America the Beautiful: An American Political RP (OOC)

[Lavan Tiri]

If not, I'll see what's needed in the House.

Definitely a Democratic Leader, more characters generally

[Dentali]

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CURRENT IC DATE: March 14th 2021 to March 20th 2021

[Madrinpoor]

Seal doesn't work again

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(Image)

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Madrinpoor
Character Name: Sal Carmi
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 65
Character Height: 5'6
Character Weight: 161
Character Position/Role/Job: Candidate for NYC Mayor (2021—)
New York State Senator, District 22 (2016—2020)
United States Attorney for the Southern District of New York (2013—2016)
D.A. of Brooklyn (2001—2013)
Chief D.D.A. for Brooklyn (1995—2001)
D.D.A. for Brooklyn (1983—1995)
Attorney, Williams and Keever Law Firm (1982—1983)
Co-Owner, Macau Rose Bar and Casino (1982—1983)
Busboy/Waiter/Bartender, Macau Rose Bar and Casino, part time (1966—1982)
Character Country/State of Birth: New York, USA
Character State of Residence: New York
Character Party Affiliation: Democratic
Main Strengths: Knows a lot about the law, background as a lawyer who helped bust the Mafia, seen as strong on crime issues, good at winning centrists while not necessarily alienating progressives, built himself up and got away from violence and gangs, unfazed by problems, good at answering tough questions, obsessively determined, down to earth, unfazed by anything, gets stuff done, is a minority which can endear him to progressives, strong with White voters
Main Weaknesses: Politically unknown, his sexuality might estrange him from some religious potential voters (like Italian and Hispanic Catholics), seen as too pliable by some progressives, Eric Adams-type politics which may or may not be a little too centrist depending on the political views of the city at the time of the election, quite robotic, doesn't smile often, and if he does it is quite forced, blunt, can't interact with people, Asperger's*


Biography:

Salvatore "Sal" Carmi was born in Brooklyn, New York, on September 3, 1956. His father owned a small laundromat in Bensonhurst, a working-class neighborhood with a large Italian-American and Asian population. Sal didn't talk until the age of five, and he barely cried. His parents thought that something was wrong with him, but could never afford for someone to see what it was. Eventually he did talk — but he remained a quiet kid all through his childhood years.

Sal had five older siblings, and his entire large family lived in the small two-bedroom apartment above their laundromat. His mother was constantly busy taking care of the rest of the children, and didn't pay enough attention to her youngest, who was well behaved and quiet. Sal's father was a talented saxophone player who never managed to make it successfully, and was miserable with his small apartment, large family, and run-down deli shop. He was generally a very cheerful man, friendly and generous, but as his business declined, he sunk into deeper depression, and began drinking. Overtime he only got worse; squandering his money and his business. When Sal's father got drunk, he never got violent — he became quiet and zoned out and disengaged from the world. He would spend his entire nights passed out behind the counter, forcing Sal's mother to close the shop and clean up and take care of her entire family. Sal also had a lot of trouble making friends in school — his lack of social skills and reclusiveness led to him being bullied and beaten up everyday. He never cried about anything. He just quietly took it in.

One day, when Sal was ten, while going to the grocery store he was jumped by a gang of teenagers. They broke his nose and stole his money, and left him in a bleeding huddle on the side of the road. Sal stayed huddled there for a while, until an older Chinese man came over and helped him up, then helped him bandage his nose. The man owned a dingy bar, which also doubled as a casino. He was one of the first people who Sal actually liked, and who was really kind to him, and they quickly became friends. His name was Mr. Fong — Sal never knew his first name — and he gave Sal a part-time informal job as a busboy and bartender, along with his official employee, a 22-year old Korean stoner kid named Moon. Sal spent a lot of time there, and thought of Mr. Fong as a better father than his own, who grew more and more drunk and desperate each day. He would work for Mr. Fong for many years.

Sal's father started to get into serious financial trouble as Sal got to his teens. He became addicted to gambling, and didn't spend much of his day actually working at this point — instead, he was always at adult movie theaters and strip clubs or casinos. The laundromat fell into disrepair as his wife and older children struggled to keep up with it; but Sal's oldest brother moved to Philadelphia and his second oldest went to prison on felony theft charges, and the laundromat started losing drastically more money than it brought in. It was robbed in early 1970, when Sal was 14, and Sal's father's source of alcohol and gambling money dried up rapidly. He started getting money from loan sharks to pay off the laundromat and his own excesses — when he couldn't pay those, he got new loans from different people until he was thousands of dollars in debt with no way to pay it back.

Eventually, Sal's father's loaners started to get impatient. Many of them were connected to crime syndicates across New York, and wouldn't wait for him to find a way to get more money — members of the Lucchese family, a New York Mafia family to whom Sal's father owed a lot of money, burst into the store, broke his hand and threatened to have Sal's second-oldest brother murdered in prison unless Sal's father could find a way to pay them. Desperate, Sal's father went straight to the top of the Gambino crime family, one of the biggest mafia families in New York, asking for a loan he would pay back right away — the Gambinos didn't believe him. He was horrible at repaying debts, and nobody would loan to him anymore. The Lucchese came back to collect the money, as Sal's father was drunk. He refused to give the money he didn't have, and after the gangsters threatened him again, he grabbed a tie from the dry cleaning rack and tried to strangle one of the gangsters. He was shot dead. Sal was watching through the window of the store. He was 16.

Sal's father's death took a large toll the family. Sal's mother, despite constant fighting with his father, was heartbroken after his death — especially since he had been destroyed by alcohol, and for the last many years was not the charming, kind, and sweet man that he used to be. This was even harder on Sal's two older siblings still living at home, who knew their father better than Sal did. Sal didn't even cry at the funeral. His mother's health rapidly declined after her husband's death, and the next year she was diagnosed with psychosis — she would have hallucinations and fits, and lost her job as a seamstress. Sal's oldest brother, Anthony, wanted her moved to Philadelphia with him so that he could care for her. She lost parental rights over Sal, now 17 and the only one of her children not a legal adult, who was moved to a foster home. However, Sal only spent a few months in the foster home, before he was adopted by Mr. Fong, whom he had continued to work for in an attempt to provide money for his family. Mr. Fong was given third-party custody over Sal.

Sal did very well in school academically throughout his life — he was quite intelligent, and focused on his schoolwork. He graduated from high school a semester early in 1973 and went to Fordham for his undergraduate degree.

In 1975, as Sal was a sophomore in college, his older brother Frank was released from jail, which he had been in since 1968. He had trouble landing a job, as many people were reluctant to hire ex-convicts, but had even more trouble keeping one. He went through five jobs in just six months, and spent a week in prison for disorderly conduct stemming from public intoxication. Sal's brother Anthony, as well as a couple other of his siblings and Sal, held an intervention for him and managed to get him a job at a construction firm. Just a month later, he quit the firm, saying he had gotten another job elsewhere.

In 1977, at a mandatory Humanities course at Fordham, Sal met a man named Pierre Louissaint. Pierre was born in Haiti but immigrated to the U.S. as a child, and was pursuing a degree in the music world. The two hit it off, and quickly became friends — Pierre was one of the few people that Sal felt really comfortable talking to and being around. Sal eventually started to develop feelings for Pierre, which he had never had before — Sal had never fallen in love, nor did he realize that he was gay. He just thought that questions of sexuality never really applied to him. Sal was very scared; brought up a strict Catholic, though he wasn't as religious now, he had been taught that homosexuality was a sin — and as the AIDS epidemic raged, there were even more reasons to be concerned. He tried to just remain friends with Pierre, and suppress his feelings, but it grew harder every day.

One day, as the two studied for their exam, Sal confessed his feelings to Pierre. It just burst out, and felt like a straightjacket being taken off. Pierre was shocked — he was gay, outwardly, and one of the inaugural members of ACT UP, but always had thought of Sal as a friend. Sal was crushed. He missed classes for a week so he didn't have to see or talk to Pierre, until Pierre showed up at his door. They rekindled their friendship, and Sal managed to tamp down his feelings for Pierre. One night, near the end of their college graduation, Pierre revealed that he had developed feelings for Sal over time. They started dating, though secretly, and Sal wouldn't come out for a few years.

Sal enrolled in law school at Columbia. He could only go to school part time, as he had to continue working at Mr. Fong's casino to pay for it. Fong's casino, the Macau Rose, began to gain more popularity and business as it went from a small group of slot machines in the back of a bar to an entertainment center that swiftly became somewhat of a gathering place for lowlifes around the city. In 1978, Fong built an exclusive nightclub in the basement of the building and moved all of the slot machines and illicit activities there — using the bar as just a legitimate front business. More and more people started to frequent the nightclub regularly; the clientele shifted from people trying to have a night of fun to desperate people who started burning their lives away there, coming every day and ending up wasted on the curb outside the building. People who had families and jobs and lives, but were neglecting all of those as they fell into the vices that the casino offered. Sal stoically watched them as he cleaned the tables in the bar upstairs, and later worked as a waiter and bartender in the casino. Another shift in customers also started to appear — mobsters and criminals started using the casino as a meeting point, a busy place where drugs and illicitness was unnoticed. They discussed deals and had meetings, and more than once Sal had to drag a body into the dumpster after a murder. Eventually he was desensitized to the criminal violence that went on around him, but grew to hate the casino.

Sal finished his J.D. and was admitted to the bar in 1982. By this time, he had come out publicly, and Pierre moved in together. His family did not support it, for the most part, except for his brother Anthony, who spoke on Sal's behalf to the rest of the family. They begrudgingly accepted him — a much bigger step than Sal anticipated — but Anthony was really the only one to ever support him. Mr. Fong died of heart disease just after Sal finished his J.D. — he left the casino to Sal and his brother who moved from Hong Kong a year earlier and barely spoke English. They were to share responsibilities and profits. Fong's brother had spent years working as a casino proprietor in Kowloon and ran the internal operations of the casino, while Sal was the person who maintained the facade of a legitimate business, as well as working as a waiter because they were short on staff.

One day, as Sal was bussing tables near closing time, he overheard two mobsters in a corner booth intimidating a loaner who had yet to pay. He said that he had no money — his construction company was floundering and he just needed a little more time to get the money to pay the loan back. The mobsters weren't forgiving. Most loan sharks by this time didn't use violence to extract payments, instead trying to financially pressure their debtors, but these two were sloppy, and threatened the man with violence. He said that he'd have them arrested if they touched him — one of the mobsters slammed his face into the table. Blood poured out of his broken nose, and he slumped motionless to the ground. Sal dropped to the ground behind a table, so they wouldn't see him, and the gangsters left. Sal ran to the window and took pictures of them as they left, then called an ambulance, but never talked to the police. Nor did the man.

Sal spent that night wandering aimlessly around the park. He felt guilty, like that all the horrible things that happened in his childhood, all the violence and chaos, his father's decline and murder, were rising up in him, like he was finally realizing the magnitude of them — and that those same things were happening again. And he was watching. He wasn't doing anything about them. He watched people, just like his father, stumbling out of the casino, burning their money, wasting their lives, and getting hurt from it. The man who had been assaulted by the mobsters was a regular at the casino. Sal broke down in the park and cried for the first time in years. He just felt guilty that he was watching the horrible parts of lives repeat themselves, and wasn't doing anything about it. He sold his share of the casino to Mr. Fong's brother the next day, and decided to put his law degree to use

Sal spent a time as a personal injury lawyer in a huge firm, but he hated it. He thought that the legal system was too slow and bureaucratic, and that wealthy and powerful people were much more able to escape the punishments of the law. His law firm represented many corrupt businessmen and politicians — in 1983, Sal's law firm deflected a sexual assault case against a prominent tech entrepreneur and noted playboy. Sal personally believed that his client was guilty, but the defense was successful in protecting him.

Sal wanted to — in a way — make up for his father. Find the people responsible, or at least people who do the same things. In the fall of 1993, Sal started on a project that would shape his life. He left the law firm in the end of 1983 and joined the Brooklyn D.A.'s office as an Assistant D.A., the people who do most of the actual lawyering in cases. After a few years of working low-level cases in the Narcotics bureau, he was moved to the Organized Crime and Racketeering Bureau — investigating organized crime rackets and corrupt enterprises, like prostitution rings.

In 1995, Sal was put on a case prosecuting a burglary related to loan sharking and extortion. A business owner had been unable to pay the loan sharks' fees, and his shop had been broken into, destroyed, and robbed. He then went to the police — from his descriptions, the two perpetrators were arrested; Vito Mannecci and Don Di Salvo, both of whom had been arrested in the past and had links to the Genovese crime family. They ran a location of a popular Tri State-wide used car chain. They were alleged to be corrupt — but multiple allegations of fraud, insider trading, and kickbacks against the company had been dropped for various reasons. Sal got curious about any possible connections — he obtained the bank records and transactions from their shop, and compared them with the tax reports of both the shop and the franchise as a whole. He found they didn't add up — the franchise supposedly had a royalty fee of 15%, meaning 15% of profits from each location of the franchise went to them, but they were reporting far less than that. Thousands of dollars had just gone missing for years.

Sal reported this to the D.A. and the police, and they began an investigation. The owner of the franchise, a paunchy entrepreneur named Carl Ramenna, was arrested and released on bail. While on bail, he sold the franchise to another businessman, and most of the owners of the locations sold them or closed — within a few months, the business was deeply in debt, and declared bankruptcy. It was obvious that the business was not surviving only on legitimate operations — it was also being used as a front. Ramenna's trial was delayed as a charge of money laundering was added — meanwhile, the investigation extended to the names of most of the location owners for the franchise, who sold their locations when Ramenna was arrested. Some of them had been arrested previously, and many had suspected mob connections. The NYPD and NJPD carried out a mass arrest; the prosecutor's offices of all five boroughs, along with NYC mayor not-Giuliani, the NY attorney's office, and the NJ attorney's office all cooperated to charge them under the RICO act of 1970. It was one of the biggest mafia busts since the 1980s. Further investigation of many of the criminals showed that they had partaken in other crimes, such as drug dealing, fencing stolen goods, extortion, and burglary, and were using the stores as a way to launder profits.

After this, Sal was promoted to being chief D.D.A. for the whole department. But he wasn't done tracking down the mafia — over the next few years, there were a number of arrests made against the mob, one of which was against his own brother, Frank, who was arrested for extortion and had become a Gambino family soldier. Sal prosecuted his case, and sent his own brother to jail. In 1998, the mob boss of the Bonanno crime family was arrested for contract killing and racketeering — he was released on bail, and a month before his trial, the D.A. was killed in a yacht fire in Montauk. By the time the Coast Guard got there, the yacht was almost entirely destroyed. The trial was postponed to get a new prosecutor — Sal was assigned to the case (he won), and as chief D.D.A. he expected to be made interim D.A. as well, given that he was the chief prosecutor now that the D.A. had died. Instead, governor not-Pataki assigned his personal friend, Republican upstart D.D.A. Robby Lloyd, to be the D.A. Lloyd had less experience and fewer high profile cases than Sal, and received protests from the community given that he wasn't elected, and a Republican. Sal considered being passed over a snub by not-Pataki, and in 2001, he ran against Lloyd in the District Attorney election.

In the election, Sal espoused his strong prosecutorial record, and criticized Lloyd for coming from a wealthy political family, who donated extensively to the Pataki campaign and other Republican causes. Sal viciously denounced him in TV and radio as a partisan hack, bringing an unusual amount of public attention to the case. Governor not-Pataki endorsed Lloyd, but Sal got endorsements from New York senators and representatives. A big endorsement for Sal came in the form of mayor not-Giuliani, who, although a Republican, said that he had "great respect" for Sal's work fighting the Mafia, and had worked extensively with him in the past. Lloyd raised more money than Sal, especially from outside conservative groups, and appeared on Fox news and other conservative outlets. He said that in the future he might eye a possible mayoral or gubernatorial race ("and maybe even farther, who knows?"), and many New York Democrats poured money in to help stop Lloyd before he could gain experience and recognition. Sal told them that if they can "paint him as a loser" no one will vote for him.

A few months before the election, homophobic comments Lloyd had made about Sal surfaced, and Sal used it to paint him as a homophobe. Lloyd went on Rush Limbaugh's show and, instead of retracting the comments, denounced them as "an October surprise" and doubled down, saying that Sal was "sexually immoral" and therefore didn't have the conviction to be mayor. Former NYC mayor not-Ed Koch endorsed Sal, denouncing Lloyd's comments, and Pataki withdrew his endorsement of Lloyd, refusing to endorse either, and lamented the election as "not being about who can best help the people anymore, but instead other cultural issues that have nothing to do with the District Attorney." Later that month, Lloyd fired Sal for "not fulfilling duties" but was widely construed to be about the election, and was criticized by outside groups.

The intensity of the election turned away many voters (few of whom actually voted for the D.A. anyway), and turnout was low on election day — but Sal beat Lloyd by a significant margin. Sal was the first gay District Attorney to be elected in the United States. Lloyd opened a private law firm, and later became a pundit, but his political career was stunted by the loss.

As District Attorney, along with mayor not-Bloomberg, Sal started a program that would, instead of arresting minors with drugs, provide treatment to them and help them with addictions. He said that "a minor using drugs isn't a crime, it's a tragedy. Addiction isn't intentional on the part of the addict, it's a disease they're afflicted by, and locking people up won't solve anything." He started a program that would help people trying to leave gangs or criminal organizations do so, no questions asked (if they don't have an arrest warrant), and he wouldn't prosecute prostitutes but would prosecute people soliciting them, in an attempt to reduce demand.

In 2003, a criminal named Mario Micci, suspected to be an underboss for the Genovese family, was arrested for racketeering and drug smuggling. Micci was a huge man, nearly 250 pounds and 6'4, and accused of different crimes four times but had always ended in a mistrial due to jury deadlock. Sal was persecuting the case, as it was considered high-level enough, but the witnesses that testified he had run a cocaine smuggling racket out of a fish market weren't very credible, and from a different crime family. The cocaine that was found in the fish couldn't be directly traced to him, and Sal thought that the case would be thrown out from lack of evidence. However, a couple days before the trial, Sal got a tip from a woman who claimed to be Micci's wife, who had lots of documents and recordings about Micci's work, including letters and emails about contract killings, confessions he had made of various crimes he committed, and illegal drugs he possessed. She had caught him cheating on her, and wanted to get back at him. Multiple new counts were added against him, and it seemed like Sal might win the trial and put him in jail for the first time. The trial was well-publicized, and garnered national interest. Micci was not released on bail, as he was considered a dangerous criminal.

The last day of the trial, there was an assassination attempt against Sal. He was walking through a run down part of Coney Island, when two armed men at a newsstand turned and opened fire on him. Sal was hit in the shoulder and upper leg, but managed to crawl behind a concrete Jersey barrier blocking cars from road construction while yelling for police. The two gunmen chased after him — but two police officers on patrol down the street, who had witnessed the whole thing, drove over to Sal's position, scattering the gunmen. One ended up getting shot running away, while the other was arrested. Sal was rushed to the hospital, and the trial was postponed. The trial was given to another lawyer so Sal could recover, and Micci was convicted. Sal was given a personal security detail — no more attempts were made on his life, and over time the detail dwindled down to just one bodyguard, which he still has.

The gunman that was arrested testified in a plea deal that he had been hired by the boss of the Genovese family to protect Micci, and that another witness was targeted and to be assassinated after Sal. The boss of the Genovese family was arrested for attempted murder, and Sal went on TV to talk about the mob and his assassination. He said; "There is this perception that the mafia is dead...that isn't, no, that isn't true. They aren't dead. The RICO act, and mayor not-Giuliani, and our work throughout the nineties, we've silenced them...but they aren't gone. The mafia is quiet now. They operate quietly. They pull strings quietly. They buy politicians, and they run businesses, and they even kill people with as little notice as possible. The other gangs, they are easier to hunt down 'cause they aren't as skilled at keeping a low profile. Look at the news, it says, 'gang member injured and three bystanders killed in gang-related drive by' the mafia doesn't do that. They don't talk about their crimes, they aren't flashy, and they try to kill people like me with no one else noticing. So it's even harder for lawyers and the police to track them down. But to all the mafia still out there — we'll find you."

Sal was reelected to the D.A. in 2005, and again in 2009. He was known for taking a very hands on approach — rather than having his underlings prosecute the crimes, he was a very active prosecutor even for cases not considered really important enough to have a D.A. on them. He had a very good record — and as D.A. he wasn't bound to a certain field of cases, like homicide or narcotics, he was able to prosecute all sorts of different criminals.

Sal wouldn't run for D.A. again in 2013 — instead, he got a job offer from President Baharia to be the United States Attorney for the Southern District of New York. Sal accepted excitedly, and now with greater resources he began to take on not just organized criminals, but larger financial crimes. Not even a year into his term, Sal brought forth fraud charges for a large investment and stockbroking firm that was embezzling money and lying to their clients.

In 2015, reports surfaced of a NY State Senator, Benjamin Blau, taking money from large campaign donors to further their interests. Blau notably fought against bills to raise taxation on out-of-state companies, supposedly to "bolster outside income in New York" and prevent big businesses from leaving the city. However, reports showed that he fought for these measures around the same time that he began receiving huge campaign donations from corporations and wealthy private individuals fighting tax raises. Blau's district was in Brooklyn, so Sal personally took the case; he brought forth charges of bribery and corruption against Blau, who denied wrongdoing. The jury ended up deciding he was not guilty — although Blau had done something unethical, the evidence did not point strongly enough towards actual lawbreaking. Sal said that he "would not stop here at exposing [Blau's} corruption."

In early 2016, Sal was removed from the position by President Wolf, and denounced the move as "purely political" and accusing Wolf of glossing over his lengthy record of service. Later that year, Sal found out that Benjamin Blau was going to run for State Senate again, even after the corruption trial made him lose credibility. Blau still had a devoted support base in the constituency, especially among older voters, but Brooklyn was changing and the seat was very much a toss-up between him and another candidate. Pierre convinced Sal to run for the seat — if Blau couldn't be defeated in court, maybe in an election. Sal declared his candidacy, and after a tight race, won the Democratic primary against Blau. The seat was pretty safely blue, but Blau ran as an independent. Blau managed to get a surprising amount of fundraising, but Sal painted it as a race between a corrupt politician, and the lawyer that exposed him — and won in a landslide.

The State Senate was Sal's first time in legislative politics. He didn't like Albany, and often commuted back to Brooklyn via Amtrak. He had his chief of staff, a fresh out of grad school PoliSci major named Janet, operate his office in Brooklyn, and have the door open to people at all times for their comments or policy ideas. While in the Senate, Sal sponsored a bill requiring gas stations to include EV charging ports, and another bill that would require developers to include at least one unit of affordable housing for every one hundred housing units built, which ultimately failed, but would remain a priority for Sal. Sal was re-elected in 2018.

Sal knew, halfway through his second State Senate term, that he wanted to run for mayor in 2021. He began tendering a run, and meeting with Democratic donors and activists. He went back and forth on the idea for a while, didn't run for State Senate reelection in 2020, but in early 2021 he decided that he wasn't going to run for mayor and announced his candidacy for Brooklyn Borough President — he then changed his mind, withdrew his candidacy, thought about running for D.A. again, but ultimately, he decided to run for mayor at the convincing of Pierre and began assembling a campaign team. His biggest issues are bringing back the fleeing business from New York, in order to reboot jobs and the economy, increasing accountability in the NYPD after protests broke out due to the death of Marlon Ward, and gradually making NYC more green and sustainable. He says it's time to "reinvest" in New York public transportation, bring back more rent control, stop gentrification and raising housing prices, "reduce the negative effects of historical redlining" and build new public affordable housing, continue the downward trend in NYC crime and keep kids out of gangs. His fiscally liberal plan to "prepare New York City for the future" depends on his success at fixing the pressing economic crisis with pro-business ideas. He says that the other candidates are too ideological and not pragmatic enough, and that their "lofty aspirations" will do nothing for the city.

• Born Sept. 3, 1956 (age 66)
• Huge family, quite poor, father owned a laundromat
• Father became an alcoholic, gambling addict, etc., and needed to keep borrowing money from seedy people
• Sal was socially awkward and bullied as a kid, but got a job (at age 10, so probably an informal job) working for a Chinese man named "Mr. Fong" who owned a bar/restaurant
• Sal's dad defaulted on debts — mafia-affiliated loaners came to collect them, he was drunk and tried to strangle one of the collectors with a necktie and was shot dead, Sal was watching, only 16
• Mother eventually developed psychosis, and lost custody over Sal (only kid not a legal adult) who was put in a foster home before being adopted by Mr. Fong.
• Sal is very smart — went to Fordham for undergrad
• Sal's brother Frank bounced in an out of jail and in and out of jobs, Sal's family held an intervention and got him a job, which he left because he got a job elsewhere
• Met a Haitian guy named Pierre Louissaint, fell in love, confused about his sexuality and convinced that being gay is wrong. Eventually he accepted it, and after a while the two started dating
• Went to Columbia law, while working part time at Mr. Fong's bar/restaurant, now bar/restaurant/casino where lots of lowlifes came
• Finished his J.D., came out (unsupportive family except older brother Anthony), Mr. Fong died and left the casino to his brother and Sal, his adopted son
• Sal witnesses loan sharks beat up someone just like they had his dad a long time ago, felt guilty for not doing anything, wanted to do something, sold his part of the casino to Mr. Fong's brother
• Joined a private injury law firm, hated it, left it and joined the D.A.'s office (as a D.D.A.)
• Spent a while in lower-level cases, until 1995, where he uncovered a mafia racket hidden by a failing used car sale chain, busted a whole bunch of people, promoted to Chief D.D.A.
• Over the next few years, arrested a lot of mobsters (including his brother, who became a mobster)
• D.A. killed in a yacht fire, that was probably caused by a crime boss they were persecuting, but Sal (chief D.D.A.) was passed up for the position by not-Pataki in favor of a Republican upstart lawyer with less experience, which pissed Sal off
• Sal ran against him in the next election, it was a vicious campaign and more publicized than most D.A. elections
• Sal got endorsements from surprising people, like not-Giuliani, and homophobic comments that Lloyd said resurfaced and he doubled down on them, but in the end Sal won and became first gay D.A. in the US
• As District Attorney, along with mayor not-Bloomberg, Sal started a program that would, instead of arresting minors with drugs, provide treatment to them and help them with addictions. He said that "a minor using drugs isn't a crime, it's a tragedy. Addiction isn't intentional on the part of the addict, it's a disease they're afflicted by, and locking people up won't solve anything." He started a program that would help people trying to leave gangs or criminal organizations do so, no questions asked, and he wouldn't prosecute prostitutes but would prosecute people soliciting them, in an attempt to reduce demand
• Big 2003 trial against a mobster named Mario Micci, who had never been caught before but his jealous ex-wife gave a bunch of tips to Sal and he arrested Micci, but last day of the trial hitmen paid by Micci's boss tried to kill Sal — they failed, but he had to drop the case to recover from wounds and got a personal security detail. One of the gunmen who was arrested gave a testimony against the person who hired him, Genovese family boss, and he was arrested too
• Reelected to the D.A. twice, in 2005 and 2009, but in 2013 President Baharia gave him a job offer as US Attorney for the Southern District of New York
• As US Attorney for Southern District of NY, he persecuted a corrupt State Senator named Benjamin Blau, though the evidence against him was big, he didn't break enough actual laws (just a lot of unethical stuff) and wasn't impeached or arrested.
• In 2016, Wolf removed him from the US Attorney position in a political move, and Sal found out that Benjamin Blau was running for State Senate again, so he ran against him.
• He won the Democratic primaries, so Blau ran as an independent, but Sal beat him by a landslide (it was corrupt politician versus lawyer who exposed his corruption).
• First time in legislative politics, as State Senator Sal sponsored a bill requiring gas stations to include EV charging ports, and another bill that would require developers to include at least one unit of affordable housing for every one hundred housing units built, which ultimately failed, but would remain a priority for Sal. He was re-elected in 2018. He had his chief of staff, a fresh out of grad school PoliSci major named Janet, operate his office in Brooklyn, and have the door open to people at all times for their comments or policy ideas.
• Knew halfway through second Senate term he was going to run for NYC mayor, but went back and forth for a while, eventually deciding to run.
• His biggest issues are bringing back the fleeing business from New York, in order to reboot jobs and the economy, increasing accountability in the NYPD after protests broke out due to the death of Marlon Ward, and gradually making NYC more green and sustainable. He says it's time to "reinvest" in New York public transportation, bring back more rent control, stop gentrification and raising housing prices, "reduce the negative effects of historical redlining" and build new public affordable housing, continue the downward trend in NYC crime and keep kids out of gangs. His fiscally liberal plan to "prepare New York City for the future" depends on his success at fixing the pressing economic crisis with pro-business ideas. He says that the other candidates are too ideological and not pragmatic enough, and that their "lofty aspirations" will do nothing for the city.

Other Info:

A Catholic, as is his husband, although his wedding was nondenominational because no priests would bless a same-sex marriage

Married to Pierre Louissaint (2011—)

*

Sal has Aspergers, which I'm planning to make a pretty central part of his character IC. This is very downplayed, and Sal keeps it a very close secret to almost everybody because he feels like it could seriously derail his future political career, and he's probably right. It would likely undermine public confidence and support and change people's perceptions of him.

Asperger's symtoms range dramatically between individuals. For Sal, it means he gets very invested in projects to the point of obsession — it's hard for him to do or think about or focus on anything else besides the project that he's working on at the moment. He also isn't great at talking to people — he's naturally very blunt and tactless. So, basically, a jerk that gets things done.

However, he does realize when he says something he isn't supposed to because it's mean or something like that. He is not averse to apologizing, though he hates being told he did something wrong. When faced with a ton of stress he will just stop doing what he is doing, and sit perfectly still until he can sort through it and people stop bothering him.

Family:
Father - Angelo Carmi (deceased, 19872)
Mother - Sofia Noronno Carmi
Siblings, by age - Anthony Carmi
- Frank Carmi
- Mary Carmi Algunio
- Beatrice Carmi Hemmstein
- Joe Carmi

F.H. Fong (deceased, 1982)




I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Madrinpoor

Do Not Remove: DRAFT87421

Ok everyone, the moment you've been waiting for!

I have been working on this forever and I'm finally done! My favorite character I've ever made.

Also, I've been pretty inactive recently cause of school stuff, but now that the first trimester is over for me and I have some more time I'll be more active in this RP again.

Could I have an admin review this please? Thank you!

[The Free Territory of Makhnovia]

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: The Free Territory of Makhnovia
Character Name: Titus Gaddie
Character Gender: male
Character Age: 55
Character Height: 5'8
Character Weight:199 lbs
Character Position/Role/Job: Senator from Georgia
Character Country/State of Birth:Georgia
Character State of Residence: Georgia
Character Party Affiliation: Democrat
Main Strengths: Connects well with blue collar voters and African American voters, energetic, strong ties with the African American church, good speaker,
Main Weaknesses: Politically dubious past (involvement with IWW and similar organizations considered extremist), openly spoke against gun control, was embroiled in political scandal, considered unsophisticated by many, sometimes clashes with the party line
Biography: Born in 1965 in working class family in rural Georgia as fourth of five children. Parents were farmers that were more affluent than most, but still struggling at times. After finishing high-school, Titus had scraped some money doing odd jobs and with help of his parents went to Atlanta to study law. He worked to support himself through college, often doing difficult physical labor, in the end getting permanent employment in Atlantic Steel. As company was going down he joined IWW union and campaigned fiercely to prevent lay-offs and shutting down of the plant. He became known as fringe left-wing activist, often clashing with management and police, although he never got into serious trouble.
After finally getting his degree in 1992, he married and found employment as labor union lawyer, with time becoming more moderate and rising within the union ranks, becoming more active in city and state politics, becoming one of the more active members of the church and lobbying for better work regulations on behalf of the various unions. In 1998, he rose to the position of chief legal expert for Atlanta-North Georgia labor council. This brought him political connection and after not-Obama's election in 2008, he was nominated for a seat at National Labor Relations Board. Unfortunately, a scandal concerning misappropriation of union funds was discovered and Tituses name was implicated. Despite charges being dropped due to lack of evidence, it took a long while for his career to recover. After couple of years of political obscurity, he won the primary nomination for Georgia's 5th congressional district in 2018 after not-John Robert Lewis (who was on good terms with Gaddie) decided to retire early due to failing health. He won the easy district, but enjoyed uneventful two years of term, becoming known for his fiery and often humorous speeches but drafting little in way of Bills, mostly co-sponsoring bills regarding prevention of police brutality, worker's rights and fight against systemic racism. Still, there were few debates that he was remembered for during his time in the House: he was one of the co-sponsors of Protecting Our Democracy Act and he authored Preventing Authoritarian Policing Tactics on America’s Streets Act which was well timed at the moment when debates about police brutality against the African Americans were at its highest. He also worked on Working Families Tax Relief Act of 2019 together with several other congressmen. Occasionally, he refused to toe the party line regarding gun control, knowing that this is hot issue for American South, and was also critical of certain aspects of Green New Deal that he considered would lead to loss of jobs in manufacturing sector. His conduct during not-George Floyd riots, when he criticized actions of Republican leadership and rallied behind cause of African Americans, while also condemning the violence brought him a lot of political credit in Georgia. In Atlanta he led massive peaceful protest condemning the racism and violence and calling for thorough reform of police system.

In 2020 it came as no surprise that he announced to run for Georgia senate seat in special election against not-Kelly Loeffler. He was considered an outsider, running for a first ever seat held by African-American in an formerly Confederate country. Still, he managed to call upon several significant political alliances in the primary and in the end, Democrats mostly consolidated around him. Gaddie campaigned on platform focused on reducing unemployment, advancing social programs for the poor and pushing through special stimulus package to aid the unemployed and poor. He also campaigned on issues of racism and improving the standing of both urban and rural Southern African American population: he wowed to ban use of Confederate symbols in federal institutions and promised a package of laws designed to fight racism in law enforcement and prison system. His success was spearheaded by high turnout of African American voters and by his opponent making a several racist remarks, disparaging Black Lives Matter movement. Still, he won by a razor thin margin.

Timeline:
1992-1998: works for ANGLC as lawyer
1998-2006- chief legal advisor for ANGLC
2006- 2013- ALF-CIO Secretary treasurer for Georgia, resigned after funds misappropriation scandal.
2018- elected for 5th congressional district,
2019-2020- representative in 116th Congress
2020- elected as Senator from Georgia.

Political stances:
Abortion: he is pro-choice
Capital punishment: Opposed to capital punishment
Gun control: In favor of concealed carry laws and background checks, opposed to stricter federal regulations and bans of certain firearms.
LGBTQ rights: Opposes discrimination based on sexual or gender orientation. However, reluctant to loudly advocate LGBTQ+ rights, in fear of turning away parts of his blue collar workers
Strongly advocates repeal of The Labor Management Relations Act, advocates for reform of prison system, opposed to Confederate monuments on federal land, pretty much toes the party line in foreign relations, in favor of government intervention to protect jobs in industry. In favor of healthcare reform.

Committees: Health, Education, Labor and Pension, Rules and Administration
Caucuses: Congressional Black Caucus, Medicare for All Caucus, Congressional Labor and Working Families Caucus, Congressional Out of Poverty Caucus, Senate Steel Caucus

Personal info: Married with four children aged from 27 to 11. Has four brothers and a sister. Baptist.
I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Free Territory of Makhnovia
Do Not Remove: DRAFT87421

[Dentali]

Seal doesn't work again

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Madrinpoor
Character Name: Sal Carmi
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 65
Character Height: 5'6
Character Weight: 161
Character Position/Role/Job: Candidate for NYC Mayor (2021—)
New York State Senator, District 22 (2016—2020)
United States Attorney for the Southern District of New York (2013—2016)
D.A. of Brooklyn (2001—2013)
Chief D.D.A. for Brooklyn (1995—2001)
D.D.A. for Brooklyn (1983—1995)
Attorney, Williams and Keever Law Firm (1982—1983)
Co-Owner, Macau Rose Bar and Casino (1982—1983)
Busboy/Waiter/Bartender, Macau Rose Bar and Casino, part time (1966—1982)
Character Country/State of Birth: New York, USA
Character State of Residence: New York
Character Party Affiliation: Democratic
Main Strengths: Knows a lot about the law, background as a lawyer who helped bust the Mafia, seen as strong on crime issues, good at winning centrists while not necessarily alienating progressives, built himself up and got away from violence and gangs, unfazed by problems, good at answering tough questions, obsessively determined, down to earth, unfazed by anything, gets stuff done, is a minority which can endear him to progressives, strong with White voters
Main Weaknesses: Politically unknown, his sexuality might estrange him from some religious potential voters (like Italian and Hispanic Catholics), seen as too pliable by some progressives, Eric Adams-type politics which may or may not be a little too centrist depending on the political views of the city at the time of the election, quite robotic, doesn't smile often, and if he does it is quite forced, blunt, can't interact with people, Asperger's*


Biography:

Salvatore "Sal" Carmi was born in Brooklyn, New York, on September 3, 1956. His father owned a small laundromat in Bensonhurst, a working-class neighborhood with a large Italian-American and Asian population. Sal didn't talk until the age of five, and he barely cried. His parents thought that something was wrong with him, but could never afford for someone to see what it was. Eventually he did talk — but he remained a quiet kid all through his childhood years.

Sal had five older siblings, and his entire large family lived in the small two-bedroom apartment above their laundromat. His mother was constantly busy taking care of the rest of the children, and didn't pay enough attention to her youngest, who was well behaved and quiet. Sal's father was a talented saxophone player who never managed to make it successfully, and was miserable with his small apartment, large family, and run-down deli shop. He was generally a very cheerful man, friendly and generous, but as his business declined, he sunk into deeper depression, and began drinking. Overtime he only got worse; squandering his money and his business. When Sal's father got drunk, he never got violent — he became quiet and zoned out and disengaged from the world. He would spend his entire nights passed out behind the counter, forcing Sal's mother to close the shop and clean up and take care of her entire family. Sal also had a lot of trouble making friends in school — his lack of social skills and reclusiveness led to him being bullied and beaten up everyday. He never cried about anything. He just quietly took it in.

One day, when Sal was ten, while going to the grocery store he was jumped by a gang of teenagers. They broke his nose and stole his money, and left him in a bleeding huddle on the side of the road. Sal stayed huddled there for a while, until an older Chinese man came over and helped him up, then helped him bandage his nose. The man owned a dingy bar, which also doubled as a casino. He was one of the first people who Sal actually liked, and who was really kind to him, and they quickly became friends. His name was Mr. Fong — Sal never knew his first name — and he gave Sal a part-time informal job as a busboy and bartender, along with his official employee, a 22-year old Korean stoner kid named Moon. Sal spent a lot of time there, and thought of Mr. Fong as a better father than his own, who grew more and more drunk and desperate each day. He would work for Mr. Fong for many years.

Sal's father started to get into serious financial trouble as Sal got to his teens. He became addicted to gambling, and didn't spend much of his day actually working at this point — instead, he was always at adult movie theaters and strip clubs or casinos. The laundromat fell into disrepair as his wife and older children struggled to keep up with it; but Sal's oldest brother moved to Philadelphia and his second oldest went to prison on felony theft charges, and the laundromat started losing drastically more money than it brought in. It was robbed in early 1970, when Sal was 14, and Sal's father's source of alcohol and gambling money dried up rapidly. He started getting money from loan sharks to pay off the laundromat and his own excesses — when he couldn't pay those, he got new loans from different people until he was thousands of dollars in debt with no way to pay it back.

Eventually, Sal's father's loaners started to get impatient. Many of them were connected to crime syndicates across New York, and wouldn't wait for him to find a way to get more money — members of the Lucchese family, a New York Mafia family to whom Sal's father owed a lot of money, burst into the store, broke his hand and threatened to have Sal's second-oldest brother murdered in prison unless Sal's father could find a way to pay them. Desperate, Sal's father went straight to the top of the Gambino crime family, one of the biggest mafia families in New York, asking for a loan he would pay back right away — the Gambinos didn't believe him. He was horrible at repaying debts, and nobody would loan to him anymore. The Lucchese came back to collect the money, as Sal's father was drunk. He refused to give the money he didn't have, and after the gangsters threatened him again, he grabbed a tie from the dry cleaning rack and tried to strangle one of the gangsters. He was shot dead. Sal was watching through the window of the store. He was 16.

Sal's father's death took a large toll the family. Sal's mother, despite constant fighting with his father, was heartbroken after his death — especially since he had been destroyed by alcohol, and for the last many years was not the charming, kind, and sweet man that he used to be. This was even harder on Sal's two older siblings still living at home, who knew their father better than Sal did. Sal didn't even cry at the funeral. His mother's health rapidly declined after her husband's death, and the next year she was diagnosed with psychosis — she would have hallucinations and fits, and lost her job as a seamstress. Sal's oldest brother, Anthony, wanted her moved to Philadelphia with him so that he could care for her. She lost parental rights over Sal, now 17 and the only one of her children not a legal adult, who was moved to a foster home. However, Sal only spent a few months in the foster home, before he was adopted by Mr. Fong, whom he had continued to work for in an attempt to provide money for his family. Mr. Fong was given third-party custody over Sal.

Sal did very well in school academically throughout his life — he was quite intelligent, and focused on his schoolwork. He graduated from high school a semester early in 1973 and went to Fordham for his undergraduate degree.

In 1975, as Sal was a sophomore in college, his older brother Frank was released from jail, which he had been in since 1968. He had trouble landing a job, as many people were reluctant to hire ex-convicts, but had even more trouble keeping one. He went through five jobs in just six months, and spent a week in prison for disorderly conduct stemming from public intoxication. Sal's brother Anthony, as well as a couple other of his siblings and Sal, held an intervention for him and managed to get him a job at a construction firm. Just a month later, he quit the firm, saying he had gotten another job elsewhere.

In 1977, at a mandatory Humanities course at Fordham, Sal met a man named Pierre Louissaint. Pierre was born in Haiti but immigrated to the U.S. as a child, and was pursuing a degree in the music world. The two hit it off, and quickly became friends — Pierre was one of the few people that Sal felt really comfortable talking to and being around. Sal eventually started to develop feelings for Pierre, which he had never had before — Sal had never fallen in love, nor did he realize that he was gay. He just thought that questions of sexuality never really applied to him. Sal was very scared; brought up a strict Catholic, though he wasn't as religious now, he had been taught that homosexuality was a sin — and as the AIDS epidemic raged, there were even more reasons to be concerned. He tried to just remain friends with Pierre, and suppress his feelings, but it grew harder every day.

One day, as the two studied for their exam, Sal confessed his feelings to Pierre. It just burst out, and felt like a straightjacket being taken off. Pierre was shocked — he was gay, outwardly, and one of the inaugural members of ACT UP, but always had thought of Sal as a friend. Sal was crushed. He missed classes for a week so he didn't have to see or talk to Pierre, until Pierre showed up at his door. They rekindled their friendship, and Sal managed to tamp down his feelings for Pierre. One night, near the end of their college graduation, Pierre revealed that he had developed feelings for Sal over time. They started dating, though secretly, and Sal wouldn't come out for a few years.

Sal enrolled in law school at Columbia. He could only go to school part time, as he had to continue working at Mr. Fong's casino to pay for it. Fong's casino, the Macau Rose, began to gain more popularity and business as it went from a small group of slot machines in the back of a bar to an entertainment center that swiftly became somewhat of a gathering place for lowlifes around the city. In 1978, Fong built an exclusive nightclub in the basement of the building and moved all of the slot machines and illicit activities there — using the bar as just a legitimate front business. More and more people started to frequent the nightclub regularly; the clientele shifted from people trying to have a night of fun to desperate people who started burning their lives away there, coming every day and ending up wasted on the curb outside the building. People who had families and jobs and lives, but were neglecting all of those as they fell into the vices that the casino offered. Sal stoically watched them as he cleaned the tables in the bar upstairs, and later worked as a waiter and bartender in the casino. Another shift in customers also started to appear — mobsters and criminals started using the casino as a meeting point, a busy place where drugs and illicitness was unnoticed. They discussed deals and had meetings, and more than once Sal had to drag a body into the dumpster after a murder. Eventually he was desensitized to the criminal violence that went on around him, but grew to hate the casino.

Sal finished his J.D. and was admitted to the bar in 1982. By this time, he had come out publicly, and Pierre moved in together. His family did not support it, for the most part, except for his brother Anthony, who spoke on Sal's behalf to the rest of the family. They begrudgingly accepted him — a much bigger step than Sal anticipated — but Anthony was really the only one to ever support him. Mr. Fong died of heart disease just after Sal finished his J.D. — he left the casino to Sal and his brother who moved from Hong Kong a year earlier and barely spoke English. They were to share responsibilities and profits. Fong's brother had spent years working as a casino proprietor in Kowloon and ran the internal operations of the casino, while Sal was the person who maintained the facade of a legitimate business, as well as working as a waiter because they were short on staff.

One day, as Sal was bussing tables near closing time, he overheard two mobsters in a corner booth intimidating a loaner who had yet to pay. He said that he had no money — his construction company was floundering and he just needed a little more time to get the money to pay the loan back. The mobsters weren't forgiving. Most loan sharks by this time didn't use violence to extract payments, instead trying to financially pressure their debtors, but these two were sloppy, and threatened the man with violence. He said that he'd have them arrested if they touched him — one of the mobsters slammed his face into the table. Blood poured out of his broken nose, and he slumped motionless to the ground. Sal dropped to the ground behind a table, so they wouldn't see him, and the gangsters left. Sal ran to the window and took pictures of them as they left, then called an ambulance, but never talked to the police. Nor did the man.

Sal spent that night wandering aimlessly around the park. He felt guilty, like that all the horrible things that happened in his childhood, all the violence and chaos, his father's decline and murder, were rising up in him, like he was finally realizing the magnitude of them — and that those same things were happening again. And he was watching. He wasn't doing anything about them. He watched people, just like his father, stumbling out of the casino, burning their money, wasting their lives, and getting hurt from it. The man who had been assaulted by the mobsters was a regular at the casino. Sal broke down in the park and cried for the first time in years. He just felt guilty that he was watching the horrible parts of lives repeat themselves, and wasn't doing anything about it. He sold his share of the casino to Mr. Fong's brother the next day, and decided to put his law degree to use

Sal spent a time as a personal injury lawyer in a huge firm, but he hated it. He thought that the legal system was too slow and bureaucratic, and that wealthy and powerful people were much more able to escape the punishments of the law. His law firm represented many corrupt businessmen and politicians — in 1983, Sal's law firm deflected a sexual assault case against a prominent tech entrepreneur and noted playboy. Sal personally believed that his client was guilty, but the defense was successful in protecting him.

Sal wanted to — in a way — make up for his father. Find the people responsible, or at least people who do the same things. In the fall of 1993, Sal started on a project that would shape his life. He left the law firm in the end of 1983 and joined the Brooklyn D.A.'s office as an Assistant D.A., the people who do most of the actual lawyering in cases. After a few years of working low-level cases in the Narcotics bureau, he was moved to the Organized Crime and Racketeering Bureau — investigating organized crime rackets and corrupt enterprises, like prostitution rings.

In 1995, Sal was put on a case prosecuting a burglary related to loan sharking and extortion. A business owner had been unable to pay the loan sharks' fees, and his shop had been broken into, destroyed, and robbed. He then went to the police — from his descriptions, the two perpetrators were arrested; Vito Mannecci and Don Di Salvo, both of whom had been arrested in the past and had links to the Genovese crime family. They ran a location of a popular Tri State-wide used car chain. They were alleged to be corrupt — but multiple allegations of fraud, insider trading, and kickbacks against the company had been dropped for various reasons. Sal got curious about any possible connections — he obtained the bank records and transactions from their shop, and compared them with the tax reports of both the shop and the franchise as a whole. He found they didn't add up — the franchise supposedly had a royalty fee of 15%, meaning 15% of profits from each location of the franchise went to them, but they were reporting far less than that. Thousands of dollars had just gone missing for years.

Sal reported this to the D.A. and the police, and they began an investigation. The owner of the franchise, a paunchy entrepreneur named Carl Ramenna, was arrested and released on bail. While on bail, he sold the franchise to another businessman, and most of the owners of the locations sold them or closed — within a few months, the business was deeply in debt, and declared bankruptcy. It was obvious that the business was not surviving only on legitimate operations — it was also being used as a front. Ramenna's trial was delayed as a charge of money laundering was added — meanwhile, the investigation extended to the names of most of the location owners for the franchise, who sold their locations when Ramenna was arrested. Some of them had been arrested previously, and many had suspected mob connections. The NYPD and NJPD carried out a mass arrest; the prosecutor's offices of all five boroughs, along with NYC mayor not-Giuliani, the NY attorney's office, and the NJ attorney's office all cooperated to charge them under the RICO act of 1970. It was one of the biggest mafia busts since the 1980s. Further investigation of many of the criminals showed that they had partaken in other crimes, such as drug dealing, fencing stolen goods, extortion, and burglary, and were using the stores as a way to launder profits.

After this, Sal was promoted to being chief D.D.A. for the whole department. But he wasn't done tracking down the mafia — over the next few years, there were a number of arrests made against the mob, one of which was against his own brother, Frank, who was arrested for extortion and had become a Gambino family soldier. Sal prosecuted his case, and sent his own brother to jail. In 1998, the mob boss of the Bonanno crime family was arrested for contract killing and racketeering — he was released on bail, and a month before his trial, the D.A. was killed in a yacht fire in Montauk. By the time the Coast Guard got there, the yacht was almost entirely destroyed. The trial was postponed to get a new prosecutor — Sal was assigned to the case (he won), and as chief D.D.A. he expected to be made interim D.A. as well, given that he was the chief prosecutor now that the D.A. had died. Instead, governor not-Pataki assigned his personal friend, Republican upstart D.D.A. Robby Lloyd, to be the D.A. Lloyd had less experience and fewer high profile cases than Sal, and received protests from the community given that he wasn't elected, and a Republican. Sal considered being passed over a snub by not-Pataki, and in 2001, he ran against Lloyd in the District Attorney election.

In the election, Sal espoused his strong prosecutorial record, and criticized Lloyd for coming from a wealthy political family, who donated extensively to the Pataki campaign and other Republican causes. Sal viciously denounced him in TV and radio as a partisan hack, bringing an unusual amount of public attention to the case. Governor not-Pataki endorsed Lloyd, but Sal got endorsements from New York senators and representatives. A big endorsement for Sal came in the form of mayor not-Giuliani, who, although a Republican, said that he had "great respect" for Sal's work fighting the Mafia, and had worked extensively with him in the past. Lloyd raised more money than Sal, especially from outside conservative groups, and appeared on Fox news and other conservative outlets. He said that in the future he might eye a possible mayoral or gubernatorial race ("and maybe even farther, who knows?"), and many New York Democrats poured money in to help stop Lloyd before he could gain experience and recognition. Sal told them that if they can "paint him as a loser" no one will vote for him.

A few months before the election, homophobic comments Lloyd had made about Sal surfaced, and Sal used it to paint him as a homophobe. Lloyd went on Rush Limbaugh's show and, instead of retracting the comments, denounced them as "an October surprise" and doubled down, saying that Sal was "sexually immoral" and therefore didn't have the conviction to be mayor. Former NYC mayor not-Ed Koch endorsed Sal, denouncing Lloyd's comments, and Pataki withdrew his endorsement of Lloyd, refusing to endorse either, and lamented the election as "not being about who can best help the people anymore, but instead other cultural issues that have nothing to do with the District Attorney." Later that month, Lloyd fired Sal for "not fulfilling duties" but was widely construed to be about the election, and was criticized by outside groups.

The intensity of the election turned away many voters (few of whom actually voted for the D.A. anyway), and turnout was low on election day — but Sal beat Lloyd by a significant margin. Sal was the first gay District Attorney to be elected in the United States. Lloyd opened a private law firm, and later became a pundit, but his political career was stunted by the loss.

As District Attorney, along with mayor not-Bloomberg, Sal started a program that would, instead of arresting minors with drugs, provide treatment to them and help them with addictions. He said that "a minor using drugs isn't a crime, it's a tragedy. Addiction isn't intentional on the part of the addict, it's a disease they're afflicted by, and locking people up won't solve anything." He started a program that would help people trying to leave gangs or criminal organizations do so, no questions asked (if they don't have an arrest warrant), and he wouldn't prosecute prostitutes but would prosecute people soliciting them, in an attempt to reduce demand.

In 2003, a criminal named Mario Micci, suspected to be an underboss for the Genovese family, was arrested for racketeering and drug smuggling. Micci was a huge man, nearly 250 pounds and 6'4, and accused of different crimes four times but had always ended in a mistrial due to jury deadlock. Sal was persecuting the case, as it was considered high-level enough, but the witnesses that testified he had run a cocaine smuggling racket out of a fish market weren't very credible, and from a different crime family. The cocaine that was found in the fish couldn't be directly traced to him, and Sal thought that the case would be thrown out from lack of evidence. However, a couple days before the trial, Sal got a tip from a woman who claimed to be Micci's wife, who had lots of documents and recordings about Micci's work, including letters and emails about contract killings, confessions he had made of various crimes he committed, and illegal drugs he possessed. She had caught him cheating on her, and wanted to get back at him. Multiple new counts were added against him, and it seemed like Sal might win the trial and put him in jail for the first time. The trial was well-publicized, and garnered national interest. Micci was not released on bail, as he was considered a dangerous criminal.

The last day of the trial, there was an assassination attempt against Sal. He was walking through a run down part of Coney Island, when two armed men at a newsstand turned and opened fire on him. Sal was hit in the shoulder and upper leg, but managed to crawl behind a concrete Jersey barrier blocking cars from road construction while yelling for police. The two gunmen chased after him — but two police officers on patrol down the street, who had witnessed the whole thing, drove over to Sal's position, scattering the gunmen. One ended up getting shot running away, while the other was arrested. Sal was rushed to the hospital, and the trial was postponed. The trial was given to another lawyer so Sal could recover, and Micci was convicted. Sal was given a personal security detail — no more attempts were made on his life, and over time the detail dwindled down to just one bodyguard, which he still has.

The gunman that was arrested testified in a plea deal that he had been hired by the boss of the Genovese family to protect Micci, and that another witness was targeted and to be assassinated after Sal. The boss of the Genovese family was arrested for attempted murder, and Sal went on TV to talk about the mob and his assassination. He said; "There is this perception that the mafia is dead...that isn't, no, that isn't true. They aren't dead. The RICO act, and mayor not-Giuliani, and our work throughout the nineties, we've silenced them...but they aren't gone. The mafia is quiet now. They operate quietly. They pull strings quietly. They buy politicians, and they run businesses, and they even kill people with as little notice as possible. The other gangs, they are easier to hunt down 'cause they aren't as skilled at keeping a low profile. Look at the news, it says, 'gang member injured and three bystanders killed in gang-related drive by' the mafia doesn't do that. They don't talk about their crimes, they aren't flashy, and they try to kill people like me with no one else noticing. So it's even harder for lawyers and the police to track them down. But to all the mafia still out there — we'll find you."

Sal was reelected to the D.A. in 2005, and again in 2009. He was known for taking a very hands on approach — rather than having his underlings prosecute the crimes, he was a very active prosecutor even for cases not considered really important enough to have a D.A. on them. He had a very good record — and as D.A. he wasn't bound to a certain field of cases, like homicide or narcotics, he was able to prosecute all sorts of different criminals.

Sal wouldn't run for D.A. again in 2013 — instead, he got a job offer from President Baharia to be the United States Attorney for the Southern District of New York. Sal accepted excitedly, and now with greater resources he began to take on not just organized criminals, but larger financial crimes. Not even a year into his term, Sal brought forth fraud charges for a large investment and stockbroking firm that was embezzling money and lying to their clients.

In 2015, reports surfaced of a NY State Senator, Benjamin Blau, taking money from large campaign donors to further their interests. Blau notably fought against bills to raise taxation on out-of-state companies, supposedly to "bolster outside income in New York" and prevent big businesses from leaving the city. However, reports showed that he fought for these measures around the same time that he began receiving huge campaign donations from corporations and wealthy private individuals fighting tax raises. Blau's district was in Brooklyn, so Sal personally took the case; he brought forth charges of bribery and corruption against Blau, who denied wrongdoing. The jury ended up deciding he was not guilty — although Blau had done something unethical, the evidence did not point strongly enough towards actual lawbreaking. Sal said that he "would not stop here at exposing [Blau's} corruption."

In early 2016, Sal was removed from the position by President Wolf, and denounced the move as "purely political" and accusing Wolf of glossing over his lengthy record of service. Later that year, Sal found out that Benjamin Blau was going to run for State Senate again, even after the corruption trial made him lose credibility. Blau still had a devoted support base in the constituency, especially among older voters, but Brooklyn was changing and the seat was very much a toss-up between him and another candidate. Pierre convinced Sal to run for the seat — if Blau couldn't be defeated in court, maybe in an election. Sal declared his candidacy, and after a tight race, won the Democratic primary against Blau. The seat was pretty safely blue, but Blau ran as an independent. Blau managed to get a surprising amount of fundraising, but Sal painted it as a race between a corrupt politician, and the lawyer that exposed him — and won in a landslide.

The State Senate was Sal's first time in legislative politics. He didn't like Albany, and often commuted back to Brooklyn via Amtrak. He had his chief of staff, a fresh out of grad school PoliSci major named Janet, operate his office in Brooklyn, and have the door open to people at all times for their comments or policy ideas. While in the Senate, Sal sponsored a bill requiring gas stations to include EV charging ports, and another bill that would require developers to include at least one unit of affordable housing for every one hundred housing units built, which ultimately failed, but would remain a priority for Sal. Sal was re-elected in 2018.

Sal knew, halfway through his second State Senate term, that he wanted to run for mayor in 2021. He began tendering a run, and meeting with Democratic donors and activists. He went back and forth on the idea for a while, didn't run for State Senate reelection in 2020, but in early 2021 he decided that he wasn't going to run for mayor and announced his candidacy for Brooklyn Borough President — he then changed his mind, withdrew his candidacy, thought about running for D.A. again, but ultimately, he decided to run for mayor at the convincing of Pierre and began assembling a campaign team. His biggest issues are bringing back the fleeing business from New York, in order to reboot jobs and the economy, increasing accountability in the NYPD after protests broke out due to the death of Marlon Ward, and gradually making NYC more green and sustainable. He says it's time to "reinvest" in New York public transportation, bring back more rent control, stop gentrification and raising housing prices, "reduce the negative effects of historical redlining" and build new public affordable housing, continue the downward trend in NYC crime and keep kids out of gangs. His fiscally liberal plan to "prepare New York City for the future" depends on his success at fixing the pressing economic crisis with pro-business ideas. He says that the other candidates are too ideological and not pragmatic enough, and that their "lofty aspirations" will do nothing for the city.

• Born Sept. 3, 1956 (age 66)
• Huge family, quite poor, father owned a laundromat
• Father became an alcoholic, gambling addict, etc., and needed to keep borrowing money from seedy people
• Sal was socially awkward and bullied as a kid, but got a job (at age 10, so probably an informal job) working for a Chinese man named "Mr. Fong" who owned a bar/restaurant
• Sal's dad defaulted on debts — mafia-affiliated loaners came to collect them, he was drunk and tried to strangle one of the collectors with a necktie and was shot dead, Sal was watching, only 16
• Mother eventually developed psychosis, and lost custody over Sal (only kid not a legal adult) who was put in a foster home before being adopted by Mr. Fong.
• Sal is very smart — went to Fordham for undergrad
• Sal's brother Frank bounced in an out of jail and in and out of jobs, Sal's family held an intervention and got him a job, which he left because he got a job elsewhere
• Met a Haitian guy named Pierre Louissaint, fell in love, confused about his sexuality and convinced that being gay is wrong. Eventually he accepted it, and after a while the two started dating
• Went to Columbia law, while working part time at Mr. Fong's bar/restaurant, now bar/restaurant/casino where lots of lowlifes came
• Finished his J.D., came out (unsupportive family except older brother Anthony), Mr. Fong died and left the casino to his brother and Sal, his adopted son
• Sal witnesses loan sharks beat up someone just like they had his dad a long time ago, felt guilty for not doing anything, wanted to do something, sold his part of the casino to Mr. Fong's brother
• Joined a private injury law firm, hated it, left it and joined the D.A.'s office (as a D.D.A.)
• Spent a while in lower-level cases, until 1995, where he uncovered a mafia racket hidden by a failing used car sale chain, busted a whole bunch of people, promoted to Chief D.D.A.
• Over the next few years, arrested a lot of mobsters (including his brother, who became a mobster)
• D.A. killed in a yacht fire, that was probably caused by a crime boss they were persecuting, but Sal (chief D.D.A.) was passed up for the position by not-Pataki in favor of a Republican upstart lawyer with less experience, which pissed Sal off
• Sal ran against him in the next election, it was a vicious campaign and more publicized than most D.A. elections
• Sal got endorsements from surprising people, like not-Giuliani, and homophobic comments that Lloyd said resurfaced and he doubled down on them, but in the end Sal won and became first gay D.A. in the US
• As District Attorney, along with mayor not-Bloomberg, Sal started a program that would, instead of arresting minors with drugs, provide treatment to them and help them with addictions. He said that "a minor using drugs isn't a crime, it's a tragedy. Addiction isn't intentional on the part of the addict, it's a disease they're afflicted by, and locking people up won't solve anything." He started a program that would help people trying to leave gangs or criminal organizations do so, no questions asked, and he wouldn't prosecute prostitutes but would prosecute people soliciting them, in an attempt to reduce demand
• Big 2003 trial against a mobster named Mario Micci, who had never been caught before but his jealous ex-wife gave a bunch of tips to Sal and he arrested Micci, but last day of the trial hitmen paid by Micci's boss tried to kill Sal — they failed, but he had to drop the case to recover from wounds and got a personal security detail. One of the gunmen who was arrested gave a testimony against the person who hired him, Genovese family boss, and he was arrested too
• Reelected to the D.A. twice, in 2005 and 2009, but in 2013 President Baharia gave him a job offer as US Attorney for the Southern District of New York
• As US Attorney for Southern District of NY, he persecuted a corrupt State Senator named Benjamin Blau, though the evidence against him was big, he didn't break enough actual laws (just a lot of unethical stuff) and wasn't impeached or arrested.
• In 2016, Wolf removed him from the US Attorney position in a political move, and Sal found out that Benjamin Blau was running for State Senate again, so he ran against him.
• He won the Democratic primaries, so Blau ran as an independent, but Sal beat him by a landslide (it was corrupt politician versus lawyer who exposed his corruption).
• First time in legislative politics, as State Senator Sal sponsored a bill requiring gas stations to include EV charging ports, and another bill that would require developers to include at least one unit of affordable housing for every one hundred housing units built, which ultimately failed, but would remain a priority for Sal. He was re-elected in 2018. He had his chief of staff, a fresh out of grad school PoliSci major named Janet, operate his office in Brooklyn, and have the door open to people at all times for their comments or policy ideas.
• Knew halfway through second Senate term he was going to run for NYC mayor, but went back and forth for a while, eventually deciding to run.
• His biggest issues are bringing back the fleeing business from New York, in order to reboot jobs and the economy, increasing accountability in the NYPD after protests broke out due to the death of Marlon Ward, and gradually making NYC more green and sustainable. He says it's time to "reinvest" in New York public transportation, bring back more rent control, stop gentrification and raising housing prices, "reduce the negative effects of historical redlining" and build new public affordable housing, continue the downward trend in NYC crime and keep kids out of gangs. His fiscally liberal plan to "prepare New York City for the future" depends on his success at fixing the pressing economic crisis with pro-business ideas. He says that the other candidates are too ideological and not pragmatic enough, and that their "lofty aspirations" will do nothing for the city.

Other Info:

A Catholic, as is his husband, although his wedding was nondenominational because no priests would bless a same-sex marriage

Married to Pierre Louissaint (2011—)

*

Sal has Aspergers, which I'm planning to make a pretty central part of his character IC. This is very downplayed, and Sal keeps it a very close secret to almost everybody because he feels like it could seriously derail his future political career, and he's probably right. It would likely undermine public confidence and support and change people's perceptions of him.

Asperger's symtoms range dramatically between individuals. For Sal, it means he gets very invested in projects to the point of obsession — it's hard for him to do or think about or focus on anything else besides the project that he's working on at the moment. He also isn't great at talking to people — he's naturally very blunt and tactless. So, basically, a jerk that gets things done.

However, he does realize when he says something he isn't supposed to because it's mean or something like that. He is not averse to apologizing, though he hates being told he did something wrong. When faced with a ton of stress he will just stop doing what he is doing, and sit perfectly still until he can sort through it and people stop bothering him.

Family:
Father - Angelo Carmi (deceased, 19872)
Mother - Sofia Noronno Carmi
Siblings, by age - Anthony Carmi
- Frank Carmi
- Mary Carmi Algunio
- Beatrice Carmi Hemmstein
- Joe Carmi

F.H. Fong (deceased, 1982)




I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Madrinpoor

Do Not Remove: DRAFT87421

Ok everyone, the moment you've been waiting for!

I have been working on this forever and I'm finally done! My favorite character I've ever made.

Also, I've been pretty inactive recently cause of school stuff, but now that the first trimester is over for me and I have some more time I'll be more active in this RP again.

I am ready to accept this

[The Sarangtus Lands]

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: The Free Territory of Makhnovia
Character Name: Titus Gaddie
Character Gender: male
Character Age: 55
Character Height: 5'8
Character Weight:199 lbs
Character Position/Role/Job: Senator from Georgia
Character Country/State of Birth:Georgia
Character State of Residence: Georgia
Character Party Affiliation: Democrat
Main Strengths: Connects well with blue collar voters and African American voters, energetic, good speaker,
Main Weaknesses: Politically dubious past (involvement with IWW and similar organizations considered extremist), openly spoke against gun control, was embroiled in political scandal, considered unsophisticated by many, lack of experience in higher-level politics, sometimes clashes with the party line
Biography: Born in 1965 in working class family in rural Georgia as fourth of five children. Parents were farmers that were more affluent than most, but still struggling at times. After finishing high-school, Titus had scraped some money doing odd jobs and with help of his parents went to Atlanta to study law. He worked to support himself through college, often doing difficult physical labor, in the end getting permanent employment in Atlantic Steel. As company was going down he joined IWW union and campaigned fiercely to prevent lay-offs and shutting down of the plant. He became known as fringe left-wing activist, often clashing with management and police, although he never got into serious troubles.
After finally getting his degree in 1992, he married and found employment as Labor union lawyer, with time becoming more moderate and rising within the union ranks, becoming more active in city and state politics, lobbying for better work regulations on behalf of the various unions. He eventually rose to the position of chief legal expert for Atlanta-North Georgia labor council. This brought him political connection and after not-Obama's election, he was nominated for a seat at National Labor Relations Board. Unfortunately, a scandal concerning misappropriation of union funds was discovered and Tituses name was implicated. Despite charges being dropped due to lack of evidence, it took a long while for his career to recover. After couple of years of political obscurity, he won the primary nomination for Georgia's
5th congressional district after not-John Robert Lewis (who was on good terms with Gaddie) decided to retire early due to failing health. He won the easy district, but enjoyed uneventful two years of term, becoming known for his fiery and often humorous speeches but drafting little in way of Bills, mostly co-sponsoring bills regarding prevention of police brutality, worker's rights and fight against systemic racism. Occasionally, he refused to toe the party line regarding gun control, knwoing that this is hot issue for American South, and was also critical of certain aspects of Green New Deal that he considered would lead to loss of jobs in manufacturing sector. His conduct during not-George Floyd riots, when he criticized actions of Republican leadership and rallied behind cause of African Americans, while also condemning the violence brought him a lot of political credit in Georgia. In Atlanta he led massive peaceful protest condemning the racism and violence and calling for thorough reform of police system.

In 2020 it came as no surprise that he announced to run for Georgia senate seat in special election against not-Kelly Loeffler. He was considered an outsider, with little support from party's establishment and politically inexperienced, running for a first ever seat held by African-American in an formerly Confederate country. He won by a razor thin margin.

Political stances:
Abortion: he is pro-choice
Capital punishment: Opposed to capital punishment
Gun control: In favor of concealed carry laws, opposed to stricter federal regulations.
LGBTQ rights: Opposes discrimination based on sexual or gender orientation. However, reluctant to loudly advocate LGBTQ+ rights, in fear of turning away parts of his blue collar workers
Strongly advocates repeal of The Labor Management Relations Act, advocates for reform of prison system, opposed to Confederate monuments on federal land, pretty much toes the party line in foreign relations, in favor of government intervention to protect jobs in industry. In favor of healthcare reform.

Committees: Health, Education, Labor and Pension, Rules and Administration
Caucuses: Congressional Black Caucus, Medicare for All Caucus, Congressional Labor and Working Families Caucus, Congressional Out of Poverty Caucus, Senate Steel Caucus

Personal info: Married with four children aged from 27 to 11. Has four brothers and a sister. Baptist.
I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Free Territory of Makhnovia
Do Not Remove: DRAFT87421

Boyd would absolutely love this man.

[The Free Territory of Makhnovia]

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: The Free Territory of Makhnovia
Character Name: Titus Gaddie
Character Gender: male
Character Age: 55
Character Height: 5'8
Character Weight:199 lbs
Character Position/Role/Job: Senator from Georgia
Character Country/State of Birth:Georgia
Character State of Residence: Georgia
Character Party Affiliation: Democrat
Main Strengths: Connects well with blue collar voters and African American voters, energetic, good speaker,
Main Weaknesses: Politically dubious past (involvement with IWW and similar organizations considered extremist), openly spoke against gun control, was embroiled in political scandal, considered unsophisticated by many, lack of experience in higher-level politics, sometimes clashes with the party line
Biography: Born in 1965 in working class family in rural Georgia as fourth of five children. Parents were farmers that were more affluent than most, but still struggling at times. After finishing high-school, Titus had scraped some money doing odd jobs and with help of his parents went to Atlanta to study law. He worked to support himself through college, often doing difficult physical labor, in the end getting permanent employment in Atlantic Steel. As company was going down he joined IWW union and campaigned fiercely to prevent lay-offs and shutting down of the plant. He became known as fringe left-wing activist, often clashing with management and police, although he never got into serious troubles.
After finally getting his degree in 1992, he married and found employment as Labor union lawyer, with time becoming more moderate and rising within the union ranks, becoming more active in city and state politics, lobbying for better work regulations on behalf of the various unions. He eventually rose to the position of chief legal expert for Atlanta-North Georgia labor council. This brought him political connection and after not-Obama's election, he was nominated for a seat at National Labor Relations Board. Unfortunately, a scandal concerning misappropriation of union funds was discovered and Tituses name was implicated. Despite charges being dropped due to lack of evidence, it took a long while for his career to recover. After couple of years of political obscurity, he won the primary nomination for Georgia's
5th congressional district after not-John Robert Lewis (who was on good terms with Gaddie) decided to retire early due to failing health. He won the easy district, but enjoyed uneventful two years of term, becoming known for his fiery and often humorous speeches but drafting little in way of Bills, mostly co-sponsoring bills regarding prevention of police brutality, worker's rights and fight against systemic racism. Occasionally, he refused to toe the party line regarding gun control, knwoing that this is hot issue for American South, and was also critical of certain aspects of Green New Deal that he considered would lead to loss of jobs in manufacturing sector. His conduct during not-George Floyd riots, when he criticized actions of Republican leadership and rallied behind cause of African Americans, while also condemning the violence brought him a lot of political credit in Georgia. In Atlanta he led massive peaceful protest condemning the racism and violence and calling for thorough reform of police system.

In 2020 it came as no surprise that he announced to run for Georgia senate seat in special election against not-Kelly Loeffler. He was considered an outsider, with little support from party's establishment and politically inexperienced, running for a first ever seat held by African-American in an formerly Confederate country. He won by a razor thin margin.

Political stances:
Abortion: he is pro-choice
Capital punishment: Opposed to capital punishment
Gun control: In favor of concealed carry laws, opposed to stricter federal regulations.
LGBTQ rights: Opposes discrimination based on sexual or gender orientation. However, reluctant to loudly advocate LGBTQ+ rights, in fear of turning away parts of his blue collar workers
Strongly advocates repeal of The Labor Management Relations Act, advocates for reform of prison system, opposed to Confederate monuments on federal land, pretty much toes the party line in foreign relations, in favor of government intervention to protect jobs in industry. In favor of healthcare reform.

Committees: Health, Education, Labor and Pension, Rules and Administration
Caucuses: Congressional Black Caucus, Medicare for All Caucus, Congressional Labor and Working Families Caucus, Congressional Out of Poverty Caucus, Senate Steel Caucus

Personal info: Married with four children aged from 27 to 11. Has four brothers and a sister. Baptist.
I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Free Territory of Makhnovia
Do Not Remove: DRAFT87421

Boyd would absolutely love this man.

Saw Boyd's application and the feeling would have been mutual. If Titus is accepted, we can say Boyd endorsed him in his races.

[Deblar]

Apologies for my recent absence, Thanksgiving break kept me busy. Thinking about working on an app for a Texas governor who'd be a bit of a blend between Cruz and Abbot

[The Orion Islands]

Anything for Colbert to do? And should I bring Chambers over as a Governor or something else?

[Madrinpoor]

snip

I am ready to accept this

Yay!

Angelo Carmi's death was supposed to be listed as 1972, but it's 19872 on the app. Correct date is in the bio, though.

[Cybernetic Socialist Republics]

just reposting this app

This has grammatical error corrections:

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Cybernetic Socialist Republics

Character Name: Tiffany Key-Oxley

Character Gender: Female

Character Age: 41 (Born January 25th, 1980)

Character Height: 6'0

Character Weight: 160 Pounds

Character Position/Role/Job:

Virginia Democratic Gubernatorial Candidate (2020-)
Mayor of Norfolk (2016-)
Professional Mixed Martial Artist (2012-2015)
Agricultural Lawyer (2008-2012)
Amateur Mixed Martial Artist (2008-2012)
Navy Reservist (2008-)
Navy Judge Advocate General (2004-2008)


Character Country/State of Birth: Virginia
Character State of Residence: Virginia
Character Party Affiliation:

Democrat (2016-)
Independent (1998-2016)

Main Strengths:

Minor Celebrity:

Being one of the most recognizable names in women's martial arts and the daughter of a staple of the Virginian Democratic Party, Donald Key (who'd end up declining to run in 2021 for the Governorship due to health issues) has made her pretty notable. Nationally, she's recognized as a minor but significant sports figure and statewide she's closer to a proper celebrity, even before considering her role as Mayor of Norfolk, the third largest city in the state and the home of the nation's largest military port.

Steely Charisma:

Has a unique form of strong, feminine charisma that's been likened to that of a "Virginian Margret Thatcher". A comparison she has half-jokingly shunned, insisting that her Scottish husband would leave her if she embraced the comparison. Her charisma is aided by her above average height and being firmly in the upper percentiles for attractiveness for politicians, to put it lightly.

Effective Political Figure:

Her intellectual acumen is a close replication of her physical acumen. She's a nimble thinker and speaker, with a potent problem solving capacity and management ability. While she can't convince everyone at all times, nor overcome every obstacle, most people find her impressive and is usually very effective.

Interpersonal Interaction Endurance:

All of her careers have required her to be very good at reading the aims and desires of those that she interacts with, along with an immense degree of psychological, physical and intellectual insurance that makes her very, very effective in interpersonal situations, be it leading, explaining, negotiating or debating.

Main Weaknesses:

"Born to Run":

It's not so much that she's an inauthentic politician, but that she is authentically a politician and one on that path from childhood. Despite a few quirks, her resume reads like that of someone who's 'pre-political life' was virtually handcrafted for the foundation for running for office. This can be a turnoff for people who prefer voting for sincere outsiders or even committed civil servants. It's also not at all difficult to tell that she has future presidential ambitions and her decision making is frequently guided/limited by what suits her next step in her political career rather than the job itself.

Traces of Social Conservativism:

In 2014, during an interview she expressed agreement with the safety concerns some of her colleagues had regarding transwoman's participation in women's MMA. She also notably avoided ever referencing the subject transwoman by female pronouns, sticking to her name and gender neutral pronouns. While her comments weren't as hostile as other colleagues, her status then as a political prospect lead to her being more of a target for liberal criticism, along with a lasting adoption of her among self described "gender-critical" groups and individuals that she's studiously avoided directly condemning.

Also like her father, her position on gun control is significantly weaker than the average democrat, preferring far more to talk about addressing poverty and mental health issues when dealing with shootings rather than more strictly regulating firearms. While she is not the type to fight against gun control, she also isn't the type to fight for it, a lukewarm position that often risks angering both sides.

Not an enthusiastic fan, to say the least, of 'defund the police' rhetoric, often calling it "deadly stupid." She has been generally supportive of criminal justice reform efforts, but often gets caught in pedantic arguments about how racist outcomes in the justice system are mostly caused by poor people having poor outcomes in the justice system interacting with African-Americans being disproportionately poor. Reacted negatively to the shut down of I-64 during the Marlon Ward protests, but did act proactively in taking down the Johnny Rebel statue in Downtown Norfolk, even though she refused to renounce awards won at Virginia Military Institute that were created by the United Daughters of the Confederacy.

Regimental:

While Tiffany is not the inflexible stereotype often associated with officer types, she is very demanding of her peers and inferiors when it comes to what she sees as competence, making her not infrequently difficult to work with.

Minor Minority:

She gets the typical pros and cons associated with being a woman of color in politics, but due to being from a very small minority, native Americans, the usual benefits are significantly weaker than normal.

Biography:

Tiffany Key's life began with tragedy, as her mother died as a result of childbirth. Tiffany born with fraternal twin raised the risk of the pregnancy, but it was ultimately determined that the primary cause of her mother's death was medical malpractice. On the advice of a native American advocacy group that her mother had worked with, Tiffany's father, Donald Key, sued the hospital and won a sizeable sum. Additionally, since the case was relatively high profile her father multiple opportunities to do interviews in the media. Together, this would lead to her father starting a career in Norfolk city politics. A firm believer in the importance of brining native american voices into politics, mother's dream was that their her family, her children specifically, would become important political figures. It would come to pass, but at the cost of her life.

With the windfall brought by the lawsuit, the Key family would end up relocating to well off overwhelmingly white suburb in Norfolk. But growing up without a mother, while her father seemed consistently distant and busy Tiffany's early childhood would be deeply negatively effective Despite being intelligent, she was an undisciplined angry child that often ended up in altercations stemming from racism in her overwhelmingly white public school. By fifth grade, her father remarried a white woman and Tiffany's acting out peaked, leading him to send her and her less troublesome twin brother upstate to Massanutten Military Boarding School in Woodstock, VA, starting in the sixth grade.

She and her brother would therefore end up spending a lot of time with a step-uncle, who'd helped mentor her, introducing her to martial arts and hunting as both an outlet for her anger and a way to compound the lessons in discipline she received at her military boarding school. In this new environment, she'd became a lot more controlled, with her passion directed constructively, allowing her to be very successful in both her curricular and extracurricular activities. Her step uncle's views, being a WASP liberal Republican of the (not-GHWB) supporting variety, rubbed off on her early political development, but it's most significant long term effect was committing her to a political career path that went through military service.

Rather than return to Norfolk over the summer, she'd take summer classes to stay ahead and remain in Woodstock. Her academic focus was primarily law, so it was an absolute convergence of interests when the case Unites State v. Virginia gained steam. The case was on the legality of the Virginia Military Institute remaining an all male school. Originally, she had been intending to join the Virginia Tech Corps of Cadets, she held out hope that VMI would be open up to women before she graduated. Sure enough, the supreme court ruled 7-1 in favor of allowing women to be enrolled and she became one of the first 30 women to enter VMI, participating in it's officer training program for the US Navy.

Her time at VMI wasn't easy, institutions forced to act by federal court decisions tended to lean towards minimum legal requirements of compliance. For that matter, VMI had considered privatization to avoid having to let in women but was threatened by the federal government to have their reserve officer training corps programs cut if they did so, though ultimately their board narrowly decided to admit women in a 9-8 vote. In the spirit of only following what was legally required of them to include women, female cadets were required to meet the same physical minimum requirements men were. Years of physical activity that trained her in the disciplined and vigorous of her significant physical gifts, had left her more prepared for these obstacle than most of her female peers. Additionally the growth in her maturity and self-control were put to to the test as VMI's single sanction honor code left no room for error.

While VMI at she was definitively respected and admired by most of her peers. However, Tiffany had rather cold relations with many female cadets, who felt she often stood in as an 'exception' that otherwise sexist male cadets would point to as proof that they respected women. Tiffany, aware of this, made efforts to subtly encourage rather than discourage this behavior, recognizing that this toxicity beneficial to her, even if it was at the expense of peers. In general, she wasn't particularly helpful to fellow female cadets beyond what was necessary for appearances. The rare exceptions to this were predominantly women of color and generally happened in private.

Graduating with high marks and a solid set of awards on a Civil Engineering and Business Economics Double major, with an Exercise Science minor, she applied to and got into the Law Education Program. putting her on the path to serve as a Judge Advocate General, while getting her JD at University of Virginia. Outside of a military school for the first time in around a decade, Tiffany would open herself up to activities outside of resume building. It was at the end of her first year in law school that she met a media colleague of her twin brother, Stewart Oxley. She started a relationship with the man, marrying him between finishing law school and going on her first 'tour of duty' as a JAG at the Norfolk Naval Station.

Despite years of physical and marksmenship training, Tiffany would find herself at a desk job, handling paperwork. It wasn't unexpected, obviously, it's what she prepared for before she signed up for the law education program. The fact was, women weren't permitted to enter any combat roles, nevermind the special operations roles she once dreamed of. It didn't matter if she could pass the physical requirements for special forces training, she knew she could, in fact a woman had done so in the army in 1980, it was just simply that doing so would be pointless. So as far as she was concerned there was never any point in risking herself by being close to combat zones if it'd only mean driving, vehicles or working as a nurse or engineer, that she might as well take the safest job in the military for a single tour of duty.

It was this predicament, alongside the events of the 2007-08 finanacial crises that changed her politics decisively. Originally she was fretting about how she would come out to her family as a Republican, but seeing her ambitions halted by systematic barriers, the death of the liberal wing of the Republican party, along with the obscenity of the reaction to the 07 financial crisis, Tiffany, internally, resolved to being left-leaning democrat, though she wouldn't yet let that effect how she presented herself and would remain a registered independent for nearly a decade longer. She'd apply to become a reservist as soon as her four years of obligated service concluded in 2008.

Tiffany needed to establish a brand for herself in politics, one that went beyond simply being the daughter of a known on the state level politician. That would require a suitable post-military career. Her resume made it relatively easy to land a job as a lawyer in a Norfolk legal firm, even specifically getting to specialize in agricultural law. As for community political participation, she limited herself primarily to pro-development 'YIMBY' politics, which allowed her to maintain a sort of strategic ambiguity, between her surface-level republican leaning independent image and her own concealed left-wing leanings.

But a problem still remained. At the end of the day, in the navy, she was just pencil pusher, nowhere near combat and as someone who had been combative their entire life, being defined as a desk jockey, with that reinforced by becoming a private sector lawyer, was anathema to her. Since her teens and up until her first tour of duty, she had participated in a variety of state and national level martial arts competitions as her primary recreational pass time. During her obligated service, she she had become aware of the emergence of mixed martial arts as a sport. She decided, there and then, that to make up for all the desk work, as soon as her obligated service was up, she'd get into amateur mixed martial arts. So throughout her active duty, she consistently trained whenever she had the opportunity. Now, no longer active duty, she could turn that training towards real competition. As such, when she was not handling clients or supporting local development, she was participating in Mixed Martial Arts.

She was successful enough, in fact, that by 2012, she was approached about joining a newly starting all-woman mixed martial arts promotion. While working as a lawyer paid well, the savings and income that she and her husband (who by now was working with a studio that was producing a rather successful cartoon) had, made pursuing this opportunity more thanfeasible. Her participation in mixed martial arts was, after all, primarily product of trying to build positive name recognition, especially among right leaning and/or low propensity to vote men, rather than as a profitable career. In late 2012 and early 2013, her politicization and participation in mixed martial arts would interact. Her father announced a run for the attorney general position in Virginia in late 2012. In early 2013, a mixed martial arts reality television show that had been running for some years was starting auditions for its first season including women.

Tiffany signed up and was selected, partly due to skill and partly due to the fact that as reservist and daughter of a politician, her background made her for an interesting contesnt. The show would air from September to the end of November that year. She'd do on the show, both competitively and among viewers, who found her an exciting mix of steeliness and charisma, often the dramatic center of measurable envy from fellow competitors and the established female MMA fighters that coached them. Mostly unrelated to the show, her father would go on to win a very tight Attorney General race, decided by under 1000 votes. Her Professional MMA career would continue to flourish, leading her to become a recognizable figure among it's fans and a slightly recognizable among sports fans nationally, with solid name recognition in her home state of Virginia.

In 2014, faced with the resignation of state senator (not-Phillip Puckett) resigning, turning the 20-20 senate into a 20-19 that would become 21-19 with a Republican victory, the democratic governor (not-mcauffile) attempted to recruit her to run to save the Democrat's technical majority in the Senate, important for leverage in a budget fight that included the possibility of expanding Medicaid to nearly half a million low-income Virginians. Tiffany refused, suggesting that parachuting her into a Senate seat she had no connections to for a special election wasn't likely to play well. But her main concern was not to risk losing a race in her first foray into electoral politics, especially when winning just meant reestablishing a tie in the Virginia Senate when the house of delegates was still in firm republican control. Additionally, though she absolutely wouldn't say it out loud, she saw a legislative role as below her abilities. She wanted her path to be Mayor, Governor, then President with perhaps the US Senate being the exception if she had to wait out a democratic presidency due to the inconvenience of Virginia's no consecutive terms rule. There was also the fact that she was still not yet willing to give up her classification as an independent.

In April of 2015, Tiffany would officially retire from professional mixed martial arts, with her last bout happening in Fairfax, Virginia. She'd have gladly kept going, but the man that had been mayor of Norfolk since she was in high school was finally not running for re-election and it presented too enticing an opportunity. It'd be a chance to leap directly into an executive position, from which she hope she could eventually use it as platform to run for governor from. Upon entering the race she'd be free to flood the zone with her name recognition, ties to her father's political allies on the city council and the ties with real estate developers she made advocating local development. Additionally, heading into the election, she was still not officially a democrat, which helped her pull some republican leaning voters in the city’s suburbs. All in all, it was none too difficult to win the mayoral race and become the first woman and person of color to become mayor of Norfolk.

After her election, her criticisms of Wolf, then the Republican nominee, became considerably more pointed, though it wouldn’t be until after his election that she'd openly affirmed herself as a democrat, citing a belief in the need to have a united front of progressives and moderates against wolfism. In office, as mayor, housing and development was the absolute priority around which all other policies revolved. Unfortunately, her efforts to loosen zoning regulations were somewhat complicated by the need to increase anti-flooding regulations due to Norfolk's unique vulnerability to flooding, however some progress has been made with increasing the densification permitted by zoning.

One of Tiffany's signature policies as mayor has been an anti-homelessness program known colloquially as 'Homes for Jobs. Norfolk didn't have much of a homelesses problem in the first place, which made which made tackling it easier. Homeless individuals are provided with temporary, shelter, mental health aid and free housing, pursuant to sufficient work as an independent contractor for municipal services, small business or the 'gig' economy. The plan originally evolved out of a desire to deliver a municipal job guarantee, but recognizing it as cost prohibitive when working municipal tax base, it was targeted as an anti-homelessness initiative.

Tiffany also pushed multiple efforts to increase citizen's participation and feedback in the budget process through launching a website in 2017 for the 2018 budget. To incentivize usage, a cash reward was provided to those who submitted proof of engagement with it. While the feedback submitted through the site was used to some extent to direct budgetary priorities, the purpose was largely intended to win consent for tax increases by familiarizing residents with the costs of municipal services, which between the operation of the site and the payments for its usage appeared to be a net benefit in winning the consent of citizens and by extension the city council to raise taxes to fund service improvements. When planning her run for Mayor, she had considered at one point campaigning on free public transit but she decided against it so as not to scare off fiscal moderates. The concept, however, would reappear in a more politically useful form. Seeing the partial success of small cash incentives increasing voter turn out in a few cities, as Mayor, Tiffany passed a law that provided citizens a year-long 'civic participation pass' to Norfolk residents that voted in person or by mail, starting in 2017.

As the benefit was, naturally, more attractive to those who frequently used transit, it meant that more urban younger and therefore more liberal voters specifically would see an increase in voter turnout, rather than the more general increase created by cash incentives. This policy was repeated for every November since, but for the 2021 election moving forward, the law was changed to allow the provision of these civic participation transit passes during primary elections as well. Tiffany has also been an advocate for democratic mayors to implement equivalent policies in their cities, seeing it as a way to increase turnout for the democratic base.

In November of 2020, after the election of President Richardson, Tiffany Key-Oxley announced her intention to run for Governor of Virginia. While certainly wanted the office for its own sake, she also sees it as an excellent stepping stone for a run for president in 2024. So far, her campaign platform is limited. The centerpiece so far is a state Job Guarantee, in which the state would guarantee all applicants a minimum wage job with benefits, with the requirement that they be available for public sector projects or to be contracted out private employers, such as small businesses that normally can't afford to compete with the benefits provided by larger companies. The tone of her campaign so far has been pragmatic but progressive leaning.

Other Info:

Father: Donald Key

Fraternal Twin Brother: Richard Key

Husband: Stewart Oxley

I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Cybernetic Socialist Republics

Do Not Remove: DRAFT87421

[Dentali]

Announcement

Keep your eyes peeled today, Richardson has major news coming.

[Dentali]

Apologies for my recent absence, Thanksgiving break kept me busy. Thinking about working on an app for a Texas governor who'd be a bit of a blend between Cruz and Abbot

irl comes first! i look forward to seeing the app

[Dentali]

Seal doesn't work again

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(Image)

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Character Application and Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Madrinpoor
Character Name: Sal Carmi
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 65
Character Height: 5'6
Character Weight: 161
Character Position/Role/Job: Candidate for NYC Mayor (2021—)
New York State Senator, District 22 (2016—2020)
United States Attorney for the Southern District of New York (2013—2016)
D.A. of Brooklyn (2001—2013)
Chief D.D.A. for Brooklyn (1995—2001)
D.D.A. for Brooklyn (1983—1995)
Attorney, Williams and Keever Law Firm (1982—1983)
Co-Owner, Macau Rose Bar and Casino (1982—1983)
Busboy/Waiter/Bartender, Macau Rose Bar and Casino, part time (1966—1982)
Character Country/State of Birth: New York, USA
Character State of Residence: New York
Character Party Affiliation: Democratic
Main Strengths: Knows a lot about the law, background as a lawyer who helped bust the Mafia, seen as strong on crime issues, good at winning centrists while not necessarily alienating progressives, built himself up and got away from violence and gangs, unfazed by problems, good at answering tough questions, obsessively determined, down to earth, unfazed by anything, gets stuff done, is a minority which can endear him to progressives, strong with White voters
Main Weaknesses: Politically unknown, his sexuality might estrange him from some religious potential voters (like Italian and Hispanic Catholics), seen as too pliable by some progressives, Eric Adams-type politics which may or may not be a little too centrist depending on the political views of the city at the time of the election, quite robotic, doesn't smile often, and if he does it is quite forced, blunt, can't interact with people, Asperger's*


Biography:

Salvatore "Sal" Carmi was born in Brooklyn, New York, on September 3, 1956. His father owned a small laundromat in Bensonhurst, a working-class neighborhood with a large Italian-American and Asian population. Sal didn't talk until the age of five, and he barely cried. His parents thought that something was wrong with him, but could never afford for someone to see what it was. Eventually he did talk — but he remained a quiet kid all through his childhood years.

Sal had five older siblings, and his entire large family lived in the small two-bedroom apartment above their laundromat. His mother was constantly busy taking care of the rest of the children, and didn't pay enough attention to her youngest, who was well behaved and quiet. Sal's father was a talented saxophone player who never managed to make it successfully, and was miserable with his small apartment, large family, and run-down deli shop. He was generally a very cheerful man, friendly and generous, but as his business declined, he sunk into deeper depression, and began drinking. Overtime he only got worse; squandering his money and his business. When Sal's father got drunk, he never got violent — he became quiet and zoned out and disengaged from the world. He would spend his entire nights passed out behind the counter, forcing Sal's mother to close the shop and clean up and take care of her entire family. Sal also had a lot of trouble making friends in school — his lack of social skills and reclusiveness led to him being bullied and beaten up everyday. He never cried about anything. He just quietly took it in.

One day, when Sal was ten, while going to the grocery store he was jumped by a gang of teenagers. They broke his nose and stole his money, and left him in a bleeding huddle on the side of the road. Sal stayed huddled there for a while, until an older Chinese man came over and helped him up, then helped him bandage his nose. The man owned a dingy bar, which also doubled as a casino. He was one of the first people who Sal actually liked, and who was really kind to him, and they quickly became friends. His name was Mr. Fong — Sal never knew his first name — and he gave Sal a part-time informal job as a busboy and bartender, along with his official employee, a 22-year old Korean stoner kid named Moon. Sal spent a lot of time there, and thought of Mr. Fong as a better father than his own, who grew more and more drunk and desperate each day. He would work for Mr. Fong for many years.

Sal's father started to get into serious financial trouble as Sal got to his teens. He became addicted to gambling, and didn't spend much of his day actually working at this point — instead, he was always at adult movie theaters and strip clubs or casinos. The laundromat fell into disrepair as his wife and older children struggled to keep up with it; but Sal's oldest brother moved to Philadelphia and his second oldest went to prison on felony theft charges, and the laundromat started losing drastically more money than it brought in. It was robbed in early 1970, when Sal was 14, and Sal's father's source of alcohol and gambling money dried up rapidly. He started getting money from loan sharks to pay off the laundromat and his own excesses — when he couldn't pay those, he got new loans from different people until he was thousands of dollars in debt with no way to pay it back.

Eventually, Sal's father's loaners started to get impatient. Many of them were connected to crime syndicates across New York, and wouldn't wait for him to find a way to get more money — members of the Lucchese family, a New York Mafia family to whom Sal's father owed a lot of money, burst into the store, broke his hand and threatened to have Sal's second-oldest brother murdered in prison unless Sal's father could find a way to pay them. Desperate, Sal's father went straight to the top of the Gambino crime family, one of the biggest mafia families in New York, asking for a loan he would pay back right away — the Gambinos didn't believe him. He was horrible at repaying debts, and nobody would loan to him anymore. The Lucchese came back to collect the money, as Sal's father was drunk. He refused to give the money he didn't have, and after the gangsters threatened him again, he grabbed a tie from the dry cleaning rack and tried to strangle one of the gangsters. He was shot dead. Sal was watching through the window of the store. He was 16.

Sal's father's death took a large toll the family. Sal's mother, despite constant fighting with his father, was heartbroken after his death — especially since he had been destroyed by alcohol, and for the last many years was not the charming, kind, and sweet man that he used to be. This was even harder on Sal's two older siblings still living at home, who knew their father better than Sal did. Sal didn't even cry at the funeral. His mother's health rapidly declined after her husband's death, and the next year she was diagnosed with psychosis — she would have hallucinations and fits, and lost her job as a seamstress. Sal's oldest brother, Anthony, wanted her moved to Philadelphia with him so that he could care for her. She lost parental rights over Sal, now 17 and the only one of her children not a legal adult, who was moved to a foster home. However, Sal only spent a few months in the foster home, before he was adopted by Mr. Fong, whom he had continued to work for in an attempt to provide money for his family. Mr. Fong was given third-party custody over Sal.

Sal did very well in school academically throughout his life — he was quite intelligent, and focused on his schoolwork. He graduated from high school a semester early in 1973 and went to Fordham for his undergraduate degree.

In 1975, as Sal was a sophomore in college, his older brother Frank was released from jail, which he had been in since 1968. He had trouble landing a job, as many people were reluctant to hire ex-convicts, but had even more trouble keeping one. He went through five jobs in just six months, and spent a week in prison for disorderly conduct stemming from public intoxication. Sal's brother Anthony, as well as a couple other of his siblings and Sal, held an intervention for him and managed to get him a job at a construction firm. Just a month later, he quit the firm, saying he had gotten another job elsewhere.

In 1977, at a mandatory Humanities course at Fordham, Sal met a man named Pierre Louissaint. Pierre was born in Haiti but immigrated to the U.S. as a child, and was pursuing a degree in the music world. The two hit it off, and quickly became friends — Pierre was one of the few people that Sal felt really comfortable talking to and being around. Sal eventually started to develop feelings for Pierre, which he had never had before — Sal had never fallen in love, nor did he realize that he was gay. He just thought that questions of sexuality never really applied to him. Sal was very scared; brought up a strict Catholic, though he wasn't as religious now, he had been taught that homosexuality was a sin — and as the AIDS epidemic raged, there were even more reasons to be concerned. He tried to just remain friends with Pierre, and suppress his feelings, but it grew harder every day.

One day, as the two studied for their exam, Sal confessed his feelings to Pierre. It just burst out, and felt like a straightjacket being taken off. Pierre was shocked — he was gay, outwardly, and one of the inaugural members of ACT UP, but always had thought of Sal as a friend. Sal was crushed. He missed classes for a week so he didn't have to see or talk to Pierre, until Pierre showed up at his door. They rekindled their friendship, and Sal managed to tamp down his feelings for Pierre. One night, near the end of their college graduation, Pierre revealed that he had developed feelings for Sal over time. They started dating, though secretly, and Sal wouldn't come out for a few years.

Sal enrolled in law school at Columbia. He could only go to school part time, as he had to continue working at Mr. Fong's casino to pay for it. Fong's casino, the Macau Rose, began to gain more popularity and business as it went from a small group of slot machines in the back of a bar to an entertainment center that swiftly became somewhat of a gathering place for lowlifes around the city. In 1978, Fong built an exclusive nightclub in the basement of the building and moved all of the slot machines and illicit activities there — using the bar as just a legitimate front business. More and more people started to frequent the nightclub regularly; the clientele shifted from people trying to have a night of fun to desperate people who started burning their lives away there, coming every day and ending up wasted on the curb outside the building. People who had families and jobs and lives, but were neglecting all of those as they fell into the vices that the casino offered. Sal stoically watched them as he cleaned the tables in the bar upstairs, and later worked as a waiter and bartender in the casino. Another shift in customers also started to appear — mobsters and criminals started using the casino as a meeting point, a busy place where drugs and illicitness was unnoticed. They discussed deals and had meetings, and more than once Sal had to drag a body into the dumpster after a murder. Eventually he was desensitized to the criminal violence that went on around him, but grew to hate the casino.

Sal finished his J.D. and was admitted to the bar in 1982. By this time, he had come out publicly, and Pierre moved in together. His family did not support it, for the most part, except for his brother Anthony, who spoke on Sal's behalf to the rest of the family. They begrudgingly accepted him — a much bigger step than Sal anticipated — but Anthony was really the only one to ever support him. Mr. Fong died of heart disease just after Sal finished his J.D. — he left the casino to Sal and his brother who moved from Hong Kong a year earlier and barely spoke English. They were to share responsibilities and profits. Fong's brother had spent years working as a casino proprietor in Kowloon and ran the internal operations of the casino, while Sal was the person who maintained the facade of a legitimate business, as well as working as a waiter because they were short on staff.

One day, as Sal was bussing tables near closing time, he overheard two mobsters in a corner booth intimidating a loaner who had yet to pay. He said that he had no money — his construction company was floundering and he just needed a little more time to get the money to pay the loan back. The mobsters weren't forgiving. Most loan sharks by this time didn't use violence to extract payments, instead trying to financially pressure their debtors, but these two were sloppy, and threatened the man with violence. He said that he'd have them arrested if they touched him — one of the mobsters slammed his face into the table. Blood poured out of his broken nose, and he slumped motionless to the ground. Sal dropped to the ground behind a table, so they wouldn't see him, and the gangsters left. Sal ran to the window and took pictures of them as they left, then called an ambulance, but never talked to the police. Nor did the man.

Sal spent that night wandering aimlessly around the park. He felt guilty, like that all the horrible things that happened in his childhood, all the violence and chaos, his father's decline and murder, were rising up in him, like he was finally realizing the magnitude of them — and that those same things were happening again. And he was watching. He wasn't doing anything about them. He watched people, just like his father, stumbling out of the casino, burning their money, wasting their lives, and getting hurt from it. The man who had been assaulted by the mobsters was a regular at the casino. Sal broke down in the park and cried for the first time in years. He just felt guilty that he was watching the horrible parts of lives repeat themselves, and wasn't doing anything about it. He sold his share of the casino to Mr. Fong's brother the next day, and decided to put his law degree to use

Sal spent a time as a personal injury lawyer in a huge firm, but he hated it. He thought that the legal system was too slow and bureaucratic, and that wealthy and powerful people were much more able to escape the punishments of the law. His law firm represented many corrupt businessmen and politicians — in 1983, Sal's law firm deflected a sexual assault case against a prominent tech entrepreneur and noted playboy. Sal personally believed that his client was guilty, but the defense was successful in protecting him.

Sal wanted to — in a way — make up for his father. Find the people responsible, or at least people who do the same things. In the fall of 1993, Sal started on a project that would shape his life. He left the law firm in the end of 1983 and joined the Brooklyn D.A.'s office as an Assistant D.A., the people who do most of the actual lawyering in cases. After a few years of working low-level cases in the Narcotics bureau, he was moved to the Organized Crime and Racketeering Bureau — investigating organized crime rackets and corrupt enterprises, like prostitution rings.

In 1995, Sal was put on a case prosecuting a burglary related to loan sharking and extortion. A business owner had been unable to pay the loan sharks' fees, and his shop had been broken into, destroyed, and robbed. He then went to the police — from his descriptions, the two perpetrators were arrested; Vito Mannecci and Don Di Salvo, both of whom had been arrested in the past and had links to the Genovese crime family. They ran a location of a popular Tri State-wide used car chain. They were alleged to be corrupt — but multiple allegations of fraud, insider trading, and kickbacks against the company had been dropped for various reasons. Sal got curious about any possible connections — he obtained the bank records and transactions from their shop, and compared them with the tax reports of both the shop and the franchise as a whole. He found they didn't add up — the franchise supposedly had a royalty fee of 15%, meaning 15% of profits from each location of the franchise went to them, but they were reporting far less than that. Thousands of dollars had just gone missing for years.

Sal reported this to the D.A. and the police, and they began an investigation. The owner of the franchise, a paunchy entrepreneur named Carl Ramenna, was arrested and released on bail. While on bail, he sold the franchise to another businessman, and most of the owners of the locations sold them or closed — within a few months, the business was deeply in debt, and declared bankruptcy. It was obvious that the business was not surviving only on legitimate operations — it was also being used as a front. Ramenna's trial was delayed as a charge of money laundering was added — meanwhile, the investigation extended to the names of most of the location owners for the franchise, who sold their locations when Ramenna was arrested. Some of them had been arrested previously, and many had suspected mob connections. The NYPD and NJPD carried out a mass arrest; the prosecutor's offices of all five boroughs, along with NYC mayor not-Giuliani, the NY attorney's office, and the NJ attorney's office all cooperated to charge them under the RICO act of 1970. It was one of the biggest mafia busts since the 1980s. Further investigation of many of the criminals showed that they had partaken in other crimes, such as drug dealing, fencing stolen goods, extortion, and burglary, and were using the stores as a way to launder profits.

After this, Sal was promoted to being chief D.D.A. for the whole department. But he wasn't done tracking down the mafia — over the next few years, there were a number of arrests made against the mob, one of which was against his own brother, Frank, who was arrested for extortion and had become a Gambino family soldier. Sal prosecuted his case, and sent his own brother to jail. In 1998, the mob boss of the Bonanno crime family was arrested for contract killing and racketeering — he was released on bail, and a month before his trial, the D.A. was killed in a yacht fire in Montauk. By the time the Coast Guard got there, the yacht was almost entirely destroyed. The trial was postponed to get a new prosecutor — Sal was assigned to the case (he won), and as chief D.D.A. he expected to be made interim D.A. as well, given that he was the chief prosecutor now that the D.A. had died. Instead, governor not-Pataki assigned his personal friend, Republican upstart D.D.A. Robby Lloyd, to be the D.A. Lloyd had less experience and fewer high profile cases than Sal, and received protests from the community given that he wasn't elected, and a Republican. Sal considered being passed over a snub by not-Pataki, and in 2001, he ran against Lloyd in the District Attorney election.

In the election, Sal espoused his strong prosecutorial record, and criticized Lloyd for coming from a wealthy political family, who donated extensively to the Pataki campaign and other Republican causes. Sal viciously denounced him in TV and radio as a partisan hack, bringing an unusual amount of public attention to the case. Governor not-Pataki endorsed Lloyd, but Sal got endorsements from New York senators and representatives. A big endorsement for Sal came in the form of mayor not-Giuliani, who, although a Republican, said that he had "great respect" for Sal's work fighting the Mafia, and had worked extensively with him in the past. Lloyd raised more money than Sal, especially from outside conservative groups, and appeared on Fox news and other conservative outlets. He said that in the future he might eye a possible mayoral or gubernatorial race ("and maybe even farther, who knows?"), and many New York Democrats poured money in to help stop Lloyd before he could gain experience and recognition. Sal told them that if they can "paint him as a loser" no one will vote for him.

A few months before the election, homophobic comments Lloyd had made about Sal surfaced, and Sal used it to paint him as a homophobe. Lloyd went on Rush Limbaugh's show and, instead of retracting the comments, denounced them as "an October surprise" and doubled down, saying that Sal was "sexually immoral" and therefore didn't have the conviction to be mayor. Former NYC mayor not-Ed Koch endorsed Sal, denouncing Lloyd's comments, and Pataki withdrew his endorsement of Lloyd, refusing to endorse either, and lamented the election as "not being about who can best help the people anymore, but instead other cultural issues that have nothing to do with the District Attorney." Later that month, Lloyd fired Sal for "not fulfilling duties" but was widely construed to be about the election, and was criticized by outside groups.

The intensity of the election turned away many voters (few of whom actually voted for the D.A. anyway), and turnout was low on election day — but Sal beat Lloyd by a significant margin. Sal was the first gay District Attorney to be elected in the United States. Lloyd opened a private law firm, and later became a pundit, but his political career was stunted by the loss.

As District Attorney, along with mayor not-Bloomberg, Sal started a program that would, instead of arresting minors with drugs, provide treatment to them and help them with addictions. He said that "a minor using drugs isn't a crime, it's a tragedy. Addiction isn't intentional on the part of the addict, it's a disease they're afflicted by, and locking people up won't solve anything." He started a program that would help people trying to leave gangs or criminal organizations do so, no questions asked (if they don't have an arrest warrant), and he wouldn't prosecute prostitutes but would prosecute people soliciting them, in an attempt to reduce demand.

In 2003, a criminal named Mario Micci, suspected to be an underboss for the Genovese family, was arrested for racketeering and drug smuggling. Micci was a huge man, nearly 250 pounds and 6'4, and accused of different crimes four times but had always ended in a mistrial due to jury deadlock. Sal was persecuting the case, as it was considered high-level enough, but the witnesses that testified he had run a cocaine smuggling racket out of a fish market weren't very credible, and from a different crime family. The cocaine that was found in the fish couldn't be directly traced to him, and Sal thought that the case would be thrown out from lack of evidence. However, a couple days before the trial, Sal got a tip from a woman who claimed to be Micci's wife, who had lots of documents and recordings about Micci's work, including letters and emails about contract killings, confessions he had made of various crimes he committed, and illegal drugs he possessed. She had caught him cheating on her, and wanted to get back at him. Multiple new counts were added against him, and it seemed like Sal might win the trial and put him in jail for the first time. The trial was well-publicized, and garnered national interest. Micci was not released on bail, as he was considered a dangerous criminal.

The last day of the trial, there was an assassination attempt against Sal. He was walking through a run down part of Coney Island, when two armed men at a newsstand turned and opened fire on him. Sal was hit in the shoulder and upper leg, but managed to crawl behind a concrete Jersey barrier blocking cars from road construction while yelling for police. The two gunmen chased after him — but two police officers on patrol down the street, who had witnessed the whole thing, drove over to Sal's position, scattering the gunmen. One ended up getting shot running away, while the other was arrested. Sal was rushed to the hospital, and the trial was postponed. The trial was given to another lawyer so Sal could recover, and Micci was convicted. Sal was given a personal security detail — no more attempts were made on his life, and over time the detail dwindled down to just one bodyguard, which he still has.

The gunman that was arrested testified in a plea deal that he had been hired by the boss of the Genovese family to protect Micci, and that another witness was targeted and to be assassinated after Sal. The boss of the Genovese family was arrested for attempted murder, and Sal went on TV to talk about the mob and his assassination. He said; "There is this perception that the mafia is dead...that isn't, no, that isn't true. They aren't dead. The RICO act, and mayor not-Giuliani, and our work throughout the nineties, we've silenced them...but they aren't gone. The mafia is quiet now. They operate quietly. They pull strings quietly. They buy politicians, and they run businesses, and they even kill people with as little notice as possible. The other gangs, they are easier to hunt down 'cause they aren't as skilled at keeping a low profile. Look at the news, it says, 'gang member injured and three bystanders killed in gang-related drive by' the mafia doesn't do that. They don't talk about their crimes, they aren't flashy, and they try to kill people like me with no one else noticing. So it's even harder for lawyers and the police to track them down. But to all the mafia still out there — we'll find you."

Sal was reelected to the D.A. in 2005, and again in 2009. He was known for taking a very hands on approach — rather than having his underlings prosecute the crimes, he was a very active prosecutor even for cases not considered really important enough to have a D.A. on them. He had a very good record — and as D.A. he wasn't bound to a certain field of cases, like homicide or narcotics, he was able to prosecute all sorts of different criminals.

Sal wouldn't run for D.A. again in 2013 — instead, he got a job offer from President Baharia to be the United States Attorney for the Southern District of New York. Sal accepted excitedly, and now with greater resources he began to take on not just organized criminals, but larger financial crimes. Not even a year into his term, Sal brought forth fraud charges for a large investment and stockbroking firm that was embezzling money and lying to their clients.

In 2015, reports surfaced of a NY State Senator, Benjamin Blau, taking money from large campaign donors to further their interests. Blau notably fought against bills to raise taxation on out-of-state companies, supposedly to "bolster outside income in New York" and prevent big businesses from leaving the city. However, reports showed that he fought for these measures around the same time that he began receiving huge campaign donations from corporations and wealthy private individuals fighting tax raises. Blau's district was in Brooklyn, so Sal personally took the case; he brought forth charges of bribery and corruption against Blau, who denied wrongdoing. The jury ended up deciding he was not guilty — although Blau had done something unethical, the evidence did not point strongly enough towards actual lawbreaking. Sal said that he "would not stop here at exposing [Blau's} corruption."

In early 2016, Sal was removed from the position by President Wolf, and denounced the move as "purely political" and accusing Wolf of glossing over his lengthy record of service. Later that year, Sal found out that Benjamin Blau was going to run for State Senate again, even after the corruption trial made him lose credibility. Blau still had a devoted support base in the constituency, especially among older voters, but Brooklyn was changing and the seat was very much a toss-up between him and another candidate. Pierre convinced Sal to run for the seat — if Blau couldn't be defeated in court, maybe in an election. Sal declared his candidacy, and after a tight race, won the Democratic primary against Blau. The seat was pretty safely blue, but Blau ran as an independent. Blau managed to get a surprising amount of fundraising, but Sal painted it as a race between a corrupt politician, and the lawyer that exposed him — and won in a landslide.

The State Senate was Sal's first time in legislative politics. He didn't like Albany, and often commuted back to Brooklyn via Amtrak. He had his chief of staff, a fresh out of grad school PoliSci major named Janet, operate his office in Brooklyn, and have the door open to people at all times for their comments or policy ideas. While in the Senate, Sal sponsored a bill requiring gas stations to include EV charging ports, and another bill that would require developers to include at least one unit of affordable housing for every one hundred housing units built, which ultimately failed, but would remain a priority for Sal. Sal was re-elected in 2018.

Sal knew, halfway through his second State Senate term, that he wanted to run for mayor in 2021. He began tendering a run, and meeting with Democratic donors and activists. He went back and forth on the idea for a while, didn't run for State Senate reelection in 2020, but in early 2021 he decided that he wasn't going to run for mayor and announced his candidacy for Brooklyn Borough President — he then changed his mind, withdrew his candidacy, thought about running for D.A. again, but ultimately, he decided to run for mayor at the convincing of Pierre and began assembling a campaign team. His biggest issues are bringing back the fleeing business from New York, in order to reboot jobs and the economy, increasing accountability in the NYPD after protests broke out due to the death of Marlon Ward, and gradually making NYC more green and sustainable. He says it's time to "reinvest" in New York public transportation, bring back more rent control, stop gentrification and raising housing prices, "reduce the negative effects of historical redlining" and build new public affordable housing, continue the downward trend in NYC crime and keep kids out of gangs. His fiscally liberal plan to "prepare New York City for the future" depends on his success at fixing the pressing economic crisis with pro-business ideas. He says that the other candidates are too ideological and not pragmatic enough, and that their "lofty aspirations" will do nothing for the city.

• Born Sept. 3, 1956 (age 66)
• Huge family, quite poor, father owned a laundromat
• Father became an alcoholic, gambling addict, etc., and needed to keep borrowing money from seedy people
• Sal was socially awkward and bullied as a kid, but got a job (at age 10, so probably an informal job) working for a Chinese man named "Mr. Fong" who owned a bar/restaurant
• Sal's dad defaulted on debts — mafia-affiliated loaners came to collect them, he was drunk and tried to strangle one of the collectors with a necktie and was shot dead, Sal was watching, only 16
• Mother eventually developed psychosis, and lost custody over Sal (only kid not a legal adult) who was put in a foster home before being adopted by Mr. Fong.
• Sal is very smart — went to Fordham for undergrad
• Sal's brother Frank bounced in an out of jail and in and out of jobs, Sal's family held an intervention and got him a job, which he left because he got a job elsewhere
• Met a Haitian guy named Pierre Louissaint, fell in love, confused about his sexuality and convinced that being gay is wrong. Eventually he accepted it, and after a while the two started dating
• Went to Columbia law, while working part time at Mr. Fong's bar/restaurant, now bar/restaurant/casino where lots of lowlifes came
• Finished his J.D., came out (unsupportive family except older brother Anthony), Mr. Fong died and left the casino to his brother and Sal, his adopted son
• Sal witnesses loan sharks beat up someone just like they had his dad a long time ago, felt guilty for not doing anything, wanted to do something, sold his part of the casino to Mr. Fong's brother
• Joined a private injury law firm, hated it, left it and joined the D.A.'s office (as a D.D.A.)
• Spent a while in lower-level cases, until 1995, where he uncovered a mafia racket hidden by a failing used car sale chain, busted a whole bunch of people, promoted to Chief D.D.A.
• Over the next few years, arrested a lot of mobsters (including his brother, who became a mobster)
• D.A. killed in a yacht fire, that was probably caused by a crime boss they were persecuting, but Sal (chief D.D.A.) was passed up for the position by not-Pataki in favor of a Republican upstart lawyer with less experience, which pissed Sal off
• Sal ran against him in the next election, it was a vicious campaign and more publicized than most D.A. elections
• Sal got endorsements from surprising people, like not-Giuliani, and homophobic comments that Lloyd said resurfaced and he doubled down on them, but in the end Sal won and became first gay D.A. in the US
• As District Attorney, along with mayor not-Bloomberg, Sal started a program that would, instead of arresting minors with drugs, provide treatment to them and help them with addictions. He said that "a minor using drugs isn't a crime, it's a tragedy. Addiction isn't intentional on the part of the addict, it's a disease they're afflicted by, and locking people up won't solve anything." He started a program that would help people trying to leave gangs or criminal organizations do so, no questions asked, and he wouldn't prosecute prostitutes but would prosecute people soliciting them, in an attempt to reduce demand
• Big 2003 trial against a mobster named Mario Micci, who had never been caught before but his jealous ex-wife gave a bunch of tips to Sal and he arrested Micci, but last day of the trial hitmen paid by Micci's boss tried to kill Sal — they failed, but he had to drop the case to recover from wounds and got a personal security detail. One of the gunmen who was arrested gave a testimony against the person who hired him, Genovese family boss, and he was arrested too
• Reelected to the D.A. twice, in 2005 and 2009, but in 2013 President Baharia gave him a job offer as US Attorney for the Southern District of New York
• As US Attorney for Southern District of NY, he persecuted a corrupt State Senator named Benjamin Blau, though the evidence against him was big, he didn't break enough actual laws (just a lot of unethical stuff) and wasn't impeached or arrested.
• In 2016, Wolf removed him from the US Attorney position in a political move, and Sal found out that Benjamin Blau was running for State Senate again, so he ran against him.
• He won the Democratic primaries, so Blau ran as an independent, but Sal beat him by a landslide (it was corrupt politician versus lawyer who exposed his corruption).
• First time in legislative politics, as State Senator Sal sponsored a bill requiring gas stations to include EV charging ports, and another bill that would require developers to include at least one unit of affordable housing for every one hundred housing units built, which ultimately failed, but would remain a priority for Sal. He was re-elected in 2018. He had his chief of staff, a fresh out of grad school PoliSci major named Janet, operate his office in Brooklyn, and have the door open to people at all times for their comments or policy ideas.
• Knew halfway through second Senate term he was going to run for NYC mayor, but went back and forth for a while, eventually deciding to run.
• His biggest issues are bringing back the fleeing business from New York, in order to reboot jobs and the economy, increasing accountability in the NYPD after protests broke out due to the death of Marlon Ward, and gradually making NYC more green and sustainable. He says it's time to "reinvest" in New York public transportation, bring back more rent control, stop gentrification and raising housing prices, "reduce the negative effects of historical redlining" and build new public affordable housing, continue the downward trend in NYC crime and keep kids out of gangs. His fiscally liberal plan to "prepare New York City for the future" depends on his success at fixing the pressing economic crisis with pro-business ideas. He says that the other candidates are too ideological and not pragmatic enough, and that their "lofty aspirations" will do nothing for the city.

Other Info:

A Catholic, as is his husband, although his wedding was nondenominational because no priests would bless a same-sex marriage

Married to Pierre Louissaint (2011—)

*

Sal has Aspergers, which I'm planning to make a pretty central part of his character IC. This is very downplayed, and Sal keeps it a very close secret to almost everybody because he feels like it could seriously derail his future political career, and he's probably right. It would likely undermine public confidence and support and change people's perceptions of him.

Asperger's symtoms range dramatically between individuals. For Sal, it means he gets very invested in projects to the point of obsession — it's hard for him to do or think about or focus on anything else besides the project that he's working on at the moment. He also isn't great at talking to people — he's naturally very blunt and tactless. So, basically, a jerk that gets things done.

However, he does realize when he says something he isn't supposed to because it's mean or something like that. He is not averse to apologizing, though he hates being told he did something wrong. When faced with a ton of stress he will just stop doing what he is doing, and sit perfectly still until he can sort through it and people stop bothering him.

Family:
Father - Angelo Carmi (deceased, 19872)
Mother - Sofia Noronno Carmi
Siblings, by age - Anthony Carmi
- Frank Carmi
- Mary Carmi Algunio
- Beatrice Carmi Hemmstein
- Joe Carmi

F.H. Fong (deceased, 1982)




I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Madrinpoor

Do Not Remove: ACCEPTED87421

Ok everyone, the moment you've been waiting for!

I have been working on this forever and I'm finally done! My favorite character I've ever made.

Also, I've been pretty inactive recently cause of school stuff, but now that the first trimester is over for me and I have some more time I'll be more active in this RP again.

I am ready to accept this

ACCEPTED! off to the races

[Madrinpoor]

I am ready to accept this

ACCEPTED! off to the races

Yay! Thanks, haha

[Yaruqo]

Sorry, lots of IRL stuff going on (I GOT A NEW JOB!!) so I’m gonna be on less than usual, *but* we’re still waiting for a Speaker to decide if the motion to take up ALLIES is carried or not.

[Dentali]

Sorry, lots of IRL stuff going on (I GOT A NEW JOB!!) so I’m gonna be on less than usual, *but* we’re still waiting for a Speaker to decide if the motion to take up ALLIES is carried or not.

Its the Holidays right now, super busy time for everyone especially people with finals and such. Congrats on the job!

[Dentali]

ANNOUNCEMENT/ INTERST QUESTION

Richardson is going to start meeting with foreign officials starting in April, about 2 weeks from now. As such I have 2 questions....

1. If any of your characters have ideas on foreign policy lets do a meeting and we can chat.
2. If any of you OOC feel you have in depth knowledge of any nations in particular and would like to temporarily play their leader for a meeting that would be awesome! reply to this post with the nations you would be open to playing and we can chat and see if that works.

[Hanovereich]

ANNOUNCEMENT/ INTERST QUESTION

Richardson is going to start meeting with foreign officials starting in April, about 2 weeks from now. As such I have 2 questions....

1. If any of your characters have ideas on foreign policy lets do a meeting and we can chat.
2. If any of you OOC feel you have in depth knowledge of any nations in particular and would like to temporarily play their leader for a meeting that would be awesome! reply to this post with the nations you would be open to playing and we can chat and see if that works.

To be honest Easton only wants the ALLIES bill passed; that's his only main foreign policy goal right now. But maybe we can have a meeting on a withdrawal from Afghanistan, if Richardson is planning that?

And as a Brit, I may be up to RPing the PM... I'll have a think about it, it'd be great if you could give me some more info on what you're thinking.

[Meretica]

ANNOUNCEMENT/ INTERST QUESTION

Richardson is going to start meeting with foreign officials starting in April, about 2 weeks from now. As such I have 2 questions....

1. If any of your characters have ideas on foreign policy lets do a meeting and we can chat.
2. If any of you OOC feel you have in depth knowledge of any nations in particular and would like to temporarily play their leader for a meeting that would be awesome! reply to this post with the nations you would be open to playing and we can chat and see if that works.

While I don't believe that I can speak for Canada as a whole, I have done enough research to understand the workings of the Labour Party of New Zealand and the Labour & New Democratic Parties of Canada. These are the leading parties in their respective nations, and I'd be open to playing the PM of either nation.

[Dentali]

ANNOUNCEMENT/ INTERST QUESTION

Richardson is going to start meeting with foreign officials starting in April, about 2 weeks from now. As such I have 2 questions....

1. If any of your characters have ideas on foreign policy lets do a meeting and we can chat.
2. If any of you OOC feel you have in depth knowledge of any nations in particular and would like to temporarily play their leader for a meeting that would be awesome! reply to this post with the nations you would be open to playing and we can chat and see if that works.

To be honest Easton only wants the ALLIES bill passed; that's his only main foreign policy goal right now. But maybe we can have a meeting on a withdrawal from Afghanistan, if Richardson is planning that?

And as a Brit, I may be up to RPing the PM... I'll have a think about it, it'd be great if you could give me some more info on what you're thinking.

Richardson indicated he was leaning towards withdraw during the campaign but left some wiggle room.

As for England the first order of business is the Aussie, UK and US AGREEMENT

[Dentali]

ANNOUNCEMENT/ INTERST QUESTION

Richardson is going to start meeting with foreign officials starting in April, about 2 weeks from now. As such I have 2 questions....

1. If any of your characters have ideas on foreign policy lets do a meeting and we can chat.
2. If any of you OOC feel you have in depth knowledge of any nations in particular and would like to temporarily play their leader for a meeting that would be awesome! reply to this post with the nations you would be open to playing and we can chat and see if that works.

While I don't believe that I can speak for Canada as a whole, I have done enough research to understand the workings of the Labour Party of New Zealand and the Labour & New Democratic Parties of Canada. These are the leading parties in their respective nations, and I'd be open to playing the PM of either nation.

Maybe New Zealand if they’d be open to AUKUS

[Madrinpoor]

ANNOUNCEMENT/ INTERST QUESTION

Richardson is going to start meeting with foreign officials starting in April, about 2 weeks from now. As such I have 2 questions....

1. If any of your characters have ideas on foreign policy lets do a meeting and we can chat.
2. If any of you OOC feel you have in depth knowledge of any nations in particular and would like to temporarily play their leader for a meeting that would be awesome! reply to this post with the nations you would be open to playing and we can chat and see if that works.

I have some family friends in France, speak French, and done extensive research on French politics and governance. I also run the NSG French Politics Thread. If you're open to letting me play the pres or PM I'd be on board!

[Latvijas Otra Republika]

ANNOUNCEMENT/ INTERST QUESTION

Richardson is going to start meeting with foreign officials starting in April, about 2 weeks from now. As such I have 2 questions....

1. If any of your characters have ideas on foreign policy lets do a meeting and we can chat.
2. If any of you OOC feel you have in depth knowledge of any nations in particular and would like to temporarily play their leader for a meeting that would be awesome! reply to this post with the nations you would be open to playing and we can chat and see if that works.

I am a well versed expert in the Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic

[New Provenance]

ANNOUNCEMENT/ INTERST QUESTION

Richardson is going to start meeting with foreign officials starting in April, about 2 weeks from now. As such I have 2 questions....

1. If any of your characters have ideas on foreign policy lets do a meeting and we can chat.
2. If any of you OOC feel you have in depth knowledge of any nations in particular and would like to temporarily play their leader for a meeting that would be awesome! reply to this post with the nations you would be open to playing and we can chat and see if that works.

I'm well versed in Philippine politics if you need someone to play as a Philippine representative, considering the special relationship between Manila and Washington.