Home of The Brave: A 1960's Political RP

[Madrinpoor]

i'm considering applying as Brown Jr.'s daughter in LOTF

I apped as my own Grandson. But they haven't accepted me, and seeing the disaster it is turning into now, I kind of lost interest in it

[Sao Nova Europa]

Since we moved past 14th January in the IC thread, there should be an update of dates in OP so we know the 'timetable'.

[Louisianan]

Since we moved past 14th January in the IC thread, there should be an update of dates in OP so we know the 'timetable'.

Oh yea sorry about that, so many other things have been going on and all XDDD

[Sao Nova Europa]

Since we moved past 14th January in the IC thread, there should be an update of dates in OP so we know the 'timetable'.

Oh yea sorry about that, so many other things have been going on and all XDDD

No worries. Having run a couple of RPs myself, I know how time consuming managing them can be.

[Free Ward Marchers]

Announcement

Due to the IC thread going faster than the previously agreed upon time of 1 irl week=1 game week, I will change the date to 15th-21st. However I will remind you you really should not date your posts unless you have to, for this reason

[Cybernetic Socialist Republics]

Hey, would the families of the soldiers that were from New York and died information from New York be known by the state government, or would it need to get in contact the white house for that? Thinking of having a few there during the signing of a bill out of the new york state legislature.

[Free Ward Marchers]

Hey, would the families of the soldiers that were from New York and died information from New York be known by the state government, or would it need to get in contact the white house for that? Thinking of having a few there during the signing of a bill out of the new york state legislature.

That information most likely would only be known by the white house and the families of soldiers, not the states

[Dalmannia]

I haven’t technically joined/been accepted yet, but will my application be considered? It’s alright if you can’t get back on this immediately since I understand managing these sorts of rps can get chaotic, I’m just curious about a time frame.

[Louisianan]

I haven’t technically joined/been accepted yet, but will my application be considered? It’s alright if you can’t get back on this immediately since I understand managing these sorts of rps can get chaotic, I’m just curious about a time frame.

Could you bump it? I was meaning to take a look but I got sidetracked with the Senate!

[Free Ward Marchers]

I haven’t technically joined/been accepted yet, but will my application be considered? It’s alright if you can’t get back on this immediately since I understand managing these sorts of rps can get chaotic, I’m just curious about a time frame.

I'm afraid I haven't seen your application yet, if you could repost it I can look it over for ya

[Dalmannia]

Sure thing! Here is is:

---

Character Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Dalmannia
Character Name: Thomas L. Stoltzman
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 46 (Born late 1912)
Character Height: 5 ft 8
Character Weight: 134 pounds
Character Position/Role/Job: Governor of the State of California
Appearance: (Photo required)

Character State of Origin: Pennsylvania
Character State of Residence: California
Character Party Affiliation: Democratic
Main Strengths: Veteran of World War II, Is rather telegenic and has a recognizable voice from his years in radio and film, His wife—Carole Brookes is popular for her various supporting roles on the silver screen as a lower tier film actress, He has the firm support of labor unions, Stoltzman has won two gubernatorial elections, United a coalition of moderate Republicans and Democrats
Main Weaknesses: Tends to ramble on anecdotes and policy detail, Stumbling over certain words can interrupt the power of his speeches, His opposition to right-to-work policies has cost him Republican support, He is hated by socially conservative Democrats who have given Stoltzman a variety of insulting nicknames, In his first year as Governor he supported and boldly enforced a divisive Supreme Court ruling on the subject of civil rights which ruled that racial segregation in public schools was unconstitutional, Viewed as an elite by his detractors for his ties to Hollywood’s establishment

Biography: (Minimum 2-3 paragraphs)

Thomas London Stoltzman was born in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania on November 8th, 1912 to Sylvia Dietrich and Frederic Stoltzman. The Stoltzmans were a family in the lower middle class, who were able to make just enough of a living to provide for Thomas and his two younger siblings. He aspired to go to Pennsylvania State University, however his family lacked the funds to buy his education, especially with the onset of the Great Depression. Thomas took on a job with his uncle’s business in Minnesota in the middle of 1930, hoping to earn enough money to attend college. He still had hopes to attend a university with the passage of the Unemployment Relief Fund in 1932, but found that there was a lack of funds to provide for the excess of residents and prospective students in his county. Though he fell in debt, Stoltzman took out a student loan to pay for the expenses he himself could not finance. From 1933 to 1937, Stoltzman returned home and attended Pennsylvania State to study law and history. On campus, Stoltzman was a strong advocate of New Deal policies, and idolized then-president Franklin Delano Roosevelt. After graduating with an A.B. in history, he worked at radio stations throughout Pennsylvania as a means of income while he further studied law, appearing as a narrator for adventure shows and a commentator on world news semi-regularly by 1940.

In 1941, after the Bombing of Pearl Harbor, Stoltzman was drafted into the U.S. Army to serve in the Pacific Theatre. He was sent to Fort Douglas in Utah in 1942 for training as a part of the 96th Infantry Division. During the war, Stoltzman fought in the Battle of Leyte Gulf in 1944. He served as a flamethrower soldier. In 1945, he fought in the Battle of Okinawa in 1945, and was wounded by Japanese phosphorus shells which burned his arms and back. His injuries took him out of the battle, and sent him to a hospital ship, the USS Hope. There, he briefly met actress Carole Brookes—a fellow Pennsylvanian, who had been petitioned to visit wounded soldiers to bolster morale. He left the hospital ship in August 1945, and was prepared for the invasion of Japan, but the war ended in September with the atomic bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Stoltzman left the Pacific with a Purple Heart and a medal for the Asiatic-Pacific Campaign.

From there, Stoltzman moved into Los Angeles, California to continue involvement in entertainment and world news as a small-time commentator. In 1947, he took a screen test which led to a three year contract with Warner Bros. Studios. He served in supporting and narration roles in numerous budget films. At this time, Stoltzman became a very passionate advocate against nuclear arms escalation and “right-to-work” legislation in Congress, though Warner Bros. Studio pressured him to refrain from these activities. He landed the role of World War I soldier Henry Fredricks in the 1950 film adaptation of the acclaimed novel World Enough And Time, alongside Carole Brookes as British army nurse Christine Barker. The film is often considered his best. Remembering their first meeting during the Pacific Theatre, Stoltzman and Brookes hit it off and began seeing each other outside of the production. Despite the film’s relative success, after becoming increasingly passionate about politics and hoping for greater privacy in his relationship with his co-star, Stoltzman did not renew his contract.

In 1951, Stoltzman moved from Los Angeles to residences in San Francisco and Lake Tahoe with Brookes, and married her in March of that year. Once in Northern California, Stoltzman established himself in several organizations with left-wing orientations, such as the American Veterans Committee. Using his familiar and iconic voice, Stoltzman frequently spoke at rallies for unions and anti-nuclear advocacy groups. He maintained the new deal stances of his hero, Roosevelt, and spoke at California rallies for the Democratic Presidential candidate who ran against Henry Davis in 1952. Despite that candidate losing by a landslide, these events established Stoltzman and his beliefs in California’s political environment.

Over the next two years, Stoltzman would begin to plan for his 1954 run in the California Gubernatorial Election, expecting to face off against the incumbent governor (not Earl Warren). Using his ties to the unions and Hollywood stars, Stoltzman would jockey for the Democratic nomination through a pure, unadulterated publicity blitz. After the incumbent governor (not Earl Warren) resigned in 1953 after being appointed to the Supreme Court, it would turn out that Stoltzman would actually face off against the incumbent’s moderate Lieutenant Governor. Stolzman would advertise the campaign as an honorable race between two good-natured moderates, and couldn’t truly attack his opponent who shared many of his own stances. Instead, Stoltzman emphasized public image, and the notion that he would exude the same fiscal responsibility as his Republican opponents, while being even friendlier to unions and social liberal values. After witnessing a majority of female voters support Henry Davis and the Republicans in 1952, Stoltzman made sure that his campaign made a concerted effort to appeal to female voters in California. Stoltzman focused his advertisements on topics such as education, the stability of the economy, inflation, and equity in the workplace. His campaign utilized Carole Stoltzman to host parties and events, and also made extensive use of female campaign workers to make phone calls to likely Democratic and moderate voters and spread the word about the campaign.

Despite all of this effort, the campaign was still an uphill battle. The Republican governor who had ended up on the Supreme Court was rather popular with many, and with the incumbent as his successor, the Republican campaign acted well on framing this as that governor’s legacy. Many viewed Stolzman as merely a shinier face on the other side of the same coin belonging to the Republican incumbent, and stuck with the incumbent as a safer option as opposed to the inexperienced actor from Pennsylvania. The incumbent’s expansion of mental health care modernization, increased payments of unemployment insurance, and juvenile delinquency reform meant that Stoltzman had to struggle to mount a majority of support, despite there being a higher proportion of Democratic to Republican voters in California. Nonetheless, when election night came around, all of the publicity, rallies and television appearances—though costly—had paid off... barely. Stoltzman eked out a victory with 50.7% of the vote against his opponent’s 49.3% share: a lead of only 1.4%. Aware that this was no mandate for sweeping liberal overhauls, Stoltzman vowed to remain a moderate and enact mainly centrist reforms and initiatives that appealed to followers of both platforms of the 1954 election. He hoped to increase the width of his coalition by 1958 by working across party lines with moderate Republicans, without damaging his more liberal support.

Stoltzman’s main goals in his first term was the maintenance of a balanced budget, the continuing construction of highways and freeways, the upkeep of state institutions and industries, smog control and the enforcement of the law. His government worked to keep the state’s resources and governmental services on pace with the astounding explosion of California’s population during the 1950s. He mediated a compromise between Northern and Southern California on the development of water resources. Stoltzman also encouraged that national industries move and establish new bases in California, while maintaining excellent relations with labor unions and resisting any attempts to establish right to work laws. The governor called conferences and special citizens committees to gain an educated consensus on state issues such as pollution, criminal justice pertaining to juvenile delinquency and the status of equitable pay for women and minorities. His administration focused on encouraging greater female employment and the empowerment of California Hispanics to achieve greater economic freedom so that they would not be dependent on expensive state-funded welfare. The Supreme Court’s ruling on a decision that determined the unconstitutionality of segregating public schools was vigorously enforced under Stoltzman, who deployed the national guard to escort and protect Hispanic and African American students attending previously segregated schools. This garnered the ire of segregationists and the more socially conservative wing of his own party. His wife Carole was a prominently visible advocate for many of these policies, and a constant companion who traveled throughout the state with her husband.

Over the course of his first term, Stoltzman had united a coalition of Democrats and Republicans under an economically moderate and socially liberal platform. His promotion of labor unions, providing necessary government services to those in need and support for minority groups in California gained him the allegiance of socially liberal Californians, workers and Hispanics, while his emphasis on achieving a balanced budget and minimizing the excess of existing government programs resonated with the fiscally conservative. This led to the development of a strong following of “Stoltzman Republicans” in California. This wider support led to a much more substantial election victory in 1958 despite scathing opposition from staunch social conservatives and more radical liberals who challenged him in the primaries from inside the party, and then in the general election. Opponents declared him a “mediocre moderate”, and a “sluggish centrist”, and attacked instances of Stoltzman’s perceived elitism (such as the purchase of a new car or the expensive dresses and jewelry his wife would wear) as being hypocritical to his rhetorical defense of economic austerity. Stoltzman won 57.53% of the vote against his much more conservative opponent’s 42.47%. He performed over 13% better than he had four years earlier. Since he was re-elected, he has pushed for the completion of the California State Water Project negotiated during his first term, and had to raise the top rates of personal income taxes in order to avoid a deficit. His focuses on assisting workers, combatting internal corruption in major unions, encouraging entrepreneurs and businesses and supporting the constitutional rights of all of his constituents have remained.
So long as the Governor continues to make progress and maintain some unity in the state, it is expected that he could win a third term in 1962. However, with the growing influence of the Dixiecrats and ‘economically irresponsible’ figures inside the Democratic Party, Stoltzman believes that the party needs to reassess itself and forge a different path. Some speculate that he could be eyeing an eventual seat in Congress, or even the nomination in the upcoming presidential primaries.

Other Info: In his first term, the Governor began weekly radio (and occasionally television) broadcasts to address the people of the state on the current status of issues, and of his views in relation to some national headlines. This was done to emulate the 32nd President. He has avoided speaking on the upcoming election so far.

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: Dalmannia

Do Not Remove: 84721

[Free Ward Marchers]

Sure thing! Here is is:

(Image)

---

Character Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Dalmannia
Character Name: Thomas L. Stoltzman
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 46 (Born late 1912)
Character Height: 5 ft 8
Character Weight: 134 pounds
Character Position/Role/Job: Governor of the State of California
Appearance: (Photo required)
(Image)
Character State of Origin: Pennsylvania
Character State of Residence: California
Character Party Affiliation: Democratic
Main Strengths: Veteran of World War II, Is rather telegenic and has a recognizable voice from his years in radio and film, His wife—Carole Brookes is popular for her various supporting roles on the silver screen as a lower tier film actress, He has the firm support of labor unions, Stoltzman has won two gubernatorial elections, United a coalition of moderate Republicans and Democrats
Main Weaknesses: Tends to ramble on anecdotes and policy detail, Stumbling over certain words can interrupt the power of his speeches, His opposition to right-to-work policies has cost him Republican support, He is hated by socially conservative Democrats who have given Stoltzman a variety of insulting nicknames, In his first year as Governor he supported and boldly enforced a divisive Supreme Court ruling on the subject of civil rights which ruled that racial segregation in public schools was unconstitutional, Viewed as an elite by his detractors for his ties to Hollywood’s establishment

Biography: (Minimum 2-3 paragraphs)

Thomas London Stoltzman was born in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania on November 8th, 1912 to Sylvia Dietrich and Frederic Stoltzman. The Stoltzmans were a family in the lower middle class, who were able to make just enough of a living to provide for Thomas and his two younger siblings. He aspired to go to Pennsylvania State University, however his family lacked the funds to buy his education, especially with the onset of the Great Depression. Thomas took on a job with his uncle’s business in Minnesota in the middle of 1930, hoping to earn enough money to attend college. He still had hopes to attend a university with the passage of the Unemployment Relief Fund in 1932, but found that there was a lack of funds to provide for the excess of residents and prospective students in his county. Though he fell in debt, Stoltzman took out a student loan to pay for the expenses he himself could not finance. From 1933 to 1937, Stoltzman returned home and attended Pennsylvania State to study law and history. On campus, Stoltzman was a strong advocate of New Deal policies, and idolized then-president Franklin Delano Roosevelt. After graduating with an A.B. in history, he worked at radio stations throughout Pennsylvania as a means of income while he further studied law, appearing as a narrator for adventure shows and a commentator on world news semi-regularly by 1940.

In 1941, after the Bombing of Pearl Harbor, Stoltzman was drafted into the U.S. Army to serve in the Pacific Theatre. He was sent to Fort Douglas in Utah in 1942 for training as a part of the 96th Infantry Division. During the war, Stoltzman fought in the Battle of Leyte Gulf in 1944. He served as a flamethrower soldier. In 1945, he fought in the Battle of Okinawa in 1945, and was wounded by Japanese phosphorus shells which burned his arms and back. His injuries took him out of the battle, and sent him to a hospital ship, the USS Hope. There, he briefly met actress Carole Brookes—a fellow Pennsylvanian, who had been petitioned to visit wounded soldiers to bolster morale. He left the hospital ship in August 1945, and was prepared for the invasion of Japan, but the war ended in September with the atomic bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Stoltzman left the Pacific with a Purple Heart and a medal for the Asiatic-Pacific Campaign.

From there, Stoltzman moved into Los Angeles, California to continue involvement in entertainment and world news as a small-time commentator. In 1947, he took a screen test which led to a three year contract with Warner Bros. Studios. He served in supporting and narration roles in numerous budget films. At this time, Stoltzman became a very passionate advocate against nuclear arms escalation and “right-to-work” legislation in Congress, though Warner Bros. Studio pressured him to refrain from these activities. He landed the role of World War I soldier Henry Fredricks in the 1950 film adaptation of the acclaimed novel World Enough And Time, alongside Carole Brookes as British army nurse Christine Barker. The film is often considered his best. Remembering their first meeting during the Pacific Theatre, Stoltzman and Brookes hit it off and began seeing each other outside of the production. Despite the film’s relative success, after becoming increasingly passionate about politics and hoping for greater privacy in his relationship with his co-star, Stoltzman did not renew his contract.

In 1951, Stoltzman moved from Los Angeles to residences in San Francisco and Lake Tahoe with Brookes, and married her in March of that year. Once in Northern California, Stoltzman established himself in several organizations with left-wing orientations, such as the American Veterans Committee. Using his familiar and iconic voice, Stoltzman frequently spoke at rallies for unions and anti-nuclear advocacy groups. He maintained the new deal stances of his hero, Roosevelt, and spoke at California rallies for the Democratic Presidential candidate who ran against Henry Davis in 1952. Despite that candidate losing by a landslide, these events established Stoltzman and his beliefs in California’s political environment.

Over the next two years, Stoltzman would begin to plan for his 1954 run in the California Gubernatorial Election, expecting to face off against the incumbent governor (not Earl Warren). Using his ties to the unions and Hollywood stars, Stoltzman would jockey for the Democratic nomination through a pure, unadulterated publicity blitz. After the incumbent governor (not Earl Warren) resigned in 1953 after being appointed to the Supreme Court, it would turn out that Stoltzman would actually face off against the incumbent’s moderate Lieutenant Governor. Stolzman would advertise the campaign as an honorable race between two good-natured moderates, and couldn’t truly attack his opponent who shared many of his own stances. Instead, Stoltzman emphasized public image, and the notion that he would exude the same fiscal responsibility as his Republican opponents, while being even friendlier to unions and social liberal values. After witnessing a majority of female voters support Henry Davis and the Republicans in 1952, Stoltzman made sure that his campaign made a concerted effort to appeal to female voters in California. Stoltzman focused his advertisements on topics such as education, the stability of the economy, inflation, and equity in the workplace. His campaign utilized Carole Stoltzman to host parties and events, and also made extensive use of female campaign workers to make phone calls to likely Democratic and moderate voters and spread the word about the campaign.

Despite all of this effort, the campaign was still an uphill battle. The Republican governor who had ended up on the Supreme Court was rather popular with many, and with the incumbent as his successor, the Republican campaign acted well on framing this as that governor’s legacy. Many viewed Stolzman as merely a shinier face on the other side of the same coin belonging to the Republican incumbent, and stuck with the incumbent as a safer option as opposed to the inexperienced actor from Pennsylvania. The incumbent’s expansion of mental health care modernization, increased payments of unemployment insurance, and juvenile delinquency reform meant that Stoltzman had to struggle to mount a majority of support, despite there being a higher proportion of Democratic to Republican voters in California. Nonetheless, when election night came around, all of the publicity, rallies and television appearances—though costly—had paid off... barely. Stoltzman eked out a victory with 50.7% of the vote against his opponent’s 49.3% share: a lead of only 1.4%. Aware that this was no mandate for sweeping liberal overhauls, Stoltzman vowed to remain a moderate and enact mainly centrist reforms and initiatives that appealed to followers of both platforms of the 1954 election. He hoped to increase the width of his coalition by 1958 by working across party lines with moderate Republicans, without damaging his more liberal support.

Stoltzman’s main goals in his first term was the maintenance of a balanced budget, the continuing construction of highways and freeways, the upkeep of state institutions and industries, smog control and the enforcement of the law. His government worked to keep the state’s resources and governmental services on pace with the astounding explosion of California’s population during the 1950s. He mediated a compromise between Northern and Southern California on the development of water resources. Stoltzman also encouraged that national industries move and establish new bases in California, while maintaining excellent relations with labor unions and resisting any attempts to establish right to work laws. The governor called conferences and special citizens committees to gain an educated consensus on state issues such as pollution, criminal justice pertaining to juvenile delinquency and the status of equitable pay for women and minorities. His administration focused on encouraging greater female employment and the empowerment of California Hispanics to achieve greater economic freedom so that they would not be dependent on expensive state-funded welfare. The Supreme Court’s ruling on a decision that determined the unconstitutionality of segregating public schools was vigorously enforced under Stoltzman, who deployed the national guard to escort and protect Hispanic and African American students attending previously segregated schools. This garnered the ire of segregationists and the more socially conservative wing of his own party. His wife Carole was a prominently visible advocate for many of these policies, and a constant companion who traveled throughout the state with her husband.

Over the course of his first term, Stoltzman had united a coalition of Democrats and Republicans under an economically moderate and socially liberal platform. His promotion of labor unions, providing necessary government services to those in need and support for minority groups in California gained him the allegiance of socially liberal Californians, workers and Hispanics, while his emphasis on achieving a balanced budget and minimizing the excess of existing government programs resonated with the fiscally conservative. This led to the development of a strong following of “Stoltzman Republicans” in California. This wider support led to a much more substantial election victory in 1958 despite scathing opposition from staunch social conservatives and more radical liberals who challenged him in the primaries from inside the party, and then in the general election. Opponents declared him a “mediocre moderate”, and a “sluggish centrist”, and attacked instances of Stoltzman’s perceived elitism (such as the purchase of a new car or the expensive dresses and jewelry his wife would wear) as being hypocritical to his rhetorical defense of economic austerity. Stoltzman won 57.53% of the vote against his much more conservative opponent’s 42.47%. He performed over 13% better than he had four years earlier. Since he was re-elected, he has pushed for the completion of the California State Water Project negotiated during his first term, and had to raise the top rates of personal income taxes in order to avoid a deficit. His focuses on assisting workers, combatting internal corruption in major unions, encouraging entrepreneurs and businesses and supporting the constitutional rights of all of his constituents have remained.
So long as the Governor continues to make progress and maintain some unity in the state, it is expected that he could win a third term in 1962. However, with the growing influence of the Dixiecrats and ‘economically irresponsible’ figures inside the Democratic Party, Stoltzman believes that the party needs to reassess itself and forge a different path. Some speculate that he could be eyeing an eventual seat in Congress, or even the nomination in the upcoming presidential primaries.

Other Info: In his first term, the Governor began weekly radio (and occasionally television) broadcasts to address the people of the state on the current status of issues, and of his views in relation to some national headlines. This was done to emulate the 32nd President. He has avoided speaking on the upcoming election so far.

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: Dalmannia

Do Not Remove: 84721

Governor Stoltzman is herby ACCEPTED

[Louisianan]

Sure thing! Here is is:

(Image)

---

Character Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Dalmannia
Character Name: Thomas L. Stoltzman
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 46 (Born late 1912)
Character Height: 5 ft 8
Character Weight: 134 pounds
Character Position/Role/Job: Governor of the State of California
Appearance: (Photo required)
(Image)
Character State of Origin: Pennsylvania
Character State of Residence: California
Character Party Affiliation: Democratic
Main Strengths: Veteran of World War II, Is rather telegenic and has a recognizable voice from his years in radio and film, His wife—Carole Brookes is popular for her various supporting roles on the silver screen as a lower tier film actress, He has the firm support of labor unions, Stoltzman has won two gubernatorial elections, United a coalition of moderate Republicans and Democrats
Main Weaknesses: Tends to ramble on anecdotes and policy detail, Stumbling over certain words can interrupt the power of his speeches, His opposition to right-to-work policies has cost him Republican support, He is hated by socially conservative Democrats who have given Stoltzman a variety of insulting nicknames, In his first year as Governor he supported and boldly enforced a divisive Supreme Court ruling on the subject of civil rights which ruled that racial segregation in public schools was unconstitutional, Viewed as an elite by his detractors for his ties to Hollywood’s establishment

Biography: (Minimum 2-3 paragraphs)

Thomas London Stoltzman was born in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania on November 8th, 1912 to Sylvia Dietrich and Frederic Stoltzman. The Stoltzmans were a family in the lower middle class, who were able to make just enough of a living to provide for Thomas and his two younger siblings. He aspired to go to Pennsylvania State University, however his family lacked the funds to buy his education, especially with the onset of the Great Depression. Thomas took on a job with his uncle’s business in Minnesota in the middle of 1930, hoping to earn enough money to attend college. He still had hopes to attend a university with the passage of the Unemployment Relief Fund in 1932, but found that there was a lack of funds to provide for the excess of residents and prospective students in his county. Though he fell in debt, Stoltzman took out a student loan to pay for the expenses he himself could not finance. From 1933 to 1937, Stoltzman returned home and attended Pennsylvania State to study law and history. On campus, Stoltzman was a strong advocate of New Deal policies, and idolized then-president Franklin Delano Roosevelt. After graduating with an A.B. in history, he worked at radio stations throughout Pennsylvania as a means of income while he further studied law, appearing as a narrator for adventure shows and a commentator on world news semi-regularly by 1940.

In 1941, after the Bombing of Pearl Harbor, Stoltzman was drafted into the U.S. Army to serve in the Pacific Theatre. He was sent to Fort Douglas in Utah in 1942 for training as a part of the 96th Infantry Division. During the war, Stoltzman fought in the Battle of Leyte Gulf in 1944. He served as a flamethrower soldier. In 1945, he fought in the Battle of Okinawa in 1945, and was wounded by Japanese phosphorus shells which burned his arms and back. His injuries took him out of the battle, and sent him to a hospital ship, the USS Hope. There, he briefly met actress Carole Brookes—a fellow Pennsylvanian, who had been petitioned to visit wounded soldiers to bolster morale. He left the hospital ship in August 1945, and was prepared for the invasion of Japan, but the war ended in September with the atomic bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Stoltzman left the Pacific with a Purple Heart and a medal for the Asiatic-Pacific Campaign.

From there, Stoltzman moved into Los Angeles, California to continue involvement in entertainment and world news as a small-time commentator. In 1947, he took a screen test which led to a three year contract with Warner Bros. Studios. He served in supporting and narration roles in numerous budget films. At this time, Stoltzman became a very passionate advocate against nuclear arms escalation and “right-to-work” legislation in Congress, though Warner Bros. Studio pressured him to refrain from these activities. He landed the role of World War I soldier Henry Fredricks in the 1950 film adaptation of the acclaimed novel World Enough And Time, alongside Carole Brookes as British army nurse Christine Barker. The film is often considered his best. Remembering their first meeting during the Pacific Theatre, Stoltzman and Brookes hit it off and began seeing each other outside of the production. Despite the film’s relative success, after becoming increasingly passionate about politics and hoping for greater privacy in his relationship with his co-star, Stoltzman did not renew his contract.

In 1951, Stoltzman moved from Los Angeles to residences in San Francisco and Lake Tahoe with Brookes, and married her in March of that year. Once in Northern California, Stoltzman established himself in several organizations with left-wing orientations, such as the American Veterans Committee. Using his familiar and iconic voice, Stoltzman frequently spoke at rallies for unions and anti-nuclear advocacy groups. He maintained the new deal stances of his hero, Roosevelt, and spoke at California rallies for the Democratic Presidential candidate who ran against Henry Davis in 1952. Despite that candidate losing by a landslide, these events established Stoltzman and his beliefs in California’s political environment.

Over the next two years, Stoltzman would begin to plan for his 1954 run in the California Gubernatorial Election, expecting to face off against the incumbent governor (not Earl Warren). Using his ties to the unions and Hollywood stars, Stoltzman would jockey for the Democratic nomination through a pure, unadulterated publicity blitz. After the incumbent governor (not Earl Warren) resigned in 1953 after being appointed to the Supreme Court, it would turn out that Stoltzman would actually face off against the incumbent’s moderate Lieutenant Governor. Stolzman would advertise the campaign as an honorable race between two good-natured moderates, and couldn’t truly attack his opponent who shared many of his own stances. Instead, Stoltzman emphasized public image, and the notion that he would exude the same fiscal responsibility as his Republican opponents, while being even friendlier to unions and social liberal values. After witnessing a majority of female voters support Henry Davis and the Republicans in 1952, Stoltzman made sure that his campaign made a concerted effort to appeal to female voters in California. Stoltzman focused his advertisements on topics such as education, the stability of the economy, inflation, and equity in the workplace. His campaign utilized Carole Stoltzman to host parties and events, and also made extensive use of female campaign workers to make phone calls to likely Democratic and moderate voters and spread the word about the campaign.

Despite all of this effort, the campaign was still an uphill battle. The Republican governor who had ended up on the Supreme Court was rather popular with many, and with the incumbent as his successor, the Republican campaign acted well on framing this as that governor’s legacy. Many viewed Stolzman as merely a shinier face on the other side of the same coin belonging to the Republican incumbent, and stuck with the incumbent as a safer option as opposed to the inexperienced actor from Pennsylvania. The incumbent’s expansion of mental health care modernization, increased payments of unemployment insurance, and juvenile delinquency reform meant that Stoltzman had to struggle to mount a majority of support, despite there being a higher proportion of Democratic to Republican voters in California. Nonetheless, when election night came around, all of the publicity, rallies and television appearances—though costly—had paid off... barely. Stoltzman eked out a victory with 50.7% of the vote against his opponent’s 49.3% share: a lead of only 1.4%. Aware that this was no mandate for sweeping liberal overhauls, Stoltzman vowed to remain a moderate and enact mainly centrist reforms and initiatives that appealed to followers of both platforms of the 1954 election. He hoped to increase the width of his coalition by 1958 by working across party lines with moderate Republicans, without damaging his more liberal support.

Stoltzman’s main goals in his first term was the maintenance of a balanced budget, the continuing construction of highways and freeways, the upkeep of state institutions and industries, smog control and the enforcement of the law. His government worked to keep the state’s resources and governmental services on pace with the astounding explosion of California’s population during the 1950s. He mediated a compromise between Northern and Southern California on the development of water resources. Stoltzman also encouraged that national industries move and establish new bases in California, while maintaining excellent relations with labor unions and resisting any attempts to establish right to work laws. The governor called conferences and special citizens committees to gain an educated consensus on state issues such as pollution, criminal justice pertaining to juvenile delinquency and the status of equitable pay for women and minorities. His administration focused on encouraging greater female employment and the empowerment of California Hispanics to achieve greater economic freedom so that they would not be dependent on expensive state-funded welfare. The Supreme Court’s ruling on a decision that determined the unconstitutionality of segregating public schools was vigorously enforced under Stoltzman, who deployed the national guard to escort and protect Hispanic and African American students attending previously segregated schools. This garnered the ire of segregationists and the more socially conservative wing of his own party. His wife Carole was a prominently visible advocate for many of these policies, and a constant companion who traveled throughout the state with her husband.

Over the course of his first term, Stoltzman had united a coalition of Democrats and Republicans under an economically moderate and socially liberal platform. His promotion of labor unions, providing necessary government services to those in need and support for minority groups in California gained him the allegiance of socially liberal Californians, workers and Hispanics, while his emphasis on achieving a balanced budget and minimizing the excess of existing government programs resonated with the fiscally conservative. This led to the development of a strong following of “Stoltzman Republicans” in California. This wider support led to a much more substantial election victory in 1958 despite scathing opposition from staunch social conservatives and more radical liberals who challenged him in the primaries from inside the party, and then in the general election. Opponents declared him a “mediocre moderate”, and a “sluggish centrist”, and attacked instances of Stoltzman’s perceived elitism (such as the purchase of a new car or the expensive dresses and jewelry his wife would wear) as being hypocritical to his rhetorical defense of economic austerity. Stoltzman won 57.53% of the vote against his much more conservative opponent’s 42.47%. He performed over 13% better than he had four years earlier. Since he was re-elected, he has pushed for the completion of the California State Water Project negotiated during his first term, and had to raise the top rates of personal income taxes in order to avoid a deficit. His focuses on assisting workers, combatting internal corruption in major unions, encouraging entrepreneurs and businesses and supporting the constitutional rights of all of his constituents have remained.
So long as the Governor continues to make progress and maintain some unity in the state, it is expected that he could win a third term in 1962. However, with the growing influence of the Dixiecrats and ‘economically irresponsible’ figures inside the Democratic Party, Stoltzman believes that the party needs to reassess itself and forge a different path. Some speculate that he could be eyeing an eventual seat in Congress, or even the nomination in the upcoming presidential primaries.

Other Info: In his first term, the Governor began weekly radio (and occasionally television) broadcasts to address the people of the state on the current status of issues, and of his views in relation to some national headlines. This was done to emulate the 32nd President. He has avoided speaking on the upcoming election so far.

I have read and accepted the rules of the roleplay: Dalmannia

Do Not Remove: 84721

Governor Stoltzman is herby ACCEPTED

Congrats!!!!!

[Louisianan]

Any more questions to Broussard?

[Dalmannia]

Governor Stoltzman is herby ACCEPTED

Congrats!!!!!

Thanks! This looks like it’s shaping up to be really interesting. Don’t know if I’ll take any immediate actions, but I’ll surely do something in the next day or so... or maybe tonight, depends on my schedule IRL.

[Louisianan]

Congrats!!!!!

Thanks! This looks like it’s shaping up to be really interesting. Don’t know if I’ll take any immediate actions, but I’ll surely do something in the next day or so... or maybe tonight, depends on my schedule IRL.

No rush!

[Cybernetic Socialist Republics]

I should reiterate that Governor Fraser's point is that the negro relocation act is terrible and that states and the KKK would use legal and extra-legal means to threaten/immiserate black people until they accept the money and leave, and that focusing on who gets the money is as ridiculous as making an issue of whether not cattle cars to Auschwitz are owned by the state or contracted out to a private company.

[Louisianan]

Douglas is digging himself into a hole and I suggest that he just fold his cards because in the direction the conversation is going, he has no chance at getting anything good out of it unless he listens to Broussard

[Cybernetic Socialist Republics]

Douglas is digging himself into a hole and I suggest that he just fold his cards because in the direction the conversation is going, he has no chance at getting anything good out of it unless he listens to Broussard

but he can just get republican votes plus his fellow liberal democrats and that's enough.

[Louisianan]

Douglas is digging himself into a hole and I suggest that he just fold his cards because in the direction the conversation is going, he has no chance at getting anything good out of it unless he listens to Broussard

but he can just get republican votes plus his fellow liberal democrats and that's enough.

It is too progressive for the time period. It is basically equivalent to the ERA in many respects, and that didn't come around till the 70s

[Cybernetic Socialist Republics]

but he can just get republican votes plus his fellow liberal democrats and that's enough.

It is too progressive for the time period. It is basically equivalent to the ERA in many respects, and that didn't come around till the 70s

ok I'm missing something here, since when was something like the negro relocation act consider in the 60s, then?

[Louisianan]

It is too progressive for the time period. It is basically equivalent to the ERA in many respects, and that didn't come around till the 70s

ok I'm missing something here, since when was something like the negro relocation act consider in the 60s, then?

The moment Broussard introduced it. I had no intentions on passing it, but from the way the arguments against it are made, it seems like that may be an outcome.

[Cybernetic Socialist Republics]

ok I'm missing something here, since when was something like the negro relocation act consider in the 60s, then?

The moment Broussard introduced it. I had no intentions on passing it, but from the way the arguments against it are made, it seems like that may be an outcome.

ok so that means there should be zero issue with people deciding to pass that Workplace and College Inclusion Act then, because at least something like that existed by the 70s

and it's not like there were plenty of people that weren't plenty of people actively supportive of this vs back-to africa stuff, which virtually nobody outside of black nationalists supported by the time the 20th century rolled around

[Jovuistan]

I am SO SO sorry for not being active. I've been busy with certain irl things. Can someone catch me up?

[Louisianan]

The moment Broussard introduced it. I had no intentions on passing it, but from the way the arguments against it are made, it seems like that may be an outcome.

ok so that means there should be zero issue with people deciding to pass that Workplace and College Inclusion Act then, because at least something like that existed by the 70s

and it's not like there were plenty of people that weren't plenty of people actively supportive of this vs back-to africa stuff, which virtually nobody outside of black nationalists supported by the time the 20th century rolled around

Your vote in the Senate is one out of 96, each player/character has one vote, there are still NPC's who vote and we have to take those possible votes into account. If the WCIA were to be put to vote, and the character made a total ass of himself then the bill will not pass, if the character makes a good case, then the bill will be closer and closer to passing, I see glaring issues in the WCIA, that any character could use to justify killing the bill, just like there are glaring issues in the NRA that nobody has mentioned yet. Besides, I make decisions with the other OP's inputs on controversial votes, therefore, the decisions may sometimes be unpopular, but do note that they are agreed upon.