Nation in Turmoil - A LatAm Political RPm (OOC - Open!)

[Tehrangeles]

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Sao Nova Europa
Character Name: Sebastian Carnicero
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 56
Character Date of Birth: 9th September 1965
Character Position/Role/Job: CEO of Carnicero Organization, Vice-President of PLP
Character Country/Province of Birth: Intichiquan
Character Province of Residence: Intichiquan
Character Party Affiliation: PLP
Faceclaim: Charlie Sheen
Main Strengths:

Celebrity: Everyone knows who Sebastian is. His affairs and wild parties have dominated tabloids for decades, and "The Apprentice" won him even more fame. Many hate him, many love him, but everyone knows who he is.

Rich: Sebastian is CEO of one of the most important real estate firms in the country and is rich, which means he can pour money into his political campaign.

Charismatic: Sebastian has a charismatic presence. While he may not be the best orator, his public persona and antics make him lovable to many.

Main Weaknesses:

Wild Playboy: His wild parties (rumored to involve hard drugs) and playboy lifestyle (with numerous affairs that dominate tabloids) mean that he does not have the best reputation: many working-class Carbanians see him as a detached plutocrat while some social conservatives and religious folk see him as a symbol of debauchery and degeneracy. The fact that he is not married also hurts him with those who support family values.

Ties with the dictatorship: His real estate business had long ties with the dictatorial regime that ruled Carbania, and had been awarded many government contracts. This is enough to make Sebastian suspicious or outright hated by opponents of the regime, but the rumors that he bribed government officials in order to get awarded the contracts mean that he is also accused of corruption aside from pro-junta sympathies. Nevertheless, since nothing has been proven so far, his problems are mostly a matter of PR than legal ones.

Gaffes: He is known to occasionally make gaffes, such as insulting with curses political opponents or making inappropriate sexual jokes in some political speeches.

Biography:

Sebastian was born in 9th September, 1965. His father, Carlos, was CEO of a real estate business ("Carnicero Organization"). As a young man he wasn't a particularly good student, but he was extremely popular at school. He had many friends, attended lots of parties and was popular with female classmates. He was arrested more than once for drunken driving (while being a minor) and for trying marijuana, but his father's fortune and connections with the dictatorship meant that he escaped real punishment and such incidents were kept from the public.

He studied at the Intichiquan Business School, earning a master's degree in economics in 1990. He began working in his father's real estate firm, and in 1994 he assumed ownership of the business from his father. Sebastian expanded the company's operations to building and renovating skyscrapers, hotels and casinos. His ties with the dictatorship also meant that he secured lucrative government contracts (with allegations of bribes being involved, though this has not been proven).

Sebastian became the focus of Carbanian tabloids thanks to his extravagant private parties attended by hot models, and his playboy persona: he would date numerous models, actresses and other famous women. The constant coverage of his parties and relationships meant that he became a household name who polarized Carbanians: some saw him as a role model, the dream of capitalism, and others saw him as rich douchebag. But hate him or love him, everyone knew his name and face.

In 2007, he starred in the Carbanian adaption of "The Apprentice". This gave him enhanced publicity and the image of a no-nonsense CEO. In 2013, with the end of the final season of the show, he began hosting his own online podcast. Initially it discussed cultural affairs (movies, shows, etch) but with the fall of the dictatorship, the show became increasingly political and a platform for Sebastian to air his neoliberal economic views.

A longtime friend of Alan Castañeda, he was amongst the founders of the Party for Freedom and Progress (Partido de Libertad y Progresa). He is now one of the leading politicians within his party (being its Vice-President), and while he holds no public office, he hopes to lead PLP in the parliamentary elections and use his celebrity to attract voters.

Other Info: He is not married and is a bachelor. While officially he has never been a parent, tabloids are full of stories of secret love children from his various affairs.

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: Sao Nova Europa

#123Finished

Do Not Remove: DRAFT123123

I think he’s fine. Just curious- you mention his postgraduate credentials, but what about his undergraduate degree?

[Tehrangeles]

Any other apps need review?

[Sao Nova Europa]

I think he’s fine. Just curious- you mention his postgraduate credentials, but what about his undergraduate degree?

Oops, forgot that. He would have an undergraduate degree in business management.

[Tehrangeles]

I think he’s fine. Just curious- you mention his postgraduate credentials, but what about his undergraduate degree?

Oops, forgot that. He would have an undergraduate degree in business management.

Add it and he has acceptance 1

[Sao Nova Europa]

Oops, forgot that. He would have an undergraduate degree in business management.

Add it and he has acceptance 1

Already added it.

[Madrinpoor]

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Sao Nova Europa
Character Name: Sebastian Carnicero
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 56
Character Date of Birth: 9th September 1965
Character Position/Role/Job: CEO of Carnicero Organization, Vice-President of PLP
Character Country/Province of Birth: Intichiquan
Character Province of Residence: Intichiquan
Character Party Affiliation: PLP
Faceclaim: Charlie Sheen
Main Strengths:

Celebrity: Everyone knows who Sebastian is. His affairs and wild parties have dominated tabloids for decades, and "The Apprentice" won him even more fame. Many hate him, many love him, but everyone knows who he is.

Rich: Sebastian is CEO of one of the most important real estate firms in the country and is rich, which means he can pour money into his political campaign.

Charismatic: Sebastian has a charismatic presence. While he may not be the best orator, his public persona and antics make him lovable to many.

Main Weaknesses:

Wild Playboy: His wild parties (rumored to involve hard drugs) and playboy lifestyle (with numerous affairs that dominate tabloids) mean that he does not have the best reputation: many working-class Carbanians see him as a detached plutocrat while some social conservatives and religious folk see him as a symbol of debauchery and degeneracy. The fact that he is not married also hurts him with those who support family values.

Ties with the dictatorship: His real estate business had long ties with the dictatorial regime that ruled Carbania, and had been awarded many government contracts. This is enough to make Sebastian suspicious or outright hated by opponents of the regime, but the rumors that he bribed government officials in order to get awarded the contracts mean that he is also accused of corruption aside from pro-junta sympathies. Nevertheless, since nothing has been proven so far, his problems are mostly a matter of PR than legal ones.

Gaffes: He is known to occasionally make gaffes, such as insulting with curses political opponents or making inappropriate sexual jokes in some political speeches.

Biography:

Sebastian was born in 9th September, 1965. His father, Carlos, was CEO of a real estate business ("Carnicero Organization"). As a young man he wasn't a particularly good student, but he was extremely popular at school. He had many friends, attended lots of parties and was popular with female classmates. He was arrested more than once for drunken driving (while being a minor) and for trying marijuana, but his father's fortune and connections with the dictatorship meant that he escaped real punishment and such incidents were kept from the public.

He studied at the Intichiquan Business School, earning a bachelor's degree in business management in 1987 and a master's degree in economics in 1990. He began working in his father's real estate firm, and in 1994 he assumed ownership of the business from his father. Sebastian expanded the company's operations to building and renovating skyscrapers, hotels and casinos. His ties with the dictatorship also meant that he secured lucrative government contracts (with allegations of bribes being involved, though this has not been proven).

Sebastian became the focus of Carbanian tabloids thanks to his extravagant private parties attended by hot models, and his playboy persona: he would date numerous models, actresses and other famous women. The constant coverage of his parties and relationships meant that he became a household name who polarized Carbanians: some saw him as a role model, the dream of capitalism, and others saw him as rich douchebag. But hate him or love him, everyone knew his name and face.

In 2007, he starred in the Carbanian adaption of "The Apprentice". This gave him enhanced publicity and the image of a no-nonsense CEO. In 2013, with the end of the final season of the show, he began hosting his own online podcast. Initially it discussed cultural affairs (movies, shows, etch) but with the fall of the dictatorship, the show became increasingly political and a platform for Sebastian to air his neoliberal economic views.

A longtime friend of Alan Castañeda, he was amongst the founders of the Party for Freedom and Progress (Partido de Libertad y Progresa). He is now one of the leading politicians within his party (being its Vice-President), and while he holds no public office, he hopes to lead PLP in the parliamentary elections and use his celebrity to attract voters.

Other Info: He is not married and is a bachelor. While officially he has never been a parent, tabloids are full of stories of secret love children from his various affairs.

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: Sao Nova Europa

#123Finished

Do Not Remove: DRAFT123123

Then that means Sebastian Carnicero is ACCEPTED

[Tehrangeles]

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Karg
Party Name: Communist Party of Carbania/Carbanian Revolutionary People’s Army
Preferred Party Acronym: CPC/CRPA
Party Colors (specific): Red and Yellow
Party Leader: Osvaldo Túz
Position on Political Spectrum: Far-Left
Main Ideologies: Authoritarianism, Communism, Marxism-Leninism, anti-Americanism, Carbanian Nationalism, “anti-imperialism”. Revolutionary socialism, left-wing nationalism
Economic Policy: Marxist-Leninist, agro-socialist
Social Policy: Anti-LGBT, anti-abortion, environmentalist, pro-Indigenous rights, anti-Evangelicalism, moderate Secularist (allows Catholics in its ranks)
Other Policy: Anti USA/NATO, pro-Venezuela, Cuba and Nicaragua


Other Info: The CPC was formally founded in 1943 by several volunteers returning home to Carbania after serving in the Spanish Civil War on the side of the Republicans. Before the Junta the party actually held a sizeable amount of seats in the legislature of Carbania, but after the 1972 Coup was driven underground and brutally hunted by the government. The CPC is formerly aligned with the MPL, as the two groups fought side by side during the regime era but turned into enemies after the MPL joined the electoral system. Party is still formally banned by the government of Carbania. Currently exists as the largest anti-government insurgency in the nation.
Allied with FARC (Colombia) ELN (Colombia) ETA (Spain) and the Provisional Irish Republican Army

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Karg
Character Name: Osvaldo Juan Túz
Character Gender: male
Character Age: 53
Character Date of Birth: July 3rd 1969
Character Position/Role/Job: Leader of the Communist Party of Carbania and Communist revolutionary
Character Country/Province of Birth: Mugre Oro
Character Province of Residence: Mugre Oro
Character Party Affiliation: CPC/CRPA
Faceclaim: Álvaro López Miera
Main Strengths: Passionate, charismatic, well trained tactician, popular amongst Communist Party ranks
Main Weaknesses: Can’t run for office, Power hungry, involved in international drug trade, has committed literal war crimes
Biography: Osvaldo was born in 1969 to a pair of farmers in Mugre Oro. He grew up surrounded by poverty and witnessed the brutality of the Junta firsthand as a child. From a young age he was compelled to a strong feeling of hatred and distrust of the government. At age 18 he joined the CPC's militia and took part in dozens of guerilla acts, many against unarmed civilians. In 1993 he traveled to Colombia were he assisted FARC guerillas in successfully assassinating a Carbanian Admiral while he was traveling there. Osvaldo also helped to work out an agreement with MPL leader Manuel Carrasco to avoid conflict between the two left-wing groups. He also traveled to the Soviet Union and Cuba to earn their support.

In 2000 Túz became Deputy Leader of the CPC following the ascension of the current Deputy due to the main leader's death. He commanded operations primarily in both the Jungle and Coastal states, trying to avoid entering MPL territory to respect their agreement. With the fall of the USSR and support from typical allies like Cuba dwindling he turned to drug trading to help fund the CPC's guerilla operations.

In 2012 he formally ascended to leadership. He expanded attacks to target civilian institutions such as banks and corporate offices. Following the fall of the Junta Osvaldo hoped for a chance for a Socialist state to arise and had CPC members take part in rallies and protests against the oligarchs. However, he was greatly disappointed, as the new government was seen in his eyes as a continuation of the old. The CPC released a video rejecting electoralism as a way of achieving Socialism and declared the MPL to be traitors to the Socialist cause for laying down their weapons.

In 2022 the CPC insurgency continues under Osvaldo's leadership. They have threatened to attack campaign offices and police stations. Osvaldo is wanted by several countries including Carbania, the United States and the EU.
Other Info: Has no wife or children. Been a guerilla fighter and leader for most of his adult life. Staunch atheist and anti-theist although he allows for Communist Party members to practice to avoid alienating lower class Catholics.

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: Karg

#123finished

Do Not Remove: DRAFT123123

I give approval one to both.

[Tehrangeles]

Well, the labourists were indeed outlawed by the government and he was prosecuted, his parents and García himself were arrested one time for demonstrating peacefully (he was 19 and remained 15 days in prison). Labourist meetings were held in small villages secretly or straight up in the middle of the jungle.



Sure! And labourism too if you want

Mm, ok. Consider both Galan and the LAB given approval one!

I give Galan and LAB the second approval.

[Tehrangeles]

If your app needs review or to be added to the roster, please let me know here or over telegram

[Jovuistan]

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Party Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Tehrangeles
Party Name: Movimiento de Renovación Nacional (Movement for National Restoration)
Preferred Party Acronym: MRN
Party Colors (specific): Black and Gray
Party Leader: Israel Mendoza (App WIP)
Position on Political Spectrum: Right Wing
Main Ideologies: The MRN is nationalistic, but also supports federalism and the ongoing democratic transition. The party is largely a traditional conservative party, but presents itself as a home for Evangelical and Pentecostal voters by promoting their interests. Additional ideological tenets include supporting positive relations with the United States, and opposing leftism in the region.
Economic Policy: Economic views in the party are largely liberal, but more centrist factions exist.
Social Policy: The MRN opposes abortion rights, gay marriage, and takes other positions within the same vein.
Other Policy: As the party which promotes Evangelical issues, the platform includes issues important to these voters. This includes promoting devolved control of education and other aspects of local governance, promoting homeschooling as a viable option, promoting equality between Catholicism and other branches of Christianity, promoting religious broadcasting, among other positions.

Other Info: Party is strong in rural areas

I give 1st approval to this party.

[Madrinpoor]

Tuz & Commies

I give approval one to both.

ACCEPTED!

[Madrinpoor]

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Party Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Tehrangeles
Party Name: Movimiento de Renovación Nacional (Movement for National Restoration)
Preferred Party Acronym: MRN
Party Colors (specific): Black and Gray
Party Leader: Israel Mendoza (App WIP)
Position on Political Spectrum: Right Wing
Main Ideologies: The MRN is nationalistic, but also supports federalism and the ongoing democratic transition. The party is largely a traditional conservative party, but presents itself as a home for Evangelical and Pentecostal voters by promoting their interests. Additional ideological tenets include supporting positive relations with the United States, and opposing leftism in the region.
Economic Policy: Economic views in the party are largely liberal, but more centrist factions exist.
Social Policy: The MRN opposes abortion rights, gay marriage, and takes other positions within the same vein.
Other Policy: As the party which promotes Evangelical issues, the platform includes issues important to these voters. This includes promoting devolved control of education and other aspects of local governance, promoting homeschooling as a viable option, promoting equality between Catholicism and other branches of Christianity, promoting religious broadcasting, among other positions.

Other Info: Party is strong in rural areas

I give 1st approval to this party.

ACCEPTED

[The Sarangtus Lands]

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: The Sarangtus Lands
Character Name: Alca Mallama Huaman (more commonly known as El Cantor del Granjero Rojo ("The Red Farmer's Singer" for his speaking style and often loud and rowdy speeches) or Commandante del Pueblo Atahualpa, as was his nom de guerre during the resistance)
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 75
Character Date of Birth: 5th of September 1947
Character Position/Role/Job: Chairman of the Young Socialists of Carbania (1967 - 1972), Prisoner (1972 - 1976 , 1984 - 1986, 1998 - 1999), Chairman of the Agricultural Syndicates of Carbania (1976 - 1984, 1986 - 1993), Chairman of the Carbanian Workers' Confederation (1993 - 1998, 1999-)
Character Country/Province of Birth: Camparroz
Character Province of Residence: Camparroz
Character Party Affiliation: Socialist Party of Carbania (1967 - 1976), Free Socialist Party of Carbania (1976 - 1991), People's Liberation Movement (1991-)
Faceclaim: Lenin Moreno
Main Strengths: Icon of the resistance, strong links to the pre-dictatorship revolution, quite charismatic, strong organiser, conscientious, free of personal scandals, loved by the working class, has resisted many assassination attempts, in reasonably good health thanks to taking care of himself, has a significant amount of power over the MPL
Main Weaknesses: Loathed by anyone who is even remotely pro-dictatorship, seen as a liberal by those to his left and a communist by those to his right, perhaps a bit militant for the centre, disliked by the middle class for often being a bit rough, quite aggressive and can get sweary at times, prone to obsession and paranoia, has suffered significant injuries before and is limited in campaigning due to this, hated by every major superpower and by corporate leaders.
Biography: Born to a rice farmer and to a primary school teacher, Huaman grew up in the worst of the worst conditions, having been put to work at a very young age, growing up illiterate and hungry. However, his mother's political activism spurned him on, and she taught him how to read in her own time, as Huaman was unable to go to school due to the nearest indigenous school being too far away and mostly spent his time in the fields. After being taught how to read, he mostly was unable to do much with this, however his mother, being a member of the local Socialist Party organisation, was able to fetch him some books when he was 14-16, and he started getting into reading Marx, Luxemburg, Lenin and others.

He got into political activism early, using his limited free time to attend local Socialist Party meetings and became a member of the Young Socialists of Carbania, first being elected chair of the local Young Socialists of Carbania chapter at 18. He focused on organising young people, using them to push the message and bringing energy to the organisation. [President Overthrown By The Dictatorship] saw this, and, seeing Huaman's 'bright light', or alternatively, more cynically, seeking to win the indigenous vote and continue shifting the party to the left. He took him on as a protege, pushing him to victory in the election as he was able to woo and charm his way to victory, while being assisted by the left flank of the party which was on the ascendancy.

After being assisted up, he spent his side of the party's budget on activism and outreach, hoping to build a youth army to campaign in the essential 1970 election. As an ex officio member of the National Executive Committee, while previously their seat was seen as merely honourary, he proved himself more than that, charging ahead with the left flank of the party's concerns, and assisting {President Overthrown By The Dictatorship] in the 1969 leadership election after the stepping down of the moderate leader. The two had a reasonably close relationship, with Huaman being asked by [President Overthrown By The Dictatorship] to draft strategies on youth and rural outreach, which he did with skill, helping [President Overthrown By The Dictatorship] win the 1970 election through a strong youth turnout.

Huaman cheered [President Overthrown By The Dictatorship]'s victory, declaring him a champion for the poor and making supportive radio speeches in favour of him. He was seen as a rising star of the left of the party, as he continued his activism and challenged internal opponents of the President. Many were whispering about whether he would run for the Assembly in 1974, and perhaps may even become President or Prime Minister of the country in the 1980s. He did think about it, though historians are unsure about whether he would've actually run in 1974 or not based off writings at the time.

But that didn't matter in the end.

It was the crack of dawn on an oddly warm autumn day. Huaman had woke up early as usual, sifting through documents. It was just another day, right? He cleaned out his desk, did a bit of tidying, when suddenly he saw something rather odd in the horizon. He picked up his binoculars and took a look. He saw columns of men marching in the horizon. Tanks, even. He could feel a sense of unease, and considered calling the Minister of Defence. But he didn't.

And that was a great mistake. He stepped down, had his coffee, read the local newspaper, and of course the Carbania-wide socialist magazine by the party. He then heard a bang. Then another bang. He decided to go back up. He ran up the stairs, and saw the tanks and the men. They were firing on the city. Huaman knew what was coming. He knew the time for action was now. He called the Minister of Defence. He called the Prime Minister. He called the President.

But they were unable to do anything now.

Huaman picked up the phone and decided he needed to fight. He picked up his AK-47, and then rung the city chair of the Young Socialists of Carbania. The chair nodded and followed his instructions, sending them off to the various people within the city, as an announcement had been made by radio by the Minister of Defence.

"Intichiquan is now in a state of emergency."

The coup was underway. Huaman managed to release a final message - before the military had noticed what was going on and cut the lines - calling on the people of the country to resist the impending military coup, along with a special transmission from the office of the President.

But any help that would come was too late, he knew. He picked up his gun, gathered with his comrades, and began the fight to defend the city. They shot at officers, the officers shot back. It was mayhem. It was madness. Many of the men he knew that day died, along with his closest friend. But nevertheless, he carried on. Firing, and firing, and firing, until a bullet hit him in the backside. He fell to the ground, as he was apprehended by the security forces.

He lived in the most maximum of maximum securtiy for four years, being regularly beaten with sticks, waterboarded and tortured through a hundred other ways possible. It was said that the experience turned Huaman from a sprightly young man to a man who had the personality of someone three times his age. But nonetheless, he was able to break out. How? Well, the KGB had decided to do a plan. They knew that most of the political prisoners - or at least the most important ones - were being kept there, and so they decided to infiltrate the prison and start a riot on purpose, hoping people would escape, especially the Marxist-Leninist academic who they believed would be the vanguard of the new revolution.

The academic was killed, but Huaman had been able to escape, as the chaos let him leave, though he did face stiff resistance from one security guard who was promptly kicked in the head. After walking out, he fled back to his home state, and came home to find out his mother died in the resistance to the coup which was easily put down by the dictatorship. Still determined, he decided to get the gang back together and form the Agricultural Syndicates of Carbania, hoping to unite the farm workers. However, a split had formed among the remaining socialists. The moderates went off to form the Social Democratic Party of Carbania, while the left flank went off to form the Free Socialist Party of Carbania. As expected, Huaman joined the Free Socialist Party of Carbania.

He began organising and he began agitating, expanding his network across the entirety of rural Carbania. He did much valuable work, and spearheaded the non-violent resistance to the regime, often blocking roads and holding illegal protests, causing non-violent disruption across the entire country constantly through the tactical, flexible deployment of his forces. He was seen as one of the great enemies of the regime, and became known in international leftist circles as a hero. There were over 43 assassination attempts by the regime on his life, and while many of them were stopped in their tracks - though they turned Huaman increasingly paranoid - one particularly good attempt saw him shot in the spine, being stuck to a wheelchair for life in 2001.

However, he had two particularly interesting manouevres, both of which landed him in prison. The first one was in 1984, when he, as leader of the agricultural workers, got directly involved in a dispute between an employer and some farm workers, leading to the farm workers seizing the farm and then arming themselves in defence. This was known as the Garetta Standoff, and Huaman was personally in attendance, making a speech calling for the government to back the farm workers, though obviously they did not. Nearby farms also saw similar rebellions, as a large tract of land had been seized in the name of the workers. The standoff lasted for a few months, as first the farmers were able to resist police officers, but then the army was sent in, leading to a massive bloodbath as the farm workers fought back, with Huaman joining in on horseback. He was then captured by a member of the military force, being beaten and tied up in a bag.

After his harrowing experience, he decided to go on hunger strike, which attracted some international attention to the Carbanian situation, though support for Huaman was mostly limited to left-wing activists. During this time, he was force fed through a rectal tube, designed to pacify him. However, deliverance was to come soon, as a sympathetic guard had allowed him to sneak off in the night. The guard, he later found out, was executed via military trial.

He took a bit of time to recoup himself and to heal his wounds, then got back into the fight. He continued to organise the workers, increasing the numbers against the dictatorship and convincing the leader of the Free Socialist Party of Carbania to agree to dissolve and form into the MPL. After doing so, he consolidated the various trade unions to form the Carbanian Workers' Confederation, integrating it as an official part of the MPL, and where it got a significant amount of its funding. With the fall of the Soviet Union, he recalculated the political odds and saw this as an opportunity for

After this, he continued his agitation, this time pulling off his second manouevre. With the support of other forces, he organised his people and began a general strike known as the November Days, held on the 80th anniversary of the October Revolution. The general strike caused massive chaos, as the Carbanian economy was slammed into recession. Inflation began to hit, and the dictator knew that his days were possibly numbered. He imposed martial law, which did not stop the strikers, as they occupied the Assembly and attempted to capture the President but failed.

While the insurrection was mostly contained in the capital, it also gave other groups such as the MPL and the CPC the opportunity to advance. The insurrection took a few weeks to put down, as it was unable to rise into full revolution due to Huaman simply having misjudged the national mood. He was put in prison once again, and fired off another hunger strike, ready to become a martyr for the people. Protests continued demanding his release, and the dictator realised that the mood was still so angry that executing him or simply leaving him to starve would cause absolute chaos. The dictator, after being convinced by reformist advisors, decided to release him in order to prevent a national and/or international scandal, as there was some coverage of it for a week or so on Western media and for far longer in Eastern media.

He returned to leadership, seeking to tend to his health and make sure he was alright. He continued disrupting the dictatorship, gnawing it down over time, while a member of the Workers' Confederation killed the Deputy Prime Minister - without having been ordered to do so by Huaman - in a botched attempt to kill the Prime Minister and President, causing further crackdowns. Huaman was shot in the spine in his own assassination attempt in 2001, but miraclously survived thanks to the good work of a doctor. The dictatorship would make further attempts on his life, but to no avail.

In 2017, he thought "Why not, let's go at it a third time." and decided to order yet another general strike. This time, seeing the state of the country, more workers listened to him, as he issued his list of demands, which the successors to the dictator accepted in part, as he bargained an agreement to end the strike. His union now exists legally, and he exists as the leader of a significant left bloc in the MPL, and stands as an outspoken leader of the left in Carbania.
Other Info: Has written many books, releasing his diaries during prison as well, along with books on political theory. Had a wife and a son, but both were killed by the dictatorship in a failed assassination attempt in 1996.

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: The Sarangtus Lands

Do Not Remove: DRAFT123123

[Dentali]

Tag

[Madrinpoor]

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([url=https://i.ibb.co/7JwgM03/image.png]Image)[/url]

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: The Sarangtus Lands
Character Name: Alca Mallama Huaman (more commonly known as El Cantor del Granjero Rojo ("The Red Farmer's Singer" for his speaking style and often loud and rowdy speeches) or Commandante del Pueblo Atahualpa, as was his nom de guerre during the resistance)
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 75
Character Date of Birth: 5th of September 1947
Character Position/Role/Job: Chairman of the Young Socialists of Carbania (1967 - 1972), Prisoner (1972 - 1976 , 1984 - 1986, 1998 - 1999), Chairman of the Agricultural Syndicates of Carbania (1976 - 1984, 1986 - 1993), Chairman of the Carbanian Workers' Confederation (1993 - 1998, 1999-)
Character Country/Province of Birth: Camparroz
Character Province of Residence: Camparroz
Character Party Affiliation: Socialist Party of Carbania (1967 - 1976), Free Socialist Party of Carbania (1976 - 1991), People's Liberation Movement (1991-)
Faceclaim: Lenin Moreno
Main Strengths: Icon of the resistance, strong links to the pre-dictatorship revolution, quite charismatic, strong organiser, conscientious, free of personal scandals, loved by the working class, has resisted many assassination attempts, in reasonably good health thanks to taking care of himself, has a significant amount of power over the MPL
Main Weaknesses: Loathed by anyone who is even remotely pro-dictatorship, seen as a liberal by those to his left and a communist by those to his right, perhaps a bit militant for the centre, disliked by the middle class for often being a bit rough, quite aggressive and can get sweary at times, prone to obsession and paranoia, has suffered significant injuries before and is limited in campaigning due to this, hated by every major superpower and by corporate leaders.
Biography: Born to a rice farmer and to a primary school teacher, Huaman grew up in the worst of the worst conditions, having been put to work at a very young age, growing up illiterate and hungry. However, his mother's political activism spurned him on, and she taught him how to read in her own time, as Huaman was unable to go to school due to the nearest indigenous school being too far away and mostly spent his time in the fields. After being taught how to read, he mostly was unable to do much with this, however his mother, being a member of the local Socialist Party organisation, was able to fetch him some books when he was 14-16, and he started getting into reading Marx, Luxemburg, Lenin and others.

He got into political activism early, using his limited free time to attend local Socialist Party meetings and became a member of the Young Socialists of Carbania, first being elected chair of the local Young Socialists of Carbania chapter at 18. He focused on organising young people, using them to push the message and bringing energy to the organisation. [President Overthrown By The Dictatorship] saw this, and, seeing Huaman's 'bright light', or alternatively, more cynically, seeking to win the indigenous vote and continue shifting the party to the left. He took him on as a protege, pushing him to victory in the election as he was able to woo and charm his way to victory, while being assisted by the left flank of the party which was on the ascendancy.

After being assisted up, he spent his side of the party's budget on activism and outreach, hoping to build a youth army to campaign in the essential 1970 election. As an ex officio member of the National Executive Committee, while previously their seat was seen as merely honourary, he proved himself more than that, charging ahead with the left flank of the party's concerns, and assisting {President Overthrown By The Dictatorship] in the 1969 leadership election after the stepping down of the moderate leader. The two had a reasonably close relationship, with Huaman being asked by [President Overthrown By The Dictatorship] to draft strategies on youth and rural outreach, which he did with skill, helping [President Overthrown By The Dictatorship] win the 1970 election through a strong youth turnout.

Huaman cheered [President Overthrown By The Dictatorship]'s victory, declaring him a champion for the poor and making supportive radio speeches in favour of him. He was seen as a rising star of the left of the party, as he continued his activism and challenged internal opponents of the President. Many were whispering about whether he would run for the Assembly in 1974, and perhaps may even become President or Prime Minister of the country in the 1980s. He did think about it, though historians are unsure about whether he would've actually run in 1974 or not based off writings at the time.

But that didn't matter in the end.

It was the crack of dawn on an oddly warm autumn day. Huaman had woke up early as usual, sifting through documents. It was just another day, right? He cleaned out his desk, did a bit of tidying, when suddenly he saw something rather odd in the horizon. He picked up his binoculars and took a look. He saw columns of men marching in the horizon. Tanks, even. He could feel a sense of unease, and considered calling the Minister of Defence. But he didn't.

And that was a great mistake. He stepped down, had his coffee, read the local newspaper, and of course the Carbania-wide socialist magazine by the party. He then heard a bang. Then another bang. He decided to go back up. He ran up the stairs, and saw the tanks and the men. They were firing on the city. Huaman knew what was coming. He knew the time for action was now. He called the Minister of Defence. He called the Prime Minister. He called the President.

But they were unable to do anything now.

Huaman picked up the phone and decided he needed to fight. He picked up his AK-47, and then rung the city chair of the Young Socialists of Carbania. The chair nodded and followed his instructions, sending them off to the various people within the city, as an announcement had been made by radio by the Minister of Defence.

"Intichiquan is now in a state of emergency."

The coup was underway. Huaman managed to release a final message - before the military had noticed what was going on and cut the lines - calling on the people of the country to resist the impending military coup, along with a special transmission from the office of the President.

But any help that would come was too late, he knew. He picked up his gun, gathered with his comrades, and began the fight to defend the city. They shot at officers, the officers shot back. It was mayhem. It was madness. Many of the men he knew that day died, along with his closest friend. But nevertheless, he carried on. Firing, and firing, and firing, until a bullet hit him in the backside. He fell to the ground, as he was apprehended by the security forces.

He lived in the most maximum of maximum securtiy for four years, being regularly beaten with sticks, waterboarded and tortured through a hundred other ways possible. It was said that the experience turned Huaman from a sprightly young man to a man who had the personality of someone three times his age. But nonetheless, he was able to break out. How? Well, the KGB had decided to do a plan. They knew that most of the political prisoners - or at least the most important ones - were being kept there, and so they decided to infiltrate the prison and start a riot on purpose, hoping people would escape, especially the Marxist-Leninist academic who they believed would be the vanguard of the new revolution.

The academic was killed, but Huaman had been able to escape, as the chaos let him leave, though he did face stiff resistance from one security guard who was promptly kicked in the head. After walking out, he fled back to his home state, and came home to find out his mother died in the resistance to the coup which was easily put down by the dictatorship. Still determined, he decided to get the gang back together and form the Agricultural Syndicates of Carbania, hoping to unite the farm workers. However, a split had formed among the remaining socialists. The moderates went off to form the Social Democratic Party of Carbania, while the left flank went off to form the Free Socialist Party of Carbania. As expected, Huaman joined the Free Socialist Party of Carbania.

He began organising and he began agitating, expanding his network across the entirety of rural Carbania. He did much valuable work, and spearheaded the non-violent resistance to the regime, often blocking roads and holding illegal protests, causing non-violent disruption across the entire country constantly through the tactical, flexible deployment of his forces. He was seen as one of the great enemies of the regime, and became known in international leftist circles as a hero. There were over 43 assassination attempts by the regime on his life, and while many of them were stopped in their tracks - though they turned Huaman increasingly paranoid - one particularly good attempt saw him shot in the spine, being stuck to a wheelchair for life in 2001.

However, he had two particularly interesting manouevres, both of which landed him in prison. The first one was in 1984, when he, as leader of the agricultural workers, got directly involved in a dispute between an employer and some farm workers, leading to the farm workers seizing the farm and then arming themselves in defence. This was known as the Garetta Standoff, and Huaman was personally in attendance, making a speech calling for the government to back the farm workers, though obviously they did not. Nearby farms also saw similar rebellions, as a large tract of land had been seized in the name of the workers. The standoff lasted for a few months, as first the farmers were able to resist police officers, but then the army was sent in, leading to a massive bloodbath as the farm workers fought back, with Huaman joining in on horseback. He was then captured by a member of the military force, being beaten and tied up in a bag.

After his harrowing experience, he decided to go on hunger strike, which attracted some international attention to the Carbanian situation, though support for Huaman was mostly limited to left-wing activists. During this time, he was force fed through a rectal tube, designed to pacify him. However, deliverance was to come soon, as a sympathetic guard had allowed him to sneak off in the night. The guard, he later found out, was executed via military trial.

He took a bit of time to recoup himself and to heal his wounds, then got back into the fight. He continued to organise the workers, increasing the numbers against the dictatorship and convincing the leader of the Free Socialist Party of Carbania to agree to dissolve and form into the MPL. After doing so, he consolidated the various trade unions to form the Carbanian Workers' Confederation, integrating it as an official part of the MPL, and where it got a significant amount of its funding. With the fall of the Soviet Union, he recalculated the political odds and saw this as an opportunity for

After this, he continued his agitation, this time pulling off his second manouevre. With the support of other forces, he organised his people and began a general strike known as the November Days, held on the 80th anniversary of the October Revolution. The general strike caused massive chaos, as the Carbanian economy was slammed into recession. Inflation began to hit, and the dictator knew that his days were possibly numbered. He imposed martial law, which did not stop the strikers, as they occupied the Assembly and attempted to capture the President but failed.

While the insurrection was mostly contained in the capital, it also gave other groups such as the MPL and the CPC the opportunity to advance. The insurrection took a few weeks to put down, as it was unable to rise into full revolution due to Huaman simply having misjudged the national mood. He was put in prison once again, and fired off another hunger strike, ready to become a martyr for the people. Protests continued demanding his release, and the dictator realised that the mood was still so angry that executing him or simply leaving him to starve would cause absolute chaos. The dictator, after being convinced by reformist advisors, decided to release him in order to prevent a national and/or international scandal, as there was some coverage of it for a week or so on Western media and for far longer in Eastern media.

He returned to leadership, seeking to tend to his health and make sure he was alright. He continued disrupting the dictatorship, gnawing it down over time, while a member of the Workers' Confederation killed the Deputy Prime Minister - without having been ordered to do so by Huaman - in a botched attempt to kill the Prime Minister and President, causing further crackdowns. Huaman was shot in the spine in his own assassination attempt in 2001, but miraclously survived thanks to the good work of a doctor. The dictatorship would make further attempts on his life, but to no avail.

In 2017, he thought "Why not, let's go at it a third time." and decided to order yet another general strike. This time, seeing the state of the country, more workers listened to him, as he issued his list of demands, which the successors to the dictator accepted in part, as he bargained an agreement to end the strike. His union now exists legally, and he exists as the leader of a significant left bloc in the MPL, and stands as an outspoken leader of the left in Carbania.
Other Info: Has written many books, releasing his diaries during prison as well, along with books on political theory. Had a wife and a son, but both were killed by the dictatorship in a failed assassination attempt in 1996.

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: The Sarangtus Lands

Do Not Remove: DRAFT123123

I think it's fine, but because this deals so much with Carbania lore I want another admin to look at it too.

[Tehrangeles]

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([url=https://i.ibb.co/7JwgM03/image.png]Image)[/url]

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: The Sarangtus Lands
Character Name: Alca Mallama Huaman (more commonly known as El Cantor del Granjero Rojo ("The Red Farmer's Singer" for his speaking style and often loud and rowdy speeches) or Commandante del Pueblo Atahualpa, as was his nom de guerre during the resistance)
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 75
Character Date of Birth: 5th of September 1947
Character Position/Role/Job: Chairman of the Young Socialists of Carbania (1967 - 1972), Prisoner (1972 - 1976 , 1984 - 1986, 1998 - 1999), Chairman of the Agricultural Syndicates of Carbania (1976 - 1984, 1986 - 1993), Chairman of the Carbanian Workers' Confederation (1993 - 1998, 1999-)
Character Country/Province of Birth: Camparroz
Character Province of Residence: Camparroz
Character Party Affiliation: Socialist Party of Carbania (1967 - 1976), Free Socialist Party of Carbania (1976 - 1991), People's Liberation Movement (1991-)
Faceclaim: Lenin Moreno
Main Strengths: Icon of the resistance, strong links to the pre-dictatorship revolution, quite charismatic, strong organiser, conscientious, free of personal scandals, loved by the working class, has resisted many assassination attempts, in reasonably good health thanks to taking care of himself, has a significant amount of power over the MPL
Main Weaknesses: Loathed by anyone who is even remotely pro-dictatorship, seen as a liberal by those to his left and a communist by those to his right, perhaps a bit militant for the centre, disliked by the middle class for often being a bit rough, quite aggressive and can get sweary at times, prone to obsession and paranoia, has suffered significant injuries before and is limited in campaigning due to this, hated by every major superpower and by corporate leaders.
Biography: Born to a rice farmer and to a primary school teacher, Huaman grew up in the worst of the worst conditions, having been put to work at a very young age, growing up illiterate and hungry. However, his mother's political activism spurned him on, and she taught him how to read in her own time, as Huaman was unable to go to school due to the nearest indigenous school being too far away and mostly spent his time in the fields. After being taught how to read, he mostly was unable to do much with this, however his mother, being a member of the local Socialist Party organisation, was able to fetch him some books when he was 14-16, and he started getting into reading Marx, Luxemburg, Lenin and others.

He got into political activism early, using his limited free time to attend local Socialist Party meetings and became a member of the Young Socialists of Carbania, first being elected chair of the local Young Socialists of Carbania chapter at 18. He focused on organising young people, using them to push the message and bringing energy to the organisation. [President Overthrown By The Dictatorship] saw this, and, seeing Huaman's 'bright light', or alternatively, more cynically, seeking to win the indigenous vote and continue shifting the party to the left. He took him on as a protege, pushing him to victory in the election as he was able to woo and charm his way to victory, while being assisted by the left flank of the party which was on the ascendancy.

After being assisted up, he spent his side of the party's budget on activism and outreach, hoping to build a youth army to campaign in the essential 1970 election. As an ex officio member of the National Executive Committee, while previously their seat was seen as merely honourary, he proved himself more than that, charging ahead with the left flank of the party's concerns, and assisting {President Overthrown By The Dictatorship] in the 1969 leadership election after the stepping down of the moderate leader. The two had a reasonably close relationship, with Huaman being asked by [President Overthrown By The Dictatorship] to draft strategies on youth and rural outreach, which he did with skill, helping [President Overthrown By The Dictatorship] win the 1970 election through a strong youth turnout.

Huaman cheered [President Overthrown By The Dictatorship]'s victory, declaring him a champion for the poor and making supportive radio speeches in favour of him. He was seen as a rising star of the left of the party, as he continued his activism and challenged internal opponents of the President. Many were whispering about whether he would run for the Assembly in 1974, and perhaps may even become President or Prime Minister of the country in the 1980s. He did think about it, though historians are unsure about whether he would've actually run in 1974 or not based off writings at the time.

But that didn't matter in the end.

It was the crack of dawn on an oddly warm autumn day. Huaman had woke up early as usual, sifting through documents. It was just another day, right? He cleaned out his desk, did a bit of tidying, when suddenly he saw something rather odd in the horizon. He picked up his binoculars and took a look. He saw columns of men marching in the horizon. Tanks, even. He could feel a sense of unease, and considered calling the Minister of Defence. But he didn't.

And that was a great mistake. He stepped down, had his coffee, read the local newspaper, and of course the Carbania-wide socialist magazine by the party. He then heard a bang. Then another bang. He decided to go back up. He ran up the stairs, and saw the tanks and the men. They were firing on the city. Huaman knew what was coming. He knew the time for action was now. He called the Minister of Defence. He called the Prime Minister. He called the President.

But they were unable to do anything now.

Huaman picked up the phone and decided he needed to fight. He picked up his AK-47, and then rung the city chair of the Young Socialists of Carbania. The chair nodded and followed his instructions, sending them off to the various people within the city, as an announcement had been made by radio by the Minister of Defence.

"Intichiquan is now in a state of emergency."

The coup was underway. Huaman managed to release a final message - before the military had noticed what was going on and cut the lines - calling on the people of the country to resist the impending military coup, along with a special transmission from the office of the President.

But any help that would come was too late, he knew. He picked up his gun, gathered with his comrades, and began the fight to defend the city. They shot at officers, the officers shot back. It was mayhem. It was madness. Many of the men he knew that day died, along with his closest friend. But nevertheless, he carried on. Firing, and firing, and firing, until a bullet hit him in the backside. He fell to the ground, as he was apprehended by the security forces.

He lived in the most maximum of maximum securtiy for four years, being regularly beaten with sticks, waterboarded and tortured through a hundred other ways possible. It was said that the experience turned Huaman from a sprightly young man to a man who had the personality of someone three times his age. But nonetheless, he was able to break out. How? Well, the KGB had decided to do a plan. They knew that most of the political prisoners - or at least the most important ones - were being kept there, and so they decided to infiltrate the prison and start a riot on purpose, hoping people would escape, especially the Marxist-Leninist academic who they believed would be the vanguard of the new revolution.

The academic was killed, but Huaman had been able to escape, as the chaos let him leave, though he did face stiff resistance from one security guard who was promptly kicked in the head. After walking out, he fled back to his home state, and came home to find out his mother died in the resistance to the coup which was easily put down by the dictatorship. Still determined, he decided to get the gang back together and form the Agricultural Syndicates of Carbania, hoping to unite the farm workers. However, a split had formed among the remaining socialists. The moderates went off to form the Social Democratic Party of Carbania, while the left flank went off to form the Free Socialist Party of Carbania. As expected, Huaman joined the Free Socialist Party of Carbania.

He began organising and he began agitating, expanding his network across the entirety of rural Carbania. He did much valuable work, and spearheaded the non-violent resistance to the regime, often blocking roads and holding illegal protests, causing non-violent disruption across the entire country constantly through the tactical, flexible deployment of his forces. He was seen as one of the great enemies of the regime, and became known in international leftist circles as a hero. There were over 43 assassination attempts by the regime on his life, and while many of them were stopped in their tracks - though they turned Huaman increasingly paranoid - one particularly good attempt saw him shot in the spine, being stuck to a wheelchair for life in 2001.

However, he had two particularly interesting manouevres, both of which landed him in prison. The first one was in 1984, when he, as leader of the agricultural workers, got directly involved in a dispute between an employer and some farm workers, leading to the farm workers seizing the farm and then arming themselves in defence. This was known as the Garetta Standoff, and Huaman was personally in attendance, making a speech calling for the government to back the farm workers, though obviously they did not. Nearby farms also saw similar rebellions, as a large tract of land had been seized in the name of the workers. The standoff lasted for a few months, as first the farmers were able to resist police officers, but then the army was sent in, leading to a massive bloodbath as the farm workers fought back, with Huaman joining in on horseback. He was then captured by a member of the military force, being beaten and tied up in a bag.

After his harrowing experience, he decided to go on hunger strike, which attracted some international attention to the Carbanian situation, though support for Huaman was mostly limited to left-wing activists. During this time, he was force fed through a rectal tube, designed to pacify him. However, deliverance was to come soon, as a sympathetic guard had allowed him to sneak off in the night. The guard, he later found out, was executed via military trial.

He took a bit of time to recoup himself and to heal his wounds, then got back into the fight. He continued to organise the workers, increasing the numbers against the dictatorship and convincing the leader of the Free Socialist Party of Carbania to agree to dissolve and form into the MPL. After doing so, he consolidated the various trade unions to form the Carbanian Workers' Confederation, integrating it as an official part of the MPL, and where it got a significant amount of its funding. With the fall of the Soviet Union, he recalculated the political odds and saw this as an opportunity for

After this, he continued his agitation, this time pulling off his second manouevre. With the support of other forces, he organised his people and began a general strike known as the November Days, held on the 80th anniversary of the October Revolution. The general strike caused massive chaos, as the Carbanian economy was slammed into recession. Inflation began to hit, and the dictator knew that his days were possibly numbered. He imposed martial law, which did not stop the strikers, as they occupied the Assembly and attempted to capture the President but failed.

While the insurrection was mostly contained in the capital, it also gave other groups such as the MPL and the CPC the opportunity to advance. The insurrection took a few weeks to put down, as it was unable to rise into full revolution due to Huaman simply having misjudged the national mood. He was put in prison once again, and fired off another hunger strike, ready to become a martyr for the people. Protests continued demanding his release, and the dictator realised that the mood was still so angry that executing him or simply leaving him to starve would cause absolute chaos. The dictator, after being convinced by reformist advisors, decided to release him in order to prevent a national and/or international scandal, as there was some coverage of it for a week or so on Western media and for far longer in Eastern media.

He returned to leadership, seeking to tend to his health and make sure he was alright. He continued disrupting the dictatorship, gnawing it down over time, while a member of the Workers' Confederation killed the Deputy Prime Minister - without having been ordered to do so by Huaman - in a botched attempt to kill the Prime Minister and President, causing further crackdowns. Huaman was shot in the spine in his own assassination attempt in 2001, but miraclously survived thanks to the good work of a doctor. The dictatorship would make further attempts on his life, but to no avail.

In 2017, he thought "Why not, let's go at it a third time." and decided to order yet another general strike. This time, seeing the state of the country, more workers listened to him, as he issued his list of demands, which the successors to the dictator accepted in part, as he bargained an agreement to end the strike. His union now exists legally, and he exists as the leader of a significant left bloc in the MPL, and stands as an outspoken leader of the left in Carbania.
Other Info: Has written many books, releasing his diaries during prison as well, along with books on political theory. Had a wife and a son, but both were killed by the dictatorship in a failed assassination attempt in 1996.

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: The Sarangtus Lands

Do Not Remove: DRAFT123123

I think it's fine, but because this deals so much with Carbania lore I want another admin to look at it too.

Why would the coup leaders not just put a bullet in his head?

[Tehrangeles]

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Tehrangeles
Character Name: Israel Lazarus Mendoza de Fernández (Israel Mendoza)
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 61
Character Date of Birth: 1961
Character Position/Role/Job:
President of Movimiento de Renovación Nacional (2017-Present),
Executive Producer for Televisión Hijos de Dios (2005-2017),
Pastor for Assembly of Christ Church (1997-Present),
Member of Parliament for Buñuel (1994-1997),
Candidate for Parliament (1992),
Assistant Pastor for Assembly for Christ Church (1985-1991),
Assembly for Christ Missionary (1983-1984)
Character Country/Province of Birth: Buñuel
Character Province of Residence: Buñuel
Character Party Affiliation: MRN
Faceclaim: Jimmy Morales
Main Strengths: Unifying figure among Evangelicals, charismatic, politically shrewd
Main Weaknesses: Allegations of corruption, gaffe-prone, divisive beyond base of support
Biography:
Israel Mendoza was born in 1961 in the small city of Ayacucho, in the province of Buñuel. He is of predominantly indigenous descent, and was born into a large Evangelical family. His father, Lazarus Mendoza was a convert from Catholicism, and an early proponent of Evangelical Protestantism in the country. He started the Assembly for Christ Church in 1955, which remained small at the time of Israel’s birth. By the 1980s, the Church had grown significantly, with branches opening across the country as the Evangelical movement ascended. Israel had a unique childhood as a result, traveling across the country with his father, and even visiting the Holy Land for baptism in the Jordan when he was fifteen. With an aptitude for speaking and a magnanimous personality, Israel was trained to take over for his father from a young age.

After attending seminary school in the United States, Israel spent two years as a missionary for the Church, living in the farming province and working to convert agricultural workers. In 1985 he rose to become an assistant pastor, assisting with worship services and delivering sermons at various branches of the church. However, Israel’s sights became set increasingly high. As the movement grew, he realized its political potential in the long-term. So, in 1992 he launched a campaign for Parliament in the farming province during a period in which Parliament was not suspended, running on a ticket simply called Assembly For Christ. Tolerating but suspicious of Evangelicals, the regime refused to allow Israel to take his seat in Parliament. Though it was under the auspices of corruption allegations which may or may not have been true, it was perceived by Evangelicals as religious discrimination. Israel did not cease to campaign, and won the 1994 election to a seat from Bruñuel, which he was allowed to take in Parliament, as the regime realized that minor accommodation would bring less political risk than total marginalization.

As one of the only Evangelicals in parliament, Israel was almost completely on the sidelines. This lead to frustration among his nascent base and legendary father, prompting the Assembly for Christ to organize a Jericho March in tandem with the left wing protests of 1997. Evangelicals and Pentecostals from across the country journeyed to the capital to call for democratic and federalist reform. This ultimately failed and led to the arrest of Lazarus Mendoza, who died in prison soon thereafter. It also caused the dismissal of Israel from Parliament, and increased scrutiny against Assembly for Christ.

Despite his removal from office, Israel was able to assume pastoral control of the Church and gained valuable attention for the Evangelical movement which increased conversion. In 2007, Israel coordinated with other major churches to form Hijos de Dios Television, a religious television network. This provided him with an even larger platform as a televangelist, becoming a face of the movement in Carbania. By the fall of the dictatorship, the network became the fourth largest television station in the country.

After the fall of the dictatorship, Israel used his political experience and coordination between churches to form the MRN, a right-wing pro democracy party which seeks to facilitate and promote Evangelical interests. He was subsequently elected as President by party-wide ballot. With 13% of the voting body now Evangelical, the party has a high floor and could emerge as a mayor player in the legislature. Israel has broad goals for the party, hoping it can one day take the presidency as Evangelicals and Pentecostals form a rapidly increasing share of the population.

Other Info: Has seven siblings and eight children, though his first wife died so he has since remarried.

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: Tehrangeles

Do Not Remove: Finished123

[New Luciannova]

Besides lack of a picture I haven't seen a review of Ulises "El Pulpo" Torre done. Here is his party...

Logo shows a half rising sun over a horizon with the letters PMN in Gold and red font beneath

<Party%20Logo%20Here>

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Party Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: New Luciannova
Party Name: Partido Para Mañana Nueva
Preferred Party Acronym: PMN
Party Colors (specific): Gold, Red, Green
Party Leader: Ulises "El Pulpo" Torre
Position on Political Spectrum: Center-Right, Big Tent, Classical Liberalism
Main Ideologies: Free Market Capitalism, Nationalism, Neo-Liberalism, Pan-Americanism, Classical Liberalism (mild), Bro Business
Economic Policy: Lassiez-Faire Capitalism, Free Trade
Social Policy: Liberalism (mild, not heavily emphasized)
Other Policy: Strongly supports legalized gambling and removing government controls from free markets. Strongly pro-West and pro-United States. Believes in using the market to create an era of prosperity. Wants to create "a Wall Street, a Hollywood, Cancun, Manhattan, and a Silicon Valley" in Cartania. PMN's leader has been pushing for improved education and literacy and has been footing the bill.

Other Info: PMN has been popular among young, educated urban voters, wealthy entrepreneurs, financial workers, and prominent businessmen. It's leader, El Pulpo, his wealthy allies, and foreign investors bankroll this party. It has come under criticism for its monopolistic and predatory practices and how much control it has over markets.
It is almost impossible to separate the party from "El Pulpo," which is complicated for broad-based support, however the party is truly a party of optimism and is more future-oriented.
The song "Tomorrow" from Annie in Spanish has become something of an anthem
"El Pulpo" has famously called for skyscrapers, high-rise condominiums, shiny-glass-paned buildings, lush, green country clubs, shopping malls, resorts, boutiques, education, technology, and luxury. This appeals to many, but many people in Cartania are still too poor to care about owning a flashy car or a penthouse suite, and are content with a simple life. However, many of Pulpo's programs have helped people find respectable jobs and educational opportunities, and for all its questions on business practices El Pulpo has been a generally fair employer, claiming that money is far more powerful than the whip.

[Madrinpoor]

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(Image)

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Tehrangeles
Character Name: Israel Lazarus Mendoza de Fernández (Israel Mendoza)
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 61
Character Date of Birth: 1961
Character Position/Role/Job:
President of Movimiento de Renovación Nacional (2017-Present),
Executive Producer for Televisión Hijos de Dios (2005-2017),
Pastor for Assembly of Christ Church (1997-Present),
Member of Parliament for Buñuel (1994-1997),
Candidate for Parliament (1992),
Assistant Pastor for Assembly for Christ Church (1985-1991),
Assembly for Christ Missionary (1983-1984)
Character Country/Province of Birth: Buñuel
Character Province of Residence: Buñuel
Character Party Affiliation: MRN
Faceclaim: Jimmy Morales
Main Strengths: Unifying figure among Evangelicals, charismatic, politically shrewd
Main Weaknesses: Allegations of corruption, gaffe-prone, divisive beyond base of support
Biography:
Israel Mendoza was born in 1961 in the small city of Ayacucho, in the province of Buñuel. He is of predominantly indigenous descent, and was born into a large Evangelical family. His father, Lazarus Mendoza was a convert from Catholicism, and an early proponent of Evangelical Protestantism in the country. He started the Assembly for Christ Church in 1955, which remained small at the time of Israel’s birth. By the 1980s, the Church had grown significantly, with branches opening across the country as the Evangelical movement ascended. Israel had a unique childhood as a result, traveling across the country with his father, and even visiting the Holy Land for baptism in the Jordan when he was fifteen. With an aptitude for speaking and a magnanimous personality, Israel was trained to take over for his father from a young age.

After attending seminary school in the United States, Israel spent two years as a missionary for the Church, living in the farming province and working to convert agricultural workers. In 1985 he rose to become an assistant pastor, assisting with worship services and delivering sermons at various branches of the church. However, Israel’s sights became set increasingly high. As the movement grew, he realized its political potential in the long-term. So, in 1992 he launched a campaign for Parliament in the farming province during a period in which Parliament was not suspended, running on a ticket simply called Assembly For Christ. Tolerating but suspicious of Evangelicals, the regime refused to allow Israel to take his seat in Parliament. Though it was under the auspices of corruption allegations which may or may not have been true, it was perceived by Evangelicals as religious discrimination. Israel did not cease to campaign, and won the 1994 election to a seat from Bruñuel, which he was allowed to take in Parliament, as the regime realized that minor accommodation would bring less political risk than total marginalization.

As one of the only Evangelicals in parliament, Israel was almost completely on the sidelines. This lead to frustration among his nascent base and legendary father, prompting the Assembly for Christ to organize a Jericho March in tandem with the left wing protests of 1997. Evangelicals and Pentecostals from across the country journeyed to the capital to call for democratic and federalist reform. This ultimately failed and led to the arrest of Lazarus Mendoza, who died in prison soon thereafter. It also caused the dismissal of Israel from Parliament, and increased scrutiny against Assembly for Christ.

Despite his removal from office, Israel was able to assume pastoral control of the Church and gained valuable attention for the Evangelical movement which increased conversion. In 2007, Israel coordinated with other major churches to form Hijos de Dios Television, a religious television network. This provided him with an even larger platform as a televangelist, becoming a face of the movement in Carbania. By the fall of the dictatorship, the network became the fourth largest television station in the country.

After the fall of the dictatorship, Israel used his political experience and coordination between churches to form the MRN, a right-wing pro democracy party which seeks to facilitate and promote Evangelical interests. He was subsequently elected as President by party-wide ballot. With 13% of the voting body now Evangelical, the party has a high floor and could emerge as a mayor player in the legislature. Israel has broad goals for the party, hoping it can one day take the presidency as Evangelicals and Pentecostals form a rapidly increasing share of the population.

Other Info: Has seven siblings and eight children, though his first wife died so he has since remarried.

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: Tehrangeles

Do Not Remove: Finished123

ACCEPTED

[Madrinpoor]

Besides lack of a picture I haven't seen a review of Ulises "El Pulpo" Torre done. Here is his party...

Logo shows a half rising sun over a horizon with the letters PMN in Gold and red font beneath

<Party%20Logo%20Here>

---

Party Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: New Luciannova
Party Name: Partido Para Mañana Nueva
Preferred Party Acronym: PMN
Party Colors (specific): Gold, Red, Green
Party Leader: Ulises "El Pulpo" Torre
Position on Political Spectrum: Center-Right, Big Tent, Classical Liberalism
Main Ideologies: Free Market Capitalism, Nationalism, Neo-Liberalism, Pan-Americanism, Classical Liberalism (mild), Bro Business
Economic Policy: Lassiez-Faire Capitalism, Free Trade
Social Policy: Liberalism (mild, not heavily emphasized)
Other Policy: Strongly supports legalized gambling and removing government controls from free markets. Strongly pro-West and pro-United States. Believes in using the market to create an era of prosperity. Wants to create "a Wall Street, a Hollywood, Cancun, Manhattan, and a Silicon Valley" in Cartania. PMN's leader has been pushing for improved education and literacy and has been footing the bill.

Other Info: PMN has been popular among young, educated urban voters, wealthy entrepreneurs, financial workers, and prominent businessmen. It's leader, El Pulpo, his wealthy allies, and foreign investors bankroll this party. It has come under criticism for its monopolistic and predatory practices and how much control it has over markets.
It is almost impossible to separate the party from "El Pulpo," which is complicated for broad-based support, however the party is truly a party of optimism and is more future-oriented.
The song "Tomorrow" from Annie in Spanish has become something of an anthem
"El Pulpo" has famously called for skyscrapers, high-rise condominiums, shiny-glass-paned buildings, lush, green country clubs, shopping malls, resorts, boutiques, education, technology, and luxury. This appeals to many, but many people in Cartania are still too poor to care about owning a flashy car or a penthouse suite, and are content with a simple life. However, many of Pulpo's programs have helped people find respectable jobs and educational opportunities, and for all its questions on business practices El Pulpo has been a generally fair employer, claiming that money is far more powerful than the whip.

Sorry about forgetting! It'd be great if you could get a logo eventually, but I think it's still fine.

Before I accept the party, there is another one very similar, the PPI — maybe El Pulpo would like to join that party? Or work out a coalition deal? Up to you two.

[New Luciannova]

NS Nation Name: New Luciannova
Character Name: Constantino "El Pulpo" Torre
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 48
Character Date of Birth: 01-08-1974
Character Position/Role/Job: CEO of Prometheus Industries
Character Country/State of Birth: Born in Carbania
Character State of Residence: Coastal State
Character Party Affiliation: Partidad de Manana Nueva (PMN)
Faceclaim: Giuseppe di Giorgi
Main Strengths: Educated, sophisticated, very business savvy, can make and present a plan, has a ton of foreign contacts, excessive amount of wealth and influence over finance and industry, his conglomerate of firms is considered the place to work. He controls the nation's oil refineries, shipping, transportation, banking, and owns a series of hotels and gambling establishments'. He recently has created a university. He owns and built the tallest building in Carbania. He is popular among industrialists, business interests, entrepreneurs, younger and more educated urban voters. He controls the nation's largest newspaper and owns a television station. He's shown often being charitable and fair. He presents his vision well in more business-like environments.
El Pulpo often wears light-colored business suits and a Panama hat, however, since he took control of most of the shipping freighters he has begun dressing as an Admiral. It is unclear if he is actually an Admiral commissioned in any legitimate fleet, or not. It is possible he bought the rank, as it appears he can buy almost anything.
Main Weaknesses: He is disliked by almost everyone else. El Pulpo is seen as corrupt and a bit of a grafter. He's similar to John D. Rockefeller and Robber Barons. His political intersets seem to relate directly to his business interests. He's seen as a bit too cozy to the United States.
Biography: (Minimum 2-3 paragraphs)
Constantino Torre is the son of a prominent industrialist and has gradually been taking contol of shipping and transportation in Carbania. While many people own oil wells, they all need his trucks, trains, and ships to get products to market. They also want to use his refineries. His company "Prometheus Industries" employs many and is one of the largest conglomerates and creditors in the nation. The reach he has lead to media figures calling him "The Octopus" or "El Pulpo." He has worn this as a badge of honor. El Pulpo's business interets do not end in Carbania, and he has strong ties to the United States, having attended MIT and Harvard Business School.
El Pulpo envisions Carbania in many ways as another US, he wants to create its own Silicon Valley, Hollywood, and Wall Street. El Pulpo wants skyscrapers, high-end tourism and casinos, luxury housing and education. He has helped make many rich and created respectable jobs. Carbania has built the tallest building in Carbania, the Olympus Tower, as well as Torre University, of course with the mascot of the Octopus.
El Pulpo's most recent venture, now that democratization is afoot is to earn power in government, finding the Manana Neuva Party (PMN) a pro-business neo-liberal party. Some see it as a patriot's dedication, others see it as merely politicized business.

[The Sarangtus Lands]

I think it's fine, but because this deals so much with Carbania lore I want another admin to look at it too.

Why would the coup leaders not just put a bullet in his head?

Most likely an arrogance of "Well we've got the guy I'm sure we can keep him in prison" and until later on he might not have seen as important enough to need to kill.

[New Luciannova]

El Pulpo is used to being "the boss." However, he's not against being allies or partners. His party is almost entirely politicized capitalism, I wrote to PPI about an alliance.

Besides lack of a picture I haven't seen a review of Ulises "El Pulpo" Torre done. Here is his party...

Logo shows a half rising sun over a horizon with the letters PMN in Gold and red font beneath

<Party%20Logo%20Here>

---

Party Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: New Luciannova
Party Name: Partido Para Mañana Nueva
Preferred Party Acronym: PMN
Party Colors (specific): Gold, Red, Green
Party Leader: Constantino "El Pulpo" Torre
Position on Political Spectrum: Center-Right, Big Tent, Classical Liberalism
Main Ideologies: Free Market Capitalism, Nationalism, Neo-Liberalism, Pan-Americanism, Classical Liberalism (mild), Bro Business
Economic Policy: Lassiez-Faire Capitalism, Free Trade
Social Policy: Liberalism (mild, not heavily emphasized)
Other Policy: Strongly supports legalized gambling and removing government controls from free markets. Strongly pro-West and pro-United States. Believes in using the market to create an era of prosperity. Wants to create "a Wall Street, a Hollywood, Cancun, Manhattan, and a Silicon Valley" in Cartania. PMN's leader has been pushing for improved education and literacy and has been footing the bill.

Other Info: PMN has been popular among young, educated urban voters, wealthy entrepreneurs, financial workers, and prominent businessmen. It's leader, El Pulpo, his wealthy allies, and foreign investors bankroll this party. It has come under criticism for its monopolistic and predatory practices and how much control it has over markets.
It is almost impossible to separate the party from "El Pulpo," which is complicated for broad-based support, however the party is truly a party of optimism and is more future-oriented.
The song "Tomorrow" from Annie in Spanish has become something of an anthem
"El Pulpo" has famously called for skyscrapers, high-rise condominiums, shiny-glass-paned buildings, lush, green country clubs, shopping malls, resorts, boutiques, education, technology, and luxury. This appeals to many, but many people in Cartania are still too poor to care about owning a flashy car or a penthouse suite, and are content with a simple life. However, many of Pulpo's programs have helped people find respectable jobs and educational opportunities, and for all its questions on business practices El Pulpo has been a generally fair employer, claiming that money is far more powerful than the whip.

Sorry about forgetting! It'd be great if you could get a logo eventually, but I think it's still fine.

Before I accept the party, there is another one very similar, the PPI — maybe El Pulpo would like to join that party? Or work out a coalition deal? Up to you two.

[Jovuistan]

---

(Image)

---

Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Tehrangeles
Character Name: Israel Lazarus Mendoza de Fernández (Israel Mendoza)
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 61
Character Date of Birth: 1961
Character Position/Role/Job:
President of Movimiento de Renovación Nacional (2017-Present),
Executive Producer for Televisión Hijos de Dios (2005-2017),
Pastor for Assembly of Christ Church (1997-Present),
Member of Parliament for Buñuel (1994-1997),
Candidate for Parliament (1992),
Assistant Pastor for Assembly for Christ Church (1985-1991),
Assembly for Christ Missionary (1983-1984)
Character Country/Province of Birth: Buñuel
Character Province of Residence: Buñuel
Character Party Affiliation: MRN
Faceclaim: Jimmy Morales
Main Strengths: Unifying figure among Evangelicals, charismatic, politically shrewd
Main Weaknesses: Allegations of corruption, gaffe-prone, divisive beyond base of support
Biography:
Israel Mendoza was born in 1961 in the small city of Ayacucho, in the province of Buñuel. He is of predominantly indigenous descent, and was born into a large Evangelical family. His father, Lazarus Mendoza was a convert from Catholicism, and an early proponent of Evangelical Protestantism in the country. He started the Assembly for Christ Church in 1955, which remained small at the time of Israel’s birth. By the 1980s, the Church had grown significantly, with branches opening across the country as the Evangelical movement ascended. Israel had a unique childhood as a result, traveling across the country with his father, and even visiting the Holy Land for baptism in the Jordan when he was fifteen. With an aptitude for speaking and a magnanimous personality, Israel was trained to take over for his father from a young age.

After attending seminary school in the United States, Israel spent two years as a missionary for the Church, living in the farming province and working to convert agricultural workers. In 1985 he rose to become an assistant pastor, assisting with worship services and delivering sermons at various branches of the church. However, Israel’s sights became set increasingly high. As the movement grew, he realized its political potential in the long-term. So, in 1992 he launched a campaign for Parliament in the farming province during a period in which Parliament was not suspended, running on a ticket simply called Assembly For Christ. Tolerating but suspicious of Evangelicals, the regime refused to allow Israel to take his seat in Parliament. Though it was under the auspices of corruption allegations which may or may not have been true, it was perceived by Evangelicals as religious discrimination. Israel did not cease to campaign, and won the 1994 election to a seat from Bruñuel, which he was allowed to take in Parliament, as the regime realized that minor accommodation would bring less political risk than total marginalization.

As one of the only Evangelicals in parliament, Israel was almost completely on the sidelines. This lead to frustration among his nascent base and legendary father, prompting the Assembly for Christ to organize a Jericho March in tandem with the left wing protests of 1997. Evangelicals and Pentecostals from across the country journeyed to the capital to call for democratic and federalist reform. This ultimately failed and led to the arrest of Lazarus Mendoza, who died in prison soon thereafter. It also caused the dismissal of Israel from Parliament, and increased scrutiny against Assembly for Christ.

Despite his removal from office, Israel was able to assume pastoral control of the Church and gained valuable attention for the Evangelical movement which increased conversion. In 2007, Israel coordinated with other major churches to form Hijos de Dios Television, a religious television network. This provided him with an even larger platform as a televangelist, becoming a face of the movement in Carbania. By the fall of the dictatorship, the network became the fourth largest television station in the country.

After the fall of the dictatorship, Israel used his political experience and coordination between churches to form the MRN, a right-wing pro democracy party which seeks to facilitate and promote Evangelical interests. He was subsequently elected as President by party-wide ballot. With 13% of the voting body now Evangelical, the party has a high floor and could emerge as a mayor player in the legislature. Israel has broad goals for the party, hoping it can one day take the presidency as Evangelicals and Pentecostals form a rapidly increasing share of the population.

Other Info: Has seven siblings and eight children, though his first wife died so he has since remarried.

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: Tehrangeles

Do Not Remove: Finished123

ACCEPTED!

[Madrinpoor]

El Pulpo is used to being "the boss." However, he's not against being allies or partners. His party is almost entirely politicized capitalism, I wrote to PPI about an alliance.

Sorry about forgetting! It'd be great if you could get a logo eventually, but I think it's still fine.

Before I accept the party, there is another one very similar, the PPI — maybe El Pulpo would like to join that party? Or work out a coalition deal? Up to you two.

In that case, PMN is ACCEPTED