NationStates

Posted: **Sun Oct 18, 2020 11:20 am**

I apologize if my grammar isn't making much sense. I am incredibly hung-over, and my hung-over persona is notoriously awful at writing.

Posted: **Mon Oct 19, 2020 6:48 am**

Rudaslavia wrote:I apologize if my grammar isn't making much sense. I am incredibly hung-over, and my hung-over persona is notoriously awful at writing.

It's all good, man!

Posted: **Mon Oct 19, 2020 12:14 pm**

Ahh, I'm really sorry this takes so long, Cy. When I get to writing histories, I just... I lose control. I can't help it, it's a compulsion. So, anyway, this will take a little longer than I was planning, but it is certainly underway.

Character Application

Name: João Persaud
Age: 38
Gender: Male
Appearance:

Demeanor: João is a very pensive person, a man of very little words. While he once was energetic and lively, he seems to have lost some of that spark. He looks perpetually tired, and when he speaks, he is to the point, even a bit rude at times. He can often be seen staring into the middle distance, his mind clearly churning, but he keeps conversations superficial and factual.
Nationality: Counanese
Citizenship: Stateless

Role: Unit commander of the Armed Workers of the Union of Counanese Miners and Farmers
Military Background:
Education: No formal education
Biography: (Just a basic four paragraphs will do)

Unit Application

Unit Name: Armed Workers of the Union of Counanese Miners and Farmers (Ouvriers Armés du Syndicat des Mineurs et des Agriculteurs, OASMA)
Commander: João Persaud
Unit Strength: 112
Specialty: Guerrilla warfare, sabotage, ambush, non-conventional warfare
Commonly-Used Equipment: Various equipment gained from different conflicts in Nicaragua and Angola. Every soldier wields a machete, but that is where the similarities stop. Most carry AK-47 rifles or other Soviet or Cuban surplus rifles and pistols. Some carry M16 rifles looted from the contras, or the FN FAL R1 from the Border War. Each fire team is armed with a light machine gun of some description, mostly of Soviet make. Sparse anti-tank weapons are from every nation, and explosives are either improvised, taken from mining sites, Cuban surplus, or looted ordonnance. The unit has no vehicles besides a few mules and horses.
Unit Background: OASMA finds its earliest roots in the Mining and Plantation strikes of the early 30s. The first militias in the Counanese interior formed to resist foreign-bought mercenaries, intent on seizing ancestral land of the native population for mining and plantation operations. These mercenaries also threatened the community-held plantations that had previously supplied the area with income. These militias acted as police forces when the Counanese national police failed to adequately patrol the dense forested regions of the interior.

After the 1929 crash, with income inequality and joblessness on the rise, these militias began to take on a more organised role. They were a founding part of the Mining and Farming syndicate, of which they became the militant arm. This labour union would take on some limited governmental authority in place where the ‘seaside government’ could not step in. This meant mainly food security and housing for the poorest citizens, many of whom were of native descent, or descended from enslaved peoples that had liberated themselves and gone into the interior, so the government did not always feel inclined to see them as their charge.

The coming of college-educated Marxists, inspired by the Bolshevik revolution and Stalinism, really changed the landscape. Instead of simply protecting their own communities, the Syndicate became more interested in active, violent revolution against the traditional Counani government. While not the largest part of the insurgency, the Miners’ and Farmers’ Union definitely contributed to the revolutionary forces. These forces were a coalition, largely held together by the charisma and personal relations of the revolutionary command, and when they were taken out by US marines, the whole coalition fell apart. When the Socialist Party gave their fiat for the withdraw agreement in exchange for putting down arms, the Armed Labourers became disillusioned and retreated back into the jungle, where some of them continued the fight. However, the most prominent members of the Union were killed, to the point where there was little left of the group by 1937. The surviving members hid their rifles and bandoliers and took up low-paying jobs.

The discovery of manganese brought many new jobs, and this did much to dampen revolutionary spirits. Small company towns popped up to house workers, and the communities became somewhat vibrant again. Food insecurity for the majority became a thing of the past, and even through the environment was destroyed, many felt like their revolutionary days were over. Those who didn’t find work moved to Europe to help reconstruct the continent, especially to France and Belgium, with cultural ties remaining intact. After the Second World War, the Counani interion entered an ‘era without ideology’, when capitalism was taken for granted and everyone tried to get by as well as they could, given the circumstances. The post-war economic boom did much for the manganese industry as well.

However, this all changed in the 1960s, as if it were a perfect storm. In the cities, intellectual discontent came with he Korean war, where many young Counanese lads had been sent to die. Pacifism and opposition to the government were on the rise. In the interior, sentiments didn’t change until the foundation of the Humberto drug cartel in the middle of the decade. His drug peddlers ran rough shot through the interior, using threats and armed force to convince the local population into aiding them. This led to more racial violence against native Counanese in the cities, while wreaking havoc on the civilian population. In this period, the leftist militias began to reform, and for the first time, began to take sabotage action against the various drug empires. Their successes were limited, but at least it gave the feeling that there was something the local population could do.

In 1976, with the assassination of president Rocinante, the central government finally stepped up its attempts to defeat the drug lords. In 1978, this led to an alliance between the Armed Labourers and the central government. Neither side was happy with this arrangement, but it allowed the Armed Labourers access to some more modern gear, and more modern explosives to disrupt the cocaine production.

This alliance would only last 2 years, because the now veteran forces of the Syndicate kept attacking any coke lab they could find. This began to include the coke labs held by military and political leaders. Demands to coordinate these lab raids fell entirely on deaf ears, which would eventually lead to the alliance breaking and the Syndicate being caught in a three way civil war, in which they were clearly outmatched by both sides. Both the drug lords and the central government used horrifying tactics and viewed the Syndicate less as combatants and more like common criminals, with the central government constantly threatening more violence if the militias wouldn’t disband.

Eventually, contacts within the Counanese Socialist Party, which remained loyal to the central government, managed to get between 500 and 600 of the militia members shipped off to Cuba, as part of a plan to one day return when the country was more ripe for revolution. In an unpopular decision, that meant the desertion of many of its members, the Syndicate leadership agreed, seeing that with their fleeing they would perhaps better serve their villages than with continued resistance, which was killing scores of people. During Christmas Eve 1979, OASMA troops boarded a Cuban ship and headed for Cuba.

Here, they would be armed and trained by the Cuban army to one day be part of the Counanese liberation army that would one day retake the country. Immediately, the anarcho-syndicalist and incredibly stubborn fighters had beef with the Cubans, who were more interested in disciplined soldiers than individual fighters. The Cubans tried to appoint officers, but every time that officer would voluntarily step down in favour of an elected comrade. Also, in military drills and war games with Cuban conscript troops, the Counanese would invariably defeat their Cuban opponents.

Sick with these anarchist guerrillas, the Cubans sent them on various foreign aid missions. First they were sent to Nicaragua, where they helped fight contra forces. Later, they were sent to Angola, to serve between 1982 and late 1983, fighting mostly against South African and UNITA forces during the Border War. Here, they suffered the most casualties, diminishing their number from 450 to 112.

On New Year’s Eve 1983, the Syndicalists joined in the joint Cuban-German invasion of Counani. The idea was that, as soon as the state had been dismantled, the new central government would allow them to live in peace, and would give them greater representation. Nothing was further from the truth: when the Syndicalists moved inland after a naval insertion, to destroy whatever there was left of the drug infrastructure and to appropriate farmlands and mines, the new central government ordered them to halt. This order was obeyed for about two weeks, when different parts of the militia started rounding up and killing suspected members of former gangs, and some suspected mining executives. They turned around and offered their services to the Free Counanese Army. This decision was also not popular, seeing all the different times they had been betrayed before, but after suffering 80% losses over three years the Syndicalists could no longer be picky. Disillusioned and just wanting to see peace return, the Syndicalists formed up for the last time to fight their enemy, this time fighting Cubans and the Socialist Party of Counani, or what was left of it.

Posted: **Mon Oct 19, 2020 1:43 pm**

It's all good, James! I am wanting to get some more players and units, regardless of how small they might be in case people would rather control a squad than a company, before we get started.

Posted: **Sat Oct 24, 2020 2:02 pm**

Bump of life.

Posted: **Sun Oct 25, 2020 5:37 am**

Character Application

Name: Lourenço Abrantes Figueiredo
Age: [REDACTED] at Paramaribo station has uncovered documents pertaining to the conscription of a man matching the same general description being conscripted into the Cunanese Army in 1976 aged 18, and discharge papers issued to the same man at age 22 in 198. This would place Abrantes as age 27.
Gender: Male
Appearance: General consensus is that Abrantes is five foot eight, thin-to-athletic build, with chocolate brown skin and short hair that is flat on top, curled at the front, and shaved sides. Abrantes has brown eyes, a slightly disfigured nose, and a scar in his left eyebrow.

Demeanor: [REDACTED] and [REDACTED] have agreed that there is potential to flip him if possible, as there is a considerable amount of disillusionment regarding the regime and the socialist nature of the government. [REDACTED] disagrees with this assessment, and claims that there is some belief in socialism left, and rather the disillusionment comes from the corrupt nature of the government. [REDACTED] has suggested that further inroads could be made between him and Roberto Fávaro Campos, as Abrantes and him have a strained relationship owing to the former's unwillingness to engage in murder.

No family has been suggested to exist, but Abrantes has been observed entering and leaving a residential property in [REDACTED] which could potentially be the residence of at least one family member, as the property is not in areas where the . The presence of some known associates and members around this property is considered to be indicative of a protective streak within him.

[REDACTED] has indicated that Abrantes is willing to approve of acts of murder and violence directed at government targets as well as presumed targets involved with the People's Militia. [REDACTED] cannot confirm whether or not these acts have had personal involvement.
Nationality: Paramaribo station has a high probability in that Abrantes is a Counanese national.
Citizenship: No official birth certificate or passport exists that [REDACTED] is aware of. Brasilia station has confirmed the existence of a Brazilian birth certificate pointing to Abrantes being born in Santarém, Pará. However, the certificate does not match the date of birth on the conscription and discharge papers.

Role: Abrantes is widely believe to be the principal commander of the 1ª Brigada, Diretoria Revolucionária de Estudantes "José Antonio Echeverría Bianchi", but [REDACTED] believes that there's some internal conflict over the direction of the unit.
Military Background: Conscription and discharge papers show that Abrantes had served in the 5ª Brigada Mecanizada of the Cunanese Army between 1976 and 1980 as a conscript. [REDACTED] has not been able to find anything of note other than promotion to the rank of Cabo or Corporal by 1979, and a final rank of Sergeant by 1980, when he was discharged.
Education: [REDACTED] has said that neither Paramaribo nor Brasilia stations have found any applications to the National University of Cunani under the name, but [REDACTED] assumes that there is some connection to the university owing to the strength of support in that particular part of the city. However, the name of the unit has indicated some form of higher education and learning, although whether or not this Abrantes' influence or that of Fávaro is yet to be determined.

[REDACTED] believes at least high school level education has been completed.
Biography: Conscription papers indicate that Lourenço Abrantes Figueiredo was born on January 19, 1958, with the birthplace given only as "Macapá", although Brasilia station believes it has evidence of his birthplace as being Santarém, in neighbouring Pará state, Brazil.

[REDACTED] has stated that the absence of information regarding Abrantes' childhood means building a greater picture of him is difficult. [REDACTED] has, however, agreed with the notion that Abrantes was at least of a working class background. Employment records indicate a potential father working as a taxi driver. No employment records exist for a mother, and Abrantes has never spoken at length about his family according to [REDACTED]. [REDACTED] has indicated the presence of at least one sibling.

Through research, [REDACTED] was able to obtain Abrantes' conscription and discharge papers which appear to have him conscripted into the army in 1976, and discharged in 1980 with the rank of sergeant. Beyond that, it is assumed Abrantes attempted to attend university, however it is unclear as to the success of this endeavour.

[REDACTED] and [REDACTED] have both said that they believe he was known to Sérgio Cunha de Oliveira, the former commander of the 1ª Brigada Voluntária, which had been implicated in a number of attacks against police, military, and banks. [REDACTED] believes he had some involvement in the heist of a Banco Nacional de Cunani branch in the central city in 1983, but this remains unconfirmed. [REDACTED] and [REDACTED] have both agreed that Abrantes and Cunha had a falling out over allegiances to the regime, and this has lead to increased attacks against the People's Militia since June 1984.

Current whereabouts are unknown, but believed to be in the vicinity of Zerão.

Unit Application

Unit Name: 1ª Brigada, Diretoria Revolucionária de Estudantes "José Antonio Echeverría Bianchi"
Commander Lourenço Abrantes Figueiredo (presumed), Roberto Fávaro Campos (potential)
Unit Strength: Paramaribo station has an estimated strength of "less than fifty individuals", [REDACTED] has an estimated figure of between 35 and 40.
Specialty: [REDACTED] has stated that the 1ª Brigada is becoming more and more adept at the drive-by shooting and sniper attacks that have marked an escalation in violence in many parts of Macapá from June 1984. A significant number of off duty police, soldiers, and members of the People's Militia have turned up dead across the city, in what the government has attributed to the 1ª Brigada. [REDACTED] estimates that a quarter of what the government says is actually committed by members of the unit.
Commonly-Used Equipment: [REDACTED] has said that the unit is one that "makes do" with whatever weapons and materials that are at hand.
Unit Background: The1ª Brigada can trace its lineage back to the Organizações de defesa de bairro, local urban militias that emerged after the assassination of President Ursula Rocinante, with the intent on protecting low income neighbourhoods from government and cartel repression. The direct ancestor of this particular unit is the 1ª Brigada Voluntária founded by Luís Nunes Barreto and Sérgio Cunha de Oliveira in late 1976. These were initially armed only with hand weapons such as machetes and clubs, but later acquired firearms, mostly pistols and a few old rifles. A number of homemade weapons also found their way into the hands of 1ª Brigada members.

[REDACTED] said that the1ª Brigada was founded, and principally active, in the Congós neighbourhood of southwestern Macapá, and later operated in northern areas of Zerão to prevent violence there. At its peak some 500 members of the local community "volunteered" with the1ª Brigada in defending the Congós neighbourhood from government and cartel attacks. [REDACTED] puts an estimate of 75-80 members killed between 1976 and 1984.

Paramaribo station and [REDACTED] confirmed that a group of off-duty police officers killed Nunes on May 1, 1982, in a public execution in the middle of Benedito Lino do Camo Street, before they were gunned down by 1ª Brigada volunteers. [REDACTED] states that Cunha led the retaliatory strikes against the police, burning down the local police station, executing all of its staff in the street outside. [REDACTED] also believes that the phrase Nunes vive! appeared as graffiti across southern Macapá following his death. [REDACTED] however does not believe that 1ª Brigada was responsible for a grenade attack against the Palmeiras Pizzaria that killed 16 people in November 1982, or the Ministry of Works bombing in January 1983.

Following the 1983 coup, [REDACTED] stated that 1ª Brigada was involved in a "pacification" of southwestern Macapá in order to help rebel soldiers in their takeover of the country. [REDACTED] estimates that around 150-300 people were killed during this period, perhaps more. It is not known whether or not Abrantes was involved in these killings, but [REDACTED] believes so. After the takeover of Cunani, 1ª Brigada was integrated into the People's Militia, and grew substantially. [REDACTED] believes that a disagreement over the involvement with the drug trade in Cunani had lead to a falling out between Abrantes and Cunha, the former reforming the the 1ª Brigada in June 1984.

The current 1ª Brigada was the first unit founded as part of the Student Revolutionary Directorate, which according to Paramaribo station, is a "revolutionary cadre of students engaging in a guerilla war with the socialist regime". It is not known how Abrantes came to know Roberto Fávaro Campos, although he is believed to be behind naming the unit after José Antonio Echeverría Bianchi, who lead the attack against a radio station to deliver a message denouncing Cuban president Fulgencio Batista in Havana, Cuba, in 1957, and who was killed in a gun battle with police.

Since it's founding in June 1984, at least 150 separate instances of violence have been believed to be caused by the 1ª Brigada according to Paramaribo station, although neither [REDACTED] or [REDACTED] have any accurate numbers themselves.

Posted: **Sun Oct 25, 2020 11:26 am**

Costa Fierro wrote:
Character Application

Name: Lourenço Abrantes Figueiredo
Age: [REDACTED] at Paramaribo station has uncovered documents pertaining to the conscription of a man matching the same general description being conscripted into the Cunanese Army in 1976 aged 18, and discharge papers issued to the same man at age 22 in 198. This would place Abrantes as age 27.
Gender: Male
Appearance: General consensus is that Abrantes is five foot eight, thin-to-athletic build, with chocolate brown skin and short hair that is flat on top, curled at the front, and shaved sides. Abrantes has brown eyes, a slightly disfigured nose, and a scar in his left eyebrow.

Demeanor: [REDACTED] and [REDACTED] have agreed that there is potential to flip him if possible, as there is a considerable amount of disillusionment regarding the regime and the socialist nature of the government. [REDACTED] disagrees with this assessment, and claims that there is some belief in socialism left, and rather the disillusionment comes from the corrupt nature of the government. [REDACTED] has suggested that further inroads could be made between him and Roberto Fávaro Campos, as Abrantes and him have a strained relationship owing to the former's unwillingness to engage in murder.

No family has been suggested to exist, but Abrantes has been observed entering and leaving a residential property in [REDACTED] which could potentially be the residence of at least one family member, as the property is not in areas where the . The presence of some known associates and members around this property is considered to be indicative of a protective streak within him.

[REDACTED] has indicated that Abrantes is willing to approve of acts of murder and violence directed at government targets as well as presumed targets involved with the People's Militia. [REDACTED] cannot confirm whether or not these acts have had personal involvement.
Nationality: Paramaribo station has a high probability in that Abrantes is a Counanese national.
Citizenship: No official birth certificate or passport exists that [REDACTED] is aware of. Brasilia station has confirmed the existence of a Brazilian birth certificate pointing to Abrantes being born in Santarém, Pará. However, the certificate does not match the date of birth on the conscription and discharge papers.

Role: Abrantes is widely believe to be the principal commander of the 1ª Brigada, Diretoria Revolucionária de Estudantes "José Antonio Echeverría Bianchi", but [REDACTED] believes that there's some internal conflict over the direction of the unit.
Military Background: Conscription and discharge papers show that Abrantes had served in the 5ª Brigada Mecanizada of the Cunanese Army between 1976 and 1980 as a conscript. [REDACTED] has not been able to find anything of note other than promotion to the rank of Cabo or Corporal by 1979, and a final rank of Sergeant by 1980, when he was discharged.
Education: [REDACTED] has said that neither Paramaribo nor Brasilia stations have found any applications to the National University of Cunani under the name, but [REDACTED] assumes that there is some connection to the university owing to the strength of support in that particular part of the city. However, the name of the unit has indicated some form of higher education and learning, although whether or not this Abrantes' influence or that of Fávaro is yet to be determined.

[REDACTED] believes at least high school level education has been completed.
Biography: Conscription papers indicate that Lourenço Abrantes Figueiredo was born on January 19, 1958, with the birthplace given only as "Macapá", although Brasilia station believes it has evidence of his birthplace as being Santarém, in neighbouring Pará state, Brazil.

[REDACTED] has stated that the absence of information regarding Abrantes' childhood means building a greater picture of him is difficult. [REDACTED] has, however, agreed with the notion that Abrantes was at least of a working class background. Employment records indicate a potential father working as a taxi driver. No employment records exist for a mother, and Abrantes has never spoken at length about his family according to [REDACTED]. [REDACTED] has indicated the presence of at least one sibling.

Through research, [REDACTED] was able to obtain Abrantes' conscription and discharge papers which appear to have him conscripted into the army in 1976, and discharged in 1980 with the rank of sergeant. Beyond that, it is assumed Abrantes attempted to attend university, however it is unclear as to the success of this endeavour.

[REDACTED] and [REDACTED] have both said that they believe he was known to Sérgio Cunha de Oliveira, the former commander of the 1ª Brigada Voluntária, which had been implicated in a number of attacks against police, military, and banks. [REDACTED] believes he had some involvement in the heist of a Banco Nacional de Cunani branch in the central city in 1983, but this remains unconfirmed. [REDACTED] and [REDACTED] have both agreed that Abrantes and Cunha had a falling out over allegiances to the regime, and this has lead to increased attacks against the People's Militia since June 1984.

Current whereabouts are unknown, but believed to be in the vicinity of Zerão.

Unit Application

Unit Name: 1ª Brigada, Diretoria Revolucionária de Estudantes "José Antonio Echeverría Bianchi"
Commander Lourenço Abrantes Figueiredo (presumed), Roberto Fávaro Campos (potential)
Unit Strength: Paramaribo station has an estimated strength of "less than fifty individuals", [REDACTED] has an estimated figure of between 35 and 40.
Specialty: [REDACTED] has stated that the 1ª Brigada is becoming more and more adept at the drive-by shooting and sniper attacks that have marked an escalation in violence in many parts of Macapá from June 1984. A significant number of off duty police, soldiers, and members of the People's Militia have turned up dead across the city, in what the government has attributed to the 1ª Brigada. [REDACTED] estimates that a quarter of what the government says is actually committed by members of the unit.
Commonly-Used Equipment: [REDACTED] has said that the unit is one that "makes do" with whatever weapons and materials that are at hand.
Unit Background: The1ª Brigada can trace its lineage back to the Organizações de defesa de bairro, local urban militias that emerged after the assassination of President Ursula Rocinante, with the intent on protecting low income neighbourhoods from government and cartel repression. The direct ancestor of this particular unit is the 1ª Brigada Voluntária founded by Luís Nunes Barreto and Sérgio Cunha de Oliveira in late 1976. These were initially armed only with hand weapons such as machetes and clubs, but later acquired firearms, mostly pistols and a few old rifles. A number of homemade weapons also found their way into the hands of 1ª Brigada members.

[REDACTED] said that the1ª Brigada was founded, and principally active, in the Congós neighbourhood of southwestern Macapá, and later operated in northern areas of Zerão to prevent violence there. At its peak some 500 members of the local community "volunteered" with the1ª Brigada in defending the Congós neighbourhood from government and cartel attacks. [REDACTED] puts an estimate of 75-80 members killed between 1976 and 1984.

Paramaribo station and [REDACTED] confirmed that a group of off-duty police officers killed Nunes on May 1, 1982, in a public execution in the middle of Benedito Lino do Camo Street, before they were gunned down by 1ª Brigada volunteers. [REDACTED] states that Cunha led the retaliatory strikes against the police, burning down the local police station, executing all of its staff in the street outside. [REDACTED] also believes that the phrase Nunes vive! appeared as graffiti across southern Macapá following his death. [REDACTED] however does not believe that 1ª Brigada was responsible for a grenade attack against the Palmeiras Pizzaria that killed 16 people in November 1982, or the Ministry of Works bombing in January 1983.

Following the 1983 coup, [REDACTED] stated that 1ª Brigada was involved in a "pacification" of southwestern Macapá in order to help rebel soldiers in their takeover of the country. [REDACTED] estimates that around 150-300 people were killed during this period, perhaps more. It is not known whether or not Abrantes was involved in these killings, but [REDACTED] believes so. After the takeover of Cunani, 1ª Brigada was integrated into the People's Militia, and grew substantially. [REDACTED] believes that a disagreement over the involvement with the drug trade in Cunani had lead to a falling out between Abrantes and Cunha, the former reforming the the 1ª Brigada in June 1984.

The current 1ª Brigada was the first unit founded as part of the Student Revolutionary Directorate, which according to Paramaribo station, is a "revolutionary cadre of students engaging in a guerilla war with the socialist regime". It is not known how Abrantes came to know Roberto Fávaro Campos, although he is believed to be behind naming the unit after José Antonio Echeverría Bianchi, who lead the attack against a radio station to deliver a message denouncing Cuban president Fulgencio Batista in Havana, Cuba, in 1957, and who was killed in a gun battle with police.

Since it's founding in June 1984, at least 150 separate instances of violence have been believed to be caused by the 1ª Brigada according to Paramaribo station, although neither [REDACTED] or [REDACTED] have any accurate numbers themselves.

Has my approval!

Posted: **Wed Dec 23, 2020 6:05 pm**

Gonna give this bad boy a bump, to see if any new life might show up. If we get at least four more apps completed before the 31st, I'll consider drafting an IC thread the following day.

NationStates

En El Pozo de Los Lobos (1980s War RP; OOC/Open)