as a threat to American interests by the CIA
Biography: (Minimum 2-3 paragraphs)
Florián Che Palencia was born in the small town of Santa Julio in Bolívar y Carbán on December 12, 1951. His parents were poor farmers who lived and worked on land owned by a powerful businessman, and they often found themselves at the mercy of him and his greedy ways. Palencia, catching the mistreatment of his family at an early age, thought the whole thing was very unfair, and through his adolescence as he became more politically aware, he began to radicalize.

Following the takeover of the junta, he almost immediately protested, though was almost immediately thrown in prison, where he stayed for nearly 5 years. "I had been thrown in jail, beaten, oppressed, just for expressing the basic human right to protest," he later recalled in a memoir. Following his release, he met with other like-minded people who opposed the junta and everything that it stood for in their view: the oppressive machine of capitalism that sought to enslave all of Carbania. Together they formed the Movimiento Clandestino de Liberación Popular, of which Palencia had been chosen to lead. During their years of operation, they often organized protests against the regime, and had quickly become one big thorn in its side. They also organized strikes and helped create labor unions. Following Mandes' death, and the effective death of the military junta that followed, Palencia and his newly created Movimiento Clandestino de Liberación Popular, a continuation of the
Movimiento Clandestino de Liberación Popular, would almost immediately involve themselves in the creation and development of Carbania's newfound democracy. In early 2020, Palencia would declare his candidacy for President, pledging to be "the People's Candidate".


Now, as the election approaches, Palencia looks to have him and his party lead Carbania down a brighter path. He'd better not mess this up, especially not since the world is watching...

Other Info:
married to Maria Palencia with 2 kids, a son and daughter, and 5 grandkids

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: Deblar

Do Not Remove: DRAFT123123

#123Finished

/bump

[The Sarangtus Lands]

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: The Sarangtus Lands
Character Name: Jesus Alejandro de Constemmos
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 39
Character Date of Birth: 11th of July 1983
Character Position/Role/Job: Striker for Lameno FC (2002-2004), Striker for the Carbanian national football team (2004-2008), Host of the Constemmos Broadcast (2008-2016), Chairman-in-Command of the Nationalist Front of Citizens Against Cultural Marxism (2018-)
Character Country/Province of Birth: Mugre Oro
Character Province of Residence: Mugre Oro
Character Party Affiliation: FNC
Faceclaim: Nayib Bukele Table
Main Strengths: Star power, high name recognition, independently wealthy, able to win both pro- and anti-junta right-wingers, popular amongst the young, cult of personality
Main Weaknesses: Faux populist, conspiracy theorist, family is associated with corruption and the junta, openly worked with the junta, viciously right-wing views, no political experience, narcissistic
Biography: The son of a deviously corrupt businessman and the daughter of a powerful general within the regime, de Constemmos emerged as a product of hte highest levels of Carbanian society, enjoying the great luxuries of life as the people starved outside. As a child, he was told by his grandfather that people of his blood deserved such things, and so he indulged, spending all his time playing outside, as he aspired to be a footballer for the fame, the attention and of course the women, though he later became a much more austere man. Thanks to his family's connections, he was able to get some of the best trainers in the country, developing his skill and allowing him to fulfill his potential, first playing on his own then managing to get picked as a striker for Lameno FC thanks to both his skill and a little graft.

He played for a few years, performing decently well and improving over time, which allowed him to be picked for the national team. He played very well in this role, enjoying the fame, and it was pushing him to improve too, becoming a bit of an icon, but then he became a household name in the 2006 World Cup. He fought against the experienced Italian team, but weaved through and managed to score a hat trick. In spite of this, however, it was still moved into penalties, where Carbania managed to get the winning penalty right on his kick.

He was cheered for this across the country, as he became a household name almost immediately. The country loved him, and so, taking advantage of this moment, his wife and his family allies began to lay the framework for what would soon become a cult of personality. They made a massive amount of money (some of which was shared with the authorities to ensure that they would tolerate it) off of Constemmos' face and name. He enjoyed the fame, and as such decided, after a bit more of playing football, to go into the radio.

The Contemmos Broadcast soon, after managing to have him hook up with the larrgest media company, became the most well-rated show in the nation, as he talked about sport, celebrity gossip and other normal things, avoiding politics entirely, though he did give off some right-wing overtones at times. The show gained a cult following, especially with the rise of social media where it came online quite early as both a podcast and a youtube channel, getting a younger audience. But then, he had an idea. He set up a social network.

ConstemmosBroadcast.com was originally thought to be a niche website, a discussion board for right-wing activists. But it became much bigger than that. It became a mobilisation front for the Carbanian right and its foreign supporters, originally only in other Spanish-speaking countries, however its English-language board swelled up after the rise of Donald Trump. The website allowed Constemmos to reach a loyal, international audience, but to also appeal to the young, which was something that the right had difficulty with before. He appeared with up-and-coming right-wing figures such as Richard Spencer and Carl Benjamin on his show there, which was the centrepiece of the network.

The network also began to sell its own merchandise, with mugs, caps and shirts containing conservative slogans, along with being the number one seller of Carbanian flags in the country, along with Carbanian flag merchandise. But in spite of this, Constemmos was not yet satisfied. Even as his cult of personality was coming together - as he worked to build in-person links through the formation of the FNC as soon as the democratisation reforms were announced. Suddenly, across Carbania, funded with money from foreign buyers of his merchandise and his inheritance, branches appeared, mostly of disillusioned young men, marching in green outfits with a black cross in the centre (as per the party logo), swearing an oath of loyalty to Constemmos and to 'the Carbanian Ideal', a lifestyle of ascetism and of strong masculine gender roles, as international observers feared that a cult was forming.

Through calling on his supporters to give as much money as possible to the organisation, along with conducting regular volunteer work for the party. This has allowed the party to swell in ranks, however there are reports of corruption and even abuse within the party. They recruited entire families, using the structure of the family to their advantage, while calling on their members to listen to their show and their show alone for news. This has made the group seem rather insular, and indeed its membership growth has slowed quite a bit due to criticism from the outside, but criticism from the outside is quickly shut down within the organisation. The party also has links to far-right think tanks and other far-right parties across the world, whom Constemmos receives social media support from on a regular basis and he often makes trips to foreign countries to speak to people such as Orban and Duda.

Constemmos is ready to run for his first office, as FNC members were able to win a few seats in the 2018 elections...
Other Info: Net worth of $500 million.

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: The Sarangtus Lands

Do Not Remove: DRAFT123123

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Party Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: The Sarangtus Lands
Party Name: Nationalist Front of Citizens Against Cultural Marxism (Frente Nacionalista de Ciudadanos Contra el Marxismo Cultural)
Preferred Party Acronym: FNC
Party Colors (specific): Green (specifically #477050), white, black
Party Leader: Jesus Alejandro de Constemmos
Position on Political Spectrum: Far-right
Main Ideologies: Right-wing populism, described by some experts as 'fascist', secular social conservatism
Economic Policy: Flexible, but primarily believes in an odd state capitalist framework; calls for the economy to be structured for the good of the nation but also is staunchly anti-communist
Social Policy: Strongly socially conservative; accused of anti-Semitism, Islamophobia and anti-indigenous sentiment.
Other Policy: Described as having a conspiracist bent, with Constemmos once denouncing the 'New World Order' in his speeches, along with climate change denial and vaccine scepticism.
Other Info:

[The Sarangtus Lands]

(Image)

---

Party Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Deblar
Party Name: National People’s Liberation Party (Spanish: C)
Preferred Party Acronym:PNLP
Party Colors (specific): crimson
Party Leader: Florián Che Palencia
Position on Political Spectrum: left to far-left
Main Ideologies:

• Socialism of the 21st Century
• Guevarism
• Democratic Socialism
• Anti-Imperialism
• Anti-Capitalism
• Left-Wing Populism
• Liberation Theology

Economic Policy:

• Market Socialism
• Syndicalism

Social Policy:

• Progressivism
• Civic Nationalism

Other Policy:

• Anti-America
• Anti-colonialism

Other Info:

---

---

(Image)

---

Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Deblar
Character Name: Florián Che Palencia
Character Gender: male
Character Age: 61
Character Date of Birth: 12/12/1951
Character Position/Role/Job: Chairman of the PNLP (2020-present), Candidate for President, head of the Movimiento Clandestino de Liberación Popular (1976-2019)
Character Country/Province of Birth: Carbania - Bolívar y Carbán
Character Province of Residence: Intichiquan
Character Party Affiliation: PNLP
Faceclaim: Michel Temer
Main Strengths: Strong support among working class, grassroots origins, charismatic
Main Weaknesses: Often portrayed as a communist, not great at compromise, could be seen as a threat to American interests by the CIA
Biography: (Minimum 2-3 paragraphs)
Florián Che Palencia was born in the small town of Santa Julio in Bolívar y Carbán on December 12, 1951. His parents were poor farmers who lived and worked on land owned by a powerful businessman, and they often found themselves at the mercy of him and his greedy ways. Palencia, catching the mistreatment of his family at an early age, thought the whole thing was very unfair, and through his adolescence as he became more politically aware, he began to radicalize.

Following the takeover of the junta, he almost immediately protested, though was almost immediately thrown in prison, where he stayed for nearly 5 years. "I had been thrown in jail, beaten, oppressed, just for expressing the basic human right to protest," he later recalled in a memoir. Following his release, he met with other like-minded people who opposed the junta and everything that it stood for in their view: the oppressive machine of capitalism that sought to enslave all of Carbania. Together they formed the Movimiento Clandestino de Liberación Popular, of which Palencia had been chosen to lead. During their years of operation, they often organized protests against the regime, and had quickly become one big thorn in its side. They also organized strikes and helped create labor unions. Following Mandes' death, and the effective death of the military junta that followed, Palencia and his newly created Movimiento Clandestino de Liberación Popular, a continuation of the
Movimiento Clandestino de Liberación Popular, would almost immediately involve themselves in the creation and development of Carbania's newfound democracy. In early 2020, Palencia would declare his candidacy for President, pledging to be "the People's Candidate".


Now, as the election approaches, Palencia looks to have him and his party lead Carbania down a brighter path. He'd better not mess this up, especially not since the world is watching...

Other Info:
married to Maria Palencia with 2 kids, a son and daughter, and 5 grandkids

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: Deblar

Do Not Remove: DRAFT123123

#123Finished

Did he do anything particularly important or interesting while resisting the regime?

[Madrinpoor]

CSR Presents: UNE & Yesenia Espinosa

You sure there needs to be another centrist party? Especially with such a niche like this one

[Madrinpoor]

Huaman the Human

If you still want this, ACCEPTED

Nayib Bukele Mike Lindell

I am willing for this to be also ACCEPTED, but be warned he has a fringe party and will likely receive fringe-level votes. Merging with another right party may be tremendously helpful...

Alejandro De Las Vegas and the OJS

ACCEPTED too.

Chuck Mama-Bangin' Duncan

I just want you to know that we aren't breezing over this, but it's a, well, unique app and I want to make sure some other admins have somewhat of a look over it before we make a decision. But if the NAD exists in this universe, I might have to bring in Marlon Yates!

Yesenia Espinosa and the UNE (thx for not using "P")

See the other comment I made, but also we the admins are worried that it's a little hotshotty. Nevertheless, I personally like the app. While we work this out, I amn't going to say the magic word yet.

Another Latin American Che

See Jovuistan's comment, and I'd also like to see a tad more bio. Maybe expand on how his party formed?

[Reverend Norv]

Nayib Bukele Mike Lindell

I am willing for this to be also ACCEPTED, but be warned he has a fringe party and will likely receive fringe-level votes. Merging with another right party may be tremendously helpful...

These guys are going to assassinate Ordonez. Calling it now.

[Cybernetic Socialist Republics]

CSR Presents: UNE & Yesenia Espinosa

You sure there needs to be another centrist party? Especially with such a niche like this one

Edited the party to be more left leaning.

[Caliland]

Chuck Mama-Bangin' Duncan

I just want you to know that we aren't breezing over this, but it's a, well, unique app and I want to make sure some other admins have somewhat of a look over it before we make a decision. But if the NAD exists in this universe, I might have to bring in Marlon Yates!

Ok, thanks. I wonder if Yates actually will appear, or even just make a cameo appearance. Also, "Chuck Mama-Bangin' Duncan", really? What does that even- you know what, nevermind.

[Nova Catania]

Here are some designs I made for Carbania’s flag:









Which one do you guys like best? OP(s), what do you think?