NATION

PASSWORD

Twilight's Last Gleaming: An American Political RP OOC (Open

For all of your non-NationStates related roleplaying needs!

Advertisement

Remove ads

User avatar
Deblar
Senator
 
Posts: 3646
Founded: Jan 28, 2021
Left-wing Utopia

Postby Deblar » Fri Mar 04, 2022 8:04 am

The Dixiecrats are really making a comeback, aren't they?

User avatar
Yaruqo
Diplomat
 
Posts: 629
Founded: Sep 02, 2019
Ex-Nation

Postby Yaruqo » Fri Mar 04, 2022 9:12 am

Melovinta wrote:Can we get a time system? We've had people in the IC thread go from March 3rd to March 7th and then back to March 3rd, is there any set limit on how many days can pass since the last IC post?


On the IC thread, you can see what the current IC dates are. March 3 - March 10, 2007. This is how we’ve done it for previous iterations, to allow folks time to post and respond to each other in consideration of RL time constraints. We will consistently update the IC dates to ensure flow and pacing of the RP move forward.
Join NS P2TM's rebooted US politics RP! - Twilight’s Last Gleaming

Слава Україні!
Glory to Ukraine!

User avatar
Melovinta
Envoy
 
Posts: 304
Founded: Aug 31, 2021
New York Times Democracy

Postby Melovinta » Fri Mar 04, 2022 9:21 am

Yaruqo wrote:
Melovinta wrote:Can we get a time system? We've had people in the IC thread go from March 3rd to March 7th and then back to March 3rd, is there any set limit on how many days can pass since the last IC post?


On the IC thread, you can see what the current IC dates are. March 3 - March 10, 2007. This is how we’ve done it for previous iterations, to allow folks time to post and respond to each other in consideration of RL time constraints. We will consistently update the IC dates to ensure flow and pacing of the RP move forward.


Alright, thanks! Btw, by how much does the time advance? 10 days? 5? 20?
A Type 5, Tier 3, Global Superpower according to this index.
A civilization born from a war of Independence in the 1700s which exerted its influence over the world via diplomacy, economics, and military might.

I do NOT use NS stats.

User avatar
Madrinpoor
Minister
 
Posts: 2231
Founded: Dec 01, 2020
Left-Leaning College State

Postby Madrinpoor » Fri Mar 04, 2022 9:21 am

Melovinta wrote:Can we get a time system? We've had people in the IC thread go from March 3rd to March 7th and then back to March 3rd, is there any set limit on how many days can pass since the last IC post?

It's generally just courtesy not to post too much in one one week span, but I promise it speeds up after this first intro week. Also campaign posts are almost always just a post of events for that week every week.

I recommend that people lay off a little bit on the posting their intros on the IC thread — after you've made like one intro post just give other people time to do so as well.

Melovinta wrote:
Yaruqo wrote:
On the IC thread, you can see what the current IC dates are. March 3 - March 10, 2007. This is how we’ve done it for previous iterations, to allow folks time to post and respond to each other in consideration of RL time constraints. We will consistently update the IC dates to ensure flow and pacing of the RP move forward.


Alright, thanks! Btw, by how much does the time advance? 10 days? 5? 20?

Almost always it's a 1 week advance, usually it's 1 RL week to 1 IC week
Last edited by Madrinpoor on Fri Mar 04, 2022 9:22 am, edited 2 times in total.
MT City-state off the coast of Japan: Sumo wrestling, tech startups, Shintō mobs, gay marriage, Bōsōzuku, taiko drums, custom 90s cars, neon signs, skyscrapers, Yakuza, internet, Christians, flashy teen biker gangs, international treaties, inter-city canals, rooftop gardens, Samurai, canned beer and a Shogun.

Brand new member of The Pub RP group!
Yooper High Kingdom wrote:If I could describe Mandrinpoor with one word, it would be this: Slick.
Nevertopia wrote:Madrinpoor? More like madrinWEALTH be upon your family, may your days be happy and your burdens be light.

SupportUkraine!
Save P2TM!
Cuban-American He/him

User avatar
Dentali
Postmaster of the Fleet
 
Posts: 22304
Founded: Dec 28, 2016
Left-Leaning College State

Postby Dentali » Fri Mar 04, 2022 9:46 am

Madrinpoor wrote:
Melovinta wrote:Can we get a time system? We've had people in the IC thread go from March 3rd to March 7th and then back to March 3rd, is there any set limit on how many days can pass since the last IC post?

It's generally just courtesy not to post too much in one one week span, but I promise it speeds up after this first intro week. Also campaign posts are almost always just a post of events for that week every week.

I recommend that people lay off a little bit on the posting their intros on the IC thread — after you've made like one intro post just give other people time to do so as well.

Melovinta wrote:
Alright, thanks! Btw, by how much does the time advance? 10 days? 5? 20?

Almost always it's a 1 week advance, usually it's 1 RL week to 1 IC week




CURRENT IC DATE: March 1st, 2007 to March 10th, 2007


We advance on Mondays. Currently 1 week IC to 1 week OOC but this will likely change.
| LAND OF THE FREE ||AMERICAN||POLITICAL|| RP || IS || UP! | - JOIN NOW!

User avatar
Dentali
Postmaster of the Fleet
 
Posts: 22304
Founded: Dec 28, 2016
Left-Leaning College State

Postby Dentali » Fri Mar 04, 2022 9:47 am

Deblar wrote:The Dixiecrats are really making a comeback, aren't they?



Most likely a last hurrah, they are not exactly in step with the party
| LAND OF THE FREE ||AMERICAN||POLITICAL|| RP || IS || UP! | - JOIN NOW!

User avatar
Cybernetic Socialist Republics
Ambassador
 
Posts: 1356
Founded: May 17, 2019
New York Times Democracy

Postby Cybernetic Socialist Republics » Fri Mar 04, 2022 11:48 am

Updated, please put Talise Fleming app on hold while I fix it to match the timeline here.

Image


Face Claim: Cory Booker
Image


Character Application and Information Sheet


NS Nation Name: Cybernetic Socialist Republics
Character Name: Upton Robert Fleming
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 43 (Born August 16th, 1963)
Character Height: 6’3
Character Weight: 220 Pounds
Character Position/Role/Job:
  • Governor of Pennsylvania (2003-)
  • Philadelphia District Attorney (1997-2003)
  • Staffer for the Ambassador to the United Nations (1993-1997)
  • [Not-Bill Clinton] Presidential Campaign Foreign Policy Advisor (1991-1992)
  • Junior Manager at USAID (1988-1991)
  • [Not-Jesse Jackson] Presidential Campaign Economic Policy Advisor (1987-1988)
  • [Not-Jesse Jackson] Presidential Campaign Foreign Policy Junior Staffer (1983-1984)
Character Country/State of Birth: Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, United States of America
Character State of Residence: Pennsylvania
Character Party Affiliation:
  • Democratic Party (1981-)
Main Strengths:
  • Charismatic communicator
  • Good administrator
  • Donor support from Real Estate Development, Construction and Nuclear Industry
  • Relatively Young
  • Multi-racial/strata youth support
  • Cool and Calculating

Main Weaknesses:
  • Disliked by Libertarians, Isolationists, White Evangelicals, Nuclear Energy Skeptics, Localists, NIMBYs
  • Donor support from Real Estate Development, Construction and Nuclear Industry
  • Aloof
  • Arrogant
  • Catholicism inspired fence-sitting on sexual politics with a 'personally conservative, civically liberal' position that alienates both sides.
  • Target of a grassroots right-wing conspiracy machine

Biography:

Upton Robert Fleming was born to Judith Fleming (nee Moore) and Harold Fleming In Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. His mother was among a select few women who worked at NASA on the Mercury program, the year before moving to Philadelphia with her husband as newly weds as both of them received offers to work in Pennsylvania in higher education, Judith in teaching mathematics and Harold is developmental economics. In addition to career advancement, their new better paying jobs would also allow them to live in a minority-majority suburban neighborhood in late 1962. Having educated parents, a bright mind and living in an affluent community, it was none too difficult for him to not only do well in school, but vigorously pursue extracurricular activities, sports and volunteering included, primarily through catholic organizations due to his religious upbringing.

He would graduate as a valedictorian in high school at 17 before earning a scholarship to Stanford University, where he'd get a double major in International Relations and Economics. He'd graduate at 21 and get a job working for the firmly left-wing (Not-Jesse Jackson) Presidential Campaign in 1983, working on its foreign policy team, specifically working on writing policy for sanctioning apartheid South Africa, the only element of the candidate's platform to make it into the 1984 Democratic Platform. After Democratic convention that year, Upton would manage to work is way on to the foreign policy advisory team in the 1984 General election campaign for the democratic party, before starting Law School at Harvard later that year. He would classes with Talise Mabus, who he'd begin dating that in that year, marrying her after they both graduated in 1987. That same year he would work as campaign staff for the second (Not-Jesse Jackson) Presidential Campaign, this time his job was more focused on the economic portion of the campaign, specifically when it came to crafting policy and messaging for the rustbelt, where (Not-Jesse Jackson) would get consistent seconds, but most surprisingly a blow out ~55% victory, including very strong performances in predominately white working class areas won by the segregationist populist George Wallace only 16 years prior. That particular result would go on to become a formative moment of Upton's politics, alongside the other short comings of the campaign.

In 1988, he would have his daughter, Amber, and he'd get a job working for USAID, a position he'd hold until 1992, when he'd work on the (Not-Bill Clinton) Campaign, reprising a role as a foreign policy advisor, but this time in a a more senior capacity. By now he was adopting a more interventionist view on foreign policy that went beyond sanctions and argued for the more assertive application of military force in the post-cold war era. When (Not-Bill Clinton) won the presidency, he managed to secure a job under the president's newly appointed Ambassador to the United Nations. In 1993, his wife, Talise, who had been a Naval Reserve Pilot after becoming a direct commission officer after completing law school, decided to train to become a fighter pilot after combat rolls became open to women in 1993. Upton would be on a team that help draw up plans for United Nations Security Council Resolution 816, to enforce a no fly zone over Bosnia, knowing that is was not unlikely in the coming years his wife would be among those that'd end up having to enforce it. She'd end up participating in the later parts of Operation Deny Flight and Operation Deliberate Force.

Upton Fleming would remain working under the Ambassador to the United Nations until 1997, when they would be made Secretary of State. Using political ties that he had established for over 10 years now, from both progressives and liberals in the 80s and more centrist figures in the 90s, he was able to build a team and get campaign funds to run for Philadelphia District Attorney, also operating on the hunch that crime was reaching a peak in the late 90s, which would allow him to take credit for improvements upon its fall in addition to what ever he'd be able to accomplish himself, which would be useful for further political endeavors. He'd win election candidly, and over the next four years, he’d aggressively promote his actions as contributing to a decreasing crime rate, raising his profile as the homicide rate continued to descend. His mode of operation included aggressively pursuing the harshest possible prison sentences against hard drug manufacturing and dealers. He’d win re-election to district attorney easily and rumors began to swirl about his being a potential candidate for the 2002 Pennsylvania gubernatorial election to replace the term limited Republican Governor. He announced his run early in 2002, running a campaign emphasizing both his tough on crime record and, to many observers, surprisingly liberal orientation on economics, even as he supported bi-partisan proposals like simplifying public programs, promoting movement towards land value taxes and backing employee stock ownership plans. He also cautiously tapped into an abortion skeptical vein among older African American voters and a critical number of white Catholics, while seeking a big donor constituency of Real estate developers and the construction industry. He’d manage to win the Democratic race in a field split by three notable candidates, securing 39% the primary vote with a strong showing in Philadelphia and its surrounding suburbs, but a noticeable weakness in rural Pennsylvania.

In addition to emphasizing his record on crime in Philadelphia, he would spend his campaign promising to lower sales taxes, introduce progressivity to state income taxes and support a process to replace property taxes in the state with land value taxes to promote land development and punish vacant land ownership. He'd go on to win the general election by 5 points, primarily hampered by poor performance in rural counties, but aided by very strong urban support and solid suburban backing.

In office, his first legislative production was the Pennsylvania of Tomorrow program, which was meant to significantly lower sales taxes and increase education funding by shifting over to a more progressive state income tax, along with a variety of 'sin' taxes on beer, cigarettes and gambling. Looking to find a way to secure revenue through utilities taxes, the plan also called for a small tax on electricity generation that was weighted by carbon emissions, partially in an attempt to promote nuclear energy. The program also called for the phase out and replacement of both state and local property taxes in Pennsylvania with land value taxes, starting with a complete moratorium on new property taxes within municipalities. Lastly the bill included putting the Pennsylvania state Treasurer, an office held by a Republican in charge of an project called 'Pennsylvania Solidarity', which would exist to provide advice and aid to businesses in Pennsylvania to implement ESOP plans for their employees, support agricultural cooperatives and promote credit union membership as local alternatives to national conglomerates.

After negotiations with the republican controlled legislature, Upton was able to secure smaller versions of all of his priorities, with the exception of the property tax/land value tax transition, which went through without modifications. Upton would go on to reform government procurement in Pennsylvania through the creation of the Office of Administration and Efficiency, which would seek to factor in recirculated tax revenue in its’ procurement decisions, leading to an increase in business for Pennsylvania from the state government and net improvements to the Pennsylvania budget of around a billion dollars by the end of his first term. As part of his tough on crime approach, he also support laws intended to move towards a requirement for all prisoner's to either work or train for work during their prison term, even at the expense of bending to a republican legislature that wished aimed to increase prison privatization.

In 2004, due to an effective campaign in a low profile race during a presidential election year, his wife Talise was able to secure a landslide victory for the state treasury, even getting inroads into rural Pennsylvania. She went quickly to work using the full breadth of powers provided through the Pennsylvania Solidarity project, leading to significant expansion of ESOPs, coops and credit unions in the state.

In 2005, when the discussion of social security reform in Washington D.C. went into full swing, Upton weighed in by suggesting that he’d be supportive of having the social security trust fund transition its assets into index funds and away from non-marketable securities, alongside lifting the cap on FICA and SECA contributions. The former parts of these comments would be interpreted by some as endorsement of a partial privatization of social security, which caused some dissension in the ranks among progressives in the state democratic party. This triggered the creation of a tongue in cheek campaign by the activist left to draft his wife, Talise, perceived as more left wing, to run for governor in 2006. Talise would end up converting this energy into an announcement of her intention to run for the United States Senate in 2006.

The humorous campaign would, instead, morph into a very serious campaign to draft the 2002 Green Party candidate to run against Upton in the upcoming primaries, who was originally reluctant to do so due to feeling that there was a lack of infrastructure to support a campaign. He quickly gained support from some factions of the Pennsylvania democratic party that opposed Upton, primarily those on the right and localist leaning parts of the party, feeling that while he was in theory closer to their views, the challenger, or the Republican nominee, would be easier to pull in their direction once in office than Upton.

Despite an impressive campaign for someone who was a third party candidate in the election cycle before, Upton won a decisive victory in the primaries, though it was notably much smaller than his own wife’s senate primary victory. Both, however, would go on to win their general election victory in November with around ~60% of the popular vote, as more center and left leaning voters were drawn to vote for Talise and Upton by the other respectively, in addition to riding the 2006 blue wave. The election victory would do much to undermine organized opposition to Upton in the Pennsylvania Democratic Party, particularly when his election victory saw the end of his team's attempts to squash speculation that he was planning to run for President for 2008. State Democrats coveted the chance to have the first black president come from the state whose only other native born president was the man who let America fall into civil war, James Buchanan.

Come new years, 2007, news of an exploratory committee to run for a Upton Fleming run would come out, allowing him to draw some national media to his inauguration speech on January 21st, where he lay out all that he had accomplished in his previous term as Governor of Pennsylvania, before laying out his agenda for the future in terms that were very much nationally applicable, with the promise that specifics would be saved for his February budget address to the state General Assembly.

On March 1st, 2007 he’d officially launch his presidential campaign.

Other Info:

The election victories here are significantly toned down to be at around the average national democrat numbers of the given year to account for the fair possibility that Upton would do worse than Ed Rendell. Given that the RL 2006 republican nominee was a black football player, and given that he performed only ~5 points worse than the 2002 candidate, in a year that republicans did ~13 points worse nationally, I think a black veteran with a tough on crime record could perform at least this well. The inspirations here are Bill Clinton and Barack Obama, except a veteran and committed to building a political force inside of Democratic party to the left of the New Democrats/Democratic Leadership Council types, but just as professionalized.

I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Cybernetic Socialist Republics

Do Not Remove: DRAFT87421
Last edited by Cybernetic Socialist Republics on Fri Mar 04, 2022 11:53 am, edited 1 time in total.

User avatar
Dentali
Postmaster of the Fleet
 
Posts: 22304
Founded: Dec 28, 2016
Left-Leaning College State

Postby Dentali » Fri Mar 04, 2022 12:04 pm

Cybernetic Socialist Republics wrote:Updated, please put Talise Fleming app on hold while I fix it to match the timeline here.

(Image)


Face Claim: Cory Booker
(Image)


Character Application and Information Sheet


NS Nation Name: Cybernetic Socialist Republics
Character Name: Upton Robert Fleming
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 43 (Born August 16th, 1963)
Character Height: 6’3
Character Weight: 220 Pounds
Character Position/Role/Job:
  • Governor of Pennsylvania (2003-)
  • Philadelphia District Attorney (1997-2003)
  • Staffer for the Ambassador to the United Nations (1993-1997)
  • [Not-Bill Clinton] Presidential Campaign Foreign Policy Advisor (1991-1992)
  • Junior Manager at USAID (1988-1991)
  • [Not-Jesse Jackson] Presidential Campaign Economic Policy Advisor (1987-1988)
  • [Not-Jesse Jackson] Presidential Campaign Foreign Policy Junior Staffer (1983-1984)
Character Country/State of Birth: Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, United States of America
Character State of Residence: Pennsylvania
Character Party Affiliation:
  • Democratic Party (1981-)
Main Strengths:
  • Charismatic communicator
  • Good administrator
  • Donor support from Real Estate Development, Construction and Nuclear Industry
  • Relatively Young
  • Multi-racial/strata youth support
  • Cool and Calculating

Main Weaknesses:
  • Disliked by Libertarians, Isolationists, White Evangelicals, Nuclear Energy Skeptics, Localists, NIMBYs
  • Donor support from Real Estate Development, Construction and Nuclear Industry
  • Aloof
  • Arrogant
  • Catholicism inspired fence-sitting on sexual politics with a 'personally conservative, civically liberal' position that alienates both sides.
  • Target of a grassroots right-wing conspiracy machine

Biography:

Upton Robert Fleming was born to Judith Fleming (nee Moore) and Harold Fleming In Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. His mother was among a select few women who worked at NASA on the Mercury program, the year before moving to Philadelphia with her husband as newly weds as both of them received offers to work in Pennsylvania in higher education, Judith in teaching mathematics and Harold is developmental economics. In addition to career advancement, their new better paying jobs would also allow them to live in a minority-majority suburban neighborhood in late 1962. Having educated parents, a bright mind and living in an affluent community, it was none too difficult for him to not only do well in school, but vigorously pursue extracurricular activities, sports and volunteering included, primarily through catholic organizations due to his religious upbringing.

He would graduate as a valedictorian in high school at 17 before earning a scholarship to Stanford University, where he'd get a double major in International Relations and Economics. He'd graduate at 21 and get a job working for the firmly left-wing (Not-Jesse Jackson) Presidential Campaign in 1983, working on its foreign policy team, specifically working on writing policy for sanctioning apartheid South Africa, the only element of the candidate's platform to make it into the 1984 Democratic Platform. After Democratic convention that year, Upton would manage to work is way on to the foreign policy advisory team in the 1984 General election campaign for the democratic party, before starting Law School at Harvard later that year. He would classes with Talise Mabus, who he'd begin dating that in that year, marrying her after they both graduated in 1987. That same year he would work as campaign staff for the second (Not-Jesse Jackson) Presidential Campaign, this time his job was more focused on the economic portion of the campaign, specifically when it came to crafting policy and messaging for the rustbelt, where (Not-Jesse Jackson) would get consistent seconds, but most surprisingly a blow out ~55% victory, including very strong performances in predominately white working class areas won by the segregationist populist George Wallace only 16 years prior. That particular result would go on to become a formative moment of Upton's politics, alongside the other short comings of the campaign.

In 1988, he would have his daughter, Amber, and he'd get a job working for USAID, a position he'd hold until 1992, when he'd work on the (Not-Bill Clinton) Campaign, reprising a role as a foreign policy advisor, but this time in a a more senior capacity. By now he was adopting a more interventionist view on foreign policy that went beyond sanctions and argued for the more assertive application of military force in the post-cold war era. When (Not-Bill Clinton) won the presidency, he managed to secure a job under the president's newly appointed Ambassador to the United Nations. In 1993, his wife, Talise, who had been a Naval Reserve Pilot after becoming a direct commission officer after completing law school, decided to train to become a fighter pilot after combat rolls became open to women in 1993. Upton would be on a team that help draw up plans for United Nations Security Council Resolution 816, to enforce a no fly zone over Bosnia, knowing that is was not unlikely in the coming years his wife would be among those that'd end up having to enforce it. She'd end up participating in the later parts of Operation Deny Flight and Operation Deliberate Force.

Upton Fleming would remain working under the Ambassador to the United Nations until 1997, when they would be made Secretary of State. Using political ties that he had established for over 10 years now, from both progressives and liberals in the 80s and more centrist figures in the 90s, he was able to build a team and get campaign funds to run for Philadelphia District Attorney, also operating on the hunch that crime was reaching a peak in the late 90s, which would allow him to take credit for improvements upon its fall in addition to what ever he'd be able to accomplish himself, which would be useful for further political endeavors. He'd win election candidly, and over the next four years, he’d aggressively promote his actions as contributing to a decreasing crime rate, raising his profile as the homicide rate continued to descend. His mode of operation included aggressively pursuing the harshest possible prison sentences against hard drug manufacturing and dealers. He’d win re-election to district attorney easily and rumors began to swirl about his being a potential candidate for the 2002 Pennsylvania gubernatorial election to replace the term limited Republican Governor. He announced his run early in 2002, running a campaign emphasizing both his tough on crime record and, to many observers, surprisingly liberal orientation on economics, even as he supported bi-partisan proposals like simplifying public programs, promoting movement towards land value taxes and backing employee stock ownership plans. He also cautiously tapped into an abortion skeptical vein among older African American voters and a critical number of white Catholics, while seeking a big donor constituency of Real estate developers and the construction industry. He’d manage to win the Democratic race in a field split by three notable candidates, securing 39% the primary vote with a strong showing in Philadelphia and its surrounding suburbs, but a noticeable weakness in rural Pennsylvania.

In addition to emphasizing his record on crime in Philadelphia, he would spend his campaign promising to lower sales taxes, introduce progressivity to state income taxes and support a process to replace property taxes in the state with land value taxes to promote land development and punish vacant land ownership. He'd go on to win the general election by 5 points, primarily hampered by poor performance in rural counties, but aided by very strong urban support and solid suburban backing.

In office, his first legislative production was the Pennsylvania of Tomorrow program, which was meant to significantly lower sales taxes and increase education funding by shifting over to a more progressive state income tax, along with a variety of 'sin' taxes on beer, cigarettes and gambling. Looking to find a way to secure revenue through utilities taxes, the plan also called for a small tax on electricity generation that was weighted by carbon emissions, partially in an attempt to promote nuclear energy. The program also called for the phase out and replacement of both state and local property taxes in Pennsylvania with land value taxes, starting with a complete moratorium on new property taxes within municipalities. Lastly the bill included putting the Pennsylvania state Treasurer, an office held by a Republican in charge of an project called 'Pennsylvania Solidarity', which would exist to provide advice and aid to businesses in Pennsylvania to implement ESOP plans for their employees, support agricultural cooperatives and promote credit union membership as local alternatives to national conglomerates.

After negotiations with the republican controlled legislature, Upton was able to secure smaller versions of all of his priorities, with the exception of the property tax/land value tax transition, which went through without modifications. Upton would go on to reform government procurement in Pennsylvania through the creation of the Office of Administration and Efficiency, which would seek to factor in recirculated tax revenue in its’ procurement decisions, leading to an increase in business for Pennsylvania from the state government and net improvements to the Pennsylvania budget of around a billion dollars by the end of his first term. As part of his tough on crime approach, he also support laws intended to move towards a requirement for all prisoner's to either work or train for work during their prison term, even at the expense of bending to a republican legislature that wished aimed to increase prison privatization.

In 2004, due to an effective campaign in a low profile race during a presidential election year, his wife Talise was able to secure a landslide victory for the state treasury, even getting inroads into rural Pennsylvania. She went quickly to work using the full breadth of powers provided through the Pennsylvania Solidarity project, leading to significant expansion of ESOPs, coops and credit unions in the state.

In 2005, when the discussion of social security reform in Washington D.C. went into full swing, Upton weighed in by suggesting that he’d be supportive of having the social security trust fund transition its assets into index funds and away from non-marketable securities, alongside lifting the cap on FICA and SECA contributions. The former parts of these comments would be interpreted by some as endorsement of a partial privatization of social security, which caused some dissension in the ranks among progressives in the state democratic party. This triggered the creation of a tongue in cheek campaign by the activist left to draft his wife, Talise, perceived as more left wing, to run for governor in 2006. Talise would end up converting this energy into an announcement of her intention to run for the United States Senate in 2006.

The humorous campaign would, instead, morph into a very serious campaign to draft the 2002 Green Party candidate to run against Upton in the upcoming primaries, who was originally reluctant to do so due to feeling that there was a lack of infrastructure to support a campaign. He quickly gained support from some factions of the Pennsylvania democratic party that opposed Upton, primarily those on the right and localist leaning parts of the party, feeling that while he was in theory closer to their views, the challenger, or the Republican nominee, would be easier to pull in their direction once in office than Upton.

Despite an impressive campaign for someone who was a third party candidate in the election cycle before, Upton won a decisive victory in the primaries, though it was notably much smaller than his own wife’s senate primary victory. Both, however, would go on to win their general election victory in November with around ~60% of the popular vote, as more center and left leaning voters were drawn to vote for Talise and Upton by the other respectively, in addition to riding the 2006 blue wave. The election victory would do much to undermine organized opposition to Upton in the Pennsylvania Democratic Party, particularly when his election victory saw the end of his team's attempts to squash speculation that he was planning to run for President for 2008. State Democrats coveted the chance to have the first black president come from the state whose only other native born president was the man who let America fall into civil war, James Buchanan.

Come new years, 2007, news of an exploratory committee to run for a Upton Fleming run would come out, allowing him to draw some national media to his inauguration speech on January 21st, where he lay out all that he had accomplished in his previous term as Governor of Pennsylvania, before laying out his agenda for the future in terms that were very much nationally applicable, with the promise that specifics would be saved for his February budget address to the state General Assembly.

On March 1st, 2007 he’d officially launch his presidential campaign.

Other Info:

The election victories here are significantly toned down to be at around the average national democrat numbers of the given year to account for the fair possibility that Upton would do worse than Ed Rendell. Given that the RL 2006 republican nominee was a black football player, and given that he performed only ~5 points worse than the 2002 candidate, in a year that republicans did ~13 points worse nationally, I think a black veteran with a tough on crime record could perform at least this well. The inspirations here are Bill Clinton and Barack Obama, except a veteran and committed to building a political force inside of Democratic party to the left of the New Democrats/Democratic Leadership Council types, but just as professionalized.

I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Cybernetic Socialist Republics

Do Not Remove: DRAFT87421



The only issue is have with this guy is that giving his wife a senate seat would require a full on app, otherwise I have no issue here. That being said we STRONGLY encourage people to diversify the states they represent and its a lot of power concentrated in a vital state.
| LAND OF THE FREE ||AMERICAN||POLITICAL|| RP || IS || UP! | - JOIN NOW!

User avatar
Rygondria
Negotiator
 
Posts: 6162
Founded: Nov 12, 2012
Inoffensive Centrist Democracy

Postby Rygondria » Fri Mar 04, 2022 2:31 pm

I just remembered that California had a republican as governor at this point of time, that’s another option I could use besides the Sec of Defense

User avatar
Madrinpoor
Minister
 
Posts: 2231
Founded: Dec 01, 2020
Left-Leaning College State

Postby Madrinpoor » Fri Mar 04, 2022 3:17 pm

Rygondria wrote:I just remembered that California had a republican as governor at this point of time, that’s another option I could use besides the Sec of Defense

That was a weird situation though. A Republican governor would still have a hell of an uphill battle in CA in 2007
MT City-state off the coast of Japan: Sumo wrestling, tech startups, Shintō mobs, gay marriage, Bōsōzuku, taiko drums, custom 90s cars, neon signs, skyscrapers, Yakuza, internet, Christians, flashy teen biker gangs, international treaties, inter-city canals, rooftop gardens, Samurai, canned beer and a Shogun.

Brand new member of The Pub RP group!
Yooper High Kingdom wrote:If I could describe Mandrinpoor with one word, it would be this: Slick.
Nevertopia wrote:Madrinpoor? More like madrinWEALTH be upon your family, may your days be happy and your burdens be light.

SupportUkraine!
Save P2TM!
Cuban-American He/him

User avatar
Mareadmonte
Spokesperson
 
Posts: 157
Founded: Jan 22, 2022
Corporate Bordello

Postby Mareadmonte » Fri Mar 04, 2022 6:29 pm

How does polling/election results work?

User avatar
Dentali
Postmaster of the Fleet
 
Posts: 22304
Founded: Dec 28, 2016
Left-Leaning College State

Postby Dentali » Fri Mar 04, 2022 7:06 pm

Mareadmonte wrote:How does polling/election results work?



Bit early for that but basically ask for it and the admins will chat and make a determination. Eventually we will formally assign states to people
| LAND OF THE FREE ||AMERICAN||POLITICAL|| RP || IS || UP! | - JOIN NOW!

User avatar
Rygondria
Negotiator
 
Posts: 6162
Founded: Nov 12, 2012
Inoffensive Centrist Democracy

Postby Rygondria » Fri Mar 04, 2022 8:28 pm

Madrinpoor wrote:
Rygondria wrote:I just remembered that California had a republican as governor at this point of time, that’s another option I could use besides the Sec of Defense

That was a weird situation though. A Republican governor would still have a hell of an uphill battle in CA in 2007

That is a fair point, was just pointing out a possibility though.

User avatar
Cybernetic Socialist Republics
Ambassador
 
Posts: 1356
Founded: May 17, 2019
New York Times Democracy

Postby Cybernetic Socialist Republics » Fri Mar 04, 2022 11:39 pm

And here is the other app.

Image
Face Claim: Paulette Jordan


Image


Character Application and Information Sheet


NS Nation Name: Cybernetic Socialist Republics
Character Name: Talise Fleming (nee Mabus)
Character Gender: Female
Character Age: 41 (October 17th 1965)
Character Height: 6'0
Character Weight: 175 Pounds
Character Position/Role/Job:
  • Pennsylvania Senator: (2007-)
  • Treasurer of Pennsylvania (2005-2007)
  • US Naval Reserve (2003-)
  • US Navy Fighter Pilot (1993-2003)
  • Finance Policy Staff for Centrist Democrat Think Tank (1987-1993)

Character Country/State of Birth: Phoenix, Arizona
Character State of Residence: Pennsylvania
Character Party Affiliation:
Democratic Party (1983-)

Main Strengths:
  • Convincing Frontierswoman
  • Physically and Vocally Attractive
  • Defense Industry and Veteran's Groups donor support.
  • Relatively Young
  • Finance Policy Wonk

Main Weaknesses:
  • Obsessively targeted by grassroots populist conspiracists across political spectrum.
  • Uncomfortably cold when upset
  • Defense Industry Donor support
  • Authoritarian tendencies
  • Regimental at best, borderline abusive at worse to those she considers 'subpar'
  • Wrote extensively in favor of financial deregulation in the late 80s and early 90s

Biography:

Born June 6th, 1965 in Phoenix, Arizona to her father Hyatt Mabus and mother, Dorothy Mabus (nee Morrison) in. Her parents met at University of Pennsylvania, though both were born in Arizona. Her father, A white catholic democrat studying finance and her mother an apache tribe feminist and member of the Socialist Party. Both however would grow to be influenced by both the losses of the New Left and development of their careers to move toward the political center. Her father would work for an investment firm in Arizona and her mother would work for centrist democrat Arizona Attorney General and later Governor Bruce Babbitt. Despite being born in the city, her parents would regularly take her on trips to the ranches of friends and family, leading her to learn how to ride and horse and shoot from a young age, along with a rudimentary understanding of cattle raising,

Talise was a star student and owning to bother of her parents genes, a star athlete, getting a basketball scholarship to her parents alma mater. She'd pursue a Major in finance while playing division 1 basketball, completing her bachelor in 1983, before starting her first of law school, before transferring to Harvard where she met and dated Upton Robert Fleming During their time in law school the two would regularly argue about the merits of their respective wing of the democratic party, with the founding of the Democratic Leadership Council with it's centrist leaning beings particularly target of discussion. Talise's up bringing lead her to be very much pro DLC while Upton was firmly anti. For Talise it was a matter of utilitarian pragmatism than a question of morality, but she did find her self drifting toward Upton's economic views and pulling him towards her Scoop Jackson inspired foreign policy views. One of their conversation lead Talise to decide that she'd sign up to become a direct commission officer after completing law school. Talise and Upton would marry in 1987 and as she insisted that she would, she signed up to become a direct commissioned officer. She'd become a naval reserve pilot trainer, but due to military regulations, she could not become a combat fighter pilot.

In late 1988, she would have her daughter Amber with Upton, while she worked with a think tank associated with the Democratic Leadership Council, in a role as a finance policy advisor. One paper she worked on with others, among many, called for the repeal of Glass-Steagall and keep the derivatives trade unregulated, so as to maintain America's advance in the finance industry. She'd work in this capacity until 1993, in which combat roles were opened up to female pilots and Talise would then sign up for active duty service as a Naval aviator. Talise would serve on the USS Theodore Roosevelt in Carrier Air Wing Eight, participating in Operations Deny Flight, Deliberate Force, Southern Watch, Allied Force, Enduring Freedom and Iraqi Freedom. Over the course of 10 years, she would fly over 4 different countries in three distinct wars, from attacking ethnic separatists from the Adriatic to Islamic extremists in central Asia and the Baathist regime in Iraq.

By mid 2003, she would leave active duty for Naval Reserve and start serving full time not only as First Lady of Pennsylvania, but also be there for her now 15 year old daughter for more than the half a year she'd normally be there for. Between Talise's shore leave, Amber's time with her father and with baby sitters and tutors, Amber grew up to be competitive and ambitious, much like her mother, but seemed more in athletics and media than politics. In 2004, Talise would make use of the largely unused resources of her office to crisscross the state promoting the underutilized Pennsylvania Solidarity project, officially to promote a government program but informally as a means to campaign for a run for the State Treasurer office to replace the Republican incumbent. By studiously avoiding any mention of the race while she used state resources to travel, she was left with more effective resources put towards her campaign that her opposition could muster, allowing her to accomplish a landslide victory in the race that would see her winning multiple rural counties.

Her time in office as state treasurer was an active one, as she made full use of the powers bestowed upon the office to accomplish the goals of the Pennsylvania Solidarity project. Additionally, soon after being elected to office, between speaking to her staff, treasurers in other states and her own father, she begun having concerns about possible hosing bubble, speaking personally to her husband about it before having her treasury publish a report in late 2005, which also suggested additional treasury powers regulating subprime mortgages. Upton, worried about the optics of empowering the office held by his wife and reliant on support from real estate developers, avoided acting on it in concern he could lose a general election or even a primary challenge. The year he was elected, the then democratic governor of Georgia had faced an all out campaign against him for putting tighter restrictions on mortgage creations and lost re-election thanks in part to those efforts, and Upton was concerned about replicating that defeat. Talise would also use the office to subtly direct investment to the benefit of the defense sector in Pennsylvania.

Talise would end up becoming a star of the Pennsylvania democratic party, while also getting to know the struggles of rural Pennsylvanians. She managed to cultivate a positive record among progressive democrats while avoiding being offensive to centrists beyond, what her progressive support base implied. She managed leverage those generally positive feelings into a successful 2006 run for the US Senate, riding the blue wave and mutually benefiting her husband’s re-election campaign. But winning a place in the senate isn't the limit of her ambitions within the Democratic Party, nor is aiding the success of her husband. In her lifetime, The Democratic Party has won more than 50% of the popular vote in a presidential only once. It took the greatest presidential scandal in American history for Jimmy Carter to reach a majority by a mere .7%. In contrast, the Republicans had done it five times, with two of those times being above 60%.

In her view, the 1992 victory the result of an anomalously successful third party run, who's voters turned to the Republicans two years later to destroy the democratic house majority that had existed since 1955 and aside from 4 years interruption, since 1931. Despite their control of the Democratic Party since the early 90s, the successes of both the Democratic Leadership Council and the New Democrats in general were mirages that evaporated as soon as [Not-Perot] wasn't there to siphon votes from the Republican party and the democrats no longer had the advantage of a generational political talent in the position of incumbent in 1996, which was still not enough to win a plurality, which could only have negative implications down ballot. Talise's belief and goal, therefore, is to introduce the credibility and professionalization of the New Democrats, to the progressive wing of the democratic party, so that it may form a bloc capable of not only taking controlling of the democratic party, but sell a winning message to the American people. But to accomplish that, she'll need to find a way to unite every from frustrated radical centrists, New Left holdouts and committed labor democrats. A tough, if not impossible task for anyone, never mind a first term Senator, but Talise has always been ambitious.

Other Info:

I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Cybernetic Socialist Republics

Do Not Remove: DRAFT87421

User avatar
Madrinpoor
Minister
 
Posts: 2231
Founded: Dec 01, 2020
Left-Leaning College State

Postby Madrinpoor » Sat Mar 05, 2022 6:37 am

Rygondria wrote:
Madrinpoor wrote:That was a weird situation though. A Republican governor would still have a hell of an uphill battle in CA in 2007

That is a fair point, was just pointing out a possibility though.

Of course. A Republican governor with lots of charisma and moderate views that then went to Congress (or even ran for President) would be a big contender.
MT City-state off the coast of Japan: Sumo wrestling, tech startups, Shintō mobs, gay marriage, Bōsōzuku, taiko drums, custom 90s cars, neon signs, skyscrapers, Yakuza, internet, Christians, flashy teen biker gangs, international treaties, inter-city canals, rooftop gardens, Samurai, canned beer and a Shogun.

Brand new member of The Pub RP group!
Yooper High Kingdom wrote:If I could describe Mandrinpoor with one word, it would be this: Slick.
Nevertopia wrote:Madrinpoor? More like madrinWEALTH be upon your family, may your days be happy and your burdens be light.

SupportUkraine!
Save P2TM!
Cuban-American He/him

User avatar
Madrinpoor
Minister
 
Posts: 2231
Founded: Dec 01, 2020
Left-Leaning College State

Postby Madrinpoor » Sat Mar 05, 2022 8:17 am

Image


Image


Character Application and Information Sheet


NS Nation Name: Madrinpoor
Character Name: Jéan-Jacques St. Cierge (J.J.)
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 55 (b. 1952)
Character Height: 5'8
Character Weight: 151
Character Position/Role/Job: Host of Political Juice podcast (2005—)
Host of Waffles and Congress radio special (1999—2005)
Cofounder/Pundit on ASBC Radio (1997—)
Guest Pundit on CNN (1996—1997)
Owner, St. Cierge Cider distillery (1996)
Mayor of Baltimore (1992—1996)
Staff writer at Progressive Underground magazine (1983—1989)
Baltimore City Council (1981—1983)
Speechwriter for a leftist House candidate running against not-Barbara Milkulski (1978—1980)
Founder/Radio Pirate, Free DC Radio (1975, alleged but true)
Character Country/State of Birth: Maine, USA
Character State of Residence: Maryland
Character Party Affiliation: Democrat Coffee House
Faceclaim: Allen West
Main Strengths: Charismatic; TV-genic; hard to say "no" to; cult following; wide name recognition from radio show; experienced and skilled debater; scrappy underdog; down to earth; very distinctive and recognizable persona
Main Weaknesses: Foreign sounding and unspelleable name; limited political experience; struggles to expand his base outside of his devoted followers; questionable political support in the past; wrong place at the wrong time politically; spent teenage years in Canada; no filter
Biography: Jéan-Jacques St. Cierge was born in Aroostook County, in the extreme northernmost part of Maine. His father was Acadian, his family had lived in the area since before the Revolutionary War. His maternal great-great-grandmother, according to family legend, was a slave brought to Canada along the Underground Railroad. His mother worked as a customs agent on the border between the US and Canada, and his father a teacher.

When Jéan-Jacques was nine, his family moved to Montréal, to be closer to his paternal family. Jéan-Jacques spent his teenage years there, though he went to a bilingual school, and spent summers with his maternal family in Maine. He was one of only two Black people in his school, the other being an American named Richie but who went by "Pascal" to sound more French. The two were close friends, and both pursued interests in social studies and law. Jéan-Jacques went to Georgetown University, aiming for law school, with a major in political science. But he found the law track boring, and not stimulating — the faculty recommended he go through with it anyway, and Jéan-Jacques went to Georgetown law school after finishing his four year degree with a major in PoliSci and a minor in literature, admitted to the bar in 1977.

Jéan-Jacques wouldn't ever practice law, however — in fact, his PoliSci degree would be even more useful to him. While in college, he became active politically, protesting Vietnam, participating in some civil rights marches, and joining the Students for a Democratic Society, a socialist youth organization, until it dissolved in 1974. He helped run a small leftist pirate radio station out of a van that broadcasted revolutionary music from around the world, ranging from Rage Against the Machine to Silvio Rodriguez, as well as organizing protests and marches before their operation was busted due to an anonymous tip. J.J. wasn't present when that happened — and although there have been rumors and allegations that he was a part of Free DC Radio, nothing has ever been proven. But it piqued his interest in radio, which he would turn to much later in life. He also made comments around that time expressing sympathy towards the Weather Underground, a radical left-wing terrorist organization.

By the time he graduated from law school, his views had tempered a little, and he turned slightly towards a more mainstream Democratic position — his entry into Democratic politics came just after law school, where an opinion piece he wrote for the Hoya, the Georgetown student newspaper, that argued in favor of decriminalization of marijuana, was seen by the campaign manager for a liberal Baltimore house candidate in 1978, running against the moderate not-Milkulski in the Democratic primary. Jéan-Jacques interviewed for the position of speechwriter, and won it — but his candidate lost the primary to not-Milkulski, who went on to win reelection. Still, it marked Jéan-Jacques's entry into Democratic politics.

Jéan-Jacques would work on the candidate's campaign again, in 1980, this time working as both his speechwriter and chief of staff, after his previous one resigned. This time, the primary was more intense, with J.J.'s boss polling above not-Milkulski a month before the primary election — but after some public disagreements with him, J.J. split from the progressive candidate — criticizing his hawkish views and what J.J. perceived as moving to the center. He found a space to air his complaints on a local Baltimore news show, where he spent an hour harshly attacking his former boss. With a sudden vicious attack from the inside of his campaign, the candidate started to suffer in the polls, his progressive image weakened. Eventually he lost the primary once again to not-Milkulski, whether or not Jéan-Jacques had any effect on that is up for debate.

After the 1980 election, with encouragement from a friend, Jéan-Jacques decided to start his own political career. He ran for the Baltimore city council in 1981, in an impoverished inner city district on a pledge to bring a library of books to every public school in Baltimore. He won the election, and immediately turned his focus towards accomplishing his mission. He submitted an official city bill to enact his program and allot the necessary funds, a couple million dollars — the bill was promptly ignored, despite Jéan-Jacques' repeated speeches on the town hall floor. When the budget for that year was passed, J.J. was outraged to learn that millions were allocated towards building a new town hall instead of going towards books.

As a protest, J.J. submitted a new bill, worded differently, every day until the new town hall was finished. Afterwards, he refused to sit in the new town hall that he said was built "using the funds that should go to the children of Baltimore", instead he moved a desk outside onto the town hall steps and had an aide run messages and votes into the building. This quickly gained him the attention of both the national media and the Governor of Maryland, both of which pressed the city council to follow through on Jéan-Jacques's books plan. They conceded, and allocated even more money than J.J. expected, as well as placing him at the helm of a committee to oversee the distribution of the books, in an attempt to avoid a further political embarrassment at his hands.

Surprisingly, J.J. the people chose for his committee weren't mostly librarians and teachers from the area, as expected — the lineup included a legal professor pushing for an inclusion of African-American studies in college curriculums; a gay rights/AIDS activist who wrote several childrens books on sexuality; various local journalists and activists; and a local teacher who came under fire for assigning Night, a graphic memoir of the Holocaust, as homework for a middle school students.

Subsequently, the assortment of books proposed included titles dealing with race, profanity, sexuality, religion, and books perceived by the conservative school board as "encouraging rebellious behavior". The program was popular among students and teachers, but the Baltimore school board were appalled by the subjects presented. They demanded Jéan-Jacques's resignation, and for the program to be discontinued until a new slate of books, decided by the school board, could be approved. The program wasn't discontinued, but the mayor, fearing a political crisis, allowed the individual schools to curate their selections — which Jéan-Jacques called out in an interview as "complete and utter bulls—t". Jéan-Jacques became a target for conservatives, and a hero for the dwindling progressive wing. Not-Reagan denounced him on TV as "poisoning hearts and minds" to which Jéan-Jacques responded that not-Reagan was "a Hollywood airhead who struggles to read a book, much less know what books our kids should be reading".

Riding off of his newfound publicity, Jéan-Jacques began a campaign for mayor of Baltimore in the mayoral election of 1983. His early campaign was doing well in the polls, concerning even the popular incumbent mayor not-Schaefer — but come election time, he was trounced, garnering only 3% of the primary vote. Schaefer's coalition of urban minorities and wealthier suburban Whites managed to hold through, and although Jéan-Jacques later launched an independent campaign in the general election, he lost soundly again.

That doesn't mean he was without supporters — the devoted band of followers that he gathered as a rebellious councilman called themselves the "Jacquobins". After his unsuccessful mayor bid, Jéan-Jacques landed a job at a new leftist magazine called the Progressive Underground, where all the staff writers wrote under pseudonyms. His name was "Pascal", after his friend from Canada, now a prominent lawyer for a lobbying firm. For a few years, Jéan-Jacques disappeared from the public life, until 1989.

That year, as a response to rising crime, Jéan-Jacques reentered the political scene with another bid for mayor in the 1991 election. He laid out a plan to combat drugs that would be considered progressive even by 2007 standards, with a focus on treating addictions instead of punishing them, investing more money into schools and poor neighborhoods, and instituting rehabilitation programs in the violent and overcrowded Baltimore prisons. His plan was derided by Republicans and Democrats — but Jéan-Jacques found much more support among the Black community than he did in 1983. They were overly targeted by police, with Black incarceration disproportionately high, and saw, if not a light of hope in Jéan-Jacques, at least a change in the commonly accepted crime-fighting strategies. In the Democratic primary, with the help of Black voters, he narrowly eked out a 51% victory over the incumbent mayor.

In the general election, he expected an easy race in the heavily Democratic city. But the incumbent mayor ran as an Independent — in the end, Jéan-Jacques managed to win a plurality of the vote, only barely breaching 39% — the incumbent won 36%, and a surprisingly strong conservative Democrat candidate 23%. This meant Jéan-Jacques was heading for a runoff, scheduled for the late summer of 1991.

And he headed to that runoff — armed with a skimpy campaign chest gathered from various progressive groups and individual donors. Facing off against a popular Democratic incumbent, backed by the Maryland DNC, and every White person and every rich person in Baltimore, scared to hell over the prospect of Jéan-Jacques's radical policies being implemented with the backing of a powerless city council, scared to stand up to a political rebel since law school.

J.J. couldn't afford many ads, or so he attacked solely over one medium — radio, which had held a special place in his heart since Free DC. He called himself the "radio candidate", his gimmick was over-the-top radio ads, in a wide variety of stations, from classical music to hip-hop to talk radio. You'd never see a Jéan-Jacques ad on a bus stop or between innings. But you'd hear them in the car, or in stores, or while sneaking a transistor into jury duty to hear a play-by-play of the Super Bowl.

His campaign rented a spot on the airwaves, 102.2 FM, where his staff would answer questions from listeners 16 hours a day, occasionally featuring J.J. on his own show to debate trolls and hash out policy proposals. Jéan-Jacques was active on the streets at the same time — he marched in the pride parade, picketed the Baltimore bus depot alongside striking workers, and handed out water bottles in the Baltimore Running Festival. He made a name for himself as a mayor for the people of Baltimore, who was down to earth alongside them, instead of cooped up in city hall. He rarely wore a tie, instead favoring a zip up starter jacket or an Orioles jersey alongside his classic haircut and circular glasses. He garnered respect even among political opponents and people who opposed his policies. The incumbent's lead on the polls was slowly dipping day-by-day.

Come election time, and the tension was building — a group of young right-wing agitators trying to stop what they called the transformation of Baltimore into "a crime-infested cesspit" vandalized Jéan-Jacques's campaign headquarters and spray painting "go to hell n———rs" on the window. Supporters of J.J. responded by throwing a brick through the windows of a truck with Confederate flags and "Don't Tread On Me" bumper stickers at a rally for the Republican candidate — a small fight later broke out, with two hospitalized. Jéan-Jacques and all of his opponents denied involvement and condemned the attacks.

On primary election night, J.J., his campaign team, and some family were gathered in the basement of the small building they were renting as his campaign headquarters for the watch party. Eventually, more of Jéan-Jacques's supporters started coming in to watch, until eventually the building was too crowded and they had to move outside — they set up a huge TV in the park, with a crowd gathered around it huddling in the cold. Cheers rang out as not-David Duke lost his bid for governor of Louisiana. But the loudest cheers went up when NBC declared, with a razor-thin margin of victory, that Jéan-Jacques St. Cierge had become the Democratic candidate for mayor of Baltimore. He easily swept in the General Election, but with low turnout.

The election attracted national attention. A progressive underdog beat a well-funded Democratic establishment member in the primary, then he beat him again by a 1% margin in the general election. The political rebel with a unique campaigning strategy had touched the hearts of the people. Did he represent a new era for the Democratic party? Was that going to be the way to win elections from now on?

But at that point, Jéan-Jacques couldn't care less about national politics. He instantly went to work. On his first day, he reshuffled the already progressive Baltimore PD, placing a new emphasis on aiding the community as well as fighting criminals. He recommended a slate of public defenders to the governor, to fill vacancies in the Maryland court — unusual, as most judges are picked from prosecutors. He twisted arms in the legislature to get them to vote on a corporate tax increase, for the express (and public) purpose of providing schools with the basic supplies they need, many of which were lacking. He worked with the Maryland state legislature to implement rehabilitation programs in jails, and for ex-felons, and even offered bonuses to businesses that hired felons who graduated from that program. He stopped construction of a new highway expansion out of the city — instead, he diverted the money towards fixing potholes in inner Baltimore. His popularity remained higher than many expected, especially among Black constituents.

Until a police officer was shot by a man high on cocaine. The BPD had received reports the man was terrorizing people, and threatening them with his gun, but the police refused to tase him when he refused to comply and put down his gun. After he shot the police officer, he was shot 19 times by the police. The officer was paralyzed for six months, but survived.

This invited widespread criticism at Jéan-Jacques's policy towards community rehabilitation rather than criminal detention — despite the increase of funding, students still ended up in gangs and the crime rate was still high. His other policies were successful but not his policy on crime — as it went down in New York under the tough-on-crime approach of not-Giuliani, there was more pressure on J.J. to follow suit. He refused, dropping his popularity. But the murder rate also started to drop, as a part of the nationwide trend of a decrease in crime and murders. Jéan-Jacques tried to claim that his policies were a reason for that — but very few believed him, and his popularity, while it rose back up again, never reached the levels at the start of his term.

In 1995, Jéan-Jacques braced himself for the fight of his life; the mayor he unseated was coming back with a vengeance and a tough-on-crime platform that promised to eliminate drugs in the city and boost power to the police. J.J. found himself with more resources now, and branched out of only radio ads, but he knew that he would lose unless he could find something to implement that would raise his popularity.

Jéan-Jacques went to the state legislature and asked for $400 million for an art museum that would rival the best ones in the US. The governor hesitantly granted it — and he wasn't disappointed by the result. The Baltimore Museum of Art was a massive glass building laid out in the shape of a flying bird from the sky, and it contained works only by American artists, from the Hudson Valley School of Art to a Basquiat mural on the wall. The museum, he said, represented a step into the future of America. It became a tourist attraction, with thousands of visitors from DC, Virginia, and Philadelphia coming every weekend.

But that political stunt didn't boost his approval ratings pretty much at all. He wasn't looking good coming into the Democratic primary, and he lost by 3%, another very small margin. Jéan-Jacques was ready to give up — but the Jacquobins persuaded him to run an independent write-in candidacy. It didn't go anywhere, and Jéan-Jacques wouldn't became mayor of Baltimore again.

He decided to step back from politics a little bit at that time, and he flew back to Maine to open up a hard cider distillery. The new mayor (but not actually new because he held the position before J.J.) saw his tough-on-crime approach flounder, and was met by resentment and criticism from the Black community. A reporter from the Washington Post reached in in Maine, and asked his thoughts:

Mayor not-Kurt Schmoke, honestly, has no idea what he's doing, has no idea how to help Baltimore, and has no idea how he won in the first place. He's old news; outdated and irrelevant. Everybody knows that. He's a moron. There's no room for civil political discourse at this point — there's only room for protest.


That article brought him back into the national spotlight briefly — but when asked if he would run for mayor again, he firmly replied that he wouldn't. But Jéan-Jacques didn't enjoy his little distillery — in 1996, he sold it and moved to DC.

In DC Jéan-Jacques became a campaign advisor to some liberal politicians. He helped them create a persona for himself, something he did very well, and through this he made some connections with media groups — in the summer of that year, he became a guest pundit on CNN, captivating audiences with his no-holds-barred approach. He would criticize politicians he disliked relentlessly, and he would bring a perspective shared by many people on the street to the news studio. He quickly became a favorite pundit on CNN — they considered giving him his own show, but he turned it down, refusing to work for a syndicated corporation.

In 1997, Jéan-Jacques and some other pundits, friends, and businesspeople decided to start up their own syndicated radio company, that would be all opinion panels and no investigative reporting, unlike NPR. They called their company American Streets Broadcasting Corporation, ASBC, and headquartered it in DC. With the backing of a wealthy Australian businessman, their company found a niche as a talk radio, but only for politics. They'd host prominent politicians on their show to discuss policy, which would often devolve into debates between Jéan-Jacques and whoever was in the news that day.

In 1999, Jéan-Jacques got a special hour-long radio program at morning prime time, titled "Waffles and Congress"

Other Info: Likes to hang around on online forums, his favorite of which is this political site called NationStates.

Devoted Catholic.

Speaks Acadian-Quebecois French and English. He also has dual Canadian-American citizenship.

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: Madrinpoor

Do Not Remove: DRAFT123123
Last edited by Madrinpoor on Sat Mar 05, 2022 9:54 am, edited 6 times in total.
MT City-state off the coast of Japan: Sumo wrestling, tech startups, Shintō mobs, gay marriage, Bōsōzuku, taiko drums, custom 90s cars, neon signs, skyscrapers, Yakuza, internet, Christians, flashy teen biker gangs, international treaties, inter-city canals, rooftop gardens, Samurai, canned beer and a Shogun.

Brand new member of The Pub RP group!
Yooper High Kingdom wrote:If I could describe Mandrinpoor with one word, it would be this: Slick.
Nevertopia wrote:Madrinpoor? More like madrinWEALTH be upon your family, may your days be happy and your burdens be light.

SupportUkraine!
Save P2TM!
Cuban-American He/him

User avatar
Madrinpoor
Minister
 
Posts: 2231
Founded: Dec 01, 2020
Left-Leaning College State

Postby Madrinpoor » Sat Mar 05, 2022 8:34 am

Meareadmonte your signs are actually really really good.
MT City-state off the coast of Japan: Sumo wrestling, tech startups, Shintō mobs, gay marriage, Bōsōzuku, taiko drums, custom 90s cars, neon signs, skyscrapers, Yakuza, internet, Christians, flashy teen biker gangs, international treaties, inter-city canals, rooftop gardens, Samurai, canned beer and a Shogun.

Brand new member of The Pub RP group!
Yooper High Kingdom wrote:If I could describe Mandrinpoor with one word, it would be this: Slick.
Nevertopia wrote:Madrinpoor? More like madrinWEALTH be upon your family, may your days be happy and your burdens be light.

SupportUkraine!
Save P2TM!
Cuban-American He/him

User avatar
Mareadmonte
Spokesperson
 
Posts: 157
Founded: Jan 22, 2022
Corporate Bordello

Postby Mareadmonte » Sat Mar 05, 2022 8:47 am

Madrinpoor wrote:Meareadmonte your signs are actually really really good.


Canva is great for graphic design, so I took a chance and I guess it paid off, thanks!

User avatar
Madrinpoor
Minister
 
Posts: 2231
Founded: Dec 01, 2020
Left-Leaning College State

Postby Madrinpoor » Sat Mar 05, 2022 9:20 am

Mareadmonte wrote:
Madrinpoor wrote:Meareadmonte your signs are actually really really good.


Canva is great for graphic design, so I took a chance and I guess it paid off, thanks!

You're welcome! I'll definitely know to use that in the future now...
MT City-state off the coast of Japan: Sumo wrestling, tech startups, Shintō mobs, gay marriage, Bōsōzuku, taiko drums, custom 90s cars, neon signs, skyscrapers, Yakuza, internet, Christians, flashy teen biker gangs, international treaties, inter-city canals, rooftop gardens, Samurai, canned beer and a Shogun.

Brand new member of The Pub RP group!
Yooper High Kingdom wrote:If I could describe Mandrinpoor with one word, it would be this: Slick.
Nevertopia wrote:Madrinpoor? More like madrinWEALTH be upon your family, may your days be happy and your burdens be light.

SupportUkraine!
Save P2TM!
Cuban-American He/him

User avatar
Lavan Tiri
Powerbroker
 
Posts: 9038
Founded: Feb 18, 2014
Democratic Socialists

Postby Lavan Tiri » Sat Mar 05, 2022 11:17 am

Lavan Tiri wrote:
[align=center(Image)


Nancy Binay


Character Application and Information Sheet[/align]

NS Nation Name: Lavan

Character Name: Olivia Nalani Hiraya Calalo-Walker

Character Gender: Gorl

Character Age: 49 (born July 23rd, 1959)

Character Height: 5'8

Character Weight: 154 pounds

Character Position/Role/Job:
- Candidate for 2008 United States Presidential Election
- Board Member, Republican Leadership Committee (since 2006)
- Governor of Hawai'i (since 2002)
- Republican Nominee for Lieutenant Governor of Hawai'i
- Prosecutor of Honolulu (1996-2002)
- Assistant United States Attorney for the District of Hawai'i, Criminal Division (1990-1996)
- Assistant United States Attorney for the Central District of California, Criminal Division (1986-1990)
- Assistant San Francisco District Attorney (1984-1986)

Character Country/State of Birth: Kahului, Hawai'i

Character State of Residence: Honolulu, Hawai'i

Character Party Affiliation: Republican

Faceclaim: Nancy Binay

Main Strengths:
- Highly popular in Hawai'i: Calalo's reelection victory was the largest margin of victory in Hawai'ian history, and she has enjoyed consistently high approval ratings during most of her gubernatorial tenure. This is due to a strong economic rebound in Hawai'i during her term, and a perceived decline in corruption and government waste.

- As a Republican governor of one of the bluest states in the nation, her reputation for bipartisanship and ability to balance a conservative ideology and a Democratic supermajority in the legislature has benefited her greatly.

- While not widely known, Calalo has a certain amount of name recognition and respect amongst Beltway players and dedicated politicos

- Skilled manager, compromiser, and dealmaker.

- Young, attractive, crusading reformer who knows how to use her past as a tough prosecutor to project an image of power

Main Weaknesses:
- Republican Governor of probably the most heavily Democratic state in the nation. While Calalo has good personal relationships with the Hawai'i Legislature, her reputation as a dealmaker is mostly based on the fact that she has to be in order to get anything done. The Legislature has occasionally stymied large parts of her agenda since 2002.

- Low name recognition outside Hawai'i, dedicated politicos, and Asian-American communities, which will certainly impact her chances as a Presidential candidate.

- Being a young, attractive, reform-minded woman of color from a tiny state does not endear Calalo to support or friendship from the conservative establishment or the main body of the GOP. Additionally, there is a not-insignifigant contingent of voters who will simply not vote for her either due to her heritage or her gender or both.

- Politically inexperienced, especially in running a campaign outside of a tiny state.

Biography:
Alphonso Calalo (1929-present) and Kanani Haukea (1934-present) met in 1954, when Kanani was working as a waitress at a diner in Honolulu. Alphonso, a law student at the University of Hawai'i, frequented the establishment, and struck up a relationship with the pretty young waitress over time. They were married in 1958, and their first child, Olivia, was born a year later. They also had three other children: Alphonso Junior (1960-present), Luis (1961-present), and Jorge (1965-present). Life in the Calalo household was easy, and cheerful. Olivia remembers this time as the happiest in her life, and maintains a close relationship with her parents.

Alphonso was a career climber, and worked his way up to being appointed Attorney General of Hawai'i in the 1970s. Olivia was very close to get father, and often spent afternoons "helping" him in the office when she was younger--meaning, she would sort-of organize his files in order for him to get some time to spend with his daughter. As she grew up, Olivia was a sporty, athletic girl, with consistently good grades. She played soccer and ran track for her high school teams, just a few years after the passage of Title IX. She also decided during this time that she would be a lawyer like her father, although she went to the mainland for her studies. In 1977, she began attending University of Southern California, where she graduated with a Bachelor's Degree in Sociology in 1981. From 1981 to 1984, Olivia attended the University of San Francisco Law School. She graduated near the top of her class, and was hired by the San Francisco District Attorney shortly after graduation.

As Assistant DA, Olivia's main focus was on criminal law. She assisted in the prosecution of several violent crimes, most notably the trials of serial killers Leonard Lake and Charles Ng. She had a reputation for her quick mind and strong sense of justice, which she claims she inherited from her father. After 26 months at the San Francisco office, she was hired as an Assistant U.S. Attorney for the Central District of California, and moved to Los Angeles in 1986. Her main purview was in the Public Corruption and Civil Rights section, where she assisted in the prosecution and takedown of corrupt public officials and civil rights violations. In 1987, Olivia's work friend Janice set Olivia and her brother, LAPD officer Tom Walker (1961-present), up on a blind date. The pair hit it off quickly, and were engaged within eight months. In 1989, they were married. Olivia insisted on keeping her last name, but agreed to hyphenate it with Tom's on official documents while still going by Calalo unofficially. Olivia and Tom have three sons and a daughter: Gregory (1990-present), Diego (1993-present), Hector (1995-present), and Angelina (1999-present).

While Olivia was pregnant with Gregory, the Calalo-Walker household decided to leave Los Angeles due to the rising crime and cost of living. Instead, the relocated to Olivia's childhood home in Honolulu, where her parents still lived. Tom got a job with the Honolulu police, and Olivia (after maternity leave) found employment with the U.S. Attorney for the District of Hawai'i. She was hired as a Senior Assistant U.S. Attorney in the Public Corruption and Fraud Office.


Other Info:


I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: (Your Nation's Name Here)

Do Not Remove: DRAFT123123


Governor Calalo has variously been referred to as a moderate, centrist, or "Rockefeller" Republican. She describes herself as "functionally pretty libertarian", noting that she believes "the business of government isn't to put its nose in people's business...it's to provide services that private industry cannot. I care less about Roe v Wade than I do about reducing crime, corruption, and homelessness." She has allied herself with moderate groups and individuals such as (not-Christine Todd Whitman) and the Log Cabin Republicans.

Healthcare

Gay marriage

Abortion

Local Issues

The Economy

Education



Making more progress on my Presidential candidate, but work is kicking my ass
My pronouns are they/them

Join Home of the Brave!
Big Jim P wrote:I like the way you think.

Constaniana wrote:Ah, so you were dropped on your head. This explains a lot.

Zarkenis Ultima wrote:Snarky bastard.

The Grey Wolf wrote:You sir, are a gentleman and a scholar.

Renewed Imperial Germany wrote:I'm not sure whether to laugh because thIs is the best satire I've ever seen or be very very afraid because someone actually thinks all this so.... have a cookie?

John Holland wrote: John Holland
your mom

User avatar
Madrinpoor
Minister
 
Posts: 2231
Founded: Dec 01, 2020
Left-Leaning College State

Postby Madrinpoor » Sat Mar 05, 2022 1:04 pm

Didn't Gunsley just declare he was running for reelection in Ohio
MT City-state off the coast of Japan: Sumo wrestling, tech startups, Shintō mobs, gay marriage, Bōsōzuku, taiko drums, custom 90s cars, neon signs, skyscrapers, Yakuza, internet, Christians, flashy teen biker gangs, international treaties, inter-city canals, rooftop gardens, Samurai, canned beer and a Shogun.

Brand new member of The Pub RP group!
Yooper High Kingdom wrote:If I could describe Mandrinpoor with one word, it would be this: Slick.
Nevertopia wrote:Madrinpoor? More like madrinWEALTH be upon your family, may your days be happy and your burdens be light.

SupportUkraine!
Save P2TM!
Cuban-American He/him

User avatar
Tehrangeles
Spokesperson
 
Posts: 138
Founded: Nov 13, 2018
Ex-Nation

Postby Tehrangeles » Sat Mar 05, 2022 1:12 pm

Rygondria wrote:I just remembered that California had a republican as governor at this point of time, that’s another option I could use besides the Sec of Defense

I am applying for this currently

User avatar
Mareadmonte
Spokesperson
 
Posts: 157
Founded: Jan 22, 2022
Corporate Bordello

Postby Mareadmonte » Sat Mar 05, 2022 1:34 pm

Madrinpoor wrote:Didn't Gunsley just declare he was running for reelection in Ohio


I don't think Ohio is a retire-to-run state.

User avatar
Yaruqo
Diplomat
 
Posts: 629
Founded: Sep 02, 2019
Ex-Nation

Postby Yaruqo » Sat Mar 05, 2022 1:37 pm

Madrinpoor wrote:
(Image)


(Image)


Character Application and Information Sheet


NS Nation Name: Madrinpoor
Character Name: Jéan-Jacques St. Cierge (J.J.)
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 55 (b. 1952)
Character Height: 5'8
Character Weight: 151
Character Position/Role/Job: Host of Political Juice podcast (2005—)
Host of Waffles and Congress radio special (1999—2005)
Cofounder/Pundit on ASBC Radio (1997—)
Guest Pundit on CNN (1996—1997)
Owner, St. Cierge Cider distillery (1996)
Mayor of Baltimore (1992—1996)
Staff writer at Progressive Underground magazine (1983—1989)
Baltimore City Council (1981—1983)
Speechwriter for a leftist House candidate running against not-Barbara Milkulski (1978—1980)
Founder/Radio Pirate, Free DC Radio (1975, alleged but true)
Character Country/State of Birth: Maine, USA
Character State of Residence: Maryland
Character Party Affiliation: Democrat Coffee House
Faceclaim: Allen West
Main Strengths: Charismatic; TV-genic; hard to say "no" to; cult following; wide name recognition from radio show; experienced and skilled debater; scrappy underdog; down to earth; very distinctive and recognizable persona
Main Weaknesses: Foreign sounding and unspelleable name; limited political experience; struggles to expand his base outside of his devoted followers; questionable political support in the past; wrong place at the wrong time politically; spent teenage years in Canada; no filter
Biography: Jéan-Jacques St. Cierge was born in Aroostook County, in the extreme northernmost part of Maine. His father was Acadian, his family had lived in the area since before the Revolutionary War. His maternal great-great-grandmother, according to family legend, was a slave brought to Canada along the Underground Railroad. His mother worked as a customs agent on the border between the US and Canada, and his father a teacher.

When Jéan-Jacques was nine, his family moved to Montréal, to be closer to his paternal family. Jéan-Jacques spent his teenage years there, though he went to a bilingual school, and spent summers with his maternal family in Maine. He was one of only two Black people in his school, the other being an American named Richie but who went by "Pascal" to sound more French. The two were close friends, and both pursued interests in social studies and law. Jéan-Jacques went to Georgetown University, aiming for law school, with a major in political science. But he found the law track boring, and not stimulating — the faculty recommended he go through with it anyway, and Jéan-Jacques went to Georgetown law school after finishing his four year degree with a major in PoliSci and a minor in literature, admitted to the bar in 1977.

Jéan-Jacques wouldn't ever practice law, however — in fact, his PoliSci degree would be even more useful to him. While in college, he became active politically, protesting Vietnam, participating in some civil rights marches, and joining the Students for a Democratic Society, a socialist youth organization, until it dissolved in 1974. He helped run a small leftist pirate radio station out of a van that broadcasted revolutionary music from around the world, ranging from Rage Against the Machine to Silvio Rodriguez, as well as organizing protests and marches before their operation was busted due to an anonymous tip. J.J. wasn't present when that happened — and although there have been rumors and allegations that he was a part of Free DC Radio, nothing has ever been proven. But it piqued his interest in radio, which he would turn to much later in life. He also made comments around that time expressing sympathy towards the Weather Underground, a radical left-wing terrorist organization.

By the time he graduated from law school, his views had tempered a little, and he turned slightly towards a more mainstream Democratic position — his entry into Democratic politics came just after law school, where an opinion piece he wrote for the Hoya, the Georgetown student newspaper, that argued in favor of decriminalization of marijuana, was seen by the campaign manager for a liberal Baltimore house candidate in 1978, running against the moderate not-Milkulski in the Democratic primary. Jéan-Jacques interviewed for the position of speechwriter, and won it — but his candidate lost the primary to not-Milkulski, who went on to win reelection. Still, it marked Jéan-Jacques's entry into Democratic politics.

Jéan-Jacques would work on the candidate's campaign again, in 1980, this time working as both his speechwriter and chief of staff, after his previous one resigned. This time, the primary was more intense, with J.J.'s boss polling above not-Milkulski a month before the primary election — but after some public disagreements with him, J.J. split from the progressive candidate — criticizing his hawkish views and what J.J. perceived as moving to the center. He found a space to air his complaints on a local Baltimore news show, where he spent an hour harshly attacking his former boss. With a sudden vicious attack from the inside of his campaign, the candidate started to suffer in the polls, his progressive image weakened. Eventually he lost the primary once again to not-Milkulski, whether or not Jéan-Jacques had any effect on that is up for debate.

After the 1980 election, with encouragement from a friend, Jéan-Jacques decided to start his own political career. He ran for the Baltimore city council in 1981, in an impoverished inner city district on a pledge to bring a library of books to every public school in Baltimore. He won the election, and immediately turned his focus towards accomplishing his mission. He submitted an official city bill to enact his program and allot the necessary funds, a couple million dollars — the bill was promptly ignored, despite Jéan-Jacques' repeated speeches on the town hall floor. When the budget for that year was passed, J.J. was outraged to learn that millions were allocated towards building a new town hall instead of going towards books.

As a protest, J.J. submitted a new bill, worded differently, every day until the new town hall was finished. Afterwards, he refused to sit in the new town hall that he said was built "using the funds that should go to the children of Baltimore", instead he moved a desk outside onto the town hall steps and had an aide run messages and votes into the building. This quickly gained him the attention of both the national media and the Governor of Maryland, both of which pressed the city council to follow through on Jéan-Jacques's books plan. They conceded, and allocated even more money than J.J. expected, as well as placing him at the helm of a committee to oversee the distribution of the books, in an attempt to avoid a further political embarrassment at his hands.

Surprisingly, J.J. the people chose for his committee weren't mostly librarians and teachers from the area, as expected — the lineup included a legal professor pushing for an inclusion of African-American studies in college curriculums; a gay rights/AIDS activist who wrote several childrens books on sexuality; various local journalists and activists; and a local teacher who came under fire for assigning Night, a graphic memoir of the Holocaust, as homework for a middle school students.

Subsequently, the assortment of books proposed included titles dealing with race, profanity, sexuality, religion, and books perceived by the conservative school board as "encouraging rebellious behavior". The program was popular among students and teachers, but the Baltimore school board were appalled by the subjects presented. They demanded Jéan-Jacques's resignation, and for the program to be discontinued until a new slate of books, decided by the school board, could be approved. The program wasn't discontinued, but the mayor, fearing a political crisis, allowed the individual schools to curate their selections — which Jéan-Jacques called out in an interview as "complete and utter bulls—t". Jéan-Jacques became a target for conservatives, and a hero for the dwindling progressive wing. Not-Reagan denounced him on TV as "poisoning hearts and minds" to which Jéan-Jacques responded that not-Reagan was "a Hollywood airhead who struggles to read a book, much less know what books our kids should be reading".

Riding off of his newfound publicity, Jéan-Jacques began a campaign for mayor of Baltimore in the mayoral election of 1983. His early campaign was doing well in the polls, concerning even the popular incumbent mayor not-Schaefer — but come election time, he was trounced, garnering only 3% of the primary vote. Schaefer's coalition of urban minorities and wealthier suburban Whites managed to hold through, and although Jéan-Jacques later launched an independent campaign in the general election, he lost soundly again.

That doesn't mean he was without supporters — the devoted band of followers that he gathered as a rebellious councilman called themselves the "Jacquobins". After his unsuccessful mayor bid, Jéan-Jacques landed a job at a new leftist magazine called the Progressive Underground, where all the staff writers wrote under pseudonyms. His name was "Pascal", after his friend from Canada, now a prominent lawyer for a lobbying firm. For a few years, Jéan-Jacques disappeared from the public life, until 1989.

That year, as a response to rising crime, Jéan-Jacques reentered the political scene with another bid for mayor in the 1991 election. He laid out a plan to combat drugs that would be considered progressive even by 2007 standards, with a focus on treating addictions instead of punishing them, investing more money into schools and poor neighborhoods, and instituting rehabilitation programs in the violent and overcrowded Baltimore prisons. His plan was derided by Republicans and Democrats — but Jéan-Jacques found much more support among the Black community than he did in 1983. They were overly targeted by police, with Black incarceration disproportionately high, and saw, if not a light of hope in Jéan-Jacques, at least a change in the commonly accepted crime-fighting strategies. In the Democratic primary, with the help of Black voters, he narrowly eked out a 51% victory over the incumbent mayor.

In the general election, he expected an easy race in the heavily Democratic city. But the incumbent mayor ran as an Independent — in the end, Jéan-Jacques managed to win a plurality of the vote, only barely breaching 39% — the incumbent won 36%, and a surprisingly strong conservative Democrat candidate 23%. This meant Jéan-Jacques was heading for a runoff, scheduled for the late summer of 1991.

And he headed to that runoff — armed with a skimpy campaign chest gathered from various progressive groups and individual donors. Facing off against a popular Democratic incumbent, backed by the Maryland DNC, and every White person and every rich person in Baltimore, scared to hell over the prospect of Jéan-Jacques's radical policies being implemented with the backing of a powerless city council, scared to stand up to a political rebel since law school.

J.J. couldn't afford many ads, or so he attacked solely over one medium — radio, which had held a special place in his heart since Free DC. He called himself the "radio candidate", his gimmick was over-the-top radio ads, in a wide variety of stations, from classical music to hip-hop to talk radio. You'd never see a Jéan-Jacques ad on a bus stop or between innings. But you'd hear them in the car, or in stores, or while sneaking a transistor into jury duty to hear a play-by-play of the Super Bowl.

His campaign rented a spot on the airwaves, 102.2 FM, where his staff would answer questions from listeners 16 hours a day, occasionally featuring J.J. on his own show to debate trolls and hash out policy proposals. Jéan-Jacques was active on the streets at the same time — he marched in the pride parade, picketed the Baltimore bus depot alongside striking workers, and handed out water bottles in the Baltimore Running Festival. He made a name for himself as a mayor for the people of Baltimore, who was down to earth alongside them, instead of cooped up in city hall. He rarely wore a tie, instead favoring a zip up starter jacket or an Orioles jersey alongside his classic haircut and circular glasses. He garnered respect even among political opponents and people who opposed his policies. The incumbent's lead on the polls was slowly dipping day-by-day.

Come election time, and the tension was building — a group of young right-wing agitators trying to stop what they called the transformation of Baltimore into "a crime-infested cesspit" vandalized Jéan-Jacques's campaign headquarters and spray painting "go to hell n———rs" on the window. Supporters of J.J. responded by throwing a brick through the windows of a truck with Confederate flags and "Don't Tread On Me" bumper stickers at a rally for the Republican candidate — a small fight later broke out, with two hospitalized. Jéan-Jacques and all of his opponents denied involvement and condemned the attacks.

On primary election night, J.J., his campaign team, and some family were gathered in the basement of the small building they were renting as his campaign headquarters for the watch party. Eventually, more of Jéan-Jacques's supporters started coming in to watch, until eventually the building was too crowded and they had to move outside — they set up a huge TV in the park, with a crowd gathered around it huddling in the cold. Cheers rang out as not-David Duke lost his bid for governor of Louisiana. But the loudest cheers went up when NBC declared, with a razor-thin margin of victory, that Jéan-Jacques St. Cierge had become the Democratic candidate for mayor of Baltimore. He easily swept in the General Election, but with low turnout.

The election attracted national attention. A progressive underdog beat a well-funded Democratic establishment member in the primary, then he beat him again by a 1% margin in the general election. The political rebel with a unique campaigning strategy had touched the hearts of the people. Did he represent a new era for the Democratic party? Was that going to be the way to win elections from now on?

But at that point, Jéan-Jacques couldn't care less about national politics. He instantly went to work. On his first day, he reshuffled the already progressive Baltimore PD, placing a new emphasis on aiding the community as well as fighting criminals. He recommended a slate of public defenders to the governor, to fill vacancies in the Maryland court — unusual, as most judges are picked from prosecutors. He twisted arms in the legislature to get them to vote on a corporate tax increase, for the express (and public) purpose of providing schools with the basic supplies they need, many of which were lacking. He worked with the Maryland state legislature to implement rehabilitation programs in jails, and for ex-felons, and even offered bonuses to businesses that hired felons who graduated from that program. He stopped construction of a new highway expansion out of the city — instead, he diverted the money towards fixing potholes in inner Baltimore. His popularity remained higher than many expected, especially among Black constituents.

Until a police officer was shot by a man high on cocaine. The BPD had received reports the man was terrorizing people, and threatening them with his gun, but the police refused to tase him when he refused to comply and put down his gun. After he shot the police officer, he was shot 19 times by the police. The officer was paralyzed for six months, but survived.

This invited widespread criticism at Jéan-Jacques's policy towards community rehabilitation rather than criminal detention — despite the increase of funding, students still ended up in gangs and the crime rate was still high. His other policies were successful but not his policy on crime — as it went down in New York under the tough-on-crime approach of not-Giuliani, there was more pressure on J.J. to follow suit. He refused, dropping his popularity. But the murder rate also started to drop, as a part of the nationwide trend of a decrease in crime and murders. Jéan-Jacques tried to claim that his policies were a reason for that — but very few believed him, and his popularity, while it rose back up again, never reached the levels at the start of his term.

In 1995, Jéan-Jacques braced himself for the fight of his life; the mayor he unseated was coming back with a vengeance and a tough-on-crime platform that promised to eliminate drugs in the city and boost power to the police. J.J. found himself with more resources now, and branched out of only radio ads, but he knew that he would lose unless he could find something to implement that would raise his popularity.

Jéan-Jacques went to the state legislature and asked for $400 million for an art museum that would rival the best ones in the US. The governor hesitantly granted it — and he wasn't disappointed by the result. The Baltimore Museum of Art was a massive glass building laid out in the shape of a flying bird from the sky, and it contained works only by American artists, from the Hudson Valley School of Art to a Basquiat mural on the wall. The museum, he said, represented a step into the future of America. It became a tourist attraction, with thousands of visitors from DC, Virginia, and Philadelphia coming every weekend.

But that political stunt didn't boost his approval ratings pretty much at all. He wasn't looking good coming into the Democratic primary, and he lost by 3%, another very small margin. Jéan-Jacques was ready to give up — but the Jacquobins persuaded him to run an independent write-in candidacy. It didn't go anywhere, and Jéan-Jacques wouldn't became mayor of Baltimore again.

He decided to step back from politics a little bit at that time, and he flew back to Maine to open up a hard cider distillery. The new mayor (but not actually new because he held the position before J.J.) saw his tough-on-crime approach flounder, and was met by resentment and criticism from the Black community. A reporter from the Washington Post reached in in Maine, and asked his thoughts:

Mayor not-Kurt Schmoke, honestly, has no idea what he's doing, has no idea how to help Baltimore, and has no idea how he won in the first place. He's old news; outdated and irrelevant. Everybody knows that. He's a moron. There's no room for civil political discourse at this point — there's only room for protest.


That article brought him back into the national spotlight briefly — but when asked if he would run for mayor again, he firmly replied that he wouldn't. But Jéan-Jacques didn't enjoy his little distillery — in 1996, he sold it and moved to DC.

In DC Jéan-Jacques became a campaign advisor to some liberal politicians. He helped them create a persona for himself, something he did very well, and through this he made some connections with media groups — in the summer of that year, he became a guest pundit on CNN, captivating audiences with his no-holds-barred approach. He would criticize politicians he disliked relentlessly, and he would bring a perspective shared by many people on the street to the news studio. He quickly became a favorite pundit on CNN — they considered giving him his own show, but he turned it down, refusing to work for a syndicated corporation.

In 1997, Jéan-Jacques and some other pundits, friends, and businesspeople decided to start up their own syndicated radio company, that would be all opinion panels and no investigative reporting, unlike NPR. They called their company American Streets Broadcasting Corporation, ASBC, and headquartered it in DC. With the backing of a wealthy Australian businessman, their company found a niche as a talk radio, but only for politics. They'd host prominent politicians on their show to discuss policy, which would often devolve into debates between Jéan-Jacques and whoever was in the news that day.

In 1999, Jéan-Jacques got a special hour-long radio program at morning prime time, titled "Waffles and Congress"

Other Info: Likes to hang around on online forums, his favorite of which is this political site called NationStates.

Devoted Catholic.

Speaks Acadian-Quebecois French and English. He also has dual Canadian-American citizenship.

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: Madrinpoor

Do Not Remove: DRAFT123123


ACCEPTED123123
Join NS P2TM's rebooted US politics RP! - Twilight’s Last Gleaming

Слава Україні!
Glory to Ukraine!

User avatar
Lavan Tiri
Powerbroker
 
Posts: 9038
Founded: Feb 18, 2014
Democratic Socialists

Postby Lavan Tiri » Sat Mar 05, 2022 6:35 pm

Lavan Tiri wrote:
(Image)


Nancy Binay


Character Application and Information Sheet


NS Nation Name: Lavan

Character Name: Olivia Nalani Hiraya Calalo-Walker

Character Gender: Gorl

Character Age: 49 (born July 23rd, 1959)

Character Height: 5'8

Character Weight: 154 pounds

Character Position/Role/Job:
- Candidate for 2008 United States Presidential Election
- Board Member, Republican Leadership Committee (since 2006)
- Governor of Hawai'i (since 2002)
- Prosecutor of Honolulu (1996-2002)
- Assistant United States Attorney for the District of Hawai'i, Criminal Division (1990-1996)
- Assistant United States Attorney for the Central District of California, Criminal Division (1986-1990)
- Assistant San Francisco District Attorney (1984-1986)

Character Country/State of Birth: Honolulu, Hawai'i

Character State of Residence: Honolulu, Hawai'i

Character Party Affiliation: Republican

Faceclaim: Nancy Binay

Main Strengths:
- Highly popular in Hawai'i: Calalo's reelection victory was the largest margin of victory in Hawai'ian history, and she has enjoyed consistently high approval ratings during most of her gubernatorial tenure. This is due to a strong economic rebound in Hawai'i during her term, and a perceived decline in corruption and government waste.

- As a Republican governor of one of the bluest states in the nation, her reputation for bipartisanship and ability to balance a conservative ideology and a Democratic supermajority in the legislature has benefited her greatly.

- While not widely known, Calalo has a certain amount of name recognition and respect amongst Beltway players and dedicated politicos

- Skilled manager, compromiser, and dealmaker.

- Young, attractive, crusading reformer who knows how to use her past as a tough prosecutor to project an image of power

Main Weaknesses:
- Republican Governor of probably the most heavily Democratic state in the nation. While Calalo has good personal relationships with the Hawai'i Legislature, her reputation as a dealmaker is mostly based on the fact that she has to be in order to get anything done. The Legislature has occasionally stymied large parts of her agenda since 2002.

- Low name recognition outside Hawai'i, dedicated politicos, and Asian-American communities, which will certainly impact her chances as a Presidential candidate.

- Being a young, attractive, reform-minded woman of color from a tiny state does not endear Calalo to support or friendship from the conservative establishment or the main body of the GOP. Additionally, there is a not-insignifigant contingent of voters who will simply not vote for her either due to her heritage or her gender or both.

- Politically inexperienced, especially in running a campaign outside of a tiny state.

Biography:
Alphonso Calalo (1929-present) and Kanani Haukea (1934-present) met in 1954, when Kanani was working as a waitress at a diner in Honolulu. Alphonso, a law student at the University of Hawai'i, frequented the establishment, and struck up a relationship with the pretty young waitress over time. They were married in 1958, and their first child, Olivia, was born a year later. They also had three other children: Alphonso Junior (1960-present), Luis (1961-present), and Jorge (1965-present). Life in the Calalo household was easy, and cheerful. Olivia remembers this time as the happiest in her life, and maintains a close relationship with her parents.

Alphonso was a career climber, and worked his way up to being appointed Attorney General of Hawai'i in the 1970s. Olivia was very close to get father, and often spent afternoons "helping" him in the office when she was younger--meaning, she would sort-of organize his files in order for him to get some time to spend with his daughter. As she grew up, Olivia was a sporty, athletic girl, with consistently good grades. She played soccer and ran track for her high school teams, just a few years after the passage of Title IX. She also decided during this time that she would be a lawyer like her father, although she went to the mainland for her studies. In 1977, she began attending University of Southern California, where she graduated with a Bachelor's Degree in Sociology in 1981. From 1981 to 1984, Olivia attended the University of San Francisco Law School. She graduated near the top of her class, and was hired by the San Francisco District Attorney shortly after graduation.

As Assistant DA, Olivia's main focus was on criminal law. She assisted in the prosecution of several violent crimes, most notably the trials of serial killers Leonard Lake and Charles Ng. She had a reputation for her quick mind and strong sense of justice, which she claims she inherited from her father. After 26 months at the San Francisco office, she was hired as an Assistant U.S. Attorney for the Central District of California, and moved to Los Angeles in 1986. Her main purview was in the Public Corruption and Civil Rights section, where she assisted in the prosecution and takedown of corrupt public officials and civil rights violations. In 1987, Olivia's work friend Janice set Olivia and her brother, LAPD officer Tom Walker (1961-present), up on a blind date. The pair hit it off quickly, and were engaged within eight months. In 1989, they were married. Olivia insisted on keeping her last name, but agreed to hyphenate it with Tom's on official documents while still going by Calalo unofficially. Olivia and Tom have three sons and a daughter: Gregory (1990-present), Diego (1993-present), Hector (1995-present), and Angelina (1999-present).

While Olivia was pregnant with Gregory, the Calalo-Walker household decided to leave Los Angeles due to the rising crime and cost of living. Instead, the relocated to Olivia's childhood home in Honolulu, where her parents still lived. Tom got a job with the Honolulu police, and Olivia (after maternity leave) found employment with the U.S. Attorney for the District of Hawai'i. She was hired as a Senior Assistant U.S. Attorney in the Public Corruption and Fraud Office.

Olivia worked happily for the U.S. Attorney's office for six years, and reintegrated into Honolulu society. Her father had retired from his political aspirations, as a Republican in Hawai'i. However, his venture at the time (as a well-known defense attorney) and his previous connections allowed him to stay in contact with many heavy hitters in the government. Olivia, who was beginning to consider the possibility of elected office after the birth of her third son, used connections from Alphonso to position herself for a run for Prosecutor of Honolulu County. In late 1996, she announced her campaign and resigned from the U.S. Attorney's office. Although registered as a Republican and unapologetic about it, Olivia's relentless campaigning and connections allowed her to be competitive against a Democratic opponent. She would personally drive across Honolulu, with newborn Hector along for the ride, to knock on doors and deliver speeches. In her campaign, she emphasized that "crime isn't partisan--it isn't political," and claimed that she wouldn't treat the Prosecutor's office as a political office. Her Democratic opponent, by contrast, ran a harsh and attacking campaign against her, hoping to bury her in a tide of partisanship. Olivia instead twisted this, plastering pictures of her and her young children across the city, captioned with insulting quotes from the Democrat. The bottoms of these posters read "This is how [Democrat] treats a young mother of three. Do you trust him to stick up for you?" The Democrat quickly tried reversing his campaign and reducing the partisan tone, quickly switching to a more positive approach. However, at a candidate debate hosted by the local television news, Olivia soundly won, with one particular highlight being a heated exchange over experience. The Democrat claimed that Olivia, being so young, lacked the relevant experience for the job. Olivia fired back, "Let's ask the serial killers I put away in San Francisco if they agree," which the Honolulu Star-Bulletin noted was a "stretch of the truth, at best". But it worked, and Olivia began overtaking the Democrat in the polls. Come election day, she won by roughly 1.7 percent, and was sworn in in December of 1996.

As Prosecutor, Olivia was mostly in an administrative role, which she chafed at. Her main responsibilities, she found out, were to supervise the two-hundred-odd other attorneys and prosecutors who worked for the department and did most of the legwork. She proved component at it, and would take a case or two a year to prosecute herself. She cracked down on organized crime and government corruption in Honolulu, seizing on widespread dissatisfaction with the state government and rising crime. Under Olivia, the Prosecutor's office had a policy to take as few plea deals for violent crime and corruption as possible--and to only take them when there was a clear benefit to doing so. She also enforced harsh trials and sought hard sentences for young offenders to reduce youth crime, while also rooting out dirty cops in the Honolulu PD.

In 1999, Olivia prosecuted a case herself--the worst mass murder in Hawai'i history. The 1999 Xerox Shootings, where a service tech at a Xerox facility in Honolulu shot and killed 7 coworkers. Olivia made the national news during the trial, and boosted her statewide profile as well, for her aggressive offense and pursuit of the harshest sentence possible for the shooter. In the end, the shooter got sentenced to life in prison with no possibility of parole. The fame and renown from this trial carried her to a solid reelection in 2000.

In 2000, Olivia convinced the state legislature to amend the laws surrounding trials in Hawai'i. Now, instead of calling witnesses and interviewing the victims, a trial for violent crime can be called by the judge, after a careful examination of the evidence surrounding the case. Critics have said that this violates personal liberties, while Olivia claims that it makes for a better system: rather than take up police officers' time and potentially re-traumatizing victims by forcing them to submit to questions before a trial even begins, the judge can simply decide to go to trial based on the gathered evidence.

As Prosecutor, Olivia was known for a very hands-on management style, which some former employees characterized as "micromanaging". It was also noted that she only personally prosecuted cases that were a "slam dunk" for the prosecution. In 2002, Olivia was recruited by some Honolulu Republicans to run for Governor. The incumbent, term-limited Democrat was unpopular, while the only prominent Republican candidate in the race had already lost the 1998 race. Olivia agreed, and entered the Republican primary.

The Republican primary was a very clean race: both candidates met early on and agreed to avoid attacking one another publicly, and both publicly said that they would endorse and campaign for whoever won the nomination. The Star-Bulletin sarcastically referred to the singular Republican debate as "the most polite event you'll see this side of a Victorian tea party". In the end, Olivia barely won the primary, due mainly to her prominent role in the 1999 trial and her voter base being in the states most populated municipality.

The general election was a tough race. Olivia and the HI GOP put out a news bulletin, "A New Vision for Hawai'i", where they laid out their reformist ambitions versus "The Way Things Are" (AKA, the Democratic platform). With the state economy in a slump, over 40 years of continuous Democratic government, and an unpopular candidate nominated by the Democrats, Olivia was able to pull ahead by a point early on and maintain her lead. In the general election, she won 51% to 48%, and was sworn in in December 2002.

As Governor, Olivia has sought to revitalize and diversify the state economy. She fought to decentralize and deregulate the state, including a quixotic effort to decentralize education in Hawai'i, and give more control to local areas instead of the state government. She also tried to pass a law that would allow municipalities in Hawai'i to incorporate, as Hawai'i does not recognize local government below the County level. Both these efforts failed. However, she did manage to attract more diverse businesses that didn't rely on land development and tourism. She also testified in Congress in 2005, arguing for the repeal of the Jones Act. While she failed to get the law repealed, she attracted good press.

In her first term, Olivia also pursued greater energy independence, targeted tax relief, an increase in Hawai‘i’s homegrown food supply and security, workforce development, expansion of quality health care, creation of more affordable housing, modernization of the transportation infrastructure, and bolstering of public safety and disaster preparedness. She established the Hawai‘i Innovation Initiative to develop the capacity of residents and businesses to innovate with the goal of enabling the state to compete in the global economy of the 21st century and create new, higher-paying jobs, and as the 2006 election neared, her popularity soared--as did the state budget surplus. In January 2006, it was estimated that Hawai'i had a record government surplus of $730 billion, as opposed to the $250 million deficit in 2002.

In 2004, aided by the War on Terror and the popularity of the Republican governor, polls showed (not-Kerry) only leading President Cush by a point. The Vice President campaigned alongside Olivia, and although the state went blue again, the Governor made useful contacts in Washington. She was selected as Chair of the 2004 Republican National Convention, and gave a widely-praised opening speech, in which she praised Cush and called for "An America we can be proud of".

Although she initially appeared to be a very vulnerable candidate in 2002--with many thinking of her victory as a fluke--by late 2005, no prominent Democrat in Hawai'i was willing to run against Olivia. The party nominated a little-known state senator, who attacked Calalo for her tough on crime policies, and for sending criminals to prisons on the mainland instead of keeping them in Hawai'i. Calalo ran a positive campaign, focused on her success in office and her vision for the future of Hawai'i. In the end, she won 63% to 35%, the largest margin of victory in Hawai'i history.

Early in her second term, Olivia has once more tried fighting the Democratic legislature to dissolve the State Board of Education and instead form 7 County Boards of Education, to "return control to the people in the community". She has also quietly begun accumulating support for a 2008 Presidential bid, despite the seeming hopelessness of a mixed-race moderate from a tiny state winning the primary or the general election.

Other Info:
- Devout Catholic.

- Husband left Honolulu PD for work in private security when Olivia was elected Prosecutor.

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: (Your Nation's Name Here)

Do Not Remove: DRAFT123123


Governor Calalo has variously been referred to as a moderate, centrist, or "Rockefeller" Republican. She describes herself as "functionally pretty libertarian", noting that she believes "the business of government isn't to put its nose in people's business...it's to provide services that private industry cannot. I care less about Roe v Wade than I do about reducing crime, corruption, and homelessness." She has allied herself with moderate groups and individuals such as (not-Christine Todd Whitman) and the Log Cabin Republicans.

Healthcare

Gay marriage

Abortion

Local Issues

The Economy

Education

Presidential Votes and Endorsements
- 1980: Reagan
- 1984: Reagan
- 1988: Cush
- 1992: Cush
- 1996: Wrote in Pierce in the primary and the general.
- 2000: Endorsed and voted [not-McCain] in the primary, Cush in the general
- 2004: Wrote in Pierce in the primary, Cush in the general



I've finished up the app itself, I'd like to fill in the political positions later (not to cheat but bc I'm lazy).
My pronouns are they/them

Join Home of the Brave!
Big Jim P wrote:I like the way you think.

Constaniana wrote:Ah, so you were dropped on your head. This explains a lot.

Zarkenis Ultima wrote:Snarky bastard.

The Grey Wolf wrote:You sir, are a gentleman and a scholar.

Renewed Imperial Germany wrote:I'm not sure whether to laugh because thIs is the best satire I've ever seen or be very very afraid because someone actually thinks all this so.... have a cookie?

John Holland wrote: John Holland
your mom

PreviousNext

Advertisement

Remove ads

Return to Portal to the Multiverse

Who is online

Users browsing this forum: Google [Bot], New Provenance, Zei-Aeiytenia

Advertisement

Remove ads