The Napoleonic Wars(Alt-Hist)(IC)(OPEN)

[Hopal]

Copenhagen, United Kingdom of Scandinavia, 1799

Field Marshal Johan August Meijerfeldt the Younger

Christian Gunther Bernstorff had considered attending the Coalition Conference himself but ultimately decided against it. He knew how influenceable the king was, he and his family had taken advantage of it, and he knew that if he left the king's side that he could be displaced by one of his rivals. Instead he sent Field Marshal Johan August Meijerfeldt, he was the commander of the Army, there was no better candidate in his mind. Meijerfeldt knew military strategy and the geography of the continent inside out. He had served in the Seven Years War and the War with Tatarstan, an experienced and seasoned military leader, a person who could lead the fight against Napoleon. In his place his deputy Prince Charles of Hesse-Kassel, a cadet member of the House of Hesse-Kassel who had married into the Scandinavian Royal Family, and had pursued a successful career in the Scandinavian Royal Army, leading troops in the war against Tatarstan.

Bernstorff and the King stood at the Copenhagen Port, where Meijerfeldt and his ship were preparing to set sail for Konigsberg. They were among many high ranking nobles who had curried favour with the king and Bernstorff and were in the know of the negotiations for the formation of a Second Coalition. Meijerfeldt would leave for Konigsberg with a small regiment of guards from the Royal Army, whom were to be lead by his aide-de-camp. Bernstorff had also sent with Meijerfeldt some of Bernstorff's advisors and allies to help guide the field marshal and hopefully guide the conference towards his plans. In truth Bernstorff didn't have all too much faith or trust in Meijerfeldt, he was an old commander who he thought was stuck in the ways of the past. Meijerfeldt didn't align much with Bernstorff's views, but followed them out of a sense of loyalty to the king. As Meijerfeldt walked out onto the dock Bernstorff handed him a letter to give to Prussian Officials once he got to Konigsberg. Meijerfeldt was a little confused but took the letter and walked to the ship that would take him to Konigsberg. The letter inside was a request to Prussian Officials for Scandinavian soldiers to march and train with and alongside Prussian soldiers. Bernstorff didn't want to tell Meijerfeldt directly to ask Prussian officials of this or to even tell him what the letter was about. Because he knew Meijerfeldt, he was an old commander, stuck in the ways of the past. He had too much pride to ask and allow Scandinavian soldiers to train in other countries, he didn't see a reason for it either, he thought that Scandinavian soldiers were already well-trained and well-prepared, unbeknown to what degree the other European powers and their armies had advanced to. Bernstorff himself wasn't too fond of the idea of having to train Scandinavian soldiers in other countries, but he knew that they were unprepared for war, he knew the risk of seeming weak in front of allies, but in his mind they had no choice as losing a battle would be more embarrassing.

After Meijerfeldt's ship left the port to cheers and waves of goodbye, a exhausted messenger on a brown horse arrived at the docks carrying a letter for Bernstorff. It was from Tatarstan, Bernstorff read the letter with amazement and eventually concern. This was not what his allies wanted he thought to himself, this was not what he wanted, he thought to himself. He pulled the king aside for a private conversation, something that he had planned on doing anyway but was made all the more necessary with this most recent development. The King spoke first "Well we haven't heard back from Britain or Stedingk yet, but have we heard back from our other allies."

Bernstorff still holding the letter from Tatarstan handed it to the king who read it over. "This is the opposite of what King George had in mind, and it puts them in direct opposition of each other. I fear this disagreement may fracture the unity of this potential coalition, Tatarstan may back out due to national pride. It'll certainly make defeating Napoleon harder, and it'd do us to favour when it comes to putting the war with Tatarstan behind us. In other news though Emperor Francis wrote back to us informing us that Mexico should join the coalition. I personally think that they should join, no reason to deny them."

The king looked over the letter for a while before responding "I hold no objections to Mexico joining the coalition. And while this may make things harder we must inform Meijerfeldt of this. He must have all the information for the meeting, I expect you to copy this letter ad send a duplicate to Meijerfeldt and to write responses to both Austria and Tatarstan, I must go know."

Bernstorff's heart skipped a beat when he heard the king say that he should send a copy of the letter to Meijerfeldt. And as the king left him Bernstorff stood there almost dazed. He now had to face something he almost never wanted to admit, that was that he was the minority when it came to his views on Tatarstan. And he was almost certain that Meijerfeldt didn't want to ally with the Tatars, much less give them this role, and he knew that the other nations at the conference also held this view. He knew that if he sent the copy it could mean Tatarstan backing out of the coalition or maybe even the collapse of the coalition. But what other choice did he have, he couldn't risk the other coalition nations finding out about him not sharing this information, or the king finding out that he hadn't sent the copy. Was he doomed? Were his plans now bound to fail?

---

To His Imperial Majesty Francis I, King of the Romans, Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary,

I agree with King George III that Tatarstan should play as small of a role as possible, but that if need be that Tatarstan should be given as large a role as our fight demands. By that I mean that we should allow Tatarstan to play a bigger role if we get pushed back and need more manpower. However Tatarstan has their objections, a vizier wrote to me that Tatarstan should reserve the right to choose of Generalissimo to coordinate the efforts as would provide the largest number of troops. But on the subject of Mexico joining the coalition I see no reason not to let them join, the more the better, the stronger we are, the more likely we are to defeat Napoleon.

Signed,
Christian Gunther Bernstorff
Privy Councilor of Scandinavia

To His Excellency Timerkhan Cihanov, the Vizier of Rites,

I am pleased that your nation joins in our disgust of the insurgent regime in France and in our eagerness to see that regime toppled. We are glad that your nation is so willing to join a possible coalition against the insurgent regime. Though I am not quite sure whether the other nation of this potential coalition would agree to such a position for Tatarstan. Many do not quite like the idea of a Muslim leading a coalition of Christian, though I may add I am not among them.

Signed,
Christian Gunther Bernstroff
Privy Councilor of Scandinavia

[Ovstylap]

Paris, March 1799

The return journey to Paris had been a major success for Napoleon, with widespread celebration of his return. Particularly in Lyon, where a large crowd turned out to witness his return. On their journeys to Paris and other major towns and cities, many messengers spread news and rumours to the people of the return of hardened soldiers from Egypt. Others spoke of the great scientific finds in Egypt, or of the luck, even the blessing of God in the avoidance of the British fleet on the return home. In Marseilles however, a number of the local population had heard tales of how difficult the campaign in Egypt had been, with the presence of disease, heatstroke, arduous conditions, and strong military opposition. As the soldiers marched, such knowledge would spread, though it was mixed with other views about the successes of retaining a substantial position in Egypt and of the successful return of so many troops, for instance.

Of the 12459 troops brought back from Egypt, some 543 had been stationed in Malta. 912 were to be sent to the Army of the Rhine and 1320 would be based at Dijon where an Army of the Alpes was being gathered. Some 1598 would be not be granted to the frontline armies- some would be taking time to recover from wounds or illness, be retired, or be sent to garrisons and depots for other duties including training others. The remaining force, over 8000 would be a major part of the Army of Italy being gathered near Toulon.

Napoleon was currently meeting with Talleyrand and Murat, both of whom seemed to have some tension towards one another, but were dedicated to serving France. "At this moment, we need every soldier we can get. It looks as if all of Europe is against us," Murat spoke frankly, which is exactly what Napoleon needed. Talleyrand nodded "Spain, Sardinia-Piedmont, and Naples are currently neutral, and have not declared their intentions, whilst the Batavian Republic is focused on its own internal affairs, as if ignorant of the growing hunger for war in the courts of Europe." It was the begrudging truth. For now it seemed, France was alone, with only the Roman and Cisalpine Republics as allies. Even then, if Sardinia-Piedmont's friendship could not be secured, it'd be hard to assist them, and if Naples decided to invade the Romans, then they would be unable to effectively contribute against the Austrians.

"We still await Queen Clotilde's reassurances, it would be ideal if we can secure an alliance, even defensive, against the Austrians. I trust that the Romans will be a steadfast ally no matter what is to come. Bavaria's response is also anticipated, if indeed it is positive then we could heavily undermine the Austrians before they start war against us again. Regardless of what happens, we shall continue with our preparations, and strike hard against those who march on us." Talleyrand and Murat indicated their agreement, with Talleyrand seeming to accept the situation with his usual disguised reaction, whilst Murat had a stern face of determination.

"Citizen Consul, I shall continue to learn from my connections about the scene in Europe at large. Any diplomatic scuffles or issues I shall bring to your attention; we must exploit these." Napoleon smiled at Talleyrand: "Thank you minister, I know that you are most capable. It is of course a trouble that France must face this likely coalition alone for now, but we shall seek to divide any would be alliance against us, whilst securing friends of our own." Such things were much easier said than done, but Napoleon knew from experience that the French people would be willing to wage a powerful war to defend their new found freedoms.

Murat spoke next, addressing Napoleon in a confident manner, "France will give her sons in defiance of those who would take away from us the many benefits of the revolution."
"My dear Murat, believe me, I do know of that, but it will always be ambition to ensure that France gives no more sons that she must. France's people have suffered for a long time, even after the Revolution, and the people's of Europe suffer still. But when the kings of Europe march against us again, we shall repel them, again. They shall be broken against us, and be divided by their defeat. Murat, Talleyrand, this is not simply a matter of state, a matter of politics. This is a matter of fate, the coming months shall decide if France's destiny is to be free from restraint, or to be subdued."

One hour later

There were so many things on his mind, but Napoleon knew that history was in the making. Truly, France would need to be strong against the coming storm, but her cause was just, and her people courageous. There could be no better rallying cause for the French people than the external threat arrayed against them. Soon, France would be under attack. Not just the state, but the very nation, the very citizens, and their rights. A number of domestic occurrences however would strengthen France's resolve in the coming weeks, months, maybe even beyond the turn of the century.

A new proposal had been brought forward before Christmas from some of the more revolutionary elements of the government and society, proposing a system of 'Revolutionary Farms and Gardens,' which some had already nicknamed 'Jacobin Gardens.' The plan called for a combination of state and community involvement to make use of more land, particularly close to urban areas, to alleviate food shortages. Though approved during Napoleon's return, he was not opposed to it, as some of the Jacobins would be less focused on politics, whilst more food could be produced, and those who were involved would feel that they were contributing to the nation- a very important consideration.

More directly related to the war was the formation of the 'Barricades Committee,' which essentially was tasked with created a Doomsday book for defensive matters. The intention was to establish reports and lists on the ability of various towns and cities, particularly coastal ones close to Britain, and settlements near the Rhine and Italy, to defend themselves. This included examining the strength of various police and military forces such as militias, the National Guard, the presence of potentially royalist or other hostile forces, and the amount of armaments and munitions held in each town. All of this would take place over a number of years, but would include the potential copying of existing maps, or creation of new maps, to allow defensive planning against invasion or counter-revolution. Although inherently mentioning the possibility of France's invasion, Napoleon also considered that it would enable greater knowledge of France's national resources, and of what troops could be called upon, whilst it would also demonstrate the preparations for war to the officials and citizens concerned.

For now, with war expected within the next two to three months, it was the duty of many in France to prepare for war, with soldiers being trained, weapons and military supplies produced, procured, and distributed, and plans made. A number of armies would be prepared, with the primary forces being the Army of Italy, positioned to move into Northern Italy to secure France's allies and counter Austria. Indeed there were French contingents in the Cisalpine and Ligurian Republics already, which would hopefully be joined by the new forces from the south of France. The Army of the Rhine sought to prevent invasion by Coalition forces, by striking into hostile territory. The newly re-organised Army of the Alpes consisted of contingents spread between Dijon and Geneva, with the intention to secure Switzerland and her alpine passes. There were some minor forces held in reserve, ready to be mobilized against a British invasion of North-western France. A smaller Army of Flanders was in Belgium, ready to join up with Batavian forces for either defensive or offensive operations.

Undoubtedly, plans are being made in Europe for a major war between the Great Powers of Europe, and all of those caught between.

[Sao Nova Europa]

1799

---

Empire of Tatarstan - Yediublugh - Imperial Palace

Khan Boroghul

Khan of Tatarstan

Viktor Kochubey, a man of Ukrainian descent, was one of the closest advisors of Khan Boroghul. Western-educated, tutored by German private tutors and having served as ambassador to Western countries, Kochubey was forward-looking and a believer in the ideals of the Enlightenment. Enlightened Despotism was his political idea, which stood in contrast with the traditional Islamic and Asiatic ideals prominent in Tatarstan. He believed that if Tatarstan was to become the preeminent power in Europe, it needed to speed up its modernization.

Upon entering the Throne Room, Kochubey fell on his knees and bowed deeply before the Khan. "Your Imperial Majesty," he softly said.

The Khan whispered something to the ear of an eunuch. A moment later the eunuch announced, "His Imperial Majesty grants you the right to rise!"

Kochubey rose up, but even while standing still he avoided looking directly at the Khan.

"I asked you to come here," the Khan spoke, "about the universities in Kazan and Kharkov. I will grant the necessary funding for their establishment. You will be in charge of those universities, to ensure that they become the grandest universities in the Empire. You will have the liberty to hire Western tutors and introduce Western curricula."

"Thank you," Kochubey said, "your Imperial Majesty. I shall not disappoint you. Your Imperial Majesty can rest assured that this experiment shall be a success and shall benefit immensely our Empire."

"I hope so. But we must also not forget our roots. I want those facilities to also provide horse-riding lessons after class. Our ancestors conquered all this vast land on horse. The venerable Genghis Khan, May He Bless Us, lived upon his horse. All that Western stuff is of course good, but in heart we are Tatars."

"The wishes of your Imperial Majesty are my commands."

Viktor Kochubey

Advsiror to the Throne

The Khan nodded. "Good. Now, I want us to speak about the situation in Europe. Feel free to speak up your mind."

"The Scandinavians, Prussians and Austrians seem eager to allow us to join - and even lead - the coalition against the demonic forces of the Revolution. I believe negotiations stall because of the British. The British have always opposed the rise of a great continental power. They want us to play a secondary role. I believe we need to make clear to them that we will join only if we get the honor we deserve as the greatest power in continental Europe. We have the largest army in Europe. We have the largest Empire in the world. We are not to ignored or bossed around."

"I fully agree," the Khan replied. "They need to respect us."

"Of course it won't be easy for the Christians to accept an Islamic power as the leading power in the coalition; but if the choice is Revolution or an alliance with Islam, I believe they will choose the second option. By leading the coalition and defeating Napoleon, Tatarstan would be accepted as a fully European power despite our faith. This will not simply benefit our prestige, but it would also make us kingmakers in Europe."

"Once France is crushed, our Empire shall become the guarantees of peace and stability in Europe. We will intervene whenever necessary to put down revolutions and crush radicals."

[Stephaniesland]

Royal Palace of Turin
Clotilde was staring out the window, looking onto the city that she had called home for so many years. Yet, still in her heart, she missed her old home at Versailles. The summers she spent there as a child were some of the happiest memories she had. Yet that was all gone. All of it was gone. Her home was gone. Her family, even her dear sister, were gone. Her childhood wiped away by raving mobs. Even her young nephew was subjected to horrors beyond belief. Raped and abused by tyrants and villains, until finally dying of illness. Yet she was still expected to act courteously to the French. Thankfully, she still had a brother who was under the protection of the Prussians. If all went well, she would be able to restore him to his rightful place as Louis XVIII. But for now, she had to play a song and dance for Napolean and his Consuls. Thankfully, his response to her letter showed that he had suspected nothing regarding Sardinia's true loyalties. Now, she would have to keep up the charade and hopefully use them to bring about their own demise.

Letter to Napoleon Bonaparte and the Directorate
Greetings to you, M. Bonaparte as well as the Directorate of France,
I am writing to you in response to your previous letter. It is reassuring to see that the French people would be willing to defend the people of Sardinia from Austrian invasion. In regards to your condition of Sardinian neutrality, you can rest assured that the people of Sardinia will never side with foreign invaders, who seek only to deny the Italian people their right to rule as they wish. We will work together with our fellow Italian brothers and sisters to defend our home from those who seek to subjugate it. In regards to payment for armaments, I have been authorised by the Subalpine Parliament to offer 5,000,000 francs in exchange for modern military equipment. I believe that together we will be able to ensure a better future for the Italian people.
Your trusted comrade,
Queen Clotilde of Sardinia and Piedmont, on behalf of the Subalpine Parliament

[Stephaniesland]

Royal Docks, Cagliari
It was a wet day. The winds had been quite strong, making the whole day quite miserable. Des Geneys had been placed in charge of the Naval Restoration Program. It would take a long time, but eventually, the Royal Sardinian Navy would be a formidable force. His orders were to build thirty new ships. As the navy currently only consisted of xebecs, galleys and half-galleys, he would have to start from scratch if he wanted a truly modern navy. As of right now, the best Sardinia could do was to design its navy around raiding enemy shipping lines. They would have to rely on allies for any significant naval actions. The navy would have to rely on Sloops of War, along with Gun Brigs and what the British called Post Ships. While they may not be able to hold up in a fight, they'd be fast enough to get around enemy fleets and harm their trade routes. Although, they would need to import some materials to get the fleet built. Perhaps Spain would be willing to help. Alas, all he could do was write to the Queen and ask her to write to the Spanish for a potential trade deal.

[Trenaka]

(OOC: Sorry about not making a post about your message, Stephaniesland, I must have missed it)

Clotilde of House Bourbon, Queen of Sardinia, Duchess of Piedmont and Savoy, Etc.
The Austrian Empire will accept your offer of an alliance against France. Your aid in Italy is welcome, and will likely become necessary against France. If you would like, your nation could coordinate strategy with the other Coalition nations in a meeting in Konigsberg, which will be taking place in a few days’ time. If you accept, I will inform Prussia that you will be sending a representative.

Regards,
Francis I, King of the Romans, Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary, etc.

[Stephaniesland]

Royal Palace of Turin
The plan was coming into fruition. The Austrians had agreed to an alliance and even invited a Sardinian diplomat to the conference. The obvious choice would be to send the Duke of Aosta. He was the King's brother and has some diplomatic training. Clotilde quickly told her servants to tell the Duke to see her. This would be an important conference and for Sardinia to be considered a serious power in Europe, it would need to have a representative. But, how to get the Duke over there? The Duke had entered the room.
"You called for me, Your Majesty."
"Yes, it seems the Austrians have agreed to our offer of an alliance and are inviting us to Konigsberg for their conference. I have decided to send you."
"It would be an honour. But, how would I get there?"
"Perhaps, you could travel first through the Cisalpine Republic to Vienna incognito. There you will reveal yourself to the Austrians who will take you to Konigsberg."
"That seems like the best solution."
"Then it is settled. Good luck on your journey."
"Thank you, Your Majesty."

Letter to Vienna
Greetings to you, Kaiser Karl. I am glad to see that you have agreed to my proposal and shall be sending the King's brother, the Duke of Aosta, to the conference at Konigsberg. Unfortunately, the only way there would be to go through the Cisalpine Republic. As such, he will be travelling incognito with a fake passport and visa to Vienna. Once there, he will reveal himself and will need your men to provide alternate transport to Konigsberg itself. I shall be looking forward to the conference.
Yours truly,
Clotilde of House Bourbon, Queen of Sardinia-Piedmont

[American Pere Housh]

José is with his Minister of Foreign Affairs Armando Carranza talking about what is happening in Europe when he hears a knock on his office door. He looks at Armando with a raised eyebrow then walks over to said door and opens it. He sees that it is President Adams along with Thomas Jefferson, Alexander Hamilton and George Washington so he smiles at the 4 men and speaks in Spanish accented English, "Mr. President, Gentlemen, welcome to Mexico City. May I introduce my Foreign Affairs Minister Armando Carranza. Though he doesn't speak English, he does understand it very well. Now lets get to the crux of why I invited you here and that is to form an alliance and possibly a trade agreement between our two democracies. What do you think?"

"Straight to business. I like this guy.", said Hamilton, as the 4 men took their seats.

George Washington, in particular, seemed a bit wary of the Mexican gentleman's proposal. "Well, the trade agreement does sound good, but a military alliance seems like a bit much."

"Oh, come now, George, it would provide mutual protection from potential European threats. I for one am in favor of this proposed alliance. What do you think, John?", said Thomas Jefferson.

"It does seem somewhat interesting, but I'm still on the fence. What may be the specific inclusions of this trade-agreement-slash-military-alliance?", asked John Adams.

José went and sat behind his desk before continuing to speak, "Mr. Washington, I understand your hesitentcy in entering a military alliance but if we become allies to each other then we would be able to defend each other from the Great Powers in Europe. Those said powers are threat to our way of life and to our two new democracies we have strived hard to create."


José turns his head to look at John and continues to speak, "Mr. President, the alliance will include that if any nation or tribe attacks the United States, we will come to come to your aide and vice versa. This cause nations such as Great Britain, France and Spain to hesitate in attacking one of us as it would draw the other nation into the war. As to the trade deal, I propose a free flow of goods between our two nations. The only thing I will not allow is slavery and the slave trade. What do you think of this?"

Konigsburg, Prussia

Mexico's ambassador to Prussia Andreas Lopéz receives message from his president telling him that he will be Mexico's representative at the Second Coalition. He nodded then proceeded to write a message to the King of Prussia,

To the King of Prussia
From the Mexican Ambassador to Prussia Andreas Lopéz

Your Majesty, I am the Mexican Ambassador to your great nation and by order of my President will be Mexico's Representative at the Second Coalition meeting. I would like to meet with you sometime before the meeting to discuss how Mexico may assist in this war. I await your reply.

[Deblar]

"Straight to business. I like this guy.", said Hamilton, as the 4 men took their seats.

George Washington, in particular, seemed a bit wary of the Mexican gentleman's proposal. "Well, the trade agreement does sound good, but a military alliance seems like a bit much."

"Oh, come now, George, it would provide mutual protection from potential European threats. I for one am in favor of this proposed alliance. What do you think, John?", said Thomas Jefferson.

"It does seem somewhat interesting, but I'm still on the fence. What may be the specific inclusions of this trade-agreement-slash-military-alliance?", asked John Adams.

José went and sat behind his desk before continuing to speak, "Mr. Washington, I understand your hesitentcy in entering a military alliance but if we become allies to each other then we would be able to defend each other from the Great Powers in Europe. Those said powers are threat to our way of life and to our two new democracies we have strived hard to create."


José turns his head to look at John and continues to speak, "Mr. President, the alliance will include that if any nation or tribe attacks the United States, we will come to come to your aide and vice versa. This cause nations such as Great Britain, France and Spain to hesitate in attacking one of us as it would draw the other nation into the war. As to the trade deal, I propose a free flow of goods between our two nations. The only thing I will not allow is slavery and the slave trade. What do you think of this?"

“Hmm. So I assume we’d come to your aid should you be attacked by, say, Spain? Interesting. I do agree that we’d be much stronger together than apart,” said Adams.

“Not sure about the slavery part. Sure, the practice of it is quite awful, we wouldn’t be able to do much with it in our own country without angering the Southerners,” said Jefferson.

“Well, I see no problem with this. However, if the hypothetical that Adams mentioned happened, not sure how we could do anything. We purchased Florida, which eliminated our land boundary with them. We’d have to try and attack Cuba, but we couldn’t do that without a navy, and we don’t have much of one to speak of,” said Hamilton.

“I’m aware of that, and have taken action to fix it. I ordered the construction of the 20-gun USS Constitution, which will be the pride of our fleet, as well as about a dozen smaller ships, but that is, of course, beside the point. What are your thoughts Washington,” said Adams.

“I’m still not fond of the prospect of being dragged into a war we don’t want to fight,” said Washington.

“Well, the whole point of the alliance is to make Europe think twice about attacking either of us,” said Jefferson.

“Fair point,” said Washington.

“It could also increase the standing of both us and the Mexicans on the international stage. That could reap its own benefits,” said Hamilton.

“Also a fair point. I guess I’ll rest my case,” said Washington.

“So, is there anything else to offer?,” said Adams

[Ovstylap]

OOC: I think that this will be quite a big post, so I'm going to separate it with spoiler boxes so it doesn't take up too much space when scrolling. Please feel free to read every bit even if the title doesn't apply to you. The events described here occur within the first three weeks of March, as some bits depict general trends and deployments, others include replies. I'll date each section where appropriate.

Undoubtedly Catholicism was often associated with the old monarchy, and with counter-revolutionary elements. The Church had had a major role in aligning with the monarchy and nobles in the subjugation of the French people; siding against the Third Estate. Understandably, after the initial revolution, the Years of Terror had seen many outrages against the Church, with priests being murdered or executed, or churches looted. There had even been the possibility of creating a new religion due to Robespierre's inclinations with the Committee of Public Safety. However despite the apparent juxtaposition between faith in God, and faith in the Revolution, Catholicism was undergoing a resurgence in France.

This was not to Napoleon's alarm however. In his view, without religion, man had no reference points, and almost no concept of his social responsibility, and of what is virtuous. The excesses of the Revolution had caused many to turn against France, and the apparent devastation of the Church helped her foreign enemies, particularly in Austria and Egypt, to justify conflict against her. What France had seen was anarchy. Disorder. Excess. Not only was it entirely unappealing, and not right, but it damaged the Revolution, and France's reputation. This was unacceptable to Napoleon.

As such, Napoleon had been in a number of discussions with other officials and advisors as Consul. The way forward was clear; the Years of Terror could not be repeated again, and there could be no suppression of the Catholic faith. Simultaneously, the Revolution had guaranteed the rights of the French people, and the way forward had to respect this. As such, during this time, there is an ongoing exploration into the possibility of drawing up new laws which guarantee freedom of religion to all Citizens. In addition, it is Napoleon's aim to seek a restoration of relations between France and the Catholic Church, with a new Concordat. This would of course be difficult, and likely require the restoration of the Pope. This last point however could be a major diplomatic coup, as long as the Roman Republic could accept it.

Napoleon hoped that the Pope could be restored to the Vatican in a manner which did not restore the Papal States, but which saw the Pope have temporal authority over the Vatican itself, whilst the Roman Republic retained control over central Italy. With political and social moves towards a restoration of the Church's place, albeit in a fairer system compatible with the moderate elements of the Revolution, Napoleon foresaw a bolstering of domestic support, particularly in the more religious rural areas. In addition, arguments against the French Republic from foreign powers would be undermined, and France could present itself more favorably to many of the Italian powers, as well as to Spain (a very religious country), and Bavaria (ruled over by a very religious Duke).

In addition to these various matters of state, a new theological argument was beginning to stir, propagated by priests sympathetic to the Revolution in Rheims, and a number of itinerant preachers. This argument claimed that as God appointed rulers and that they ruled with his permission, Louis XVI had lost the favour of God, and had been allowed to be torn down from power. It argued that the Years of Terror were the result of spiritual warfare, and holy vengeance against the sins and decadence of France. However, now these times had passed, God was granting a new opportunity to the people of France, whom he favored, and it was the duty of all to act with virtue, and to serve the nation into which they had been born. Though potentially quite problematic, the theory seemed to be catching on to some extent, as it appealed to the spirit of patriotism which had begun to be realized during the War of the First Coalition, where France was beset by enemies without and within.
The theory had come to Napoleon's attention, but at this moment was not being suppressed; likely its effects would be positive, though limited in extent- and besides, it reinforced the current regime to the Catholic population.

Paris, 19 Ventôse (Nonidi), 9th March 1799
With events in Europe being so dangerous for the new regime after the Revolution, much of the focus had been there. Although France's colonies brought her wealth and prestige, overinvestment in them was a threat to France herself. As such, few new commitments had been made to the Caribbean and Americas, other than to ensure the loyalty of the colonies to the new government.

The one exception to this however was in the case of Haiti, where a naval squadron and one thousand soldiers from France, as well as five hundred from nearby colonies were dispatched, as it was believed that the events of 1789 would cause the white planters who dominated the island politically to seek independence, or that the British might seek to invade the island. Haiti had been thus dominated by the French military, which retained on the whole retained its loyalty even after the execution of the king. Though there was unrest at varying points over several years, with royalist agitation, as well as issues over ongoing slavery, it was ultimately decided that slavery would progressively come to an end over the decade from 1794 to 1804.

Undoubtedly however, Britain was quite strong in the Carribean- France had never been as committed as Spain or Britain, but the loss of Mexico by the Spanish meant that French and Spanish interests drew closer. With Mexico so close to French Louisiana, and with diplomatic tensions with the USA, which kept trading with Britain during the War of the First Coalition, the French position in North America was vulnerable. Considering the need to secure Haiti and other Carribean possessions, whilst minimising committment to the Americas due to Britain's naval dominance, as well as the major threats in Europe, Napoleon was determined that France should resolve its issues with the USA.

At this time, Napoleon was preoccupied with several matters of state; diplomatically his attention was in Europe, regarding Italy and Spain. Talleyrand however, would be able to have a role in assisting Napoleon's desires here, and had been considerable autonomy to achieve this. As such, an hour before midday on 9th March, 1799, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, US Minister to France, was summoned to meet Talleyrand for a lunch and discussions (it was only by a narrow margin that Pinckney had even been allowed to be an ambassador to France, considering tensions between the two nations).

France needed allies. That much was clear. Though France had some local allies in the Batavian Republic and in Italy, each of these would likely be unable to add too much to France's strength on a continental scale, though certainly they were of benefit. If France however could bring Spain into an alliance, this would be a major boost. France and Spain had a common rival in Britain, with significant histories between the three nations. Spain, even with the loss of Mexico, retained a number of major colonial possessions in the Caribbean and South America. It also had a substantial navy, and bordered the British possession of Gibraltar. Spain and France together would majorly negate Britain and her ability to contest the Mediterranean, and thus Egypt and Italy.

Napoleon knew however, that the conservative nature of Spain meant that she felt threatened by France, though he sought to alleviate those worries with reassurances and tactful words. A war with Spain was not something Napoleon desired, and most certainly was not at this time in France's interests. As such, Napoleon and Talleyrand had worked together to come up with an ideal letter to be sent to King Charles IV of Spain, within days of Napoleon's return from Egypt. The letter, once sent, would arrive in Madrid by 27 Ventôse (Septidi), or 17th March.

Letter to Charles IV, King of Spain~
To the noble Charles IV, rightful ruler of Spain and her bountiful empire. I write to you at a time of grave concern for all of Europe. The coming months, and years, bring with them the horrific prospect of a major war in the continent. Unsatisfied with one major Coalition war against France, as she decides her destiny, the great powers of Europe, with the exception of Spain, seek to start a war against France again. This is a tragedy to be sure. It is with this prospect of war, and of great devastation, that I reach out to you on behalf of France, which seeks peace.

France, and Spain, have much in common. They are Catholic countries, with interests in the Mediterranean, in Italy, and in the Americas. They are countries which trade extensively with one another. And they have a common enemy, Britain. Britain never made peace with France when Austria and others did. Britain has historically contested France and Spain for decades, for hundreds of years. It is in the natural interest of both of our great nations, to enter into treaty with one another. To increase in trade with one another. To guarantee one another's security. It is not my hope to burden Spain with the prospect of war with the central European powers, but to enlighten our concerns, by guaranteeing peaceful relations between ourselves. It is further a treaty to guarantee the independence of the Kingdom of Naples from either Britain or Austria, preventing that wonderful part of Italy from being dragged into war.

Subsequently, as Consul of France, I humbly implore His Imperial Majesty, Charles IV, to enter into a Treaty of Alliance with France. This will be a defensive alliance against British aggression, securing one another's colonial possessions, protecting Naples, protecting our interests in the Mediterranean against the cunning Brits who seek only to divide the continent so that they might dominate the world. It will also enable further trade between our nations.

Finally, as I make this offer to you, I seek to reassure your Majesty that France seeks to restore its relations with the Church, and that it does not seek to undermine your own authority over the Spanish people with revolutionary sentiment.

Yours in good faith, and with great hope,
Napoleon Bonaparte, Consul of France.

In Spain does France's hope lie.

No response had been heard from the Roman Republic for over a week, perhaps due to banditry in Italy, which had suffered during the War of the First Coalition. It was trusted however that the Roman Republic remained an ally of France, and it was hoped that through reaching out to both Spain and Naples, it could remain independent from Neapolitan ambitions, and that Austria could be halted in the Cisalpine Republic.

Italy was a matter of some concern for France. Within it, were a number of sister republics of France, as well as the occupied Duchy of Parma, where Duke Ferdinand remained in nominal control, despite the presence of a French military governor. Undoubtedly Austria would seek to dominate Northern Italy in any coming war, seeking to overthrow France's allies, and occupy Switzerland, as well as invade Southern France. As such, it was an important region, and Napoleon desired that the Army D'Italie would be substantially better equipped than when he had commanded it in 1796.

There were two especial matters that Napoleon endeavored to solve. One was to secure the friendship of Sardinia-Piedmont, and the other was to seek the neutrality of Naples. Diplomatic contact was still ongoing between the former and France, with a Sardinian request to purchase armaments now including an offer of five million francs. The wording however of Queen Clotilde Napoleon could not help but suspect. The wording could potentially be interpreted as suggesting that France could be a foreign invader of Italy. This would have to be resolved, with a specific guarantee of neutrality by Sardinia-Piedmont to France and her Italian allies. Of course the five million francs was an exceptionally good offer, and one which it would be completely foolish to deny. That amount of currency would be a significant asset to France.

In addition however, Napoleon realized that it would be proper to offer significant reassurance to Queen Clotilde, whose family had been so horrifically affected by the Years of Terror. Her own brother was also held as a puppet by the Prussians, and was claimed to be a rightful king of France- something that the French people neither desired nor would accept.

A letter would be sent to Turin which would likely arrive between 26-27 Ventôse (Sextidi, Septidi), or the 16th-17th March.

Letter to Queen Clotilde of Sardinia-Piedmont
To the courageous Queen Clotilde. It is most pleasing that Sardinia-Piedmont is reassured by French assurances against Austrian aggression. This is something France offers to all of Italy. It is my own aim to enable Italian self-rule, free from Austrian domination. It is in the interests of the French and Italian people to be in harmonious relation with one another, both diplomatically, and economically. Regarding the wording of your last letter, there is some concern, only out of prudence of course, that France could be interpreted as a threat to the people's of Italy, despite her seeking to offer only protection against Austria. As such, I would humbly request that a precise declaration of neutrality be made by you on behalf of Sardinia-Piedmont, guaranteeing neutrality towards France, the Duchy of Parma, the Ligurian, Roman, and Cisalpine Republics.

With this granted, we shall be able to press ahead with an agreement of armaments. Of course, any desire to negotiate an alliance, whether defence or comprehensive, will also be well-received. At this time, you will of course know that France is preparing for a major defensive conflict against Austria and Prussia, and possibly others, who are mobilizing and agitating against France. As such, there is a great demand for armaments and munitions of all varieties, as well as uniforms and other such items of war.

Simultaneously, we seek to allow Sardinia-Piedmont the means to defend herself against Austria, and even Britain, who continues to seek advantage in the Mediterranean, threatening trade and stability. Provided that the above diplomatic guarantees be made, France will accept the payment of the five million francs as a joint guarantee of payment and of neutrality. This will need to enter France, and be taken to Paris, where the silver can be assayed- this is to assure our own suppliers and industries, rather than out of a lack of trust of your own intentions. With this received, France can produce, and deliver the appropriate quantities of equipment.
I am assured by other officials, that France would be able to deliver 24 6-lb cannons, with their own transport, and transport for the ammunition and powder to fire 50 rounds a-piece, as well as 25,000 muskets, with ammunition pouches, and 10 cartridges a piece.

The money can be sent immediately, along with the requested guarantees, to enable the quickest supply of armaments. By the end of July, all can be delivered.

With these matters of state resolved, might I take these moments to write some personal words to you as a ruler. I write these at the end of the letter, as it is our duties as leaders and as people of responsibility to put our nations first. Queen Clotilde, nothing that I can say will enable you to truly forgive those who have brought so much harm to your family. Nothing I say can remove that loss. For that, I am sorry. There were many excesses in the Revolution, the Years of Terror was anarchic displays of incompetence, deceit, and cruelty. I do not wish that for France. France in fact seeks the restoration of the Pope to Rome, France seeks for order. I do not hold your majesty at fault for the Prussian puppeteering of your brother, who retains his claim to be king of France. France will not allow this of course, but I do not seek his murder, nor your own. I hope if there is the slightest room for peace between yourself and France, that that can grow.

I offer my condolences, I offer France's friendship, and not much is asked for in return.

With sincerity, and in good faith,
Napoleon Bonaparte, Consul of France.

It was a large letter to be sure, but there had been much to cover, and Napoleon hoped that the Queen would see reason.

Napoleon's then had to resolve the situation with Naples. Though he had written to King Charles IV of Spain, and hoped that reason could be reached there, and that Spain could persuade Naples to take a peaceful road, he thought best that France outreach herself to Naples, to guarantee Neapolitan neutrality towards France and the Roman Republic. The letter would likely arrive by 29 Ventôse (Nonidi), the 19th March

Letter to Ferdinand IV, King of Naples
To his esteemed majesty, Ferdinand IV, King of Naples. I write to you at a time of grave concern for Europe. It is most likely that Austria once again wishes to drag Europe into a war against France, unsatisfied with the War of the First Coalition. I write to you to implore that Naples remains neutral in any coming conflict, both against France and against the Roman Republic. France seeks only in Italy the preservation of the Italian people from Austrian domination. France seeks good relations, including extensive trade with the Italian states, and ultimately hopes that they can rule themselves.

I am aware that in Naples, there is a desire for the restoration of the Pope. Please, rest assured that this is something I, and many in France, also wish. It is our desire to return France into Concordat with the Vatican, after returning the Pope there. It is a simple request, that our nation's people need shed no blood against one another, and it comes with no threats or demands attached. For the good of Italy, and of minimizing the damage done to Europe, remain neutral towards France and her allies.

Sincerely,
Napoleon Bonaparte, Consul of France

Surely Sardinia-Piedmont, and Naples would see reason. If not, then any conflict in Italy would be far more dangerous for France, but also far more devastating for those nations.

Cairo, 18 Ventôse (Octidi), 8th March, 1799 Things had been quiet for too long in the minds of both Kléber and Dumas, particularly around Cairo and Giza. It was strange that Egypt had not attacked, surely the Egyptians were aware that Napoleon had left, and that irregular forces were being raised from various elements of Egyptian society? Kléber was beginning to worry that the Egyptians had received British reinforcements, or were coordinating a coastal attack to completely cut off the Army of the Orient from France. He had already pulled back some troops from Tanta towards the north, to be deployed between Mansourah, Sherbin, and Damietta.

Dumas however was pleased that the remnants of the scientific expedition, as well as a number of wagons carrying wealth from Cairo, had been able to leave. Part of him was worried however that his forces were vulnerable so close to Giza, and yet he knew that to withdraw from Cairo without at least offering a fight would be bad for morale, or that the Egyptians might pursue with fresh troops if not blooded first. With the dual intentions of seeing if peace was possible, as well as locating King Ibrahim's main forces, a messenger, escorted by a number of chasseurs and irregular cavalry had departed in the morning towards Giza, with orders to travel south to the Oasis at Fayum, and to the town of Beni-Suef, in order to find King Ibrahim. If this could not be achieved, they were to return within ten days.

Egypt
France had sent over 40,000 soldiers to Egypt in 1798, as well as numerous over personnel, predominantly sailors and various useful civilians, but had withdrawn 12459 following the defeat at Giza. The defeat there had cost almost nine thousand casualties. With all of the casualties from battles, resistance to occupation, disease, and other attrition, there remained 13,100 soldiers in Egypt, with not all of these fit to fight.
Perhaps over 10,000 were ready to fight, with another thousand able to if desperately required. In Alexandria and Damietta, there were major hospitals established, or as best as could be in the conditions, whilst one was steadily being relocated from Tanta to Masourah.
In addition to these forces, several thousand irregulars had been recruited, hired, convinced, or otherwise allowed to join the Army of the Orient. These were of mixed quality, dedication, morale, fitness, loyalty, and equipment. Elements of Egyptian society such as devout Muslims discontented with Christian rule; freed or escaped Nubian slaves; dissident, criminal, or revolutionary-sympathetic individuals; mercenaries; and Egyptian deserters were all represented. By no means did all of these irregular forces even get along, and there was limited integration with actual French units. Perhaps a couple of thousand more could be recruited in the event of any sieges.

Of the ready to fight troops, approximately 1750 French soldiers are deployed around Cairo, Kafr-Embabeh, and Heliopolis, with 800 at Tanta, 500 at Zagazig, 900 at Shubra Kheit, 350 at Bahmaniyeh, and 1800 at Damietta. Some thousand are at various other locations within the Nile delta or in smaller outposts between these areas. Around 4000 are at Alexandria, where the majority of the unfit to fight soldiers are. In terms of irregulars, respectively there are around 900, 200, 400, 300, 200, 1100, 700, and 3000- approaching 7000 in total!

Overall, the Army of the Orient is quite spread out, having to defend many areas, and in a somewhat hostile land. Concentration in force could leave some areas overwhelmed, causing other areas to be surrounded. General Jean-Baptiste Kléber was in overall command, with General Thomas-Alexandre Dumas as his subordinate.

Italy
The Army of Italy is currently quite spread out, with a substantial proportion of the French troops in Southern France around Toulon, and Marseilles. The grand total of the Army of Italy is 60,000 French troops, with around 45,000 of these in France. The other elements are divided with the occupation of the Duchy of Parma, and providing garrisons for Milan, Mantua, Modena, Bologna, and Genoa. A small corps of 7000 is deployed between Verona and Mantua. Overall command of the Army of Italy is held by General Louis-Alexandre Berthier, with Jean-de-Dieu Soult as another notable commander. These French forces include over 8000 soldiers who had been in the Army of the Orient.

Notably, the Army of Italy will likely make use of garrisoning several towns, especially with Mantua, the key position of any coming campaign in the French view. It's important to note that Malta is commanded independently from the Army of Italy, though communicates foremost with it. It has 1080 soldiers in the garrison, with 543 of these having being withdrawn from Egypt. In addition to the French forces, with the forces from the Cisalpine and Ligurian Republics included, there were as many as 40,000 troops ready to assist with the Italian Campaign.

Switzerland
A new Army of the Alpes has been formed at Dijon, though already has elements in Switzerland, occupying Geneva. It includes 1320 soldiers withdrawn from Egypt, and is commanded by General Jean-Baptiste Jourdan in command, with General Michel Ney as a prominent subordinate. Overall, 26,000 French, and maybe 3000 Swiss soldiers are under its command. It has very limited cavalry and artillery, though has additional light infantry/skirmisher elements.

Along the Rhine
The Army of the Rhine is divided into multiple Corps, and is the primary concern of France. Generals André Masséna, Jean-Baptiste Bessières, Louis-Nicolas Davout, Jean Lannes, and Joachim Murat have varying command positions. With the defence of the Rhine, and the possible invasion of Bavaria to counter Austrian, Prussian, and other German forces being such a pivotal concern, many of the nation's best troops are deployed here. Much of the heaviest cavalry, and heaviest artillery, is assigned to the various corps of the Army of the Rhine.
Four corps of 25,000, 33,000, 36,000, and 41,000 make up the Army of the Rhine, with 9,000 of troops in various garrisons or training, totaling 144,000 men.

Flanders
A small army of 10,000 soldiers, ready to join with Batavian forces, is based in Belgium, under the command of General Claude Victor-Perrin. They have almost no artillery, and only a small amount of cavalry.

Build up of military supplies
In Paris, Brussels, Liege, Metz, Strassbourg, Nancy, Bescanon, Marseilles, Toulon; specific build ups of military supplies including weaponry, munitions, food, and other equipment have gradually been occurring to varying extents.

[Romaniche]

As King Charles IV was staying in his throne room, he was interrupted by a servant delivering a letter from what appears to be Napoleon himself. The King opened the letter and read it:

To the noble Charles IV, rightful ruler of Spain and her bountiful empire. I write to you at a time of grave concern for all of Europe. The coming months, and years, bring with them the horrific prospect of a major war in the continent. Unsatisfied with one major Coalition war against France, as she decides her destiny, the great powers of Europe, with the exception of Spain, seek to start a war against France again. This is a tragedy to be sure. It is with this prospect of war, and of great devastation, that I reach out to you on behalf of France, which seeks peace.

France, and Spain, have much in common. They are Catholic countries, with interests in the Mediterranean, Italy, and the Americas. They are countries that trade extensively with one another. And they have a common enemy, Britain. Britain never made peace with France when Austria and others did. Britain has historically contested France and Spain for decades, for hundreds of years. It is in the natural interest of both of our great nations, to enter into a treaty with one another. To increase trade with one another. To guarantee one another's security. It is not my hope to burden Spain with the prospect of war with the central European powers, but to enlighten our concerns, by guaranteeing peaceful relations between ourselves. It is further a treaty to guarantee the independence of the Kingdom of Naples from either Britain or Austria, preventing that wonderful part of Italy from being dragged into war.

Subsequently, as Consul of France, I humbly implore His Imperial Majesty, Charles IV, to enter into a Treaty of Alliance with France. This will be a defensive alliance against British aggression, securing one another's colonial possessions, protecting Naples, protecting our interests in the Mediterranean against the cunning Brits who seek only to divide the continent so that they might dominate the world. It will also enable further trade between our nations.

Finally, as I make this offer to you, I seek to reassure your Majesty that France seeks to restore its relations with the Church and that it does not seek to undermine your own authority over the Spanish people with a revolutionary sentiment.

Yours in good faith, and with great hope,
Napoleon Bonaparte, Consul of France.

His Majesty thinks for a while. Revenging on the British seems quite good and maybe without their interference, the Spanish Empire can have a chance to be preserved, however, Spain may not be ready just yet, especially against a potential coalition, even though not against Spain directly. Well, so far, France's deal is good, and with Austria threatening the Kingdom of Naples who is technically under the Bourbon Crown, extra-protection of our Crown Partner is a good thing. After contemplating an answer, the King then put in his own reply letter.

Dear Napoleon, Consul of the French Republic. If you see this letter, that means I have seen yours. Sadly, I share the same worries, Europe is indeed in a dire situation, with war once again looming once again as you say it. There is a possibility that a Second Coalition might be soon formed, but we, the Spanish Empire don't have the intention to join it, as we have other important matters to focus on, keeping our Empire alive as it begins to fall deeper and deeper into dissolution.

We are happy to hear that France wishes to keep good relations with Spain and that doesn't threaten us. The British are constantly threatening us as you say it and they are a reason why our Empire falls, making us back off and shrink in fear, but not anymore. They and Austria threaten our common interests, mainly in Italy and the Mediterranean. The Kingdom of Naples informed us that the Habsburgs might attack the Peninsula, and as you know, Ferdinand IV is a fellow Bourbon relative. We appreciate your kind efforts in improving our relations, however, we have a problem, the Treaty of Alliance. Don't get us wrong, we are not enemies, however, the Spanish situation isn't friendly to us. Many rebellions are brewing in Americans and diverting resources elsewhere might be our grave mistake dooming our Empire. I wish we could get revenge on the British, but I don't think we can do that atm, not us at least. Although, we can keep good relations and supply our war effort with guns and materials against a potential coalition. Trade will also be kept and we will respect the freedom from the Austrians of our fellow Crown partner, the Kingdom of Naples. Once the Spanish situation improves, we might move towards a full alliance.

Godspeed against the Austro-British threat and may your nation stay strong,
His Majesty, Charles IV, King of Spain

[Ovstylap]

His Majesty thinks for a while. Revenging on the British seems quite good and maybe without their interference, the Spanish Empire can have a chance to be preserved, however, Spain may not be ready just yet, especially against a potential coalition, even though not against Spain directly. Well, so far, France's deal is good, and with Austria threatening the Kingdom of Naples who is technically under the Bourbon Crown, extra-protection of our Crown Partner is a good thing. After contemplating an answer, the King then put in his own reply letter.

Dear Napoleon, Consul of the French Republic. If you see this letter, that means I have seen yours. Sadly, I share the same worries, Europe is indeed in a dire situation, with war once again looming once again as you say it. There is a possibility that a Second Coalition might be soon formed, but we, the Spanish Empire don't have the intention to join it, as we have other important matters to focus on, keeping our Empire alive as it begins to fall deeper and deeper into dissolution.

We are happy to hear that France wishes to keep good relations with Spain and that doesn't threaten us. The British are constantly threatening us as you say it and they are a reason why our Empire falls, making us back off and shrink in fear, but not anymore. They and Austria threaten our common interests, mainly in Italy and the Mediterranean. The Kingdom of Naples informed us that the Habsburgs might attack the Peninsula, and as you kno

w, Ferdinand IV is a fellow Bourbon relative. We appreciate your kind efforts in improving our relations, however, we have a problem, the Treaty of Alliance. Don't get us wrong, we are not enemies, however, the Spanish situation isn't friendly to us. Many rebellions are brewing in Americans and diverting resources elsewhere might be our grave mistake dooming our Empire. I wish we could get revenge on the British, but I don't think we can do that atm, not us at least. Although, we can keep good relations and supply our war effort with guns and materials against a potential coalition. Trade will also be kept and we will respect the freedom from the Austrians of our fellow Crown partner, the Kingdom of Naples. Once the Spanish situation improves, we might move towards a full alliance.

Godspeed against the Austro-British threat and may your nation stay strong,
His Majesty, Charles IV, King of Spain

King Charles IV's letter had been delivered with the utmost haste, enabling Napoleon to review the letter with Talleyrand within the week. A second letter would be sent to the king of Spain, to arrive likely by the end of March, good travel conditions permitting, to reassert the French desire for an alliance, and otherwise to form a treaty of friendship.

To the noble Charles IV, rightful ruler of Spain and her bountiful empire. I am writing this letter with a sense of urgency, having received it, and deliberated upon it. Rest assured that Spain's concerns are both understood, and respected by France. We are fully aware that Spain does not want to commit to a European war, excluding the possibility of an invasion of Naples, whose independence from the Austrians we seek to ensure. We also can understand the Spanish desire to focus upon internal affairs, and to avoid provoking the British. It is my sincere, and honest belief however, that a Treaty of Alliance under the terms proposed in my previous letter, will be far better for Spain, than has currently been perceived.

We could indeed say that it would be a secret clause of our alliance, that Spain is not inherently obliged to provide support to France on the continent in the event of war. An alliance would serve to deter our enemies, God willing, it may cause the other European powers to avoid war. Britain herself will find the combined challenge of the French and Spanish navies a major issue, and will have to divide her forces, and maybe even reduce any privateering against Spain unless she wishes to risk war. A Treaty of Alliance, is not something to drag Spain into war, but to prevent Europe from descending into it. As such, with respect, I urge you, on behalf of Europe, on behalf of stability, and the balance of power, on behalf of our own peoples, to reconsider the proposed Treaty of Alliance.

If, with significant regret, this cannot come to pass at this time, France seeks an official Treaty of Friendship with Spain, whereby we reaffirm one another's sovereignty, promise neutrality against one another, encourage trade, jointly declare our protection over Naples from Britain and Austria, and handle any other diplomatic issues, as may be percieved by the Royal Court in Madrid, or in the Ministries of France.

Our interests are intertwined. Our common enemy is Britain. Our shared threat, is a major European war. Let us stand together, shoulder to shoulder, two mighty powers aligned.

With the utmost respect, and with some urgency,
Napoleon Bonaparte, Consul of France.