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En El Pozo de Los Lobos (1980s War RP; OOC/Open)

PostPosted: Tue Oct 13, 2020 10:36 am
by Cylarn
This roleplay contains mature themes that may not be suitable for all viewers or participants. As with the nature of such conflicts, there will be a great deal of morally grey decisions and even acts of barbarity. I ask that all participants keep in their minds, the true horrors of the conflicts that occurred in South America at this time. It is my intention to portray an engaging fictional conflict; I do not wish for this RP to become a war crimes simulator.


People's Republic of Counani - An Oppressed Narcostate

The year is 1985. The place is Counani, a diminutive South American state nestled between French Guiana, Suriname, and Brazil. With more mineral wealth sitting under its mountains and rainforests and rivers than it has people, the question of Counani has always been who can master its natural resources for their own gain. In the days of the great colonial empires, settlers and soldiers of various nations have laid claim to Counani. Since the first declarations of independence in the close of the 19th Century, the independent state has successfully withstood the onslaughts of repeated foreign invasions and interference, through a combination of tenacious diplomatic advocacy and stubborn asymmetrical warfare on their own turf. From the 1930s onward, Counani has been free of foreign intervention. Were it not for the inborn economic and social disparities, the conflicting history of French and Brazilian and Dutch and English colonizers with their native counterparts, the past fifty years of Counanese history would have brought Counani to the forefront of South American affairs.

From 1975 onward, the presence of the drug trade has destabilized portions of the country, with urban crime in big cities like Macapa spiking in response. The "Narco Class" emerged; ruthless criminals who had found their niche cultivating, refining, and selling large quantities of drugs abroad. Most of these men, and a few women, had emerged from the remnants of the once-powerful bandit clans that lived in the rainforest. Life for them was opportunistic by nature; killing and robbery and kidnappings all were valid to them. Through the drug trade, the bosses grew richer than their wildest dreams. They found themselves, in a relatively short amount of time, cultivating more wealth than the traditional "men of always." With that money, they bribed the generals and the politicians, the cops and judges, mine owner and landowner. When they found those who resisted, they reacted in the old way.

In response, the government in Macapa declared a state of war against the drug cartels. Weapons flooded the region, and in the beginning, the vast wealth of the cartels meant that they could pay to outgun the military and police. An eight-year cycle of senseless violence persisted; gun battles rocked every city on a weekly basis, while cops and soldiers and cartel gunmen fought deadly battles amid the jungle brush. The government went bankrupt, trying to resupply its dated military and police with ammunition and equipment in order to preserve the country from a total collapse. With dwindling financial support from the government and near-constant fighting with well-armed cartel gunmen, the commanders of the police and military exploited the resources seized from the cartel groups they managed to defeat. What started as the mere armament of government troops with seized weapons and the usage of cartel cash to buy newer hardware, soon transformed into the continuation of drug operations at many sites, under the supervision of different government commanders.

Despite the crudeness of the strategy, it paid off for the Counanese government. Although the government in Macapa continued a public anti-drug stance, its commanding officers were financing their operations from drugs made at formerly cartel-controlled labs. Successes against the cartels mounted, and by 1983, the cartels had either been eliminated, forced into exile, or had joined forces with the government. The drugs did not stop flowing, however; cops and soldiers soon replaced the security at the drug farms and drug labs. There is no difference in the variety of intimidation used by either the cartels or the government. The officer class grew much more wealthy, and powerful, than had been possible in previous generations. Among the officers complicit in the Counanese drug trade, was a cabal of army and police commanders who sought their sights on the reigns of power in Counani, and were willing to do anything they could to reach those reigns. They looked to the East for answers. In the following months, while Counani reeled from the effects of the civil war, a conspiracy to launch a coup was formed. Rebel units were organized and trained in secret, contacts were made in the East, and the drugs continued to flow.

On New Years Eve, 1983, this cabal made their play for the coup. The population celebrated the holiday, and while the overall military stood down and allowed troops to take part in the festivities, rebel units moved into action. Parades of joyous, drunken pedestrians in Macapa found themselves confronted by armed troops and tanks, ordering them into curfew. Riots broke out between the rebels, the loyalist cops and soldiers on duty, and the general populace, although much of it came in vain. By the morning of the new year, Macapa was fully under rebel control. Most government forces surrendered, out of fear of rumors that Cuban troops were planning to intervene. Martial law went into effect quickly, and the democratically-elected government soon found itself as a fugitive in its own country. Officials who failed to escape were either imprisoned for the purpose of televised tribunals, or summarily executed by roving squads of rebel troops.

For the first two weeks of 1984, rebel forces and loyalists fought it out. Demoralization swept through the ranks, sending hundreds of soldiers and cops into desertion without ever firing a shot. The fall of Cunani City, the historical capital of the country, represented the final collapse of the loyalist forces and the complete victory of the rebels. Loyalist fighters, fleeing the "paseos," retreated across the borders as the new government took to office. The "National Safety League" comprised the reigning junta of a new military dictatorship in Counani, albeit one that espoused supposed Marxist virtues. The United States and its allies in the region, namely Brazil, reacted with alarm to these events. Wishing to prevent another Grenada-style incident, Cuba and the Soviet Union, joined by East German and even Libyan interests, stepped in to back the new regime. By way of the United Nations, cooler heads prevailed and the People's Republic of Counani was allowed to survive, with the support of the Warsaw Pact and Cuba.

By the present day - 1985 - the NSL is still in power, and the drug trade is in full swing. NATO, alarmed by both the presence of a Soviet-aligned state in South America and the drug activities of the regime, offers its support to the Counanese opposition. The diaspora of the deposed Counanese government and its supporters can be found in many places. They are cut from many stripes: straight-laced military type, disaffected Communists, and others. Under the guise of the Free Counanese Army, a new war is about to be waged. A force of refugees and mercenaries and foreign operatives is about to wage a campaign to free Counani from the narco-junta.


This is a war-themed action/strategy RP, taking place in a proxy war in 1980s South America, between a narcostate and a rebel force. Players will portray one of two characters: the commander of a company-sized fighting force of any variety within the Free Counanese Army; or an intelligence operative assigned to support the FCA by any means necessary. The former will be permitted to form their own unique unit, as per their specifications appropriate for the time period. Intelligence characters are allowed to elaborate on their support, but it is expected that they will either operate solo, with a small team, or in direct coordination with an FCA unit. The ultimate goal of the FCA, and its supporters, is to topple the purportedly-Marxist military junta ruling over Counani; in reality, this junta runs the world's most lucrative state-control drug operation. The FCA's members come from all walks of life; betrayed narcos fight shoulder-to-shoulder alongside principled ex-cops and disaffected Communists. Much of the operation is financed by the United States and Brazil, as a way of countering Soviet and Cuban influence in Counani.


  • I. As the OP, it's my show.
  • II. The opposing forces are controlled by me, for the most part. In posts, everyone is allowed some liberty in the effects of their actions. However, when it comes to dedicated movements of large enemy bodies, that comes back to me. If you're wanting to take out a large enemy force in one post, nah. Cooperate with the other players, and we can pull off something.
  • III. This is a hybrid RP. If your character is an FCA commander, then expect to not only control this character's thoughts, feelings, and actions, but also those of the armed force they lead. I want substance, as opposed to a bland depiction of military action.
  • IV. Not all units within the FCA will mesh well together, due to a variety of sociopolitical reasons, or otherwise. Inter-organizational conflicts will erupt; while I don't want shootouts automatically breaking out between the left and right-wing cadres of the FCA, there are ways to diminish a purported ally group rather than through violent infighting. Deny support, re-allocate resources; subtle sabotage and passive aggression are the keys to the infighting.
  • V. Anticipate casualties. While I will avoid killing off commanders and such, the Counanese government forces will definitely stack some bodies. Every action comes with a cost.
  • VI. I am going to allow the formation of clandestine/covert Western special operations detachments within the FCA, provided that they understand that they are conducting deniable black ops operations. This goes for commando elements, pilots, advisers, and even intelligence operatives. The limit on foreign special forces units is set to three, and I will be heavily scrutinizing any SF apps.
  • VII. Don't overplay your gear. At the core, we are a rebel group, and not expected to get the best American gear on the market. You may possess vehicles, but ensure that you portray their limitations as well as their obvious strengths.
  • VIII. At the end of the day, we are all buds. Don't take anything to heart from the IC, and translate it over.

Counani - A Brief History

This passage shall cover the history of Counani from 1887 to 1985; this span represents the existence of the independent Counanese state. Prior to 1887, the region had been the spectacle of feuds between French, Dutch, English, and Brazilian interests, particularly in regards to the bountiful wealth of minerals and rubber coming out of Counani. It had since been largely controlled by the French. The first Counanese government, under President Jules Gros, was met with widespread international disapproval and the eventual divestment of the government by most of the ministers present. From 1887 to 1894, no functional government existed, aside from a collection of mining towns and plantations that swore to Counanese independence. Things remained largely peaceful, until forces loyal to Brazilian General Francisco Cabral entered the region. This new "Free State" was little more than a Brazilian puppet, but the lure of gold along the banks of the Calcoene River brought additional settlers proclaiming their allegiance for the Free State.

From 1894 to 1897, the Free State and its Brazilian allies fought a war against the French, which was later settled over a treaty. The Free State was allowed to exist, albeit with the condition that Brazil refrained from launching any further grabs, or attempts to consolidate Counani into its territory. Over the years, tensions between Brazilian landowners and French mine operators brewed into low-level skirmishes between the two groups. Nevertheless, Counani continued to develop itself into a functional state. A constitution was ratified, along with judicial and legislative branches in addition to the Presidency. Unlike with other countries in the region, the Counanese elites managed to stave off harmful attempts by foreign companies to exploit their labor, although a wide wealth disparity has long continued to persist. Political power is divided between the wealthy French mining entrepreneurs supported by French officers in the Counani Army, and the rubber plantation owners of Brazilian heritage. Tensions with France and Brazil carry on, with French operatives engaging in espionage to provoke the sentiments of oppressed indigenous and mixed-race Counanese peoples. Young Counanese intellectuals, educated in France, began to forment opposition to the Franco-Brazilian elites, of whom they themselves are actively feuding for political and economic reasons. This is a slight backfire for French Intelligence at the time, but no actions are taken to suppress the rhetoric of Paris-residing Counanese intellectuals. A variety of factions, from Marxists and Anarchists to more centrist groups, rose within the ranks of this Counanese nationalist movement.

1915 - the Counanese Civil War kicks off. Government forces, consisting of military regulars and privately-raised militias, contest a military campaign waged by the Free Army of Counani, an army formed by exiled dissidents which was supported by shipments of German weapons and the presence of German military advisors. Foreign military forces in the French and British Guianas join the Brazilians in an intervention amid fears of a German front being opened in South America. These fears are further compounded by German commerce-raiding. The British withdraw comes in 1919, with the signing of the Treaty of Versailles. The initial cooperation between the intervening forces and the Counani government ends here, with French and Brazilian forces now seeking to occupy the nation and divide it. This in turn leads the besieged Counani government and the Free Army to come to the table in a League of Nations mediation. Both sides renounce hostilities to one another and a coalition government is formed, with political factions of the Free Army transitioning into the Counanese Parliament and other branches of the government. The unified Counanese forces eventually break the long-running siege on Counani City by 1921. In the following year, another mediation by the League of Nations brings the belligerents to the negotiating table. The French and Brazilian troops withdraw from Counani, although some borderlands are turned over to French Guiana and Brazil.

Things progress in a stable manner until the stock market crash of 1929. The gold mines and rubber plantations suffer greatly, with tens of thousands of workers left unemployed. Anger among the lower classes coalesces into jungle insurgency and plantation rebellions, instigated by Marxist and Anarchist revolutionaries. A bombing incident at the US Consulate in Macapa causes the situation to further detoriate, with US Marines occupying the port city for the course of two months in 1933. Fears of an American invasion subside with a negotiated withdrawal and the elimination of Macapa's most notorious revolutionary commander by US Marines. The passage of government reforms to alleviate economic suffering proves successful, following in the example of American New Deal programs. By 1937, the final revolutionary holdouts are eliminated by Counanese army and police units. The discovery of manganese in 1939 provides a much-needed stimulus to the economy, adding many new jobs.

World War II sees the limited involvement of Counani on the side of the Allies, terminating a training relationship with the German Wehrmacht begun in 1936. The Counanese Navy takes on escort duty for the merchant fleet in delivering supplies to Allied forces in Western Europe and North Africa. The most famous exploit of Counani during the war would be the sinking of a particularly troublesome U-Boat wolfpack. Thousands of Counanese citizens also took up service with the Allies, most prominently forming a foreign continent of the Free French Forces. Counani would not see another military campaign until the Korean War, in which a task force of land, naval, and aerial forces were committed to the defense of South Korea. Although their performance was applauded by the other participating nations, the loss of one-thousand men greatly disturbed the Counanese populace. Counanese military leaders downplayed the casualties sustained, and worked to ignore the public's questions about why Counani had contributed forces to fight in a war thousands of miles away. Communist activity increased as Counani entered the 1960s, particularly among the universities in and around the capital of Macapa.

It was in the early 1960s, that the Counanese drug cartels first took root. Smuggling had always been a profitable business; American cigarettes, Bolivian cocaine, Colombian marijuana, were but a few of the goods that traveled through Counani. However, domestic drug production existed only in the form of small marijuana farms on barely-arable soil. What happened, was the arrival of enterprising smuggler Joao Humberto. His vision was to escape the holds of his cocaine suppliers among the Bolivian cocaleros, and he would do just that, by turning to unassuming American agriculturalists for supplies. Humberto opened his first coca farm and cocaine-production lab, out in the remote confines of the Counanese-Brazilian border, in 1963. Cocaine rose in stature above marijuana as the most popular domestic recreational drug. In a short space of time, Humberto rose from a lowly smuggler to the head of a robust monopoly over the cocaine trade.

A period of ten years between 1966 and 1976, saw the fragmentation of Humberto's drug empire, and the perpetuation of a period of criminal violence. Thugs, swearing allegiance to various drug lords, carried out acts of violence against each other as well as the civilian population and the security forces. The assassination of President Ursula Rocinante in 1976, the first female President of Counani, saw the beginning of a civil war between rival coalitions of various drug cartels, and the government forces. The international popularity of cocaine assisted the cartels in gathering a wealthy war chest, and in the beginning, the cartels had a leg up. Engagements often resulted in government troops either deserting or being routed with heavy casualties.

Going into the 1980s, the situation was dire enough for military and police commanders to see the value in the drug industry, which was allowing cartels to pump money into their war efforts. At the direction of the Chief of Staff of the Counanese Defense Force, commanders at company-level or higher were permitted to "appropriate" seized cartel possessions. Although the intent was for soldiers and police to more readily access seized cartel firepower, it soon became a policy for commanders to assume control over drug farms and labs. In many cases, forced laborers assumed that government troops sought to liberate them from working in cartel fields, only to find the soldiers ordering them back to work. Cartel defections brought pipelines for the commanders to send their new goods overseas to be sold. These events allowed for the eventual government victory over the cartels in 1983, however in doing so, power over the Counanese drug trade merely shifted hands.

Many police and military commanders had grown rich by the end of the war, controlling the production and trade of every drug crop grown into Counani. Civilian politicians, particularly the Communists, raised alarm over this growing power. Empty resolutions, by both the military and government, sought to create an anti-drug policy, although it proved unsuccessful and merely served as a cover for the narcotics trade. Interest by foreign law enforcement into Counanese narcotics, particularly by the DEA, brought alarm to the "Narco-Comandantes" as the press referred to the generals and police chiefs who owned drug plantations. In particular, a group of Narco-Comandantes was particularly riled up by the encroachment of American law enforcement, and by the US intervention in Grenada. Out of fear of a similar event, by either the Americans or Brazil, prompted these officers to look Eastward for salvation. And, they did. Over the course of several months, the conspirators prepared lists and plans, consolidating and marshalling their resources for an eventual goal: the preservation of their power.

On New Years Eve 1983, the population of Counani celebrated as they did every holiday. Pedestrians drank and danced and made merry in street festivals and parades. The CDF at large was on stand-down, enabling many soldiers to leave their bases to participate in the festivities. However, a division's-worth of armed Counanese soldiers, joined by a covert insertion of Cuban and East German commandos, soon took to the streets of Macapa, taking control of key government installations and locking down parts of the city. Their actions were practiced and determined; resistance to the coup was piecemeal and marked with bedlam, as frightened loyalists fired upon one another in mistake for coup forces. Most soldiers and police in the city either deserted, or switched sides amid the night of chaos. Within two weeks, Counani had fallen to the coup.

You know the rest.

The Powers That Be

  • FREE COUNANESE ARMY - A fighting force that represents the various exiled groups of Counanese nationals opposed to the junta. Their fighters and equipment are drawn from a variety of sources. Communists, Nationalists, mercenaries, and others can be found in their ranks.
  • THE NARCO-JUNTA - The body of officers overseeing national affairs in Counani. They have dismantled the bodies of civilian government and suspended the Constitution. Civil liberties and political freedom have been curtailed, and although they espouse an anti-drug agenda, the commanders have done nothing to end the Counanese drug industry, and instead use their power and resources to continue exporting drugs worldwide. In effect, they have formed a legitimate narco-state, and rely upon a newfound relationship with the Warsaw Pact to protect their sovereignty.
  • WARSAW PACT - The Communist nations on the other side of the Iron Curtain have expressed their recognition of the People's Republic of Counani. Cuba, as well as Libya and Angola, have expressed their support. Economic, political, and military investment by the East is heavy in Counani. Regular visits by Soviet warships have thus far dissuaded hopes of a possible US intervention.
  • NATO - Led in this affair by the United States and Brazil, NATO is providing tacit support for a proxy invasion of Counani by the FCA.
  • COUNANESE DEFENSE FORCE - The combined Army, Navy, People's Police, People's Militia, and Air Force of Counani. Prior to the coup, much of their equipment consisted of dated Western gear, but they are now in the process of a massive rearmament and modernization campaign with the assistance of the Warsaw Pact. The CDF is directly complicit in the drug trade, providing protection for drug farms and assisting in the transportation of goods.
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[b]Demeanor:[/b] (Be descriptive and elaborate on how your character acts, or what we should expect)
[b]Role:[/b] (Either you are a commander of a unit, or an intelligence operative doing their thing)
[b]Military Background:[/b]
[b]Biography:[/b] (Just a basic four paragraphs will do)

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[align=center][u][b]Unit Application[/b][/u][/align]
[Blocktext][b]Unit Name:[/b]
[b]Unit Strength:[/b] (150 or below)
[b]Specialty:[/b] (This can revolve around a specific combat doctrine, or the variety of weapons, vehicles, and equipment used)
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PostPosted: Tue Oct 13, 2020 10:37 am
by Cylarn


  • NAKAMURA, Guilherme - President-in-Exile of the Republic of Counani, forced to flee the country due to a coup mounted by generals involved in the drug trade. Generally seen as a warm and thoughtful person, although he is ashamed of his own tacit approval of the "appropriations" during the Cartel War. A democratically-elected leader, and quite well-liked by ordinary Counanese citizens, but branded a coward by the regime.
  • PINHO, Edson - The former Deputy Commissioner of the now-defunct Counanese National Police, and currently the Mission Head, as appointed by President Nakamura. A crude, heavy-handed man who was once counted as one of the most powerful Narco-Comandantes in the country. Widely rumored to be connected to Colombian cartels, he makes no secret his disdain for the regime.
  • CARLSON, Frederick - Seniormost U.S. liaison to Free Counanese Army and commanding officer for Operation REVERSO. Veteran of U.S. Army Special Forces operations in Colombia, Vietnam, Laos, and El Salvador. Currently serving as attaché to National Security Council, and assigned to coordinate REVERSO on behalf of SecDef and POTUS. A career unconventional warrior and committed anticommunist, noted for his combination of deep empathy for local partners and utter ruthlessness in achieving objectives. A formidable soldier and adept politician, with deep connections both in Washington and in the FCA, and a consummate professional of absolute and invaluable discretion. (Thank you, Norv)

  • MURPHY, Marcelo - An ex-Counanese Army captain, who was forced to leave Counani after being proscribed by the post-coup regime. Prior to his dismissal, Marcelo was noted as one of the more competent field commanders during the Narco War. He is an eager commander within the FCA, with authority over the Free Command of Northern Counani.


  • ADAMS, Thomas - The seniormost CIA operative overseeing FCA operations as part of Operation REVERSO. Adams is as much of a tried-and-true scholar, as he is one of the foremost CIA practicioners in unconventional warfare. He has participated in CIA operations throughout the Western Hemisphere, from the 1958 Cuban Revolution all the way to the present.


  • BRAGA, Arturo - The head of the military government of Counani, and the powerful commander of the CDF in control of dozens of individual drug operations throughout Counani. An elderly man of eighty-three, whose mind has remained sharp as his body has deteriorated from illness and injury of a lifetime of service. Once an icon of Counanese heroism overseas, he has since grown obsessive over the continuation of the drug trade in Counani. General Braga holds power with an iron fist; dissidents are regularly exiled, imprisoned, or killed, and he is not above undercutting his allies if they pose a liability toward his interests.
  • BRADDOCK, Jair - Flag Admiral of the Counanese Navy. The principal organizer of the narco-junta's seaborne smuggling operations, whose position as head of the Counanese Navy suits his task well. A selfish, cowardly officer promoted by virtue of friends, than personal merit, but adept at planning supply routes and pickup transition sites for drug smuggling.
  • DE CASTRIES, Aurelio - Commissioner of the Counanese People's Police. De Castries, the shrewd former head of the Police Intelligence Bureau, has absorbed most of the Counanese intelligence appartus into the People's Police. He coldly ensures that enemies of the regime either stay locked up or dead, depending on the orders of the other Narco-Comandantes.
  • ALLAND, Yves - Comandate-General of the Counanese Air Force. A decorated fighter ace of the Korean and Second World Wars, General Alland manages the Air Force. Part of his duty, a major portion, revolves around using his planes to transport drugs for the regime. Betrayed by a secretive good nature, Alland is said to be guilty of the participation of the Air Force in repressing the civilian population, and disgruntled at the presence of foreign air combat units in Counani.
  • CHARBONEAU, Felipe - Comandante-General of the Counanese Army. The thuggish enforcer of the regime, whose troops provide a great deal of security to the regime's drug-manufacturing facilities and drug farms. A yes-man with a vicious temper, he does not shy away from ordering the Army to fire upon civilians. He is locked in a bloodless (so far) feud with Daniel Bosco, Commander of the People's Militia.
  • BOSCO, Daniel - Comandante-General of the Counanese People's Militia. Handles much of the activity revolving around the impressment of Counanese locals into forced labor in the drug industry. A former Nationalist politician and noted ex-Narco, Bosco uses the Militia as a grassroots form of oppression and intimidation. He is feuding with General Charboneau over matters regarding in-country drug transportation.
  • METZ, Timo - The senior HVA agent in charge of all clandestine DPR operations within Counani. A career man within East German intelligence who has been involved in numerous operations of this type and knows what he is doing.Oversees the military and intelligence advisors, and sale of NVA weaponry and equipment to Counanese government. The HVA sees this as a good opportunity to balance the books whilst supporting their “socialist” allies, and Metz sees it as an opportunity to climb the ladder to make deputy chief. (Thanks, Hastur/Galdius)

PostPosted: Tue Oct 13, 2020 10:37 am
by Cylarn
Character Application

Name: Marcelo Aviles Murphy.
Age: 35.
Gender: Male.
Appearance: Marcelo.

Demeanor: Marcelo can be described in his typical behavior to be "professional." Cultured by a career that he took personal pride in, he hardly speaks out of turn, or raises his voice outside of an appropriate environment. He tempers the amount of emotion that he shows, especially in the context of the FCA at large. However, much of his motivation stems from a desire to get some sort of revenge on the regime that cashiered him into exile.
Nationality: Counanese; Portuguese-Irish Heritage.
Citizenship: Counanese.

Role: FCA Company Commander.
Military Background: Captain, 4th Jungle Infantry Brigade, Counanese Defense Force (1968-1984).
Education: Graduate of The Citadel; Bachelor's Degree in Business Management.
Biography: Marcelo Aviles Murphy was born on February 8th, 1950, as the descendant of Irish settlers who had cultivated and tamed a wide swath of northern coastal land for farming. His father, Bernardo, owned and managed a commercial rubber plantation, from which the Murphy family derived a comfortable upper middle-class lifestyle, in which Murphy and his six other siblings found themselves attending the best Catholic schools in the region. At an early age, Marcelo caught interest in the profession of arms; every man in his family had held a commission at some point. Among the landowning gentry of Counani, a record of military service was something that advanced status. His interest was greatly nurtured by his family, and upon graduation from high school, joined the CDF as an officer-cadet.

His military education was delivered overseas, courtesy of The Citadel, in South Carolina. Many young Counanese of wealthy stock could afford the expensive education of a military school abroad. Marcelo participated as a member of the Corps of Cadets, instructed in the niceties and rigors of military life from experienced cadres of American veterans, and egotistical Cadets alike. More importantly, he received a top-class education in military tactics; four years, he spent alongside the US armed forces. Winter Break and Spring Break were spent training with the US Army, at places like Benning and Bragg.

Marcelo spent his summers back home in Counani. His status as an officer-cadet merited that he provide service as an enlisted member in the Counanese National Militia, the rural auxiliary force that supported the National Police. Cartel warfare was at an all-time high; hitmen and gunmen were striking out whenever, catching cops and civilians alike in the crossfire. M18 Garand in hand, Marcelo saw his first taste of combat in the early '70s, when the cartels in the vicinity of Oiapoque waged a street war over control of the border city. The tough struggles of these early days - house-to-house fighting, snipers, and grenade attacks on department stores and post offices - taught him valuable lessons in his military career. Indeed, within the confines of the relatively sheltered cadet-class of The Citadel, Marcelo's early combat record singled him out among his peers.

In 1972, he finally graduated and received his commission into the Counanese Army. As an infantry lieutenant, he was posted over a platoon in Oiapoque, once again. The situation in Oiapoque had calmed down with the arrival of boots on the ground the year before, and the corruption-busting platform of Mayor Julio Rodrigues was proving to thwart the unchecked violence in the city. Cartel violence in the north, at least in those four years, was comparatively low to unrest going on in the west and south of Counani. Patrols and training encompassed much of his service time in Oiapoque, with the army units serving as an auxiliary to a police force that largely had the situation under control. In his leisure time, he found space to court women, make friends, and enjoy a comfortable existence as a lieutenant.

1976 kicked off with a major escalation in hostilities. Cartel gunmen from one of the western cartels assassinated President Rocinante, touching off a major government intervention in the region. Elements of the northern-based 4th Infantry, of which Marcelo's platoon was a part of, deployed into the jungle with the objective of rooting out the drug farms and any bases of operation utilized by the cartels. The proliferation of arms and equipment by the cartels, largely from friends in Brazil and contacts in Israel, was long-neglected by the CDF, as was the militarization of portions of the jungle. The initial action by the government was met by high casualties and little results. Rifle platoons, expecting to roll up along old jungle roads to the drugs fields virtually unopposed, quickly found themselves ambushed by gun emplacements hidden in the jungle brush, and scores of determined cartel gunmen that fought in a coordinated, cold manner, eliminating many soldiers and police officers in what foreign journalists would describe as "bloodbaths."

Marcelo himself experienced the pain and humiliation of that initial government defeat. In his first real combat operation as a platoon leader, Marcelo suffered the defeat and disintegration of his entire unit. Tasked to eliminate a cartel villa and given unarmored vehicles to transport his force, Marcelo was instead ambushed by a precise RPG attack which halted his convoy long enough for machine guns to engage the platoon. It was a completely one-sided engagement; two enemy dead, for the loss of thirty men dead and the rest wounded and captured. A gunshot wound through the stomach almost took his life; after spending two days in the appalling conditions of a jungle ER, suffering from intense pain and fever dreams tempered by the influence of heroin, a well-meaning cartel member had Marcelo dumped in the western outskirts of Macapa. This was partly done as a warning to the government, as were the publicized photos that the cartel took of the engagement's aftermath. After a year spent recuperating, Marcelo came back into the fight.

Reassigned to Oiapoque, Marcelo set aside his anger in order to assist in the actions against the recently-resurgent northern cartels. As opposed to his earlier habit of obeying any and all orders, regardless of the outcome, Marcelo decided to take on a much more proactive role in operations planning. From his days in college, he took lessons from the Vietnam War. He spoke out against things and people that he believed underestimated the cartels; objected when he felt his "betters" were planning to send men into deathtraps. If he couldn't alter an operation on the planning stage, Marcelo had no objections from deviating from plans he felt were reckless. His platoon stopped using vehicles almost entirely, instead insisting upon on-foot overland travel. Official military intelligence was second in importance to the accounts gained from acquired informants on the ground, as Marcelo saw the participation of willing civilians as important to operations on the ground. His deviations from Counanese military norms paid off in 1979, when his platoon, after weeks of reconnaissance and planning, executed a successful assault in coordination with the air force and two platoons of police upon a villa owned by Feliz Humberto, youngest son of Joao Humberto and the #1 drug lord in the northern region. Backed by close air support from trainer aircraft and observation helicopters, the platoon struck out from the jungles in pursuit of the bombardment ahead of them, engaging a superior force of one-hundred and fifty men. Having planned much of the assault in detail, Marcelo took charge as the on-the-ground commander during the main sweep. Feliz disappeared after the attack on his compound, and the government troops took control of the site and its adjoining fields. They were prevented from burning them, due to the arrival of Comandante Pinho.

For his efforts, Marcelo was promoted to the rank of Captain, and given a company of men, in addition to greater operational authority. Until 1983, he planned and led operations against individual sites, seizing them and selling off the property and assets to his highers-up, a common occurrence among field officers that couldn't or wouldn't take over a drug farm for themselves. In the final action of the conflict, his company participated in the military task force that eliminated the last remaining independent cartel.

A short period of peace was what he desired, and for six months, he got exactly that. Rest, relaxation, and a ski vacation in the Appalachian Mountains served to help him rehabilitate from the conflict. He returned home on New Years Eve, 1983, observing the New Year stand-down with much of the CDF. When the Narco-Comandantes launched the coup, Marcelo found himself in Macapa, celebrating the event at a street carnival with his girlfriend, several fellow officers, and their partners and spouses, when his party bore witness to the targeted killing of the Counanese Minister of the Interior by foreign troops. In the bedlam and chaos, Marcelo found himself in a direct verbal confrontation with the rebels, and ended up "briefly" detained by rebel-aligned police officers. For one reason or another, Marcelo was subjected to a brutal interrogation by individuals he later alleged, in a confidential report to the CIA detailing the coup and the presence of Warsaw Pact troops, to be East German and Cuban intelligence officers. Through the assistance of one of Marcelo's sisters, his testimony was delivered to the US Embassy prior to its closure.

Marcelo never returned to his command. Most of February was spent in convalescence from injuries sustained in his detention. Days prior to his release, the new regime enacted a "proscription list," which dictated that any individual found to be on an official government registry of "terrorist sympathizers," was to be imprisoned without trial. Perhaps due to his early cooperation with the CIA in exposing Eastern involvement, he was evacuated covertly from his hospital in Oiapoque, into French Guiana, and eventually the United States.

Marcelo showed no reluctance when approached with the prospect of joining the FCA as a commander. Eagerly, he took on the painstaking process of recruitment, seeking out members of his old brigade for service. A sufficient number was recruited from both the Counanese diaspora in French Guiana, and those who could be persuaded to defect from Counani and illegally cross into French Guiana and Brazil to request asylum. Once he had the men, arrangements were made to bring them to the Great Dismal Swamp for training amid the largely uninhabited territory. From July of 1984 to the present, the newly-formed Comando Norte endured a year of training in small-unit tactics and sustainment of operations in the Counanese jungle, in preparation for the invasion.

Unit Application

Unit Name: Free Command of Northern Counani/Comando Livre de Cunani do Norte (CLCN); Informally referred to as "Comando Norte." A popular nickname among the unit is "The Pumas of the North."
Commander: Captain Marcelo Murphy.
Unit Strength: 110 officers, NCOs, and enlisted personnel.
Specialty: Mixed-doctrine light infantry force; soldiers are trained in both conventional and unconventional warfare tactics, but their focus is upon general small-unit engagements, patrols, and area assaults. The unit also possesses a limited capability to engage enemy helicopters with Stinger missile systems. If need-be, most members can hone in on past jungle survival experience to survive for extended periods of deployment in the jungle without resupply.

Commonly-Used Equipment:
  • BATTLE/ASSAULT RIFLES - FN FAL Battle Rifle; AR-18 Assault Rifle; M16A1 Assault Rifle; M14 Battle Rifle.
  • SUBMACHINE GUNS/MACHINE PISTOLS: M1A1 Thompson; IMI Uzi; L2 Sterling; Ingram Mac-10; Carl Gustav M/45.
  • SNIPER/MARKSMAN RIFLES: M21; Remington 700; Marlin 336; M1 Garand; H&K PSG-1.
  • SHOTGUNS: Winchester M12; Mossberg 500.
  • EXPLOSIVES: Mk. 2 Grenade; RL-83 Blindicide; FIM-92 Stinger Missile; Rifle Grenades; M30 Mortar.
  • PISTOLS: Colt M1911A1; Browning Hi-Power; Beretta M1951.
  • UNIFORM: CN troops wear a two-piece BDU, its scheme being that of a French lizard camouflage meant to provide concealment in jungle environments. Their headgear consists of an olive drab slouch hat, with the brim pulled to the right side. They wear modern vest-like combat webbing, and carry enough equipment and resources to sustain themselves in a jungle environment for extended periods of time.
Unit Background: The CLCN consists of four platoons, with twenty-five men in each platoon and a company staff of ten. The unit can be traced back to infantry companies attached to the 4th Jungle Infantry Brigade of the Northern Military Department. Prior to the coup, the 4th had been considered one of the premier fighting units in the CDF, with an impeccable combat record stretching back to the turn of the century. During the conflict with the cartel, the companies and battalions of the 4th further distinguished themselves in operations in Northern Counani. Their doctrine back then, and now, is long-range jungle combat operations, consisting of patrols and reconnaissance. Much of the unit was co-opted into protecting the northern drug trade post-coup.

Nevertheless, a number of defectors were brought into the Free Counanese Army, forming the CLCN. The group is barracked in a training compound, preparing for the invasion with training from advisors attached to the JFK Special Warfare Center. Their weapons and equipment are distributed to them by the CIA, however the sources come from countries such as Israel and South Africa. For their role in the invasion, the CLCN will be launching attacks into Northern Counani from the border with French Guiana, most notably to destabilize the People's Police contingents responsible for border security.

PostPosted: Tue Oct 13, 2020 11:49 am
by Great Confederacy of Commonwealth States
Well, yes, naturally!

PostPosted: Tue Oct 13, 2020 12:32 pm
by Latvijas Otra Republika
Big tag

PostPosted: Wed Oct 14, 2020 7:52 am
by Cylarn
Good to see some interest! I'll keep refining everything for us.

PostPosted: Wed Oct 14, 2020 10:52 am
by Reverend Norv
I will definitely make time for this.

PostPosted: Wed Oct 14, 2020 12:55 pm
by Rodez

Character Application

Name: Joseph Cidro Molaeb 'J.C.'
Age: 37
Gender: Male
Appearance: J.C.

Demeanor: Quiet and thoughtful, JC is not usually given to strong emotional outbursts one way or the other. He seems to keep much to himself, and dislikes it when people are able to read him. The wealthy background of his family has led JC into a sort of ironic detachment from his upper-class upbringing, stemming in large part from a desire to relate to his men, who almost all share working-class origins. Though a fervent anti-communist, JC seems to lack the vicious streak that Castellanos, his predecessor as commander of the FVCL, tried to impose on the unit's culture.
Nationality: Colombian; Colombian/Lebanese heritage
Citizenship: Colombian

Role: FVCL Commander
Military Background: Colombian Army 2nd Lt, 23rd Infantry Brigade 1970-1971. 1st Lt, 23rd Infantry 1971-74. Capt, 31st Jungle Infantry Brigade 1974-1980. Awarded Antonio Nariño Military Order of Merit in 1974 for exceptional acts of valor. Dishonorable discharge in 1980, commendations stripped. Lebanese Forces/Lebanese Phalange 1980-84 [REDACTED].
Education: Graduate of St. Thomas Aquinas Universty, Bogota, Class of '70 - Bachelor's in History
Biography: Born 3/27/1948 in Cartagena, Colombia where his father was a successful businessman and recent immigrant from Lebanon. His mother was a university English professor. Joseph Cidro, or 'JC,' was raised the third of four children and the only boy. Family moved to Villavicencio, on the Llanos plain, in 1956. JC attended the city's best prep schools but also received a youthful education in horseback riding, swimming, shooting and other outdoor activities from his maternal Uncle Fermin, a local rancher. As his father was Lebanese and his mother Colombian, JC was raised in a bilingual household, speaking both Spanish and Arabic. His mother also tutored him to near-fluency in English.

In 1966, JC was admitted to St. Thomas Aquinas University in Bogota, the oldest university in Colombia. As a History major, he received good marks but did not excel academically. Entered Officer Training School for the Colombian Army in 1967 after one of his three sisters was killed by the FARC in Cali. Graduated from St. Thomas Aquinas in 1970 with a Bachelor's in History. Commissioned as a 2nd Lieutenant in the Colombian Army later that year.


Unit Application

[blocktext]Unit Name: Volunteer Force of Free Counani/Fuerza Voluntaria de Counani Libre (FVCL) - Informally 'The Phalange Company'
Commander: Captain J.C. Molaeb
Unit Strength: 90 officers, NCOs, and enlisted personnel
Specialty: Light infantry/commando force with specialty and experience revolving around urban warfare, area infiltration, bombmaking, kidnapping, assassination, and other various terror tactics
Commonly-Used Equipment:
Unit Background: (Two paragraphs minimum)

PostPosted: Wed Oct 14, 2020 4:51 pm
by Reverend Norv
Gonna go ahead and use Robert Redford as the image for my CIA agent. Why not? He's period-vintage.

PostPosted: Wed Oct 14, 2020 5:07 pm
by Cylarn
Reverend Norv wrote:Gonna go ahead and use Robert Redford as the image for my CIA agent. Why not? He's period-vintage.

I'm looking forward to the app.

PostPosted: Wed Oct 14, 2020 6:04 pm
by Reverend Norv
Cylarn wrote:
Reverend Norv wrote:Gonna go ahead and use Robert Redford as the image for my CIA agent. Why not? He's period-vintage.

I'm looking forward to the app.

Good! I'm writing this one as if it is a CIA personnel file that's been commented on by senior officers. So most of it is dry, objective assessment, but it's shot through with parenthetical, underlined "N.B." comments from two officers: J.M., who likes Adams, and M.D., who emphatically does not. So you get a just-the-facts-ma'am version of the character, plus two different perspectives on him worked into the application.

PostPosted: Thu Oct 15, 2020 6:34 am
by Cylarn
Reverend Norv wrote:-snip-

If you wouldn't mind a little bit of extra work, could you develop an NPC for me? It would be nothing major, as I don't need an app for them. What I want is a USSOCSOUTH officer; likely a Special Forces Colonel, this is an experienced unconventional warrior serving as the top US liason to the FCA.

Alternatively, I am willing to allow you as much liberty on this NPC as you wish. All I need is a name, and a background spanning one paragraph. If you want this guy to be a shady civilian intelligence operative with a high security clearance and directive to support the FCA, go ahead.

PostPosted: Thu Oct 15, 2020 7:23 am
by Reverend Norv
Cylarn wrote:
Reverend Norv wrote:-snip-

If you wouldn't mind a little bit of extra work, could you develop an NPC for me? It would be nothing major, as I don't need an app for them. What I want is a USSOCSOUTH officer; likely a Special Forces Colonel, this is an experienced unconventional warrior serving as the top US liason to the FCA.

Alternatively, I am willing to allow you as much liberty on this NPC as you wish. All I need is a name, and a background spanning one paragraph. If you want this guy to be a shady civilian intelligence operative with a high security clearance and directive to support the FCA, go ahead.

Sure. Is this person supposed to be in the field with the FCA, or is he back of the lines in French Guyana or wherever Pinho and Nakamura are?

PostPosted: Thu Oct 15, 2020 8:23 am
by Cylarn
Reverend Norv wrote:
Cylarn wrote:
If you wouldn't mind a little bit of extra work, could you develop an NPC for me? It would be nothing major, as I don't need an app for them. What I want is a USSOCSOUTH officer; likely a Special Forces Colonel, this is an experienced unconventional warrior serving as the top US liason to the FCA.

Alternatively, I am willing to allow you as much liberty on this NPC as you wish. All I need is a name, and a background spanning one paragraph. If you want this guy to be a shady civilian intelligence operative with a high security clearance and directive to support the FCA, go ahead.

Sure. Is this person supposed to be in the field with the FCA, or is he back of the lines in French Guyana or wherever Pinho and Nakamura are?

The Government-in-Exile has its primary offices in Lisbon, although this person would be traveling around everywhere between the Brazilian-Counanese border, and anywhere that FCA troops are being trained, which is split between Brazil, French Guiana, the United States, and Israel (in a joint US-Israeli training program).

PostPosted: Thu Oct 15, 2020 9:40 am
by Tayner
Tag. Gonna do a company of rebel engineers (guys who took their demolitions from mines and started to use them on the government)

PostPosted: Thu Oct 15, 2020 10:44 am
by Cylarn
Tayner wrote:Tag. Gonna do a company of rebel engineers (guys who took their demolitions from mines and started to use them on the government)

Looking forward to it.

PostPosted: Thu Oct 15, 2020 4:03 pm
by Cylarn
I have expanded on the backgrounds of the regime figures. More characters to come.

PostPosted: Thu Oct 15, 2020 6:46 pm
by Reverend Norv
Character Application

Name: Thomas Francis Adams. In the field, generally goes by "Frank" or "Paco"/"Pacho"/"Pancho," from the nicknames for "Francisco" in different areas of Latin America.

Age: 45 (DOB 2/12/1940)

Gender: M

Appearance: 6'1'', 170 lbs. Dark blond hair, blue eyes. Athletic build with broad shoulders and chest (N.B.: Adams set a breaststroke record on the Georgetown Univ. swim team in 1962 - J.M.). Usefully physically attractive; "raven" tactics applied to asset management in Peru. Laceration scarring on back (broken glass, helicopter crash 6/11/71) and puncture scar on sole and top of right foot, with accompanying slight limp (punji stick, 1/28/67).

Demeanor: Professional, diligent, thorough, decisive. Largely unflappable, including under fire; possesses an unusual depth of personal combat experience for a career intelligence officer. Easily conveys charm; possesses a swift and sometimes lacerating sense of irony. Advanced training in diplomacy and anthropology contributes to a high level of personal and cultural empathy and insightful analysis of character. Tends to project the untroubled self-assurance of lifelong privilege. (N.B.: old breed Agency; one of Dick Helms' WASP aristocrats with too many advanced degrees - M.D.). Believed to struggle with attachment to assets; either overinvests or underinvests empathetically. Overinvestment results in problematically broad reading of mission parameters and resistance to Agency directives. (N.B.: Adams forgets who he works for and goes off the reservation. Happened in Laos. Happened again in Angola. Almost happened in Peru. Practically got him killed in El Salvador. - M.D.). Broadly liberal politics in tension with Agency methods in Western Hemisphere; evinces a pronounced dislike of "ideological amateurs" and aggressive tactics by local partners. (N.B.: Adams is politically reliable, but he cares about people more than ideals. That's why he doesn't like working with death squads. Who does? - J.M.). Believed to be a high-functioning alcoholic and possible drug (opium) user, potentially indicative of deeper stress disorder or depression. (N.B.: This should be ABSOLUTELY DISPOSITIVE. - M.D.)

Nationality: U.S.A. (born in Rabat, French Morocco to U.S. citizen parents).

Citizenship: U.S.A. (viable legends based on Argentine, French, and Canadian citizenship documents).


Role: CIA Directorate of Operations; posted Paramaribo station under diplomatic cover; seconded Operation REVERSO and embedded with Free Counanese Army. Seniormost CIA officer in-country for REVERSO.

Military Background: 2ndLt, 2/26th Marines, 6/1965 - 12/1966; 1stLt, 2/26th Marines, 12/1966 - 12/1968; Capt, 2/26th Marines, 12/1968 - 6/1969. Honorably discharged 6/18/1969. Awarded Bronze Star with "V" Device, Purple Heart, Marine Corps Commendation Medal, Marine Corps Combat Action Ribbon, Marine Corps Good Conduct Medal, and Marine Corps Expeditionary Medal. Entitled to wear Presidential Unit Citation for 26th Marines' defense of Khe Sanh Combat Base.

Education: Privately tutored until age 18. B.A. in International History, magna cum laude, Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University, 1963. M.A. in International Relations, Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, Princeton University, 1965. Ph.D. in Anthropology, Columbia University, 1979.

Biography: Born 2/12/1940 in Rabat, French Morocco, where his father was U.S. consul. Son and grandson of foreign service officers / civil servants; grandfather was deputy Secretary of State under Pres. Wilson. Hereditary life member of Society of the Cincinnati. (N.B.: long family tradition of public service; substantial inherited wealth. - J.M.) Grew up in Rabat, Lisbon, Santiago, Istanbul, Bangkok, and Algiers. Privately tutored; fluent in French, Spanish, Portuguese, Arabic, and Latin, with limited Turkish and Thai. Substantial early experience of political instability; at age 16, was caught in crossfire between French troops and Algerian rebels during Battle of Algiers.

Admitted to Georgetown University Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service, 1958. Deferred for one year to work for Lutheran World Relief in poor quarter of Santiago de Cuba. Amid ongoing Cuban Revolution, recruited by CIA officer J.M. to act as intermediary with 26th July Movement cadres in Santiago. Briefly interrogated by BRAC officers but talked his way out. Retains valuable contacts among former Cuban revolutionaries. (N.B.: "Valuable contacts" means "old friends." Politically unreliable. - M.D.) Evacuated from Cuba 1/05/1959 amid rebel takeover.

Attended Georgetown University Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service, 1959-1963. Majored in International History; interned as foreign policy aid to Sen. Clifford Case. (N.B.: The pre-Goldwater liberal-Republican establishment incarnate. - M.D.) Swam competitively and set breaststroke record. Noted as having many lovers but few friends. Wrote senior thesis comparing Siamese and Abyssinian strategies for resisting colonialism, 1880-1930. Deferred plans to take Foreign Service exam in order to pursue master's degree. (N.B.: He's always been an academic at heart. 'Nam got in the way, and then I did, and then Laurie did. And in the end he couldn't go home again. - J.M.)

Completed master's degree in international relations at at Princeton University Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, 1963-1965. Specialized in postcolonial independence movements. Cautiously but firmly supported U.S. involvement in Indochina; served as primary speaker in favor of increased military support to RVN during student debate on the issue. Noted for idealism, commitment to Cold War struggle, impatience with academic abstractions, focus on responsible exercise of real-world power. (N.B.: What happened to that guy? - M.D.)

Attended U.S.M.C. Officer Candidate School and the Basic School, Quantico VA, 1965. Believed to have chosen to enlist out of personal integrity; support for war in Vietnam morally required direct participation in risks of conflict. Commissioned as infantry officer, per request, and assigned 2/26th Marines as 2ndLt. Deployed Quảng Trị Province beginning 3/1966. Saw intense combat against PAVN regulars along DMZ; platoon suffered five KIAs in seven weeks. Fell into booby trap pit, 1/28/67, and impaled foot on punji stick; insisted on returning to platoon after only five weeks' medical recovery, resulting in lasting limp. Promoted to 1stLt and led platoon during Hill Fights; played key role in capture of Hill 881N. Served during defense of Khe Sanh Combat Base, 1/1968 - 6/1968, and awarded Bronze Star with "V" Device for leading bayonet charge to repel PAVN forces after perimeter breach on 2/8/1968. (N.B.: He never talks about this. I had no idea. - M.D.) Promoted to captain 12/1968. Contacted by J.M., 5/1969, with offer of work for CIA. Honorably discharged 6/1969, and immediately seconded Saigon station for Air America operations in Laos.

Worked to organize Hmong resistance to Pathet Lao and PAVN, 1969-1972. Highly effective: learned fluent Hmong, well-regarded by local partners, organized ambushes and attacks along Ho Chi Minh trail that tied down brigade-strength PAVN formation. Apparently involved in drug trafficking to supply and fund Hmong forces, though directness of involvement remains unclear; possible opium usage, if confirmed, likely dates from this time. (N.B.: Even if true: he was far from the only one. - J.M.) Believed to have empathetically overinvested in local partners; led unauthorized and very risky rescue operation to retrieve Hmong traditional leaders from internment in communist prison camp. Resisted orders to withdraw from Laos pursuant to end of Air America operations in 1972; eventually returned to Saigon almost three months after initial order to report to station chief. Thereafter served as Agency liaison to RVN military intelligence, 1972-1975; known to have used contacts to evacuate Hmong refugees and RVN officials without authorization prior to fall of Saigon in 4/1975. Evacuated by helicopter from U.S. embassy. Filed resignation the subsequent day. (N.B.: By the end, we weren't even sure if he was still working for us. It sure didn't seem to make a difference. - M.D.)

Earned Ph.D. in anthropology, Columbia University, 1975-1979. Wrote and published graduate thesis on Hmong culture's response to three modernities: Cold War ideology, global drug trade, and military technology. Believed to have been heavily dependent on alcohol until beginning romantic relationship with Laura Wilkerson, another graduate student. Married Ms. Wilkerson 7/20/1978. She subsequently died of leukemia, 8/11/1979. (N.B.: Laurie made him think he could have the life he lost back in '65, when he went to the war: tenured position, tweed jacket, cats, warm bed. When she died, all that died too. - J.M.) After alcoholic relapse requiring intervention of emergency medical personnel, contacted J.M. and requested reemployment with CIA. Officially re-hired at prior seniority 10/03/1970.

Assigned Luanda station, Angola, 1979-1980. Coordinated U.S. material support and South African direct support for UNITA forces. Proved ineffective; colleagues noted continuing difficulties with alcohol. Attempted to pressure UNITA to improve labor conditions in diamond mines. (N.B.: Seriously? - M.D.) Transferred to Lima station, Peru. Recruited and managed assets informing on Shining Path guerillas, 1980-1981, and advised Peruvian forces in counterinsurgency operations. Proved highly effective, but again launched unauthorized rescue operation to retrieve burned asset from Shining Path captivity. (N.B.: We told him to use raven tactics. He did. They made her and abducted her. He got her out. Overinvestment is to be expected when you tell an officer to sleep with an asset. - J.M.) Transferred to Macapa station, Counani. Developed highly effective asset network and provided first reliable intelligence on extent of drug trafficking in Counanese security forces and government, 1981-1983. Evacuated after New Year's Eve coup. Assigned El Salvador, 1984-1985, to assist anti-FMLN operations. Proved highly ineffective; repeatedly refused to convey valuable information to local security forces for prompt action. (N.B.: Yes, there were excesses. But the station chief's report said: "Adams went on strike." His exact words. - M.D.) Relationships deteriorated with local partners; after reports that officer's safety was at risk, transferred to Paramaribo station and seconded Operation REVERSO, 2/15/1985. Currently embedded with Free Counanese Army forces somewhere in northern Counani.

PostPosted: Thu Oct 15, 2020 7:00 pm
by Reverend Norv
Cylarn wrote:
Reverend Norv wrote:
Sure. Is this person supposed to be in the field with the FCA, or is he back of the lines in French Guyana or wherever Pinho and Nakamura are?

The Government-in-Exile has its primary offices in Lisbon, although this person would be traveling around everywhere between the Brazilian-Counanese border, and anywhere that FCA troops are being trained, which is split between Brazil, French Guiana, the United States, and Israel (in a joint US-Israeli training program).

How does this strike you? I thought that, given the era and the deniable status of the operation, it would make more sense for this to be run out of the NSC like Iran-Contra. Thus Col. Carlson, a more sympathetic and competent counterpart to Oliver North. REVERSO, of course, is the U.S. operation supporting the FCA.

Col. Frederick Carlson: Seniormost U.S. liaison to Free Counanese Army and commanding officer for Operation REVERSO. Veteran of U.S. Army Special Forces operations in Colombia, Vietnam, Laos, and El Salvador. Currently serving as attaché to National Security Council, and assigned to coordinate REVERSO on behalf of SecDef and POTUS. A career unconventional warrior and committed anticommunist, noted for his combination of deep empathy for local partners and utter ruthlessness in achieving objectives. A formidable soldier and adept politician, with deep connections both in Washington and in the FCA, and a consummate professional of absolute and invaluable discretion.

PostPosted: Thu Oct 15, 2020 9:41 pm
by Sarderia
Character Application

Name: Nikolay Andreevich "Jose" Rabinov
Age: 39 (DOB 21/3/1946)
Gender: Male
"Musa Ali Khan"
near Tajbeg Palace, Kabul, Afghanistan
27th of December 1979

Demeanor: WIP
Nationality: U.S.S.R. (ethnic: Jewish, born in Dnipropetrovsk, Ukrainian S.S.R. to Jewish and Ukrainian parents)
Citizenship: U.S.S.R. (based on observations from Counanese and Afghani citizenship)

Role: DOUBLE AGENT. Official KGB Advisor to the Counani People's Police; CIA mole/informant for Operation REVERSO

Military Background: Junior Sgt. 40th Motor Rifle Division/Smolyaninovo (1971); Sgt. 39th Guards Motor Rifle Division/East Germany (1973); Sgt. Major/Starshina 58th Motor Rifle Division/Kyzyl-Arvat (1976); Junior Lt. 61st Training Motor Rifle Division/Ashgabat (1978-9). Discharged from Soviet Army in 1978 and transferred to KGB Close Protection Service (Служба охраны) 30/2/1979 and assigned to Afghanistan to protect Hafizullah Amin's ministers.

Education: Army Yevreitor, M.V. Frunze Military Academy (1965), B.A. in International Relations, Faculty of Foreign Languages and Area Studies, Moscow State University (1978), M.A. in International Relations, Institute of Asian and African Countries, Moscow State University (1982), Ph.D in Psychology, Faculty of Psychology, Leningrad State University (1986)

Biography: WIP

PostPosted: Fri Oct 16, 2020 7:01 am
by Cylarn
Both are very well-done, in my eyes. Carlson will be an invaluable part of the movement.

PostPosted: Fri Oct 16, 2020 8:55 am
by Great Confederacy of Commonwealth States
I have almost finished letting my concept stew. It’s an armed wing of the Counanese Miners’ and Farmers’ Union, mostly with membership from the country’s interior. Large native and mixed-race plurality, with other minorities as well. The Union is quite old, and has been active since the 60s, when the mining and farming communities became caught between various drug cartels vying for power. They primarily engaged in sabotage with mining explosives, but they might also have been behind some murders of visiting foreign executives. During the 70s, with the civil war escalating, they reluctantly allied with government forces, but when the narco-comandantes started carving out their own drug empires the Union turned against them as well, which caused a split between them and the Counanese Socialist Party (who were Marxist-Leninist anyway). In the early 80s, the armed wing, about battalion-sized, was spirited out of the country by the Cubans. They then served on and off in Nicaragua and primarily Angola, where they fought with the MPLA against UNITA and South Africa. In 1983, they were part of the Cuban division returning to Counani, but by then, the group of 500 had been reduced to about 150. They served some early policing roles in the interior, but when it became clear that the Counanese Peoples’ Republic was nothing but a Marxist-Leninist puppet of the narco-comandantes, the Union severed ties and began guerilla and sabotage operations. They have now reluctantly teamed up with the FCA, because the Union is primarily against the cartels, but the alliance is fragile at the best of times, both due to the Union’s anarcho-syndicalist leanings and combat experience making them suspicious of the US, and the anti-communist nature of the FCA coalition.

Expect an app later today. There are about 110 members left.

PostPosted: Fri Oct 16, 2020 12:12 pm
by Cylarn
Looking forward to it, James!

PostPosted: Sat Oct 17, 2020 10:03 am
by Cylarn
Updated the rosters; Adams and Murphy are up, along with additions to both the FCA and regime NPCs by Norv and Hastur. Thank you, fellas.

PostPosted: Sun Oct 18, 2020 11:15 am
by Rudaslavia
Alright Cy, this is what I have in mind: A far-right/Nationalist militia that was once based out of an isolated Euro-Counanese colony in south-central Counani prior to the coup of '83. Roughly based on Chile's Colonia Dignidad, the "Hoffnung Colony" was established by my character's father, a former Waffen-SS officer and committed National Socialist, in the aftermath of the Second World War. Initially a safe haven for Nazi emigrants, the compound became its own self-contained autocracy built upon a cult of personality surrounding the colony's founder. Mainly comprised of German and Euro-Counanese Nationalists, the 500-strong colony fell under my character's control after his father's death in the mid-1970s. The militarized compound was tolerated by the former regime due to its usefulness as a "dumping ground" for the Counanese armed forces. Over time, the colony became an unofficial black site for corrupt CDF officers (and potential CIA operatives) to detain especially bothersome dissidents and drug lords for interrogation and torture. After the coup, the colony's inhabitants were forced to evacuate the compound for their own survival. Under the leadership of my character, the Hoffnung militia -- consisting of about 80 men -- subsequently pledged its services to the FCA.