Land of The Free: American Political Roleplay (OOC VI)

[New Cobastheia]

For future reference: if Arthur Bragg is confirmed as Attorney General of the United States, his replacement will be a Republican due to an law passed in this timeline under the [Not Scott Walker] Administration in Wisconsin, which requires a vacancy appointment to be of of a member of the same party as the exiting senator. This means the composition of the United States Senate will not change and there will be no associated special election.

Follow up to this, after a studious examination of existing statute and the Walker Changes, Admins have concluded that there will be a special election, though it will be held simultaneously as the next statewide election in Wisconsin after this November, which is..... April 6.

So if Bragg is confirmed, there'll be an April special election.

Just for clarity's sake, what year is this April special happening in?

[Sarenium]

Follow up to this, after a studious examination of existing statute and the Walker Changes, Admins have concluded that there will be a special election, though it will be held simultaneously as the next statewide election in Wisconsin after this November, which is..... April 6.

So if Bragg is confirmed, there'll be an April special election.

Just for clarity's sake, what year is this April special happening in?

2021 my bad <3

[The Orion Islands]

Alright, help me out. I’m playing Crusader Kings II, using the 936 start date with the Byzantine Empire. I want to conquer the County of Thrake. How do I conquer territory?

[Louisianan]

Alright, help me out. I’m playing Crusader Kings II, using the 936 start date with the Byzantine Empire. I want to conquer the County of Thrake. How do I conquer territory?

Hmm, you would probably have to get a good cacsus Belli I believe its called, (a reason for war, aka a claim on the county, de jure or otherwise) or you could send your chancellor or spy to fabricate a claim. After you get a claim or cacsus belli, declare war on whomever owns that county and voila! OR if you own a county, and Thrake is in the Byzantine Empire already, then all you have to do is get a claim and then declare war on that count then fight to get it.

[The Orion Islands]

Alright, help me out. I’m playing Crusader Kings II, using the 936 start date with the Byzantine Empire. I want to conquer the County of Thrake. How do I conquer territory?

Hmm, you would probably have to get a good cacsus Belli I believe its called, (a reason for war, aka a claim on the county, de jure or otherwise) or you could send your chancellor or spy to fabricate a claim. After you get a claim or cacsus belli, declare war on whomever owns that county and voila! OR if you own a county, and Thrake is in the Byzantine Empire already, then all you have to do is get a claim and then declare war on that count then fight to get it.

The map shows the county as de jure part of the Byzantine Empire, but I could easily try to fabricate a claim.

[The Orion Islands]

As for Chambers moving the state government out of Lincoln, I went there in August and saw boarded up windows on the capitol building. Riots were bad there.

[Louisianan]

Hmm, you would probably have to get a good cacsus Belli I believe its called, (a reason for war, aka a claim on the county, de jure or otherwise) or you could send your chancellor or spy to fabricate a claim. After you get a claim or cacsus belli, declare war on whomever owns that county and voila! OR if you own a county, and Thrake is in the Byzantine Empire already, then all you have to do is get a claim and then declare war on that count then fight to get it.

The map shows the county as de jure part of the Byzantine Empire, but I could easily try to fabricate a claim.

Either way is fine I think. Fabrication just takes a good while, sometimes, up to 50 years in one case for me. You could find someone who already has a claim on the county, then get him into your court and declare war on their behalf I think.

[Emazia]

The map shows the county as de jure part of the Byzantine Empire, but I could easily try to fabricate a claim.

Either way is fine I think. Fabrication just takes a good while, sometimes, up to 50 years in one case for me. You could find someone who already has a claim on the county, then get him into your court and declare war on their behalf I think.

Also make sure you select the highest independent ruler (i.e. the liege of the count, and the duke's liege if applicable) to declare war on, not the person holding the territory itself.

[Dentali]

Its not really appropriate timing for me to unveil this in the IC but Alozia made a great logo for Richardson and I wanted to share it, plus some stuff from Xath

[Deblar]

You think you’re the only mayor that can hold a press conference, Baines?

CHALLENGE ACCEPTED

[Federal States of Xathuecia]

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Character Information Sheet

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Character Name: Cassius "Casey" Parker
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 75
Character Height: 5'9''
Character Weight: 183
Character Position/Role/Job: Dean of the United States House of Representatives (2020 - Present); House Majority Whip (2019 - Present); Congressman for Georgia's 4th District (1981 - Present);

Late Career
Chair of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee (2001 - 2003), (2017 - 2019);
Chair of the Congressional Black Caucus (1993 - 1995);

Mid Career
Whip of the Congressional Black Caucus (1987 - 1989);
Secretary at the NAACP’s Atlanta Litigation Office (1967 - 1980);

Early Career
Day Laborer (1957 - 1968);
Cotton Planter (1953 - 1958)

Character State of Origin: Alabama
Character State of Residence: Georgia
Character Party Affiliation: Democratic (1968 - Present)

Character Strengths
Civil rights icon; Deeply influential among the African-American community; Wields considerable power over Democratic congressional politics and in the South especially; Groomed many proteges and has many loyal allies; Effective political organizer

Character Weaknesses:
Avid opponent of conservatives and sometimes appears too partisan; Deeply rooted within the establishment and brokered many deals; Not particularly receptive to progressivism and those who skip their turn in the political machine; Minor sexual harassment claims; Profited off of his long standing career in politics; Originally kind of a carpetbagger; Can sometimes maintain discipline among the Congressional Black Caucus in less than friendly ways; Known for his classic style of quid pro quo politics; Ripped into Arnold Wolf and many Republicans harshly and without filter; Advanced age slows him down; Recovering from a minor cancer removal operation that put him on the sidelines for the 2020 Democratic primary; Began his career more conservative and moderate than the present day

Biography
Born in rural Alabama to a family of a carpenter and seamstress, the young Casey boy would be the only child of Melvin and Yvette Parker. Of course, the pair wanted more than just one child but after two miscarriages, the family stopped trying. They believed that God himself had instructed them to have only one child and thus they turned their focus on supporting Cassius. Named after one of their few literate aunts found it in a book of Roman history, the unique namesake gave the boy a sense of purpose. Even from an early age, he often took care of his younger cousins and as Melvin was the eldest of his siblings, he too was the eldest among his cousins. He especially developed a kind of mentorship with many of them, a skill he would harness in his later years in Congress to help support many other rising stars in the party. It was also instrumental to developing close relationships with many of his family who he would later help find jobs or their children aka his nieces and nephews as he rose through the ranks in Congress. In a way, the past alluded to his future as both a leader and the patriarch of the Parker family.

The war effort was winding down and with that, many soldiers were returning to their homes. This was the case in the hometown of Cassius, near Montgomery, where the city experienced a surge in families coming back and many young white men returning for work. While his mother’s job remained stable, work as a black carpenter would begin to dry up. There was little to keep the family there in terms of economic prosperity. So while most of the Parker clan would remain in Alabama and eventually spread out to neighboring Mississippi, it was about 1953 when they moved to the outskirts of Atlanta, Georgia, specifically to Union City. The family had settled on the place largely to Yvette’s brothers who worked as day laborers and soon trained to be rudimentary construction electricians. The city was booming in construction and this was not passed up on by the city’s black Americans. It also provided the young Casey with a job given that their home was still near rural Georgia so he would spend time planting crops for a few cents during the summers. It was not a lot and the family was definitely poor. But having each other, the Parker’s made amends with their situations and continued improving their status, even if it was often just cents at a time or having a parent go hungry so Cassius wouldn’t.

Schooling was particularly important to the family and while both of his parents worked, they demanded a lot from him. Small school houses were available and common in their city given that only black kids could attend. He would remain at this school his entire education despite the opportunity to attend other places following the Brown v. Board decision, something that definitely marked his views that the work was not yet done. And while the schoolhouse itself was meager, being educated was still a duty and responsibility that his parents were concerned about. Casey attended first grade where he initially failed and eventually went on to repeat the grade one more time. It was only then that he went on the subsequent grades, later reflecting that growing up in poverty for almost ten years before being put in school stunted him but that he was stubborn and so was his mother. He soon caught up after support from a friendly teacher who would later be at Cassius’ first congressional swearing in ceremony as a nod to the way he accomplished his goal. Eventually, he continued working and soon transitioned into helping his father do his jobs in Atlanta over the summers. Being the first to graduate from his family, the high school diploma he earned in 1963 still hangs in his office. It has been a particularly important memory for him given where he ended up ascending to and a sign of the leap he made.

It was during his late high school years that Cassius also became aware of the Civil Rights Movement. As it swept through Atlanta and movement surged. He himself remembered visiting family in Mississippi when the lynching of Emmett Till happened, something that led to his family leaving the state soon after as tensions rose and violence erupted. He then heard stories of his own uncles and grandfather doing bus sit-ins in his hometown of Montgomery. All this surrounded him with the fervor of civil rights and demanding equality, quickly radicalizing the young man. Perhaps his most vivid experience though was being at the Children’s Crusade, an event that Casey had heard about through family in Birmingham and attended as a break from his recent graduation. It terrified him and broke his heart, seeing the violence committed against children.

Casey himself sustained a few injuries defending young black kids from the fire hoses and even kicking a police dog. Of course, Casey spent almost a month in jail for these actions but given the subsequent actions of then-President John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson, he would state that he never regretted it, especially since it meant that the Voting Rights Act finally passed. And while he returned to Atlanta soon after and married his high school sweetheart Cynthia, working with his father and father-in-law for years, the Civil Rights Movement remained a constant involvement for the young Parker. He would participate in a number of minor Selma to Montgomery marches, primarily receiving and helping the marchers in his hometown. The year before, he had helped welcome many Freedom Summer riders where he made many more friends including meeting a number of northern activists.

Since Casey witnessed Martin Luther King Jr.’s very speech at the March on Washington, the young man came to embody these ideals of fighting the good fight and later was quoted saying “this pain was temporary, the passion and purpose was forever.” As the entire nation began to change following the landmark civil rights legislation and rulings, so did Casey. He had his first child a few years later with Cynthia before they settled in a new, much nicer home in Union City after aggressively saving their wages. It was also possible to get their newer home largely at the behest of the Fair Housing Act of 1968, which only further cement his belief in the new Democratic party and thus leading to his own voter affiliation change as well as his belief that good government had a purpose. This set him apart from many disaffected black Americans especially given the Long Hot Summer of 1967 and the rising black power movements. While he would criticize them but later walk back the comments stating that there is no one set way to protest inequality, Casey remains personally distant from these methods. Still, the death of King that he witnessed in the streets of Atlanta moved him and set in stone his drive to work in organized activism.

After rekindling old friendships, Casey began to work with the NAACP as a volunteer voter organizer before developing a professional job as a secretary to a prominent litigator. While he had little formal higher education and his own high school schooling was lackluster, the energy he showed and friendship he had fostered allowed the older black civil rights lawyer to welcome him aboard. It was an unorthodox set up but one that the man would later remark as “perfect timing”, showering Cassius with praise and that not even a degree could have bettered his work. Still, the lack of a high school education meant he was stuck in this secretarial position but with two more children, the Parkers did not have the means or desire to give up the salaried and stable job. So they continued. He compiled a number of legal works meant to fight legal decisions and cases across Georgia and the South targeting largely outdated, Jim-Crow era statutes. It was a demanding job that he would continue from Atlanta. The presence of his wife’s family in the region further solidified his roots in the area and while his reputation grew, so did his ambition. The 1972 George Wallace bid for president was horrifying for the Parkers and many other black activists, inspiring action among the young Cassius to do more than just help in the background. After meeting with many rising stars in the civil rights movement including people like William Lynskey, whose son he would later encounter in Congress, there was a renewed interest in a new generation of congressmen taking to Washington D.C. Thus after an initial decision to target a new, ripe seat for the prominent black activist, Parker moved his family to Scottdale in 1974.

It was over these next several years that he laid the groundwork for what would be an ambitious run. While he would have preferred to stay in Georgia’s 5th congressional district, the long tenureship of then Congressman Young forced him to look elsewhere. It was a sign of the complicated politics that still dominated the region but given that he had mentors willing to back him, Casey did as he was instructed to seek out the opportunity in the 4th district instead. After all, he was a young man and running for Congress, as a black man in Georgia, would still be an uphill battle no matter where. Casey would be turning thirty five just a few years before he would be elected. So focusing on turnout was a must, especially in Atlanta. Canvassing was welcomed and organizing efforts to register voters happened almost a year before the election itself. The NAACP and other prominent black leaders, including religious leaders, found themselves lobbying on Cassius’ behalf to encourage the entrenched white Democrat to set aside. And with mounting support from the black community, the decision was made to welcome the man provided he stayed strong in not bowing to radical beliefs and stayed true to most Democratic stances. He pointed to his dislike of the Black Power movement as a sign he was willing to work within the system if he needed to, even if he had some private reservations, all to help bend the party apparatus to his will. It was one of his first lessons in quid pro quo and defined his approach to politicking a great deal.

Casey soon launched his bid and faced almost immediate backlash from white voters concerned about his activism. It did not help that he also faced a white opponent, largely due to the ignorance of the state party to root out other challengers aside from the incumbent. Even Jimmy Carter himself ignored questions about the primary race some commentators called a proxy war before the rural and suburban white population and the more black inner-cities. The fight turned ugly as his opponent accused Parker of being uneducated and probably “on some white stuff”, an implication that angered fellow black voters. He spun the attack as an insult to rural folks like himself, in an attempt to undermine the rural white voters who were expected to back the other guy. His religious ties to black churches as well as his welcoming attitude to the rising evangelical movement made him an appeasing choice to both sides of the religious voter coin. As the race dragged on with cries of carpetbagging and other such insults, the dust finally settled after Andrew Young and Wyche Fowler endorsed Casey, nudging him over the edge in the primary and driving him to a successful victory against the Republican in the 1980 elections, a surprise outcome given the defeat of then-President Carter the same year.

Upon election, Cassius got to work fast. Often travelling with his youngest child and his wife, the family would make the trip from Atlanta to Washington many times. He would allow Cynthia to drive as he read legislation and documents, saying that he felt he needed to prove himself in this Congress and do work as best as he could. It was the start of a lengthy tenure and while he faced challenges, such as a tough reelection campaign in 1984 and 1988. His closest election was actually in the 1990's due to redistricting efforts by the state’s Republicans. But standing true to his record of bipartisanship as well as deep roots with the region’s rural voters, an interesting dynamic brought upon by his willingness to speak with him and his own humble beginnings, all contributed to his electoral strength. Of course, this changed later in the late 90’s after more changes, eventually leading to his harsh criticism of conservatives and a rise in his own partisanship. Since these changes, Casey has not faced a major challenge to his seat and remains one of the safest Democrats in the House. He has even won elections where he did not have any opponent run against him, marking him as an incredibly popular candidate and Congressman. His legacy is strong and as the district grows with Atlanta, the popularity of the civil rights icon only mounts. Cassius’ influence also helped him secure jobs for his friends and family, a critique some progressives and past Republicans leveraged though they did not stick. After all, constituent services are all good even if perhaps the constituent is your family no?

In Congress, Parker has done a lot. He welcomed President Ronald Reagan into office and was one of the few and only black Democrats to meet with him. Casey supported the Kemp-Roth Tax Cut despite initial protests, marking him one of the members of the Congressional Black Caucus to support the move. While he later regretted the vote, it allowed for him to remain in the good graces of the powerful Republican president. He authored the Passage of Martin Luther King Jr. Day and shepherded its passage in 1983. Finding pork for his district, he also secured road development funds through the 1982 Surface Transportation Assistance Act. Lobbying heavily for the Voting Accessibility for the Elderly and Handicapped Act, he was prominent for the act and was essential to bringing the CBC actively on board with the measure. He also supported the Comprehensive Crime Control Act of 1984, arguing that marijuana was harming black communities though he later walked back this comment and has come to be a fierce advocate for legislation and record expungement. Working with other prominent senators at the time like Gordon Callahan Sr., he helped garner support for the Age Discrimination in Employment Act of 1986 and the Emergency Planning and Community Right-to-Know Act, especially given that many superfund sites were in predominantly black communities.

Later, the first major piece of legislation by Cassius was passed. The Civil Rights Restoration Act of 1987 was the next major piece of civil rights legislation to be enacted and it was a boon to both him as well as the entire community. It also soon led to his elevation in the subsequent Congress to the Whip of the Congressional Black Caucus. He also joined other representatives in calling for support for the AIDS epidemic, eventually helping pass the AIDS amendments of 1988 to help support the community. Subsequent important legislation that Casey also helped encourage and back were the Water Resources Development Act of 1990 and the Hotel and Motel Fire Safety Act. He also helped shepherd the resolution agreeing to the passage of the Twenty-seventh Amendment to the United States Constitution. But perhaps the biggest slap in the face came at the veto of the Civil Rights Act of 1990 and its subsequent failure in the Senate. Interestingly, Casey also collaborated with then Senator Hypolite Gaspard and befriended the man, largely admiring him for his actions to desegregate his town. Now, their relationship is more on ice due to recent comments during the Louisianian's latest senate bid.

Anger could not explain the feelings of both Parker and the entire CBC, and it effectively ruined the relationship between the group and the Republican party. It also marked a considerable shift in Casey’s feelings as he had tolerated Reagan but could no longer excuse (Not-George H.W. Bush)’s reckless actions. It was a key moment that angered him and after a number of meetings with then Governor Clifford, Cassius was assigned a key advisory position in the campaign to help win Georgia in the 1992 elections. With the entrance of (Not-Perot), the chances of winning Georgia increased. Focused on recruiting voters and canvassers across Atlanta, Casey made numerous appearances in favor of the governor. It was instrumental to helping elect “America’s first black president” as he joked then, a move and coordination that the Clifford’s credited to helping them win the state. It also further established a friendship between the newly elected President and Cassius, hence his subsequent election to Chair of the Congressional Black Caucus in 1993. The subsequent year was also marked by his bitter conflict and fight with Deb Feyrer of Alabama for changing her affiliation and calling her conservative demands “ludacris”. Their relationship still remains sour.

Reconnecting with John Lynskey and helping coordinate between Casey and Senator Ted Kennedy, the 90’s saw a shift in the congressman’s politics to the left. While he still supported the “don't ask, don't tell” policy publicly, he quietly voiced disagreements and noted that it should be removed later. Of course, this came full circle when he was one of the first prominent Democrats to lobby President Baharia to challenge the statue and repeal the policy entirely. His major efforts though concerned his partnership with then Vice-President Vinnie Diehl in passing the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act. Garnering support from many black leaders, the bill was instrumental in helping support local law enforcement while also advancing for liberal measures like the Violence Against Women Act and the Federal Assault Weapons Ban. While he would later distance himself from the bill, Cassius has maintained that his authorship helped ensure that several “good” portions of the law were kept. It still remains a major draw on his legacy and tenure, though he has moved forward more progressive bills in attempts to make up for what he calls a short-sighted view.

Cassius opposed the Clifford invasion of Haiti but offered a tempered view once the actual troops were deployed to avoid blowback on the President. Casey also helped include Title 1 funding in the landmark Improving America's Schools Act of 1994. He did break with many other colleagues later in the Clifford tenure such as criticizing the Defense of Marriage Act. He did work with (Not-Cummings) and others to help pass the Bill Emerson Good Samaritan Act of 1996 as well as the Transportation Equity Act for the 21st Century, a landmark bill that helped deliver quite a bit of pork for the Atlanta metro area. Cassius’ opposition to the Clifford impeachment was also notable as he was essentially keeping the Congressional Black Caucus in line in voting against the measure. He also saw his first major lobbying efforts when he was introduced to a number of leaders from African nations seeking his support for the African Growth and Opportunity Act which he later helped pass. A similar effort was led to help pass the Children's Health Act to help hospitals collect data on the government’s dime.

At the eve of the 21st century, Parker campaigned heavily for Al Gore across the country and the South but with changing demographics, there was a growing sense of a new set of battlegrounds. Nonetheless, the decision by the courts that George Bush won angered him and immediately antagonized him to the new president, hence a new record of harsher criticism. Casey voted for the Authorization for Use of Military Force and PATRIOT Act in 2001 though he would later regret both of the decisions. He cosponsored the Peace Tax Fund bill, an act that was the child of Congressman (not-Lewis), a dear friend of Parker. The pair frequently refer to each other as brothers and actively maintain their relationship as partners. Becoming the DCCC Chair largely at the lobbying of black interest groups for 2001 and at the recommendation of now Senator Diane Clifford, Casey helped recruit a number of competitive candidates while also welcoming a number of black congresspeople like Ibrahim Simpson, someone he would sheperd through his rise through the ranks as various deputy whip positions before pressuring Malcolm Douglas to intervene in his selection as Judiciary Chairman.

His major legislative accomplishments during these terms were advocating and delivering the Help America Vote Act as well as the National Do Not Call Registry. He also helped to pass the National Museum of African American History and Culture with his friend Congressman (Not-Lewis). He opposed a number of bills related to anti-choice, pro-tax breaks, and further military involvement policies, citing a disagreement with them on a fundamental level signaling his changing and more partisan views. Casey also soon partnered with (Not-Lewis) on the retracing of the Selma to Montgomery marches, rekindling their friendship while also using the trips to raise funds, a practice some have critiqued. Since then, he has also expanded his brand to his involvement at the Children’s Crusade and raising funds to end child poverty and supporting education, a particularly important issue for him in the modern day.

Parker lobbied hard for the Stem Cell Research Enhancement Act of 2005 only to see it vetoed. But with a Republican trifecta still in power, the second term of George Burke saw few bipartisan efforts. Instead, taking a pseudo-role in helping recruit more black representatives with the DCCC, Casey focused on helping the Democrats take a new majority. Part of this effort was recruiting Phillip Crawford to run for the 3rd Congressional District in Kentucky, a move that would be successful. He would subsequently help groom the man into leadership before recommending him to succeed Caroline Simone during the 2019 leadership reshuffle, backing his election to chair the House Democratic Caucus in return of the Congressional Black Caucus acknowledging Simone. Their collaboration on the First Step Act was an especially formative moment for the mentor and his protege as well as changing his mind with regards to the Keystone pipeline debacle. One frustration though was the loss of a friend, James Moore, in Michigan’s 14th District. Having met a handful of times through NAACP events, he sought to help the man later on and after his friendship with Baharia, Cassius would be instrumental in ensuring Moore’s future success in the 12th District and his subsequent Senate bid. He also helped recruit then federal judge Jay Robinson to run for office and collaborated with him on various legislation soon after, all spurred from initially meeting with him at various events in North Carolina co-hosted by the NAACP and ACLU.

Parker also led the efforts to pass the Economic Stimulus Act of 2008 and collaborated with other fellow congressmen like Mac Faulhaber to assuage progressive demands. He also launched into harsh tirades against the President for his mishandling of the crisis, a reminder of his similar attacks in the 90’s on other conservatives he called misinformed and dangerous. Similarly, he also began preparing his own support of Diane Clifford for the upcoming presidential race when he was swooned by Congressman (Not-Lewis) and then Senator Rashid Baharia. Their change in endorsement solidified Baharia’s win in the primary among the Southern primaries and many black voters. Cassius was instrumental to helping make amends between both camps later and recommended Diane’s appointment to the State Department later. In return, he was offered the position of helping advise the North Carolina campaigning, being credited for repeating his “Georgia miracle of ‘92”, flipping the state due to large black enthusiasm. After his historic election and inauguration, he worked with many key allies like Fiona Lowell and Jay Robinson to pass the Lily Ledbetter Fair Pay Act and lent his support to the Dodd-Frank Act as well.

Once the Democrats lost their majority, the elder Congressman reduced his legislative agenda items to focus on criticizing the Republicans for their obstruction. He launched into a particularly harsh beration of Bob Warrick and while the two privately met to smooth over their differences, they are not on amicable terms at all. Cassius supported the Jumpstart Our Business Startups Act, helping ensure its passage as well as of the Gabriella Miller Kids First Research Act and the Bipartisan Student Loan Certainty Act of 2013. He also was instrumental to lobbying for Lawrence Bellman’s appointment to the Department of Energy by the President. His political strength and power was also rising as (Not-Nancy Pelosi) sought to consolidate her allies around her. So given his rising notability and with pressure from (Not-Lewis), Baharia, and Clifford, she was inclined to support his bid for Minority Whip in 2015 after the ousting of (Not-Steny Hoyer) but was instead replaced by Malcolm Douglas, angering Cassius.

This led to resentment between the pair and while a diagnosis of Stage 1 thyroid cancer and the subsequent required operations provided the perfect opportunity for Douglas’ coup in 2016, the pair are not friends. Casey made headlines in 2016 when, despite undergoing aforementioned treatment, he arrived to participate in his friend’s 2016 firearm safety legislation sit-in. He was an instrumental figure in ensuring that the Every Student Succeeds Act passed. A slight issue arose at this time when he was criticized during the hearings for the Sexual Assault Survivors' Rights Act by certain anynomous tips published claiming he had sexually harassed members of his staff in the 90’s. While the truth itself was murky, the lack of credible evidence and a face to the accuser led to the story going away in late 2015. It was soon forgotten after his cancer diagnosis and the subsequent antics in leadership. It was also around this time that he first suggested to Representative Robinson to consider a bid for governor of North Carolina and would stump actively for him though health issues restricted him.

Disliking Arnold Wolf with a fiery passion, skipping his inauguration and comparing him to George Wallace, Parker quickly set out his position as anti-Wolf in every sense of the word. Aside from the FIRST STEP Act, he had few legislative accomplishments as he instead targeted the President. He was also invited to become the new chairman of the DCCC for the second time in 2017, largely due to his ability to ignite black voters who were seen as responsible for the faltering of the Clifford campaign. Of course, Cassius himself felt responsible for the events in a way given his cancer had incapciated him from aiding Diane any further. Thus going to work, he began to recruit a number of bright candidates for the 2018 midterms while also openly recruiting a number of historic black candidates. This was especially important as he welcomed Ayanna Pressley and Ilhan Omar, indicating a renewed commitment to the progressive wing of the party and likely a strategic move. The close election in Georgia and the strength of Sandy Fields also inspired him to make a number of moves in the state to help potentially repeat his miracle campaign work, including founding Fair Fight Now. He has worked with activists like (Not-Stacey Abrams) to register thousands of voters and encourage enthusiasm, continuing this work through early 2019 until his absence led to other activists taking the lead.

Altogether, his efforts paid off and with renewed credibility and the success of the midterms, Douglas was forced to welcome Cassius as the new House Minority Whip to avoid a second coup led by the CBC. Now, he has largely had a normal tenure supporting the Speaker and crafting a deal with Caroline Simone to back her in favor of Phillip Crawford succeeding her as chair of the House Democratic Caucus. But despite his typical political power, the return of his thyroid cancer forced him off the floor of the House from mid 2019 to early 2020. This rendered the normal power broker of black primary voters hopeless and led to a complicated primary that he himself blames on his own absence. Nonetheless, Casey beat his cancer a second time and now returns to the Congress with a renewed attitude of ensuring that Nate Richardson and Bob Warrick are defeated. He will also likely seek to reinsert his influence over the party, eyeing a number of important legislative duties and races he will want to aid with. Cassius is back and with J.J. Dietrich, an old friend now Vice President, gone, he is ready to put HIS chamber in order.

Ideology
Rooted in the deeply traditional liberal wing of the party, Parker maintains himself both staunchly slightly left of center of the party while also moving with the Democrats. This ability to be pliable along with his ties to the Civil Rights Movement allow him to present himself as both progressive and centrist without alienating members of the party. This cohesive attitude makes him an effective leader and motivator among the party, the CBC, and throughout the entire party machine. It also influenced many other black Congressmen and activists, crafting a whole generation of those ready to keep fighting for civil rights and equality in a deeply divided country that has yet to come to terms with its racist past.

Other Information
Oldest serving Democrat in Congress; Recovering from surgery to remove a stage 1 thyroid cancer

[Gordano and Lysandus]

Black congressional Democrats like Crawford should be at this meeting with Simone and the A-A leaders.

[Dentali]

(Image)

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Character Information Sheet

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Character Name: Cassius "Casey" Parker
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 75
Character Height: 5'9''
Character Weight: 183
Character Position/Role/Job: Dean of the United States House of Representatives (2020 - Present); House Minority Whip (2019 - Present); Congressman for Georgia's 4th District (1981 - Present);

Late Career
Chair of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee (2001 - 2003), (2017 - 2019);
Chair of the Congressional Black Caucus (1993 - 1995);

Mid Career
Whip of the Congressional Black Caucus (1987 - 1989);
Secretary at the NAACP’s Atlanta Litigation Office (1967 - 1980);

Early Career
Day Laborer (1957 - 1968);
Cotton Planter (1953 - 1958)

Character State of Origin: Alabama
Character State of Residence: Georgia
Character Party Affiliation: Democratic (1968 - Present)

Character Strengths
Civil rights icon; Deeply influential among the African-American community; Wields considerable power over Democratic congressional politics and in the South especially; Groomed many proteges and has many loyal allies; Effective political organizer

Character Weaknesses:
Avid opponent of conservatives and sometimes appears too partisan; Deeply rooted within the establishment and brokered many deals; Not particularly receptive to progressivism and those who skip their turn in the political machine; Minor sexual harassment claims; Profited off of his long standing career in politics; Originally kind of a carpetbagger; Can sometimes maintain discipline among the Congressional Black Caucus in less than friendly ways; Known for his classic style of quid pro quo politics; Ripped into Arnold Wolf and many Republicans harshly and without filter; Advanced age slows him down; Recovering from a minor cancer removal operation that put him on the sidelines for the 2020 Democratic primary; Began his career more conservative and moderate than the present day

Biography
Born in rural Alabama to a family of a carpenter and seamstress, the young Casey boy would be the only child of Melvin and Yvette Parker. Of course, the pair wanted more than just one child but after two miscarriages, the family stopped trying. They believed that God himself had instructed them to have only one child and thus they turned their focus on supporting Cassius. Named after one of their few literate aunts found it in a book of Roman history, the unique namesake gave the boy a sense of purpose. Even from an early age, he often took care of his younger cousins and as Melvin was the eldest of his siblings, he too was the eldest among his cousins. He especially developed a kind of mentorship with many of them, a skill he would harness in his later years in Congress to help support many other rising stars in the party. It was also instrumental to developing close relationships with many of his family who he would later help find jobs or their children aka his nieces and nephews as he rose through the ranks in Congress. In a way, the past alluded to his future as both a leader and the patriarch of the Parker family.

The war effort was winding down and with that, many soldiers were returning to their homes. This was the case in the hometown of Cassius, near Montgomery, where the city experienced a surge in families coming back and many young white men returning for work. While his mother’s job remained stable, work as a black carpenter would begin to dry up. There was little to keep the family there in terms of economic prosperity. So while most of the Parker clan would remain in Alabama and eventually spread out to neighboring Mississippi, it was about 1953 when they moved to the outskirts of Atlanta, Georgia, specifically to Union City. The family had settled on the place largely to Yvette’s brothers who worked as day laborers and soon trained to be rudimentary construction electricians. The city was booming in construction and this was not passed up on by the city’s black Americans. It also provided the young Casey with a job given that their home was still near rural Georgia so he would spend time planting crops for a few cents during the summers. It was not a lot and the family was definitely poor. But having each other, the Parker’s made amends with their situations and continued improving their status, even if it was often just cents at a time or having a parent go hungry so Cassius wouldn’t.

Schooling was particularly important to the family and while both of his parents worked, they demanded a lot from him. Small school houses were available and common in their city given that only black kids could attend. He would remain at this school his entire education despite the opportunity to attend other places following the Brown v. Board decision, something that definitely marked his views that the work was not yet done. And while the schoolhouse itself was meager, being educated was still a duty and responsibility that his parents were concerned about. Casey attended first grade where he initially failed and eventually went on to repeat the grade one more time. It was only then that he went on the subsequent grades, later reflecting that growing up in poverty for almost ten years before being put in school stunted him but that he was stubborn and so was his mother. He soon caught up after support from a friendly teacher who would later be at Cassius’ first congressional swearing in ceremony as a nod to the way he accomplished his goal. Eventually, he continued working and soon transitioned into helping his father do his jobs in Atlanta over the summers. Being the first to graduate from his family, the high school diploma he earned in 1963 still hangs in his office. It has been a particularly important memory for him given where he ended up ascending to and a sign of the leap he made.

It was during his late high school years that Cassius also became aware of the Civil Rights Movement. As it swept through Atlanta and movement surged. He himself remembered visiting family in Mississippi when the lynching of Emmett Till happened, something that led to his family leaving the state soon after as tensions rose and violence erupted. He then heard stories of his own uncles and grandfather doing bus sit-ins in his hometown of Montgomery. All this surrounded him with the fervor of civil rights and demanding equality, quickly radicalizing the young man. Perhaps his most vivid experience though was being at the Children’s Crusade, an event that Casey had heard about through family in Birmingham and attended as a break from his recent graduation. It terrified him and broke his heart, seeing the violence committed against children.

Casey himself sustained a few injuries defending young black kids from the fire hoses and even kicking a police dog. Of course, Casey spent almost a month in jail for these actions but given the subsequent actions of then-President John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson, he would state that he never regretted it, especially since it meant that the Voting Rights Act finally passed. And while he returned to Atlanta soon after and married his high school sweetheart Cynthia, working with his father and father-in-law for years, the Civil Rights Movement remained a constant involvement for the young Parker. He would participate in a number of minor Selma to Montgomery marches, primarily receiving and helping the marchers in his hometown. The year before, he had helped welcome many Freedom Summer riders where he made many more friends including meeting a number of northern activists.

Since Casey witnessed Martin Luther King Jr.’s very speech at the March on Washington, the young man came to embody these ideals of fighting the good fight and later was quoted saying “this pain was temporary, the passion and purpose was forever.” As the entire nation began to change following the landmark civil rights legislation and rulings, so did Casey. He had his first child a few years later with Cynthia before they settled in a new, much nicer home in Union City after aggressively saving their wages. It was also possible to get their newer home largely at the behest of the Fair Housing Act of 1968, which only further cement his belief in the new Democratic party and thus leading to his own voter affiliation change as well as his belief that good government had a purpose. This set him apart from many disaffected black Americans especially given the Long Hot Summer of 1967 and the rising black power movements. While he would criticize them but later walk back the comments stating that there is no one set way to protest inequality, Casey remains personally distant from these methods. Still, the death of King that he witnessed in the streets of Atlanta moved him and set in stone his drive to work in organized activism.

After rekindling old friendships, Casey began to work with the NAACP as a volunteer voter organizer before developing a professional job as a secretary to a prominent litigator. While he had little formal higher education and his own high school schooling was lackluster, the energy he showed and friendship he had fostered allowed the older black civil rights lawyer to welcome him aboard. It was an unorthodox set up but one that the man would later remark as “perfect timing”, showering Cassius with praise and that not even a degree could have bettered his work. Still, the lack of a high school education meant he was stuck in this secretarial position but with two more children, the Parkers did not have the means or desire to give up the salaried and stable job. So they continued. He compiled a number of legal works meant to fight legal decisions and cases across Georgia and the South targeting largely outdated, Jim-Crow era statutes. It was a demanding job that he would continue from Atlanta. The presence of his wife’s family in the region further solidified his roots in the area and while his reputation grew, so did his ambition. The 1972 George Wallace bid for president was horrifying for the Parkers and many other black activists, inspiring action among the young Cassius to do more than just help in the background. After meeting with many rising stars in the civil rights movement including people like William Lynskey, whose son he would later encounter in Congress, there was a renewed interest in a new generation of congressmen taking to Washington D.C. Thus after an initial decision to target a new, ripe seat for the prominent black activist, Parker moved his family to Scottdale in 1974.

It was over these next several years that he laid the groundwork for what would be an ambitious run. While he would have preferred to stay in Georgia’s 5th congressional district, the long tenureship of then Congressman Young forced him to look elsewhere. It was a sign of the complicated politics that still dominated the region but given that he had mentors willing to back him, Casey did as he was instructed to seek out the opportunity in the 4th district instead. After all, he was a young man and running for Congress, as a black man in Georgia, would still be an uphill battle no matter where. Casey would be turning thirty five just a few years before he would be elected. So focusing on turnout was a must, especially in Atlanta. Canvassing was welcomed and organizing efforts to register voters happened almost a year before the election itself. The NAACP and other prominent black leaders, including religious leaders, found themselves lobbying on Cassius’ behalf to encourage the entrenched white Democrat to set aside. And with mounting support from the black community, the decision was made to welcome the man provided he stayed strong in not bowing to radical beliefs and stayed true to most Democratic stances. He pointed to his dislike of the Black Power movement as a sign he was willing to work within the system if he needed to, even if he had some private reservations, all to help bend the party apparatus to his will. It was one of his first lessons in quid pro quo and defined his approach to politicking a great deal.

Casey soon launched his bid and faced almost immediate backlash from white voters concerned about his activism. It did not help that he also faced a white opponent, largely due to the ignorance of the state party to root out other challengers aside from the incumbent. Even Jimmy Carter himself ignored questions about the primary race some commentators called a proxy war before the rural and suburban white population and the more black inner-cities. The fight turned ugly as his opponent accused Parker of being uneducated and probably “on some white stuff”, an implication that angered fellow black voters. He spun the attack as an insult to rural folks like himself, in an attempt to undermine the rural white voters who were expected to back the other guy. His religious ties to black churches as well as his welcoming attitude to the rising evangelical movement made him an appeasing choice to both sides of the religious voter coin. As the race dragged on with cries of carpetbagging and other such insults, the dust finally settled after Andrew Young and Wyche Fowler endorsed Casey, nudging him over the edge in the primary and driving him to a successful victory against the Republican in the 1980 elections, a surprise outcome given the defeat of then-President Carter the same year.

Upon election, Cassius got to work fast. Often travelling with his youngest child and his wife, the family would make the trip from Atlanta to Washington many times. He would allow Cynthia to drive as he read legislation and documents, saying that he felt he needed to prove himself in this Congress and do work as best as he could. It was the start of a lengthy tenure and while he faced challenges, such as a tough reelection campaign in 1984 and 1988. His closest election was actually in the 1990's due to redistricting efforts by the state’s Republicans. But standing true to his record of bipartisanship as well as deep roots with the region’s rural voters, an interesting dynamic brought upon by his willingness to speak with him and his own humble beginnings, all contributed to his electoral strength. Of course, this changed later in the late 90’s after more changes, eventually leading to his harsh criticism of conservatives and a rise in his own partisanship. Since these changes, Casey has not faced a major challenge to his seat and remains one of the safest Democrats in the House. He has even won elections where he did not have any opponent run against him, marking him as an incredibly popular candidate and Congressman. His legacy is strong and as the district grows with Atlanta, the popularity of the civil rights icon only mounts. Cassius’ influence also helped him secure jobs for his friends and family, a critique some progressives and past Republicans leveraged though they did not stick. After all, constituent services are all good even if perhaps the constituent is your family no?

In Congress, Parker has done a lot. He welcomed President Ronald Reagan into office and was one of the few and only black Democrats to meet with him. Casey supported the Kemp-Roth Tax Cut despite initial protests, marking him one of the members of the Congressional Black Caucus to support the move. While he later regretted the vote, it allowed for him to remain in the good graces of the powerful Republican president. He authored the Passage of Martin Luther King Jr. Day and shepherded its passage in 1983. Finding pork for his district, he also secured road development funds through the 1982 Surface Transportation Assistance Act. Lobbying heavily for the Voting Accessibility for the Elderly and Handicapped Act, he was prominent for the act and was essential to bringing the CBC actively on board with the measure. He also supported the Comprehensive Crime Control Act of 1984, arguing that marijuana was harming black communities though he later walked back this comment and has come to be a fierce advocate for legislation and record expungement. Working with other prominent senators at the time like Gordon Callahan Sr., he helped garner support for the Age Discrimination in Employment Act of 1986 and the Emergency Planning and Community Right-to-Know Act, especially given that many superfund sites were in predominantly black communities.

Later, the first major piece of legislation by Cassius was passed. The Civil Rights Restoration Act of 1987 was the next major piece of civil rights legislation to be enacted and it was a boon to both him as well as the entire community. It also soon led to his elevation in the subsequent Congress to the Whip of the Congressional Black Caucus. He also joined other representatives in calling for support for the AIDS epidemic, eventually helping pass the AIDS amendments of 1988 to help support the community. Subsequent important legislation that Casey also helped encourage and back were the Water Resources Development Act of 1990 and the Hotel and Motel Fire Safety Act. He also helped shepherd the resolution agreeing to the passage of the Twenty-seventh Amendment to the United States Constitution. But perhaps the biggest slap in the face came at the veto of the Civil Rights Act of 1990 and its subsequent failure in the Senate. Interestingly, Casey also collaborated with then Senator Hypolite Gaspard and befriended the man, largely admiring him for his actions to desegregate his town. Now, their relationship is more on ice due to recent comments during the Louisianian's latest senate bid.

Anger could not explain the feelings of both Parker and the entire CBC, and it effectively ruined the relationship between the group and the Republican party. It also marked a considerable shift in Casey’s feelings as he had tolerated Reagan but could no longer excuse (Not-George H.W. Bush)’s reckless actions. It was a key moment that angered him and after a number of meetings with then Governor Clifford, Cassius was assigned a key advisory position in the campaign to help win Georgia in the 1992 elections. With the entrance of (Not-Perot), the chances of winning Georgia increased. Focused on recruiting voters and canvassers across Atlanta, Casey made numerous appearances in favor of the governor. It was instrumental to helping elect “America’s first black president” as he joked then, a move and coordination that the Clifford’s credited to helping them win the state. It also further established a friendship between the newly elected President and Cassius, hence his subsequent election to Chair of the Congressional Black Caucus in 1993. The subsequent year was also marked by his bitter conflict and fight with Deb Feyrer of Alabama for changing her affiliation and calling her conservative demands “ludacris”. Their relationship still remains sour.

Reconnecting with John Lynskey and helping coordinate between Casey and Senator Ted Kennedy, the 90’s saw a shift in the congressman’s politics to the left. While he still supported the “don't ask, don't tell” policy publicly, he quietly voiced disagreements and noted that it should be removed later. Of course, this came full circle when he was one of the first prominent Democrats to lobby President Baharia to challenge the statue and repeal the policy entirely. His major efforts though concerned his partnership with then Vice-President Vinnie Diehl in passing the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act. Garnering support from many black leaders, the bill was instrumental in helping support local law enforcement while also advancing for liberal measures like the Violence Against Women Act and the Federal Assault Weapons Ban. While he would later distance himself from the bill, Cassius has maintained that his authorship helped ensure that several “good” portions of the law were kept. It still remains a major draw on his legacy and tenure, though he has moved forward more progressive bills in attempts to make up for what he calls a short-sighted view.

Cassius opposed the Clifford invasion of Haiti but offered a tempered view once the actual troops were deployed to avoid blowback on the President. Casey also helped include Title 1 funding in the landmark Improving America's Schools Act of 1994. He did break with many other colleagues later in the Clifford tenure such as criticizing the Defense of Marriage Act. He did work with (Not-Cummings) and others to help pass the Bill Emerson Good Samaritan Act of 1996 as well as the Transportation Equity Act for the 21st Century, a landmark bill that helped deliver quite a bit of pork for the Atlanta metro area. Cassius’ opposition to the Clifford impeachment was also notable as he was essentially keeping the Congressional Black Caucus in line in voting against the measure. He also saw his first major lobbying efforts when he was introduced to a number of leaders from African nations seeking his support for the African Growth and Opportunity Act which he later helped pass. A similar effort was led to help pass the Children's Health Act to help hospitals collect data on the government’s dime.

At the eve of the 21st century, Parker campaigned heavily for Al Gore across the country and the South but with changing demographics, there was a growing sense of a new set of battlegrounds. Nonetheless, the decision by the courts that George Bush won angered him and immediately antagonized him to the new president, hence a new record of harsher criticism. Casey voted for the Authorization for Use of Military Force and PATRIOT Act in 2001 though he would later regret both of the decisions. He cosponsored the Peace Tax Fund bill, an act that was the child of Congressman (not-Lewis), a dear friend of Parker. The pair frequently refer to each other as brothers and actively maintain their relationship as partners. Becoming the DCCC Chair largely at the lobbying of black interest groups for 2001 and at the recommendation of now Senator Diane Clifford, Casey helped recruit a number of competitive candidates while also welcoming a number of black congresspeople like Ibrahim Simpson, someone he would sheperd through his rise through the ranks as various deputy whip positions before pressuring Malcolm Douglas to intervene in his selection as Judiciary Chairman.

His major legislative accomplishments during these terms were advocating and delivering the Help America Vote Act as well as the National Do Not Call Registry. He also helped to pass the National Museum of African American History and Culture with his friend Congressman (Not-Lewis). He opposed a number of bills related to anti-choice, pro-tax breaks, and further military involvement policies, citing a disagreement with them on a fundamental level signaling his changing and more partisan views. Casey also soon partnered with (Not-Lewis) on the retracing of the Selma to Montgomery marches, rekindling their friendship while also using the trips to raise funds, a practice some have critiqued. Since then, he has also expanded his brand to his involvement at the Children’s Crusade and raising funds to end child poverty and supporting education, a particularly important issue for him in the modern day.

Parker lobbied hard for the Stem Cell Research Enhancement Act of 2005 only to see it vetoed. But with a Republican trifecta still in power, the second term of George Burke saw few bipartisan efforts. Instead, taking a pseudo-role in helping recruit more black representatives with the DCCC, Casey focused on helping the Democrats take a new majority. Part of this effort was recruiting Phillip Crawford to run for the 3rd Congressional District in Kentucky, a move that would be successful. He would subsequently help groom the man into leadership before recommending him to succeed Caroline Simone during the 2019 leadership reshuffle, backing his election to chair the House Democratic Caucus in return of the Congressional Black Caucus acknowledging Simone. Their collaboration on the First Step Act was an especially formative moment for the mentor and his protege as well as changing his mind with regards to the Keystone pipeline debacle. One frustration though was the loss of a friend, James Moore, in Michigan’s 14th District. Having met a handful of times through NAACP events, he sought to help the man later on and after his friendship with Baharia, Cassius would be instrumental in ensuring Moore’s future success in the 12th District and his subsequent Senate bid. He also helped recruit then federal judge Jay Robinson to run for office and collaborated with him on various legislation soon after, all spurred from initially meeting with him at various events in North Carolina co-hosted by the NAACP and ACLU.

Parker also led the efforts to pass the Economic Stimulus Act of 2008 and collaborated with other fellow congressmen like Mac Faulhaber to assuage progressive demands. He also launched into harsh tirades against the President for his mishandling of the crisis, a reminder of his similar attacks in the 90’s on other conservatives he called misinformed and dangerous. Similarly, he also began preparing his own support of Diane Clifford for the upcoming presidential race when he was swooned by Congressman (Not-Lewis) and then Senator Rashid Baharia. Their change in endorsement solidified Baharia’s win in the primary among the Southern primaries and many black voters. Cassius was instrumental to helping make amends between both camps later and recommended Diane’s appointment to the State Department later. In return, he was offered the position of helping advise the North Carolina campaigning, being credited for repeating his “Georgia miracle of ‘92”, flipping the state due to large black enthusiasm. After his historic election and inauguration, he worked with many key allies like Fiona Lowell and Jay Robinson to pass the Lily Ledbetter Fair Pay Act and lent his support to the Dodd-Frank Act as well.

Once the Democrats lost their majority, the elder Congressman reduced his legislative agenda items to focus on criticizing the Republicans for their obstruction. He launched into a particularly harsh beration of Bob Warrick and while the two privately met to smooth over their differences, they are not on amicable terms at all. Cassius supported the Jumpstart Our Business Startups Act, helping ensure its passage as well as of the Gabriella Miller Kids First Research Act and the Bipartisan Student Loan Certainty Act of 2013. He also was instrumental to lobbying for Lawrence Bellman’s appointment to the Department of Energy by the President. His political strength and power was also rising as (Not-Nancy Pelosi) sought to consolidate her allies around her. So given his rising notability and with pressure from (Not-Lewis), Baharia, and Clifford, she was inclined to support his bid for Minority Whip in 2015 after the ousting of (Not-Steny Hoyer) but was instead replaced by Malcolm Douglas, angering Cassius.

This led to resentment between the pair and while a diagnosis of Stage 1 thyroid cancer and the subsequent required operations provided the perfect opportunity for Douglas’ coup in 2016, the pair are not friends. Casey made headlines in 2016 when, despite undergoing aforementioned treatment, he arrived to participate in his friend’s 2016 firearm safety legislation sit-in. He was an instrumental figure in ensuring that the Every Student Succeeds Act passed. A slight issue arose at this time when he was criticized during the hearings for the Sexual Assault Survivors' Rights Act by certain anynomous tips published claiming he had sexually harassed members of his staff in the 90’s. While the truth itself was murky, the lack of credible evidence and a face to the accuser led to the story going away in late 2015. It was soon forgotten after his cancer diagnosis and the subsequent antics in leadership. It was also around this time that he first suggested to Representative Robinson to consider a bid for governor of North Carolina and would stump actively for him though health issues restricted him.

Disliking Arnold Wolf with a fiery passion, skipping his inauguration and comparing him to George Wallace, Parker quickly set out his position as anti-Wolf in every sense of the word. Aside from the FIRST STEP Act, he had few legislative accomplishments as he instead targeted the President. He was also invited to become the new chairman of the DCCC for the second time in 2017, largely due to his ability to ignite black voters who were seen as responsible for the faltering of the Clifford campaign. Of course, Cassius himself felt responsible for the events in a way given his cancer had incapciated him from aiding Diane any further. Thus going to work, he began to recruit a number of bright candidates for the 2018 midterms while also openly recruiting a number of historic black candidates. This was especially important as he welcomed Ayanna Pressley and Ilhan Omar, indicating a renewed commitment to the progressive wing of the party and likely a strategic move. The close election in Georgia and the strength of Sandy Fields also inspired him to make a number of moves in the state to help potentially repeat his miracle campaign work, including founding Fair Fight Now. He has worked with activists like (Not-Stacey Abrams) to register thousands of voters and encourage enthusiasm, continuing this work through early 2019 until his absence led to other activists taking the lead.

Altogether, his efforts paid off and with renewed credibility and the success of the midterms, Douglas was forced to welcome Cassius as the new House Minority Whip to avoid a second coup led by the CBC. Now, he has largely had a normal tenure supporting the Speaker and crafting a deal with Caroline Simone to back her in favor of Phillip Crawford succeeding her as chair of the House Democratic Caucus. But despite his typical political power, the return of his thyroid cancer forced him off the floor of the House from mid 2019 to early 2020. This rendered the normal power broker of black primary voters hopeless and led to a complicated primary that he himself blames on his own absence. Nonetheless, Casey beat his cancer a second time and now returns to the Congress with a renewed attitude of ensuring that Nate Richardson and Bob Warrick are defeated. He will also likely seek to reinsert his influence over the party, eyeing a number of important legislative duties and races he will want to aid with. Cassius is back and with J.J. Dietrich, an old friend now Vice President, gone, he is ready to put HIS chamber in order.

Ideology
Rooted in the deeply traditional liberal wing of the party, Parker maintains himself both staunchly slightly left of center of the party while also moving with the Democrats. This ability to be pliable along with his ties to the Civil Rights Movement allow him to present himself as both progressive and centrist without alienating members of the party. This cohesive attitude makes him an effective leader and motivator among the party, the CBC, and throughout the entire party machine. It also influenced many other black Congressmen and activists, crafting a whole generation of those ready to keep fighting for civil rights and equality in a deeply divided country that has yet to come to terms with its racist past.

Other Information
Oldest serving Democrat in Congress; Recovering from surgery to remove a stage 1 thyroid cancer

ACCEPTED

[Dentali]

Black congressional Democrats like Crawford should be at this meeting with Simone and the A-A leaders.

i would like to point out that african american and democratic leaders are going to be needed right now to quell whats about to happen in American cities. This meeting should probably wait a couple days

[Louisianan]

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Character Information Sheet

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Character Name: Cassius "Casey" Parker
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 75
Character Height: 5'9''
Character Weight: 183
Character Position/Role/Job: Dean of the United States House of Representatives (2020 - Present); House Minority Whip (2019 - Present); Congressman for Georgia's 4th District (1981 - Present);

Late Career
Chair of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee (2001 - 2003), (2017 - 2019);
Chair of the Congressional Black Caucus (1993 - 1995);

Mid Career
Whip of the Congressional Black Caucus (1987 - 1989);
Secretary at the NAACP’s Atlanta Litigation Office (1967 - 1980);

Early Career
Day Laborer (1957 - 1968);
Cotton Planter (1953 - 1958)

Character State of Origin: Alabama
Character State of Residence: Georgia
Character Party Affiliation: Democratic (1968 - Present)

Character Strengths
Civil rights icon; Deeply influential among the African-American community; Wields considerable power over Democratic congressional politics and in the South especially; Groomed many proteges and has many loyal allies; Effective political organizer

Character Weaknesses:
Avid opponent of conservatives and sometimes appears too partisan; Deeply rooted within the establishment and brokered many deals; Not particularly receptive to progressivism and those who skip their turn in the political machine; Minor sexual harassment claims; Profited off of his long standing career in politics; Originally kind of a carpetbagger; Can sometimes maintain discipline among the Congressional Black Caucus in less than friendly ways; Known for his classic style of quid pro quo politics; Ripped into Arnold Wolf and many Republicans harshly and without filter; Advanced age slows him down; Recovering from a minor cancer removal operation that put him on the sidelines for the 2020 Democratic primary; Began his career more conservative and moderate than the present day

Biography
Born in rural Alabama to a family of a carpenter and seamstress, the young Casey boy would be the only child of Melvin and Yvette Parker. Of course, the pair wanted more than just one child but after two miscarriages, the family stopped trying. They believed that God himself had instructed them to have only one child and thus they turned their focus on supporting Cassius. Named after one of their few literate aunts found it in a book of Roman history, the unique namesake gave the boy a sense of purpose. Even from an early age, he often took care of his younger cousins and as Melvin was the eldest of his siblings, he too was the eldest among his cousins. He especially developed a kind of mentorship with many of them, a skill he would harness in his later years in Congress to help support many other rising stars in the party. It was also instrumental to developing close relationships with many of his family who he would later help find jobs or their children aka his nieces and nephews as he rose through the ranks in Congress. In a way, the past alluded to his future as both a leader and the patriarch of the Parker family.

The war effort was winding down and with that, many soldiers were returning to their homes. This was the case in the hometown of Cassius, near Montgomery, where the city experienced a surge in families coming back and many young white men returning for work. While his mother’s job remained stable, work as a black carpenter would begin to dry up. There was little to keep the family there in terms of economic prosperity. So while most of the Parker clan would remain in Alabama and eventually spread out to neighboring Mississippi, it was about 1953 when they moved to the outskirts of Atlanta, Georgia, specifically to Union City. The family had settled on the place largely to Yvette’s brothers who worked as day laborers and soon trained to be rudimentary construction electricians. The city was booming in construction and this was not passed up on by the city’s black Americans. It also provided the young Casey with a job given that their home was still near rural Georgia so he would spend time planting crops for a few cents during the summers. It was not a lot and the family was definitely poor. But having each other, the Parker’s made amends with their situations and continued improving their status, even if it was often just cents at a time or having a parent go hungry so Cassius wouldn’t.

Schooling was particularly important to the family and while both of his parents worked, they demanded a lot from him. Small school houses were available and common in their city given that only black kids could attend. He would remain at this school his entire education despite the opportunity to attend other places following the Brown v. Board decision, something that definitely marked his views that the work was not yet done. And while the schoolhouse itself was meager, being educated was still a duty and responsibility that his parents were concerned about. Casey attended first grade where he initially failed and eventually went on to repeat the grade one more time. It was only then that he went on the subsequent grades, later reflecting that growing up in poverty for almost ten years before being put in school stunted him but that he was stubborn and so was his mother. He soon caught up after support from a friendly teacher who would later be at Cassius’ first congressional swearing in ceremony as a nod to the way he accomplished his goal. Eventually, he continued working and soon transitioned into helping his father do his jobs in Atlanta over the summers. Being the first to graduate from his family, the high school diploma he earned in 1963 still hangs in his office. It has been a particularly important memory for him given where he ended up ascending to and a sign of the leap he made.

It was during his late high school years that Cassius also became aware of the Civil Rights Movement. As it swept through Atlanta and movement surged. He himself remembered visiting family in Mississippi when the lynching of Emmett Till happened, something that led to his family leaving the state soon after as tensions rose and violence erupted. He then heard stories of his own uncles and grandfather doing bus sit-ins in his hometown of Montgomery. All this surrounded him with the fervor of civil rights and demanding equality, quickly radicalizing the young man. Perhaps his most vivid experience though was being at the Children’s Crusade, an event that Casey had heard about through family in Birmingham and attended as a break from his recent graduation. It terrified him and broke his heart, seeing the violence committed against children.

Casey himself sustained a few injuries defending young black kids from the fire hoses and even kicking a police dog. Of course, Casey spent almost a month in jail for these actions but given the subsequent actions of then-President John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson, he would state that he never regretted it, especially since it meant that the Voting Rights Act finally passed. And while he returned to Atlanta soon after and married his high school sweetheart Cynthia, working with his father and father-in-law for years, the Civil Rights Movement remained a constant involvement for the young Parker. He would participate in a number of minor Selma to Montgomery marches, primarily receiving and helping the marchers in his hometown. The year before, he had helped welcome many Freedom Summer riders where he made many more friends including meeting a number of northern activists.

Since Casey witnessed Martin Luther King Jr.’s very speech at the March on Washington, the young man came to embody these ideals of fighting the good fight and later was quoted saying “this pain was temporary, the passion and purpose was forever.” As the entire nation began to change following the landmark civil rights legislation and rulings, so did Casey. He had his first child a few years later with Cynthia before they settled in a new, much nicer home in Union City after aggressively saving their wages. It was also possible to get their newer home largely at the behest of the Fair Housing Act of 1968, which only further cement his belief in the new Democratic party and thus leading to his own voter affiliation change as well as his belief that good government had a purpose. This set him apart from many disaffected black Americans especially given the Long Hot Summer of 1967 and the rising black power movements. While he would criticize them but later walk back the comments stating that there is no one set way to protest inequality, Casey remains personally distant from these methods. Still, the death of King that he witnessed in the streets of Atlanta moved him and set in stone his drive to work in organized activism.

After rekindling old friendships, Casey began to work with the NAACP as a volunteer voter organizer before developing a professional job as a secretary to a prominent litigator. While he had little formal higher education and his own high school schooling was lackluster, the energy he showed and friendship he had fostered allowed the older black civil rights lawyer to welcome him aboard. It was an unorthodox set up but one that the man would later remark as “perfect timing”, showering Cassius with praise and that not even a degree could have bettered his work. Still, the lack of a high school education meant he was stuck in this secretarial position but with two more children, the Parkers did not have the means or desire to give up the salaried and stable job. So they continued. He compiled a number of legal works meant to fight legal decisions and cases across Georgia and the South targeting largely outdated, Jim-Crow era statutes. It was a demanding job that he would continue from Atlanta. The presence of his wife’s family in the region further solidified his roots in the area and while his reputation grew, so did his ambition. The 1972 George Wallace bid for president was horrifying for the Parkers and many other black activists, inspiring action among the young Cassius to do more than just help in the background. After meeting with many rising stars in the civil rights movement including people like William Lynskey, whose son he would later encounter in Congress, there was a renewed interest in a new generation of congressmen taking to Washington D.C. Thus after an initial decision to target a new, ripe seat for the prominent black activist, Parker moved his family to Scottdale in 1974.

It was over these next several years that he laid the groundwork for what would be an ambitious run. While he would have preferred to stay in Georgia’s 5th congressional district, the long tenureship of then Congressman Young forced him to look elsewhere. It was a sign of the complicated politics that still dominated the region but given that he had mentors willing to back him, Casey did as he was instructed to seek out the opportunity in the 4th district instead. After all, he was a young man and running for Congress, as a black man in Georgia, would still be an uphill battle no matter where. Casey would be turning thirty five just a few years before he would be elected. So focusing on turnout was a must, especially in Atlanta. Canvassing was welcomed and organizing efforts to register voters happened almost a year before the election itself. The NAACP and other prominent black leaders, including religious leaders, found themselves lobbying on Cassius’ behalf to encourage the entrenched white Democrat to set aside. And with mounting support from the black community, the decision was made to welcome the man provided he stayed strong in not bowing to radical beliefs and stayed true to most Democratic stances. He pointed to his dislike of the Black Power movement as a sign he was willing to work within the system if he needed to, even if he had some private reservations, all to help bend the party apparatus to his will. It was one of his first lessons in quid pro quo and defined his approach to politicking a great deal.

Casey soon launched his bid and faced almost immediate backlash from white voters concerned about his activism. It did not help that he also faced a white opponent, largely due to the ignorance of the state party to root out other challengers aside from the incumbent. Even Jimmy Carter himself ignored questions about the primary race some commentators called a proxy war before the rural and suburban white population and the more black inner-cities. The fight turned ugly as his opponent accused Parker of being uneducated and probably “on some white stuff”, an implication that angered fellow black voters. He spun the attack as an insult to rural folks like himself, in an attempt to undermine the rural white voters who were expected to back the other guy. His religious ties to black churches as well as his welcoming attitude to the rising evangelical movement made him an appeasing choice to both sides of the religious voter coin. As the race dragged on with cries of carpetbagging and other such insults, the dust finally settled after Andrew Young and Wyche Fowler endorsed Casey, nudging him over the edge in the primary and driving him to a successful victory against the Republican in the 1980 elections, a surprise outcome given the defeat of then-President Carter the same year.

Upon election, Cassius got to work fast. Often travelling with his youngest child and his wife, the family would make the trip from Atlanta to Washington many times. He would allow Cynthia to drive as he read legislation and documents, saying that he felt he needed to prove himself in this Congress and do work as best as he could. It was the start of a lengthy tenure and while he faced challenges, such as a tough reelection campaign in 1984 and 1988. His closest election was actually in the 1990's due to redistricting efforts by the state’s Republicans. But standing true to his record of bipartisanship as well as deep roots with the region’s rural voters, an interesting dynamic brought upon by his willingness to speak with him and his own humble beginnings, all contributed to his electoral strength. Of course, this changed later in the late 90’s after more changes, eventually leading to his harsh criticism of conservatives and a rise in his own partisanship. Since these changes, Casey has not faced a major challenge to his seat and remains one of the safest Democrats in the House. He has even won elections where he did not have any opponent run against him, marking him as an incredibly popular candidate and Congressman. His legacy is strong and as the district grows with Atlanta, the popularity of the civil rights icon only mounts. Cassius’ influence also helped him secure jobs for his friends and family, a critique some progressives and past Republicans leveraged though they did not stick. After all, constituent services are all good even if perhaps the constituent is your family no?

In Congress, Parker has done a lot. He welcomed President Ronald Reagan into office and was one of the few and only black Democrats to meet with him. Casey supported the Kemp-Roth Tax Cut despite initial protests, marking him one of the members of the Congressional Black Caucus to support the move. While he later regretted the vote, it allowed for him to remain in the good graces of the powerful Republican president. He authored the Passage of Martin Luther King Jr. Day and shepherded its passage in 1983. Finding pork for his district, he also secured road development funds through the 1982 Surface Transportation Assistance Act. Lobbying heavily for the Voting Accessibility for the Elderly and Handicapped Act, he was prominent for the act and was essential to bringing the CBC actively on board with the measure. He also supported the Comprehensive Crime Control Act of 1984, arguing that marijuana was harming black communities though he later walked back this comment and has come to be a fierce advocate for legislation and record expungement. Working with other prominent senators at the time like Gordon Callahan Sr., he helped garner support for the Age Discrimination in Employment Act of 1986 and the Emergency Planning and Community Right-to-Know Act, especially given that many superfund sites were in predominantly black communities.

Later, the first major piece of legislation by Cassius was passed. The Civil Rights Restoration Act of 1987 was the next major piece of civil rights legislation to be enacted and it was a boon to both him as well as the entire community. It also soon led to his elevation in the subsequent Congress to the Whip of the Congressional Black Caucus. He also joined other representatives in calling for support for the AIDS epidemic, eventually helping pass the AIDS amendments of 1988 to help support the community. Subsequent important legislation that Casey also helped encourage and back were the Water Resources Development Act of 1990 and the Hotel and Motel Fire Safety Act. He also helped shepherd the resolution agreeing to the passage of the Twenty-seventh Amendment to the United States Constitution. But perhaps the biggest slap in the face came at the veto of the Civil Rights Act of 1990 and its subsequent failure in the Senate. Interestingly, Casey also collaborated with then Senator Hypolite Gaspard and befriended the man, largely admiring him for his actions to desegregate his town. Now, their relationship is more on ice due to recent comments during the Louisianian's latest senate bid.

Anger could not explain the feelings of both Parker and the entire CBC, and it effectively ruined the relationship between the group and the Republican party. It also marked a considerable shift in Casey’s feelings as he had tolerated Reagan but could no longer excuse (Not-George H.W. Bush)’s reckless actions. It was a key moment that angered him and after a number of meetings with then Governor Clifford, Cassius was assigned a key advisory position in the campaign to help win Georgia in the 1992 elections. With the entrance of (Not-Perot), the chances of winning Georgia increased. Focused on recruiting voters and canvassers across Atlanta, Casey made numerous appearances in favor of the governor. It was instrumental to helping elect “America’s first black president” as he joked then, a move and coordination that the Clifford’s credited to helping them win the state. It also further established a friendship between the newly elected President and Cassius, hence his subsequent election to Chair of the Congressional Black Caucus in 1993. The subsequent year was also marked by his bitter conflict and fight with Deb Feyrer of Alabama for changing her affiliation and calling her conservative demands “ludacris”. Their relationship still remains sour.

Reconnecting with John Lynskey and helping coordinate between Casey and Senator Ted Kennedy, the 90’s saw a shift in the congressman’s politics to the left. While he still supported the “don't ask, don't tell” policy publicly, he quietly voiced disagreements and noted that it should be removed later. Of course, this came full circle when he was one of the first prominent Democrats to lobby President Baharia to challenge the statue and repeal the policy entirely. His major efforts though concerned his partnership with then Vice-President Vinnie Diehl in passing the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act. Garnering support from many black leaders, the bill was instrumental in helping support local law enforcement while also advancing for liberal measures like the Violence Against Women Act and the Federal Assault Weapons Ban. While he would later distance himself from the bill, Cassius has maintained that his authorship helped ensure that several “good” portions of the law were kept. It still remains a major draw on his legacy and tenure, though he has moved forward more progressive bills in attempts to make up for what he calls a short-sighted view.

Cassius opposed the Clifford invasion of Haiti but offered a tempered view once the actual troops were deployed to avoid blowback on the President. Casey also helped include Title 1 funding in the landmark Improving America's Schools Act of 1994. He did break with many other colleagues later in the Clifford tenure such as criticizing the Defense of Marriage Act. He did work with (Not-Cummings) and others to help pass the Bill Emerson Good Samaritan Act of 1996 as well as the Transportation Equity Act for the 21st Century, a landmark bill that helped deliver quite a bit of pork for the Atlanta metro area. Cassius’ opposition to the Clifford impeachment was also notable as he was essentially keeping the Congressional Black Caucus in line in voting against the measure. He also saw his first major lobbying efforts when he was introduced to a number of leaders from African nations seeking his support for the African Growth and Opportunity Act which he later helped pass. A similar effort was led to help pass the Children's Health Act to help hospitals collect data on the government’s dime.

At the eve of the 21st century, Parker campaigned heavily for Al Gore across the country and the South but with changing demographics, there was a growing sense of a new set of battlegrounds. Nonetheless, the decision by the courts that George Bush won angered him and immediately antagonized him to the new president, hence a new record of harsher criticism. Casey voted for the Authorization for Use of Military Force and PATRIOT Act in 2001 though he would later regret both of the decisions. He cosponsored the Peace Tax Fund bill, an act that was the child of Congressman (not-Lewis), a dear friend of Parker. The pair frequently refer to each other as brothers and actively maintain their relationship as partners. Becoming the DCCC Chair largely at the lobbying of black interest groups for 2001 and at the recommendation of now Senator Diane Clifford, Casey helped recruit a number of competitive candidates while also welcoming a number of black congresspeople like Ibrahim Simpson, someone he would sheperd through his rise through the ranks as various deputy whip positions before pressuring Malcolm Douglas to intervene in his selection as Judiciary Chairman.

His major legislative accomplishments during these terms were advocating and delivering the Help America Vote Act as well as the National Do Not Call Registry. He also helped to pass the National Museum of African American History and Culture with his friend Congressman (Not-Lewis). He opposed a number of bills related to anti-choice, pro-tax breaks, and further military involvement policies, citing a disagreement with them on a fundamental level signaling his changing and more partisan views. Casey also soon partnered with (Not-Lewis) on the retracing of the Selma to Montgomery marches, rekindling their friendship while also using the trips to raise funds, a practice some have critiqued. Since then, he has also expanded his brand to his involvement at the Children’s Crusade and raising funds to end child poverty and supporting education, a particularly important issue for him in the modern day.

Parker lobbied hard for the Stem Cell Research Enhancement Act of 2005 only to see it vetoed. But with a Republican trifecta still in power, the second term of George Burke saw few bipartisan efforts. Instead, taking a pseudo-role in helping recruit more black representatives with the DCCC, Casey focused on helping the Democrats take a new majority. Part of this effort was recruiting Phillip Crawford to run for the 3rd Congressional District in Kentucky, a move that would be successful. He would subsequently help groom the man into leadership before recommending him to succeed Caroline Simone during the 2019 leadership reshuffle, backing his election to chair the House Democratic Caucus in return of the Congressional Black Caucus acknowledging Simone. Their collaboration on the First Step Act was an especially formative moment for the mentor and his protege as well as changing his mind with regards to the Keystone pipeline debacle. One frustration though was the loss of a friend, James Moore, in Michigan’s 14th District. Having met a handful of times through NAACP events, he sought to help the man later on and after his friendship with Baharia, Cassius would be instrumental in ensuring Moore’s future success in the 12th District and his subsequent Senate bid. He also helped recruit then federal judge Jay Robinson to run for office and collaborated with him on various legislation soon after, all spurred from initially meeting with him at various events in North Carolina co-hosted by the NAACP and ACLU.

Parker also led the efforts to pass the Economic Stimulus Act of 2008 and collaborated with other fellow congressmen like Mac Faulhaber to assuage progressive demands. He also launched into harsh tirades against the President for his mishandling of the crisis, a reminder of his similar attacks in the 90’s on other conservatives he called misinformed and dangerous. Similarly, he also began preparing his own support of Diane Clifford for the upcoming presidential race when he was swooned by Congressman (Not-Lewis) and then Senator Rashid Baharia. Their change in endorsement solidified Baharia’s win in the primary among the Southern primaries and many black voters. Cassius was instrumental to helping make amends between both camps later and recommended Diane’s appointment to the State Department later. In return, he was offered the position of helping advise the North Carolina campaigning, being credited for repeating his “Georgia miracle of ‘92”, flipping the state due to large black enthusiasm. After his historic election and inauguration, he worked with many key allies like Fiona Lowell and Jay Robinson to pass the Lily Ledbetter Fair Pay Act and lent his support to the Dodd-Frank Act as well.

Once the Democrats lost their majority, the elder Congressman reduced his legislative agenda items to focus on criticizing the Republicans for their obstruction. He launched into a particularly harsh beration of Bob Warrick and while the two privately met to smooth over their differences, they are not on amicable terms at all. Cassius supported the Jumpstart Our Business Startups Act, helping ensure its passage as well as of the Gabriella Miller Kids First Research Act and the Bipartisan Student Loan Certainty Act of 2013. He also was instrumental to lobbying for Lawrence Bellman’s appointment to the Department of Energy by the President. His political strength and power was also rising as (Not-Nancy Pelosi) sought to consolidate her allies around her. So given his rising notability and with pressure from (Not-Lewis), Baharia, and Clifford, she was inclined to support his bid for Minority Whip in 2015 after the ousting of (Not-Steny Hoyer) but was instead replaced by Malcolm Douglas, angering Cassius.

This led to resentment between the pair and while a diagnosis of Stage 1 thyroid cancer and the subsequent required operations provided the perfect opportunity for Douglas’ coup in 2016, the pair are not friends. Casey made headlines in 2016 when, despite undergoing aforementioned treatment, he arrived to participate in his friend’s 2016 firearm safety legislation sit-in. He was an instrumental figure in ensuring that the Every Student Succeeds Act passed. A slight issue arose at this time when he was criticized during the hearings for the Sexual Assault Survivors' Rights Act by certain anynomous tips published claiming he had sexually harassed members of his staff in the 90’s. While the truth itself was murky, the lack of credible evidence and a face to the accuser led to the story going away in late 2015. It was soon forgotten after his cancer diagnosis and the subsequent antics in leadership. It was also around this time that he first suggested to Representative Robinson to consider a bid for governor of North Carolina and would stump actively for him though health issues restricted him.

Disliking Arnold Wolf with a fiery passion, skipping his inauguration and comparing him to George Wallace, Parker quickly set out his position as anti-Wolf in every sense of the word. Aside from the FIRST STEP Act, he had few legislative accomplishments as he instead targeted the President. He was also invited to become the new chairman of the DCCC for the second time in 2017, largely due to his ability to ignite black voters who were seen as responsible for the faltering of the Clifford campaign. Of course, Cassius himself felt responsible for the events in a way given his cancer had incapciated him from aiding Diane any further. Thus going to work, he began to recruit a number of bright candidates for the 2018 midterms while also openly recruiting a number of historic black candidates. This was especially important as he welcomed Ayanna Pressley and Ilhan Omar, indicating a renewed commitment to the progressive wing of the party and likely a strategic move. The close election in Georgia and the strength of Sandy Fields also inspired him to make a number of moves in the state to help potentially repeat his miracle campaign work, including founding Fair Fight Now. He has worked with activists like (Not-Stacey Abrams) to register thousands of voters and encourage enthusiasm, continuing this work through early 2019 until his absence led to other activists taking the lead.

Altogether, his efforts paid off and with renewed credibility and the success of the midterms, Douglas was forced to welcome Cassius as the new House Minority Whip to avoid a second coup led by the CBC. Now, he has largely had a normal tenure supporting the Speaker and crafting a deal with Caroline Simone to back her in favor of Phillip Crawford succeeding her as chair of the House Democratic Caucus. But despite his typical political power, the return of his thyroid cancer forced him off the floor of the House from mid 2019 to early 2020. This rendered the normal power broker of black primary voters hopeless and led to a complicated primary that he himself blames on his own absence. Nonetheless, Casey beat his cancer a second time and now returns to the Congress with a renewed attitude of ensuring that Nate Richardson and Bob Warrick are defeated. He will also likely seek to reinsert his influence over the party, eyeing a number of important legislative duties and races he will want to aid with. Cassius is back and with J.J. Dietrich, an old friend now Vice President, gone, he is ready to put HIS chamber in order.

Ideology
Rooted in the deeply traditional liberal wing of the party, Parker maintains himself both staunchly slightly left of center of the party while also moving with the Democrats. This ability to be pliable along with his ties to the Civil Rights Movement allow him to present himself as both progressive and centrist without alienating members of the party. This cohesive attitude makes him an effective leader and motivator among the party, the CBC, and throughout the entire party machine. It also influenced many other black Congressmen and activists, crafting a whole generation of those ready to keep fighting for civil rights and equality in a deeply divided country that has yet to come to terms with its racist past.

Other Information
Oldest serving Democrat in Congress; Recovering from surgery to remove a stage 1 thyroid cancer

Whenever possible, Hypolite would like to meet with him.

[Deblar]

*clears throat*

Generic press conference hosted by Hugo, anyone?

[Louisianan]

*clears throat*

Generic press conference hosted by Hugo, anyone?

Eh, Pasadena is a doo doo town, Houston better

[Federal States of Xathuecia]

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Character Information Sheet

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Character Name: Cassius "Casey" Parker
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 75
Character Height: 5'9''
Character Weight: 183
Character Position/Role/Job: Dean of the United States House of Representatives (2020 - Present); House Minority Whip (2019 - Present); Congressman for Georgia's 4th District (1981 - Present);

Late Career
Chair of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee (2001 - 2003), (2017 - 2019);
Chair of the Congressional Black Caucus (1993 - 1995);

Mid Career
Whip of the Congressional Black Caucus (1987 - 1989);
Secretary at the NAACP’s Atlanta Litigation Office (1967 - 1980);

Early Career
Day Laborer (1957 - 1968);
Cotton Planter (1953 - 1958)

Character State of Origin: Alabama
Character State of Residence: Georgia
Character Party Affiliation: Democratic (1968 - Present)

Character Strengths
Civil rights icon; Deeply influential among the African-American community; Wields considerable power over Democratic congressional politics and in the South especially; Groomed many proteges and has many loyal allies; Effective political organizer

Character Weaknesses:
Avid opponent of conservatives and sometimes appears too partisan; Deeply rooted within the establishment and brokered many deals; Not particularly receptive to progressivism and those who skip their turn in the political machine; Minor sexual harassment claims; Profited off of his long standing career in politics; Originally kind of a carpetbagger; Can sometimes maintain discipline among the Congressional Black Caucus in less than friendly ways; Known for his classic style of quid pro quo politics; Ripped into Arnold Wolf and many Republicans harshly and without filter; Advanced age slows him down; Recovering from a minor cancer removal operation that put him on the sidelines for the 2020 Democratic primary; Began his career more conservative and moderate than the present day

Biography
Born in rural Alabama to a family of a carpenter and seamstress, the young Casey boy would be the only child of Melvin and Yvette Parker. Of course, the pair wanted more than just one child but after two miscarriages, the family stopped trying. They believed that God himself had instructed them to have only one child and thus they turned their focus on supporting Cassius. Named after one of their few literate aunts found it in a book of Roman history, the unique namesake gave the boy a sense of purpose. Even from an early age, he often took care of his younger cousins and as Melvin was the eldest of his siblings, he too was the eldest among his cousins. He especially developed a kind of mentorship with many of them, a skill he would harness in his later years in Congress to help support many other rising stars in the party. It was also instrumental to developing close relationships with many of his family who he would later help find jobs or their children aka his nieces and nephews as he rose through the ranks in Congress. In a way, the past alluded to his future as both a leader and the patriarch of the Parker family.

The war effort was winding down and with that, many soldiers were returning to their homes. This was the case in the hometown of Cassius, near Montgomery, where the city experienced a surge in families coming back and many young white men returning for work. While his mother’s job remained stable, work as a black carpenter would begin to dry up. There was little to keep the family there in terms of economic prosperity. So while most of the Parker clan would remain in Alabama and eventually spread out to neighboring Mississippi, it was about 1953 when they moved to the outskirts of Atlanta, Georgia, specifically to Union City. The family had settled on the place largely to Yvette’s brothers who worked as day laborers and soon trained to be rudimentary construction electricians. The city was booming in construction and this was not passed up on by the city’s black Americans. It also provided the young Casey with a job given that their home was still near rural Georgia so he would spend time planting crops for a few cents during the summers. It was not a lot and the family was definitely poor. But having each other, the Parker’s made amends with their situations and continued improving their status, even if it was often just cents at a time or having a parent go hungry so Cassius wouldn’t.

Schooling was particularly important to the family and while both of his parents worked, they demanded a lot from him. Small school houses were available and common in their city given that only black kids could attend. He would remain at this school his entire education despite the opportunity to attend other places following the Brown v. Board decision, something that definitely marked his views that the work was not yet done. And while the schoolhouse itself was meager, being educated was still a duty and responsibility that his parents were concerned about. Casey attended first grade where he initially failed and eventually went on to repeat the grade one more time. It was only then that he went on the subsequent grades, later reflecting that growing up in poverty for almost ten years before being put in school stunted him but that he was stubborn and so was his mother. He soon caught up after support from a friendly teacher who would later be at Cassius’ first congressional swearing in ceremony as a nod to the way he accomplished his goal. Eventually, he continued working and soon transitioned into helping his father do his jobs in Atlanta over the summers. Being the first to graduate from his family, the high school diploma he earned in 1963 still hangs in his office. It has been a particularly important memory for him given where he ended up ascending to and a sign of the leap he made.

It was during his late high school years that Cassius also became aware of the Civil Rights Movement. As it swept through Atlanta and movement surged. He himself remembered visiting family in Mississippi when the lynching of Emmett Till happened, something that led to his family leaving the state soon after as tensions rose and violence erupted. He then heard stories of his own uncles and grandfather doing bus sit-ins in his hometown of Montgomery. All this surrounded him with the fervor of civil rights and demanding equality, quickly radicalizing the young man. Perhaps his most vivid experience though was being at the Children’s Crusade, an event that Casey had heard about through family in Birmingham and attended as a break from his recent graduation. It terrified him and broke his heart, seeing the violence committed against children.

Casey himself sustained a few injuries defending young black kids from the fire hoses and even kicking a police dog. Of course, Casey spent almost a month in jail for these actions but given the subsequent actions of then-President John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson, he would state that he never regretted it, especially since it meant that the Voting Rights Act finally passed. And while he returned to Atlanta soon after and married his high school sweetheart Cynthia, working with his father and father-in-law for years, the Civil Rights Movement remained a constant involvement for the young Parker. He would participate in a number of minor Selma to Montgomery marches, primarily receiving and helping the marchers in his hometown. The year before, he had helped welcome many Freedom Summer riders where he made many more friends including meeting a number of northern activists.

Since Casey witnessed Martin Luther King Jr.’s very speech at the March on Washington, the young man came to embody these ideals of fighting the good fight and later was quoted saying “this pain was temporary, the passion and purpose was forever.” As the entire nation began to change following the landmark civil rights legislation and rulings, so did Casey. He had his first child a few years later with Cynthia before they settled in a new, much nicer home in Union City after aggressively saving their wages. It was also possible to get their newer home largely at the behest of the Fair Housing Act of 1968, which only further cement his belief in the new Democratic party and thus leading to his own voter affiliation change as well as his belief that good government had a purpose. This set him apart from many disaffected black Americans especially given the Long Hot Summer of 1967 and the rising black power movements. While he would criticize them but later walk back the comments stating that there is no one set way to protest inequality, Casey remains personally distant from these methods. Still, the death of King that he witnessed in the streets of Atlanta moved him and set in stone his drive to work in organized activism.

After rekindling old friendships, Casey began to work with the NAACP as a volunteer voter organizer before developing a professional job as a secretary to a prominent litigator. While he had little formal higher education and his own high school schooling was lackluster, the energy he showed and friendship he had fostered allowed the older black civil rights lawyer to welcome him aboard. It was an unorthodox set up but one that the man would later remark as “perfect timing”, showering Cassius with praise and that not even a degree could have bettered his work. Still, the lack of a high school education meant he was stuck in this secretarial position but with two more children, the Parkers did not have the means or desire to give up the salaried and stable job. So they continued. He compiled a number of legal works meant to fight legal decisions and cases across Georgia and the South targeting largely outdated, Jim-Crow era statutes. It was a demanding job that he would continue from Atlanta. The presence of his wife’s family in the region further solidified his roots in the area and while his reputation grew, so did his ambition. The 1972 George Wallace bid for president was horrifying for the Parkers and many other black activists, inspiring action among the young Cassius to do more than just help in the background. After meeting with many rising stars in the civil rights movement including people like William Lynskey, whose son he would later encounter in Congress, there was a renewed interest in a new generation of congressmen taking to Washington D.C. Thus after an initial decision to target a new, ripe seat for the prominent black activist, Parker moved his family to Scottdale in 1974.

It was over these next several years that he laid the groundwork for what would be an ambitious run. While he would have preferred to stay in Georgia’s 5th congressional district, the long tenureship of then Congressman Young forced him to look elsewhere. It was a sign of the complicated politics that still dominated the region but given that he had mentors willing to back him, Casey did as he was instructed to seek out the opportunity in the 4th district instead. After all, he was a young man and running for Congress, as a black man in Georgia, would still be an uphill battle no matter where. Casey would be turning thirty five just a few years before he would be elected. So focusing on turnout was a must, especially in Atlanta. Canvassing was welcomed and organizing efforts to register voters happened almost a year before the election itself. The NAACP and other prominent black leaders, including religious leaders, found themselves lobbying on Cassius’ behalf to encourage the entrenched white Democrat to set aside. And with mounting support from the black community, the decision was made to welcome the man provided he stayed strong in not bowing to radical beliefs and stayed true to most Democratic stances. He pointed to his dislike of the Black Power movement as a sign he was willing to work within the system if he needed to, even if he had some private reservations, all to help bend the party apparatus to his will. It was one of his first lessons in quid pro quo and defined his approach to politicking a great deal.

Casey soon launched his bid and faced almost immediate backlash from white voters concerned about his activism. It did not help that he also faced a white opponent, largely due to the ignorance of the state party to root out other challengers aside from the incumbent. Even Jimmy Carter himself ignored questions about the primary race some commentators called a proxy war before the rural and suburban white population and the more black inner-cities. The fight turned ugly as his opponent accused Parker of being uneducated and probably “on some white stuff”, an implication that angered fellow black voters. He spun the attack as an insult to rural folks like himself, in an attempt to undermine the rural white voters who were expected to back the other guy. His religious ties to black churches as well as his welcoming attitude to the rising evangelical movement made him an appeasing choice to both sides of the religious voter coin. As the race dragged on with cries of carpetbagging and other such insults, the dust finally settled after Andrew Young and Wyche Fowler endorsed Casey, nudging him over the edge in the primary and driving him to a successful victory against the Republican in the 1980 elections, a surprise outcome given the defeat of then-President Carter the same year.

Upon election, Cassius got to work fast. Often travelling with his youngest child and his wife, the family would make the trip from Atlanta to Washington many times. He would allow Cynthia to drive as he read legislation and documents, saying that he felt he needed to prove himself in this Congress and do work as best as he could. It was the start of a lengthy tenure and while he faced challenges, such as a tough reelection campaign in 1984 and 1988. His closest election was actually in the 1990's due to redistricting efforts by the state’s Republicans. But standing true to his record of bipartisanship as well as deep roots with the region’s rural voters, an interesting dynamic brought upon by his willingness to speak with him and his own humble beginnings, all contributed to his electoral strength. Of course, this changed later in the late 90’s after more changes, eventually leading to his harsh criticism of conservatives and a rise in his own partisanship. Since these changes, Casey has not faced a major challenge to his seat and remains one of the safest Democrats in the House. He has even won elections where he did not have any opponent run against him, marking him as an incredibly popular candidate and Congressman. His legacy is strong and as the district grows with Atlanta, the popularity of the civil rights icon only mounts. Cassius’ influence also helped him secure jobs for his friends and family, a critique some progressives and past Republicans leveraged though they did not stick. After all, constituent services are all good even if perhaps the constituent is your family no?

In Congress, Parker has done a lot. He welcomed President Ronald Reagan into office and was one of the few and only black Democrats to meet with him. Casey supported the Kemp-Roth Tax Cut despite initial protests, marking him one of the members of the Congressional Black Caucus to support the move. While he later regretted the vote, it allowed for him to remain in the good graces of the powerful Republican president. He authored the Passage of Martin Luther King Jr. Day and shepherded its passage in 1983. Finding pork for his district, he also secured road development funds through the 1982 Surface Transportation Assistance Act. Lobbying heavily for the Voting Accessibility for the Elderly and Handicapped Act, he was prominent for the act and was essential to bringing the CBC actively on board with the measure. He also supported the Comprehensive Crime Control Act of 1984, arguing that marijuana was harming black communities though he later walked back this comment and has come to be a fierce advocate for legislation and record expungement. Working with other prominent senators at the time like Gordon Callahan Sr., he helped garner support for the Age Discrimination in Employment Act of 1986 and the Emergency Planning and Community Right-to-Know Act, especially given that many superfund sites were in predominantly black communities.

Later, the first major piece of legislation by Cassius was passed. The Civil Rights Restoration Act of 1987 was the next major piece of civil rights legislation to be enacted and it was a boon to both him as well as the entire community. It also soon led to his elevation in the subsequent Congress to the Whip of the Congressional Black Caucus. He also joined other representatives in calling for support for the AIDS epidemic, eventually helping pass the AIDS amendments of 1988 to help support the community. Subsequent important legislation that Casey also helped encourage and back were the Water Resources Development Act of 1990 and the Hotel and Motel Fire Safety Act. He also helped shepherd the resolution agreeing to the passage of the Twenty-seventh Amendment to the United States Constitution. But perhaps the biggest slap in the face came at the veto of the Civil Rights Act of 1990 and its subsequent failure in the Senate. Interestingly, Casey also collaborated with then Senator Hypolite Gaspard and befriended the man, largely admiring him for his actions to desegregate his town. Now, their relationship is more on ice due to recent comments during the Louisianian's latest senate bid.

Anger could not explain the feelings of both Parker and the entire CBC, and it effectively ruined the relationship between the group and the Republican party. It also marked a considerable shift in Casey’s feelings as he had tolerated Reagan but could no longer excuse (Not-George H.W. Bush)’s reckless actions. It was a key moment that angered him and after a number of meetings with then Governor Clifford, Cassius was assigned a key advisory position in the campaign to help win Georgia in the 1992 elections. With the entrance of (Not-Perot), the chances of winning Georgia increased. Focused on recruiting voters and canvassers across Atlanta, Casey made numerous appearances in favor of the governor. It was instrumental to helping elect “America’s first black president” as he joked then, a move and coordination that the Clifford’s credited to helping them win the state. It also further established a friendship between the newly elected President and Cassius, hence his subsequent election to Chair of the Congressional Black Caucus in 1993. The subsequent year was also marked by his bitter conflict and fight with Deb Feyrer of Alabama for changing her affiliation and calling her conservative demands “ludacris”. Their relationship still remains sour.

Reconnecting with John Lynskey and helping coordinate between Casey and Senator Ted Kennedy, the 90’s saw a shift in the congressman’s politics to the left. While he still supported the “don't ask, don't tell” policy publicly, he quietly voiced disagreements and noted that it should be removed later. Of course, this came full circle when he was one of the first prominent Democrats to lobby President Baharia to challenge the statue and repeal the policy entirely. His major efforts though concerned his partnership with then Vice-President Vinnie Diehl in passing the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act. Garnering support from many black leaders, the bill was instrumental in helping support local law enforcement while also advancing for liberal measures like the Violence Against Women Act and the Federal Assault Weapons Ban. While he would later distance himself from the bill, Cassius has maintained that his authorship helped ensure that several “good” portions of the law were kept. It still remains a major draw on his legacy and tenure, though he has moved forward more progressive bills in attempts to make up for what he calls a short-sighted view.

Cassius opposed the Clifford invasion of Haiti but offered a tempered view once the actual troops were deployed to avoid blowback on the President. Casey also helped include Title 1 funding in the landmark Improving America's Schools Act of 1994. He did break with many other colleagues later in the Clifford tenure such as criticizing the Defense of Marriage Act. He did work with (Not-Cummings) and others to help pass the Bill Emerson Good Samaritan Act of 1996 as well as the Transportation Equity Act for the 21st Century, a landmark bill that helped deliver quite a bit of pork for the Atlanta metro area. Cassius’ opposition to the Clifford impeachment was also notable as he was essentially keeping the Congressional Black Caucus in line in voting against the measure. He also saw his first major lobbying efforts when he was introduced to a number of leaders from African nations seeking his support for the African Growth and Opportunity Act which he later helped pass. A similar effort was led to help pass the Children's Health Act to help hospitals collect data on the government’s dime.

At the eve of the 21st century, Parker campaigned heavily for Al Gore across the country and the South but with changing demographics, there was a growing sense of a new set of battlegrounds. Nonetheless, the decision by the courts that George Bush won angered him and immediately antagonized him to the new president, hence a new record of harsher criticism. Casey voted for the Authorization for Use of Military Force and PATRIOT Act in 2001 though he would later regret both of the decisions. He cosponsored the Peace Tax Fund bill, an act that was the child of Congressman (not-Lewis), a dear friend of Parker. The pair frequently refer to each other as brothers and actively maintain their relationship as partners. Becoming the DCCC Chair largely at the lobbying of black interest groups for 2001 and at the recommendation of now Senator Diane Clifford, Casey helped recruit a number of competitive candidates while also welcoming a number of black congresspeople like Ibrahim Simpson, someone he would sheperd through his rise through the ranks as various deputy whip positions before pressuring Malcolm Douglas to intervene in his selection as Judiciary Chairman.

His major legislative accomplishments during these terms were advocating and delivering the Help America Vote Act as well as the National Do Not Call Registry. He also helped to pass the National Museum of African American History and Culture with his friend Congressman (Not-Lewis). He opposed a number of bills related to anti-choice, pro-tax breaks, and further military involvement policies, citing a disagreement with them on a fundamental level signaling his changing and more partisan views. Casey also soon partnered with (Not-Lewis) on the retracing of the Selma to Montgomery marches, rekindling their friendship while also using the trips to raise funds, a practice some have critiqued. Since then, he has also expanded his brand to his involvement at the Children’s Crusade and raising funds to end child poverty and supporting education, a particularly important issue for him in the modern day.

Parker lobbied hard for the Stem Cell Research Enhancement Act of 2005 only to see it vetoed. But with a Republican trifecta still in power, the second term of George Burke saw few bipartisan efforts. Instead, taking a pseudo-role in helping recruit more black representatives with the DCCC, Casey focused on helping the Democrats take a new majority. Part of this effort was recruiting Phillip Crawford to run for the 3rd Congressional District in Kentucky, a move that would be successful. He would subsequently help groom the man into leadership before recommending him to succeed Caroline Simone during the 2019 leadership reshuffle, backing his election to chair the House Democratic Caucus in return of the Congressional Black Caucus acknowledging Simone. Their collaboration on the First Step Act was an especially formative moment for the mentor and his protege as well as changing his mind with regards to the Keystone pipeline debacle. One frustration though was the loss of a friend, James Moore, in Michigan’s 14th District. Having met a handful of times through NAACP events, he sought to help the man later on and after his friendship with Baharia, Cassius would be instrumental in ensuring Moore’s future success in the 12th District and his subsequent Senate bid. He also helped recruit then federal judge Jay Robinson to run for office and collaborated with him on various legislation soon after, all spurred from initially meeting with him at various events in North Carolina co-hosted by the NAACP and ACLU.

Parker also led the efforts to pass the Economic Stimulus Act of 2008 and collaborated with other fellow congressmen like Mac Faulhaber to assuage progressive demands. He also launched into harsh tirades against the President for his mishandling of the crisis, a reminder of his similar attacks in the 90’s on other conservatives he called misinformed and dangerous. Similarly, he also began preparing his own support of Diane Clifford for the upcoming presidential race when he was swooned by Congressman (Not-Lewis) and then Senator Rashid Baharia. Their change in endorsement solidified Baharia’s win in the primary among the Southern primaries and many black voters. Cassius was instrumental to helping make amends between both camps later and recommended Diane’s appointment to the State Department later. In return, he was offered the position of helping advise the North Carolina campaigning, being credited for repeating his “Georgia miracle of ‘92”, flipping the state due to large black enthusiasm. After his historic election and inauguration, he worked with many key allies like Fiona Lowell and Jay Robinson to pass the Lily Ledbetter Fair Pay Act and lent his support to the Dodd-Frank Act as well.

Once the Democrats lost their majority, the elder Congressman reduced his legislative agenda items to focus on criticizing the Republicans for their obstruction. He launched into a particularly harsh beration of Bob Warrick and while the two privately met to smooth over their differences, they are not on amicable terms at all. Cassius supported the Jumpstart Our Business Startups Act, helping ensure its passage as well as of the Gabriella Miller Kids First Research Act and the Bipartisan Student Loan Certainty Act of 2013. He also was instrumental to lobbying for Lawrence Bellman’s appointment to the Department of Energy by the President. His political strength and power was also rising as (Not-Nancy Pelosi) sought to consolidate her allies around her. So given his rising notability and with pressure from (Not-Lewis), Baharia, and Clifford, she was inclined to support his bid for Minority Whip in 2015 after the ousting of (Not-Steny Hoyer) but was instead replaced by Malcolm Douglas, angering Cassius.

This led to resentment between the pair and while a diagnosis of Stage 1 thyroid cancer and the subsequent required operations provided the perfect opportunity for Douglas’ coup in 2016, the pair are not friends. Casey made headlines in 2016 when, despite undergoing aforementioned treatment, he arrived to participate in his friend’s 2016 firearm safety legislation sit-in. He was an instrumental figure in ensuring that the Every Student Succeeds Act passed. A slight issue arose at this time when he was criticized during the hearings for the Sexual Assault Survivors' Rights Act by certain anynomous tips published claiming he had sexually harassed members of his staff in the 90’s. While the truth itself was murky, the lack of credible evidence and a face to the accuser led to the story going away in late 2015. It was soon forgotten after his cancer diagnosis and the subsequent antics in leadership. It was also around this time that he first suggested to Representative Robinson to consider a bid for governor of North Carolina and would stump actively for him though health issues restricted him.

Disliking Arnold Wolf with a fiery passion, skipping his inauguration and comparing him to George Wallace, Parker quickly set out his position as anti-Wolf in every sense of the word. Aside from the FIRST STEP Act, he had few legislative accomplishments as he instead targeted the President. He was also invited to become the new chairman of the DCCC for the second time in 2017, largely due to his ability to ignite black voters who were seen as responsible for the faltering of the Clifford campaign. Of course, Cassius himself felt responsible for the events in a way given his cancer had incapciated him from aiding Diane any further. Thus going to work, he began to recruit a number of bright candidates for the 2018 midterms while also openly recruiting a number of historic black candidates. This was especially important as he welcomed Ayanna Pressley and Ilhan Omar, indicating a renewed commitment to the progressive wing of the party and likely a strategic move. The close election in Georgia and the strength of Sandy Fields also inspired him to make a number of moves in the state to help potentially repeat his miracle campaign work, including founding Fair Fight Now. He has worked with activists like (Not-Stacey Abrams) to register thousands of voters and encourage enthusiasm, continuing this work through early 2019 until his absence led to other activists taking the lead.

Altogether, his efforts paid off and with renewed credibility and the success of the midterms, Douglas was forced to welcome Cassius as the new House Minority Whip to avoid a second coup led by the CBC. Now, he has largely had a normal tenure supporting the Speaker and crafting a deal with Caroline Simone to back her in favor of Phillip Crawford succeeding her as chair of the House Democratic Caucus. But despite his typical political power, the return of his thyroid cancer forced him off the floor of the House from mid 2019 to early 2020. This rendered the normal power broker of black primary voters hopeless and led to a complicated primary that he himself blames on his own absence. Nonetheless, Casey beat his cancer a second time and now returns to the Congress with a renewed attitude of ensuring that Nate Richardson and Bob Warrick are defeated. He will also likely seek to reinsert his influence over the party, eyeing a number of important legislative duties and races he will want to aid with. Cassius is back and with J.J. Dietrich, an old friend now Vice President, gone, he is ready to put HIS chamber in order.

Ideology
Rooted in the deeply traditional liberal wing of the party, Parker maintains himself both staunchly slightly left of center of the party while also moving with the Democrats. This ability to be pliable along with his ties to the Civil Rights Movement allow him to present himself as both progressive and centrist without alienating members of the party. This cohesive attitude makes him an effective leader and motivator among the party, the CBC, and throughout the entire party machine. It also influenced many other black Congressmen and activists, crafting a whole generation of those ready to keep fighting for civil rights and equality in a deeply divided country that has yet to come to terms with its racist past.

Other Information
Oldest serving Democrat in Congress; Recovering from surgery to remove a stage 1 thyroid cancer

Whenever possible, Hypolite would like to meet with him.

Sure

[Vaquas]

If anyone would like to post about their characters specific whereabouts on the night of May 30, 2020, now would be a good time.

[Esthe]

If anyone would like to post about their characters specific whereabouts on the night of May 30, 2020, now would be a good time.

Why hasn’t mine been approved yet?

[Deblar]

*clears throat*

Generic press conference hosted by Hugo, anyone?

Eh, Pasadena is a doo doo town, Houston better

People from Pasadena:

[Deblar]

If anyone would like to post about their characters specific whereabouts on the night of May 30, 2020, now would be a good time.

um, why exactly?

[Vaquas]

Okay...

(Image)

---

Character Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Esthe
Character Name: Nigel Adams
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 64
Character Height: 5;9
Character Weight: 164 lb
Character Position/Role/Job: Lawyer
Appearance: I keep trying to post photos, but it keeps saying that it cannot determine the dimensions of the image. He looks like Mitt Romney.
Character State of Origin: Kentucky
Character State of Residence: Tennessee
Character Party Affiliation: Democratic
Main Strengths: Persuasive speaker, patriotic
Main Weaknesses: Shyness, epilepsy
Biography: Nigel Adams was born on December 28th, 1955, in Frankfort, Kentucky. He had a fraught childhood, with his mother dying shortly after his birth, and being diagnosed with epilepsy at the age of eight. Neverthless, he did well in school, and was remarkably bright. His father read the newspaper to him at dinnertime, and you could often find them arguing over some sort of headline.
In adulthood, he was a lawyer. Nigel was a vocal opponent of President Wolf, and later, Tawney. He ran in the primaries in the hope that America would have a stable leadership for the next few years.
Other Info: N/A

I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Esthe

Do Not Remove: 84721

It is very unclear what role your character is supposed to hold in government. You will need to specify that, for one. If they are a candidate for office, that should also be specified along with some level of detail. An appropriate level of detail for a fresh candidate for office would look more like this at least:

(Image)

---

Character Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Republic of Deblar
Character Name: Hugo Fitzgerald
Character Gender: male
Character Age: 47
Character Height: 6’3”
Character Weight: 224
Character Position/Role/Job: Candidate for US House of Representatives (TX-District 9), Lawyer(1998-2010), Houston City Council Member(2010-2013), Mayor of Pasadena(2014-present)
Appearance: (Image)
Character State of Origin: Texas
Character State of Residence: Texas
Character Party Affiliation: Democrat
Main Strengths: Passionate, appealing to minorities, open to bipartisanship, liked by liberals
Main Weaknesses: not well known outside of Houston, has mild anger issues, can be naive at times
Biography:

Hugo was born in Houston, Texas on August 22,1973. He was born to a single mother with 3 other siblings, so life for him growing up was tough. He took an interest in politics at a young age, and coming from a low income family, he wanted it so people would no longer have to live like that. Despite the hardships he faced, he was able to get an education and finish college at Texas Southern University with a Bachelor's Degree in Political Science. Afterwards, he attended law school at the University of Texas at Austin.

After completing law school, he joined a local law firm, then started his own law firm in 2002, which he stayed with until selling the firm in 2010. Afterwards, he began to get involved in politics, being elected to a seat in the Houston City Council. As a member of the council , he championed healthcare access, voting rights protection, LGBT+ rights, environmental protection, and the preservation of social welfare programs. In 2013, he moved on from the city council to seek a higher office and was elected as mayor of Pasadena, a suburb of Houston. In 2020, after being mayor for more than 6 years, he decided to run for Congress to represent Texas’ 9th District.

Other Info:
While in public office, he has championed healthcare access , voting rights protection, LGBT+ rights, environmental protection, and the preservation of social welfare programs . An example of his works as mayor of Pasadena is that he succeeded in passing legislation to provide healthcare and voting access to citizens, but fails to pass legislation to regulate local energy providers to offer renewable energy options.
He is married with 2 kids
I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: (Republic of Deblar)

Do Not Remove: 84721

[Esthe]

Okay...

(Image)

---

Character Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Esthe
Character Name: Nigel Adams
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 64
Character Height: 5;9
Character Weight: 164 lb
Character Position/Role/Job: Lawyer
Appearance: I keep trying to post photos, but it keeps saying that it cannot determine the dimensions of the image. He looks like Mitt Romney.
Character State of Origin: Kentucky
Character State of Residence: Tennessee
Character Party Affiliation: Democratic
Main Strengths: Persuasive speaker, patriotic
Main Weaknesses: Shyness, epilepsy
Biography: Nigel Adams was born on December 28th, 1955, in Frankfort, Kentucky. He had a fraught childhood, with his mother dying shortly after his birth, and being diagnosed with epilepsy at the age of eight. Neverthless, he did well in school, and was remarkably bright. His father read the newspaper to him at dinnertime, and you could often find them arguing over some sort of headline.
In adulthood, he was a lawyer. Nigel was a vocal opponent of President Wolf, and later, Tawney. He ran in the primaries in the hope that America would have a stable leadership for the next few years.
Other Info: N/A

I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Esthe

Do Not Remove: 84721

It is very unclear what role your character is supposed to hold in government. You will need to specify that, for one. If they are a candidate for office, that should also be specified along with some level of detail. An appropriate level of detail for a fresh candidate for office would look more like this at least:

(Image)

---

Character Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Republic of Deblar
Character Name: Hugo Fitzgerald
Character Gender: male
Character Age: 47
Character Height: 6’3”
Character Weight: 224
Character Position/Role/Job: Candidate for US House of Representatives (TX-District 9), Lawyer(1998-2010), Houston City Council Member(2010-2013), Mayor of Pasadena(2014-present)
Appearance: (Image)
Character State of Origin: Texas
Character State of Residence: Texas
Character Party Affiliation: Democrat
Main Strengths: Passionate, appealing to minorities, open to bipartisanship, liked by liberals
Main Weaknesses: not well known outside of Houston, has mild anger issues, can be naive at times
Biography:

Hugo was born in Houston, Texas on August 22,1973. He was born to a single mother with 3 other siblings, so life for him growing up was tough. He took an interest in politics at a young age, and coming from a low income family, he wanted it so people would no longer have to live like that. Despite the hardships he faced, he was able to get an education and finish college at Texas Southern University with a Bachelor's Degree in Political Science. Afterwards, he attended law school at the University of Texas at Austin.

After completing law school, he joined a local law firm, then started his own law firm in 2002, which he stayed with until selling the firm in 2010. Afterwards, he began to get involved in politics, being elected to a seat in the Houston City Council. As a member of the council , he championed healthcare access, voting rights protection, LGBT+ rights, environmental protection, and the preservation of social welfare programs. In 2013, he moved on from the city council to seek a higher office and was elected as mayor of Pasadena, a suburb of Houston. In 2020, after being mayor for more than 6 years, he decided to run for Congress to represent Texas’ 9th District.

Other Info:
While in public office, he has championed healthcare access , voting rights protection, LGBT+ rights, environmental protection, and the preservation of social welfare programs . An example of his works as mayor of Pasadena is that he succeeded in passing legislation to provide healthcare and voting access to citizens, but fails to pass legislation to regulate local energy providers to offer renewable energy options.
He is married with 2 kids
I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: (Republic of Deblar)

Do Not Remove: 84721

I couldn’t really think of much about his life, but if I have an idea, I will change it.

[Louisianan]

Hypolite is out of state, Linda is back in state, Henry is praying.