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by Agarntrop » Sun Jan 03, 2021 3:42 pm
by Louisianan » Sun Jan 03, 2021 4:06 pm
Meelducan wrote:Willl respond to the hearing now, I finally finished the furniture.

by Bruke » Sun Jan 03, 2021 4:27 pm

by Gordano and Lysandus » Sun Jan 03, 2021 6:07 pm
Gordano and Lysandus wrote:Worked on this over a couple of days with Sana, hopefully it's all clear for another admin to approve.
NS Nation Name: Gordano and Lysandus
Character Name: Rafael (Raph) Navarro
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 62
Character Height: 5’11”
Character Weight: 188lbs
Character Position/Role/Job: US Senator for the State of California (1999-); Member of the California State Board of Equalization for the Third District (1995-1998); Member of the California Fair Political Practices Commission (1993-1994); Investigative Journalist, LA Times (1980-1993).
Appearance:(Image)
Character State of Origin: California
Character State of Residence: California/DC
Character Party Affiliation: Democrat
Main Strengths: Long-term relationships inside the national Democratic Party and the Senate, generally gravitates towards the center of the Democratic Party, seen as an anti-corruption champion, credentials as a prominent Latino member of the Democratic Party and first Latino Senator from California.
Main Weaknesses: Seen as benefiting from his role as a Party insider, insurgent rise in California politics damaged his standing with the California Democratic Party, seen as too resistant to progressive priorities, insistence on neutrality in the 2016 primary cycle harmed his standing with both Cliffordites and Baginskicrats.
Biography:
Born in January of 1958 into a Mexican-American family in East Los Angeles, Rafael’s life was very much influenced by the fact his mother was a first generation immigrant. Whilst his father endeavored strongly to continue to integrate into (white) American society, his mother was strongly inclined to preserve her Latin traditions, and this meant that - in many ways - Rafael developed two sides of his sense of self, one which endeavored for broader acceptance and ambition, and one which was content and venerating of his heritage. The ambitious side of him drove him academically, and although the quality of local schools was poor, the extra work he put in allowed him to excel as a student despite his relative poverty.
Rioting and protests were common in the area, particularly with the East LA education walkouts when he was just 10, and the Watts riot when he was only 7. The difficult relationship between California’s minority communities and the police/those in power became very apparent to him at the time and would have a determinable impact on his later political identity as it developed in college. Furthermore, the rise of drug use in the area - particularly crack cocaine - caused him a great deal of stress. His interpersonal relationships suffered during his mid-teens as he chose to eschew drug use as friends turned to harder alternatives, and he became ever more focused on his studies.
It was 1976 by the time he entered UCLA on a Pell Grant to study English - this, he did with an initial ambition to become a teacher, a respectable occupation that might help him elevate the community he grew up in. Whilst he was highly competent at his studies, they were not his passion - this he found both in the course of student activism and getting involved with UCLA’s Daily Bruin newspaper. Participating in demonstrations on racial justice, protesting the War on Drugs, and nuclear energy in his time, he took a determinable radical streak in his reporting in the paper, the crowning glory of his time there exposing a scheme between university administrations and wealthy patrons (mostly white) to funnel underperforming students into prestigious scholarships. This was what earned him a place as the Daily Bruin’s editor-in-chief in his last year in college, and brought him to the attention of the Los Angeles Times, who he went to work with following his graduation in 1980.
As a journalist with the LA Times, which he began his work assisting other reporters, he soon distinguished himself with an ability to ingratiate himself to sources, compile information capably, and help with devising headlines and creative wording for maximum impact in articles. His big mission however was to break a major story on racial justice, and that moment came in the 1990s when he compiled an extensive profile piece on the Lynwood Vikings, a white supremacist group inside the Los Angeles Sheriff’s Department, forwarding his findings also to LA City Councilman Ibrahim Simpson, with whom he formed an extensive political relationship. This big break elevated him to national attention, especially in the years to come with the Kolts Commission and then the Rodney King incident in the early 1990s and the subsequent riots. It would be during his work as a journalist that he met his wife, Carmen Lopez, and the two would begin a relationship that would go on to yield four children.
When Simpson eventually became State Controller, Raph was picked to join California’s Fair Political Practices Commission. With his eye for corruption, he was an efficient operator on that body, and subsequently was rewarded with election to the California State Board of Equalization for the Third District, which covered Los Angeles County. His reputation as an incorruptible, ferocious advocate for equality under the law built up over his time working in the various parts of the Californian political machine, but it was what came next that accelerated his career, and caused significant friction with the California Democratic Party who already held him in contempt for his rapid rise under Ibrahim Simpson’s patronage.
In the wake of the building public outrage over various scandals surrounding then-President James Clifford and then the subsequent backlash to the Republican mishandling of said scandals, Raph went to ‘jump the queue’ in the California political machine by announcing his candidacy for an open US Senate seat in 1998. Whilst not explicitly criticizing the President and denouncing the impeachment in line with other Democrats (whose popularity would go on to rebound later following the impeachment attempt by the Republicans in Congress), he presented himself as a clean pair of hands, acceptable to moderate and conservative voters. This, combined with a well-ordered campaign that drove Latino registration and turnout and explicit promises to continue to champion racial justice that appealed to African-Americans, helped to inch him to victory in the Democratic primary and a comfortable victory over the Republican nominee that year.
In the 106th Congress, Raph voted against the impeachment of President Clifford. When asked why, he stated that “Although there is no doubt that an indiscretion - a serious indiscretion - has been committed, I cannot be satisfied that this process has been carried out in a serious and judicious manner compatible with the rule of law in the United States. Impeachment is not a partisan vehicle, but it has become one, and I will not be party to such a precedent.” He supported President Clifford’s intervention in Yugoslavia, and attempted to forward new gun control measures in the wake of the Columbine Massacre in April of 1999. A cooperative member of the Senate Democratic Caucus, he did not express a tendency to buck the whip. He voted for the doomed Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty in October of 1999.
In the 107th Congress, Raph volunteered to contest the result of the 2000 presidential election in the Joint Session but the outgoing Vice President rejected the overture. Compliant with the Democratic whip in the post-9/11 age, he voted for the USA PATRIOT Act. He was a major supporter of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act, publicly supporting campaign finance regulation prominently in media appearances. He also was a vocal supporter of the Help America Vote Act, which sought to rectify the poor execution of the 2000 election. He voted for the Iraq AUMF in October of 2002.
In the 108th Congress, he voted against the Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act of November 2003. He was re-elected in 2004 with an improved margin relative to his 1998 election, and set a record at the time (almost 7 million votes) for the most votes cast for one candidate in one state in a US election. During the election, he wholeheartedly embraced environmentalism, criticizing Republican opponent (not-Bill Jones) for his votes for offshore drilling and loosening environmental regulations in the California State Assembly.
In the 109th Congress, he prominently supported the 2006 protests against Republican attempts to constrict Latin American immigration and intensify a hostile atmosphere in the United States towards Latin Americans, and campaigned hard towards the defeat of the draft legislation in the Senate. Despite his misgivings, he complied with the passage of the Palm Sunday Compromise in the Senate in March of 2005. He supported the passage of a new free trade agreement with Central American countries and the Dominican Republic in July of 2005. He voted against the Secure Fence Act in October of 2006. He voted for the Stem Cell Research Enhancement Act of 2005 that President Burke vetoed. He cultivated a close relationship with future President Rashid Baharia at this time when he was a Senator for Illinois, and attempted - in vain - to help the other build relationships in the Senate as he had.
In the 110th Congress, he was a vocal supporter of the Preserving United States Attorney Independence Act in June of 2007, and was actively involved in shepherding the Energy Independence and Security Act through the Senate in December of that year. He was most prominent, however, in his work to support emergency financial legislation in response to the subprime mortgage crisis, with experience from his time on the Board of Equalizations allowing him to cut through financial jargon. In the 2008 election cycle, he was an early endorser of Senator Baharia for the nomination, and although he was unable to sufficiently swing the needle in California or with Latinos to make a notable shift in the results, Baharia would go on to win the nomination. There was some speculation that Raph would be considered for a post in the Administration, but this was publicly denied by Senator Navarro, who believed he would be of more use to the President in the Senate.
In the 111th Congress, he became actively engaged in trying to support the President’s agenda in the Senate, which suffered from President Baharia’s weak institutional relationships. He put great energy into supporting the Lilly Ledbetter Fair Pay Act, and was a vigorous supporter of the Family Smoking Prevention and Tobacco Control Act. He was actively involved with the passage of the Dodd-Frank Act, the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act, and the Affordable Care Act. Though not involved in the bills’ authorship, he provided substantial support to then-House Speaker (not-Nancy Pelosi) and then-Vice President Vinnie Diehl in corralling support to get the measures passed. He was also a vocal supporter of the Akaka Bill. 2010 also marked his second re-election, where he saw off the insubstantial challenge of (not-Carly Fiorina) with almost a double digit percentile lead.
In the 112th Congress, he was a supporter of new free trade agreements with the Republic of Korea and other American nations, and did what he could to protect the President’s priorities against the vociferous austerity of the Tea Party Republicans who had swept to power in the House. An opponent of PIPA and SOPA, he espoused the freedom of the internet vocally in this Congress. In the 2012 presidential election, he was active on the campaign trail for President Baharia, committing significant time and energy to Arizona, New Mexico and Florida. Whilst he was unable to turn Arizona away from its Republican leanings, he did materially contribute to helping President Baharia hold onto Florida in that election year with Spanish language campaigns in the Miami-Dade area.
In the 113th Congress, he tried and failed to secure the passage of new gun control measures and the bipartisan immigration reform bill negotiated by the Gang of Eight. He most notably campaigned for and had some stake in compiling the Death in Custody Reporting Act of 2013, citing his experiences exploring police brutality in Los Angeles and the little structural change since then as prominent examples of why more action was needed on police brutality.
In the 114th Congress, Senator Navarro notably boycotted two addresses by foreign leaders - the address by Israeli premier Benjamin Netanyahu (stating publicly that “Whilst I am and always shall be a supporter of the State of Israel, that does not bind me to hold any warmth in my heart for a man incapable of finding warmth in his.”) and by Indian premier Narendra Modi (his statements on Modi were more comprehensive, referring to the fact that the Indian Prime Minister had once been on a US no-fly list for his religious extremism which had manifested into acts of tremendous violence when he was First Minister of Gujarat). In May of 2016, he participated in the Democratic Senate sit-in to force a debate on gun control. In the Democratic primary of 2016, he declined to endorse either Secretary Clifford or Senator Baginski, stating that he considered both to be ‘friends and colleagues, equally qualified for the Presidency’. He also faced his most recent re-election race in 2016, and with California’s blanket primary system now in effect, his opponent in the race was a Democrat who enjoyed the backing of other prominent state Democrats. Republicans coalesced around an effort to unseat Navarro in favor of the challenger, and the election came significantly closer than his last race, ending in a lead of about four percentage points.
In the 115th Congress, Senator Navarro prominently supported the call for Senator (not-Al Franken) to resign over Me Too allegations. A frequent critic of President Wolf, he became significantly more obstructionist against Republican legislation and willing to stand up and verbally filibuster legislation if needs be. He did, however, embrace and support the FIRST STEP Act.
In the 116th Congress, Senator Navarro has followed the Democratic party whip closely and has supported both Speakers Douglas and Simone with their agenda as best he can. He supported Senator Volek’s intention to seek ‘caretaker’ leadership of the Senate Caucus. He has not yet endorsed for the 2020 Democratic presidential primary.
Other Info: Married to Carmen Navarro (née Lopez), has four children - Justin, Zoe, Dorotea, and Felipe.
Rafael shortens his name to ‘Raph’, rather than ‘Rafa’, deliberately.
I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Gordano and Lysandus
Do Not Remove: 84721

by Meelducan » Sun Jan 03, 2021 6:20 pm
Gordano and Lysandus wrote:Gordano and Lysandus wrote:Worked on this over a couple of days with Sana, hopefully it's all clear for another admin to approve.
NS Nation Name: Gordano and Lysandus
Character Name: Rafael (Raph) Navarro
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 62
Character Height: 5’11”
Character Weight: 188lbs
Character Position/Role/Job: US Senator for the State of California (1999-); Member of the California State Board of Equalization for the Third District (1995-1998); Member of the California Fair Political Practices Commission (1993-1994); Investigative Journalist, LA Times (1980-1993).
Appearance:(Image)
Character State of Origin: California
Character State of Residence: California/DC
Character Party Affiliation: Democrat
Main Strengths: Long-term relationships inside the national Democratic Party and the Senate, generally gravitates towards the center of the Democratic Party, seen as an anti-corruption champion, credentials as a prominent Latino member of the Democratic Party and first Latino Senator from California.
Main Weaknesses: Seen as benefiting from his role as a Party insider, insurgent rise in California politics damaged his standing with the California Democratic Party, seen as too resistant to progressive priorities, insistence on neutrality in the 2016 primary cycle harmed his standing with both Cliffordites and Baginskicrats.
Biography:
Born in January of 1958 into a Mexican-American family in East Los Angeles, Rafael’s life was very much influenced by the fact his mother was a first generation immigrant. Whilst his father endeavored strongly to continue to integrate into (white) American society, his mother was strongly inclined to preserve her Latin traditions, and this meant that - in many ways - Rafael developed two sides of his sense of self, one which endeavored for broader acceptance and ambition, and one which was content and venerating of his heritage. The ambitious side of him drove him academically, and although the quality of local schools was poor, the extra work he put in allowed him to excel as a student despite his relative poverty.
Rioting and protests were common in the area, particularly with the East LA education walkouts when he was just 10, and the Watts riot when he was only 7. The difficult relationship between California’s minority communities and the police/those in power became very apparent to him at the time and would have a determinable impact on his later political identity as it developed in college. Furthermore, the rise of drug use in the area - particularly crack cocaine - caused him a great deal of stress. His interpersonal relationships suffered during his mid-teens as he chose to eschew drug use as friends turned to harder alternatives, and he became ever more focused on his studies.
It was 1976 by the time he entered UCLA on a Pell Grant to study English - this, he did with an initial ambition to become a teacher, a respectable occupation that might help him elevate the community he grew up in. Whilst he was highly competent at his studies, they were not his passion - this he found both in the course of student activism and getting involved with UCLA’s Daily Bruin newspaper. Participating in demonstrations on racial justice, protesting the War on Drugs, and nuclear energy in his time, he took a determinable radical streak in his reporting in the paper, the crowning glory of his time there exposing a scheme between university administrations and wealthy patrons (mostly white) to funnel underperforming students into prestigious scholarships. This was what earned him a place as the Daily Bruin’s editor-in-chief in his last year in college, and brought him to the attention of the Los Angeles Times, who he went to work with following his graduation in 1980.
As a journalist with the LA Times, which he began his work assisting other reporters, he soon distinguished himself with an ability to ingratiate himself to sources, compile information capably, and help with devising headlines and creative wording for maximum impact in articles. His big mission however was to break a major story on racial justice, and that moment came in the 1990s when he compiled an extensive profile piece on the Lynwood Vikings, a white supremacist group inside the Los Angeles Sheriff’s Department, forwarding his findings also to LA City Councilman Ibrahim Simpson, with whom he formed an extensive political relationship. This big break elevated him to national attention, especially in the years to come with the Kolts Commission and then the Rodney King incident in the early 1990s and the subsequent riots. It would be during his work as a journalist that he met his wife, Carmen Lopez, and the two would begin a relationship that would go on to yield four children.
When Simpson eventually became State Controller, Raph was picked to join California’s Fair Political Practices Commission. With his eye for corruption, he was an efficient operator on that body, and subsequently was rewarded with election to the California State Board of Equalization for the Third District, which covered Los Angeles County. His reputation as an incorruptible, ferocious advocate for equality under the law built up over his time working in the various parts of the Californian political machine, but it was what came next that accelerated his career, and caused significant friction with the California Democratic Party who already held him in contempt for his rapid rise under Ibrahim Simpson’s patronage.
In the wake of the building public outrage over various scandals surrounding then-President James Clifford and then the subsequent backlash to the Republican mishandling of said scandals, Raph went to ‘jump the queue’ in the California political machine by announcing his candidacy for an open US Senate seat in 1998. Whilst not explicitly criticizing the President and denouncing the impeachment in line with other Democrats (whose popularity would go on to rebound later following the impeachment attempt by the Republicans in Congress), he presented himself as a clean pair of hands, acceptable to moderate and conservative voters. This, combined with a well-ordered campaign that drove Latino registration and turnout and explicit promises to continue to champion racial justice that appealed to African-Americans, helped to inch him to victory in the Democratic primary and a comfortable victory over the Republican nominee that year.
In the 106th Congress, Raph voted against the impeachment of President Clifford. When asked why, he stated that “Although there is no doubt that an indiscretion - a serious indiscretion - has been committed, I cannot be satisfied that this process has been carried out in a serious and judicious manner compatible with the rule of law in the United States. Impeachment is not a partisan vehicle, but it has become one, and I will not be party to such a precedent.” He supported President Clifford’s intervention in Yugoslavia, and attempted to forward new gun control measures in the wake of the Columbine Massacre in April of 1999. A cooperative member of the Senate Democratic Caucus, he did not express a tendency to buck the whip. He voted for the doomed Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty in October of 1999.
In the 107th Congress, Raph volunteered to contest the result of the 2000 presidential election in the Joint Session but the outgoing Vice President rejected the overture. Compliant with the Democratic whip in the post-9/11 age, he voted for the USA PATRIOT Act. He was a major supporter of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act, publicly supporting campaign finance regulation prominently in media appearances. He also was a vocal supporter of the Help America Vote Act, which sought to rectify the poor execution of the 2000 election. He voted for the Iraq AUMF in October of 2002.
In the 108th Congress, he voted against the Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act of November 2003. He was re-elected in 2004 with an improved margin relative to his 1998 election, and set a record at the time (almost 7 million votes) for the most votes cast for one candidate in one state in a US election. During the election, he wholeheartedly embraced environmentalism, criticizing Republican opponent (not-Bill Jones) for his votes for offshore drilling and loosening environmental regulations in the California State Assembly.
In the 109th Congress, he prominently supported the 2006 protests against Republican attempts to constrict Latin American immigration and intensify a hostile atmosphere in the United States towards Latin Americans, and campaigned hard towards the defeat of the draft legislation in the Senate. Despite his misgivings, he complied with the passage of the Palm Sunday Compromise in the Senate in March of 2005. He supported the passage of a new free trade agreement with Central American countries and the Dominican Republic in July of 2005. He voted against the Secure Fence Act in October of 2006. He voted for the Stem Cell Research Enhancement Act of 2005 that President Burke vetoed. He cultivated a close relationship with future President Rashid Baharia at this time when he was a Senator for Illinois, and attempted - in vain - to help the other build relationships in the Senate as he had.
In the 110th Congress, he was a vocal supporter of the Preserving United States Attorney Independence Act in June of 2007, and was actively involved in shepherding the Energy Independence and Security Act through the Senate in December of that year. He was most prominent, however, in his work to support emergency financial legislation in response to the subprime mortgage crisis, with experience from his time on the Board of Equalizations allowing him to cut through financial jargon. In the 2008 election cycle, he was an early endorser of Senator Baharia for the nomination, and although he was unable to sufficiently swing the needle in California or with Latinos to make a notable shift in the results, Baharia would go on to win the nomination. There was some speculation that Raph would be considered for a post in the Administration, but this was publicly denied by Senator Navarro, who believed he would be of more use to the President in the Senate.
In the 111th Congress, he became actively engaged in trying to support the President’s agenda in the Senate, which suffered from President Baharia’s weak institutional relationships. He put great energy into supporting the Lilly Ledbetter Fair Pay Act, and was a vigorous supporter of the Family Smoking Prevention and Tobacco Control Act. He was actively involved with the passage of the Dodd-Frank Act, the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act, and the Affordable Care Act. Though not involved in the bills’ authorship, he provided substantial support to then-House Speaker (not-Nancy Pelosi) and then-Vice President Vinnie Diehl in corralling support to get the measures passed. He was also a vocal supporter of the Akaka Bill. 2010 also marked his second re-election, where he saw off the insubstantial challenge of (not-Carly Fiorina) with almost a double digit percentile lead.
In the 112th Congress, he was a supporter of new free trade agreements with the Republic of Korea and other American nations, and did what he could to protect the President’s priorities against the vociferous austerity of the Tea Party Republicans who had swept to power in the House. An opponent of PIPA and SOPA, he espoused the freedom of the internet vocally in this Congress. In the 2012 presidential election, he was active on the campaign trail for President Baharia, committing significant time and energy to Arizona, New Mexico and Florida. Whilst he was unable to turn Arizona away from its Republican leanings, he did materially contribute to helping President Baharia hold onto Florida in that election year with Spanish language campaigns in the Miami-Dade area.
In the 113th Congress, he tried and failed to secure the passage of new gun control measures and the bipartisan immigration reform bill negotiated by the Gang of Eight. He most notably campaigned for and had some stake in compiling the Death in Custody Reporting Act of 2013, citing his experiences exploring police brutality in Los Angeles and the little structural change since then as prominent examples of why more action was needed on police brutality.
In the 114th Congress, Senator Navarro notably boycotted two addresses by foreign leaders - the address by Israeli premier Benjamin Netanyahu (stating publicly that “Whilst I am and always shall be a supporter of the State of Israel, that does not bind me to hold any warmth in my heart for a man incapable of finding warmth in his.”) and by Indian premier Narendra Modi (his statements on Modi were more comprehensive, referring to the fact that the Indian Prime Minister had once been on a US no-fly list for his religious extremism which had manifested into acts of tremendous violence when he was First Minister of Gujarat). In May of 2016, he participated in the Democratic Senate sit-in to force a debate on gun control. In the Democratic primary of 2016, he declined to endorse either Secretary Clifford or Senator Baginski, stating that he considered both to be ‘friends and colleagues, equally qualified for the Presidency’. He also faced his most recent re-election race in 2016, and with California’s blanket primary system now in effect, his opponent in the race was a Democrat who enjoyed the backing of other prominent state Democrats. Republicans coalesced around an effort to unseat Navarro in favor of the challenger, and the election came significantly closer than his last race, ending in a lead of about four percentage points.
In the 115th Congress, Senator Navarro prominently supported the call for Senator (not-Al Franken) to resign over Me Too allegations. A frequent critic of President Wolf, he became significantly more obstructionist against Republican legislation and willing to stand up and verbally filibuster legislation if needs be. He did, however, embrace and support the FIRST STEP Act.
In the 116th Congress, Senator Navarro has followed the Democratic party whip closely and has supported both Speakers Douglas and Simone with their agenda as best he can. He supported Senator Volek’s intention to seek ‘caretaker’ leadership of the Senate Caucus. He has not yet endorsed for the 2020 Democratic presidential primary.
Other Info: Married to Carmen Navarro (née Lopez), has four children - Justin, Zoe, Dorotea, and Felipe.
Rafael shortens his name to ‘Raph’, rather than ‘Rafa’, deliberately.
I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Gordano and Lysandus
Do Not Remove: 84721
Giving this fine boy a bippidy-boppidy-bump

by Gordano and Lysandus » Sun Jan 03, 2021 6:23 pm

by Gordano and Lysandus » Sun Jan 03, 2021 6:27 pm

by Bruke » Sun Jan 03, 2021 6:27 pm

by Lavan Tiri » Sun Jan 03, 2021 6:32 pm
Lavan Tiri wrote:
NS Nation Name: Lavan Tiri
Character Name: Alexander Lawrence "Alec" Matthews
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 60--born July 4th, 1959
Character Height: 6'4
Character Weight: 190 pounds
Character Position/Role/Job:
- Representative for Maine's 1st Congressional District (since 2008)
- Portland City Councilman for the At-Large District (2004-2008)
- Portland Fire Department Firefighter (1993-2005)
- United States Marine Corps Infantry (1977-1993)
Appearance: Nicolas Cage
Character State of Origin: Maine
Character State of Residence: Maine
Character Party Affiliation:
- Republican (1977-2001)
- Independent (2001-2003)
- Democratic (since 2003)
Main Strengths:
- Blue-collar background and work, plus military service
- Masculine image and personality appeals to Republicans and conservative independents
- Strong progressive policies, especially economically, endear him to blue-collar workers and the Baginski-Murphy wing of the party
- Safe Democratic district
- Has never taken money from Super PACs or fundraising organizations, instead running a grassroots campaign funded by individual contributions.
Main Weaknesses:
- Linked with the more wealthy, urban 1st District, which could hurt his popularity in rural or less wealthy areas.
- Evolving social views and political positions can be used to paint him as a flip-flopper
- Friction with the younger, diverse progressive wing of the party, due to being an old white guy and some of his views
- Tendency to be blunt, crass, and rude.
- Friction with anti-gun Democrats
- His tendency to buck the party and vote his conscience no matter what hasn't made him the most popular with leadership at times.
- Strained relationship with Democratic establishment due to primarying his predecessor.
- Was a Republican for most of his life
- Multiple divorces.
Biography: Matthews was born in Bangor, Maine, on Independence Day in 1959, to Edward Alexander Matthews, (1930-1962) a Korean War veteran and police officer, and his second wife, Jeanne Charlotte Matthews, nee Lewis (1937-present) a homemaker. Alec was the 6th of 8 children Edward had with a total of 3 women--he had been married to Laurie Schrader from 1950-1952 and had two daughters, Andrea Ruth (1950-2016) and Gillian Roberta (1951-present), before Laurie died in a car crash in 1952 while pregnant with their third child. In 1955, Edward married Jeanne in a shotgun wedding, and between 1955 and 1960 they had five children: Edward Alexander Matthews, jr. (1955-1997); Paul Richard Matthews (1957-2009), Isabelle Marie Matthews (1957-present), Alec (1959-present), and Sean Thomas Matthews (1960-present).
Life in the Matthews household was turbulent--Edward was stricken with PTSD from his military service, and took it out in physically, emotionally, and verbally violent ways on his wife and children, often beating them and on occasion neglecting to feed the children. Jeanne had to rely on the kindness of neighbors and friends to get by many times, and would frequently take the children to her parents' home to get them away from Edward. Alec has few memories of his father, however, since Edward died when he was 3--while Jeanne was at her parents' with the children, he shot himself in the head. His body was found two days later when the family returned home.
Jeanne, as a single widow with 7 children to raise, took up a job working at the courthouse as a stenographer. She held that job from 1962 until her retirement in 2007 at age 70. Barely 3 months after Edwards death, she married Andrew Black (1932-2017), a science teacher at Bangor High School. Black has been the only father Alec has known for his entire life--a kinder, gentler man than Edward Matthews, to be sure.
Alec was an entirely average student in high school, but a highly-skilled and regarded football player. When he graduated in 1977, he was courted by several colleges with athletic scholarships, but he'd decided to enlist in the Marine Corps, in order to get out of Maine and see some of the world.
Alec left basic training as a Lance Corporal, and was assigned to the Echo Company of the 2nd Battalion, 24th Marines, based out of Des Moines. He was noted for his natural command skills and willingness to do ugly, dirty, and awful jobs without grumbling or complaint.
In 1978, on a Christmas visit home to Bangor, Alec married his high school sweetheart, Linda McDonald. She moved to Des Moines with him later that year, and the pair bought a house off-base. The couple had 2 children: Andrew Paul Matthews (August 1st, 1980-present) and Gabriel Sean Matthews (January 19th, 1982-February 7th, 1998). Alec was as good a father as he could manage, far better than his own father had been, and the family was happy.
By 1987, his tenth year in the Corps, Alec had been promoted to E-7, a Gunnery Sergeant.
In 1990, the battalion was mobilized and sent to Camp Lejune, to train for Operation Desert Storm. They were deployed to Saudi Arabia, and shortly thereafter, Echo Company was deployed to Ras al Mishab, while Alec's platoon became involved in the fighting in Ras al Khadijah. Gunnery Sergeant Matthew's took a bullet to the leg during the fighting, an injury that still pains him at times, but led his men through the combat capably. For the rest of Desert Storm, Matthews and his fellows provided security to various high-risk targets and processed massive numbers of POWs.
In 1993, Linda revealed to Alec that she'd had an affair with a neighbor, and she wanted a divorce so she could be with him. Alec fought and lost for his marriage, but was able to keep custody of his sons, due to Linda not wanting to raise them after cheating on their father.
He chose not to reenlist, and separated from the Marines. He moved back to Maine--not his native Bangor, but Portland--and became a firefighter with PFD, living with his sons. His relationship with Andrew was combative during this time, as the boy was just hitting puberty when his life was ripped apart and he was dragged a thousand miles from Des Moines, his home. Eventually, the bonds were repaired, but many things were said in the heat of many moments that still lurk beneath the surface.
In 1995, Alec met Isabelle Dunning, a waitress at a restaurant he frequented. She was 8 years his junior, and they were smitten with each other. After dating for 8 months, they married--a move supported by the more-mature Andrew, who liked Isabelle a lot, and by Gabe, a generally happy kid.
In 1997, Isabelle and Alec had their first child, Breanna Jeanne Matthews (May 10th, 1997-present).
Gabriel took his driver's license test on February 6th, 1998, liberating himself from being driven to school by Andrew. Alec helped him buy a shitty beater car, and the next day--a snowy, beautiful morning--he took off for school.
He never made it.
En route, Gabriel lost control of the vehicle due to the wintry conditions. He collided head-on with another vehicle, killing himself and the driver of the other car.
Alec was destroyed. He took up drinking, blaming himself for his son's death, for Gabe driving on that stormy day. He isolated himself for long periods of time, focused solely on his work. It took an intervention from his stepfather to help set him right, as well as endless, still-going hours of counseling.
Later that year, his surviving son, Andrew, joined the Marines out of high school. Alec was beyond proud of Andrew, although he worried for the boys safety.
In 2000, Alec and Isabelle had their second child, Michael Kenneth Matthews (October 20th, 2000-present). Alec wanted to name him Gabriel, or make that his middle name, but Isabelle shot him down. Cracks had begun to grow in their relationship, cracks which only widened after 9/11. Alec despaired for Andrew, fearing he'd be killed fighting a war of revenge against the terrorists. The War on Terror, combined with the PATRIOT Act, were what pushed Alec away from the GOP for good, and in 2004 he voted Democrat for the first time. The political fractures were one of many differences that had grown between Alec and Isabelle during their marriage, and they were divorced in 2002. Isabelle won custody of their children, although Alec still has a close relationship with both of them.
In 2004, dissatisfied with the performance of the Portland City Council, Alec ran for office for the first time, and was elected to one of the City Council At-Large Districts. He ran as an independent, focused on better pensions for municipal employees, improving the roads and schools in the city, better funding for municipal healthcare, and better policing to fight crime in low-income neighborhoods.
During his time in the Fire Department, Alec had become more appreciative of the local Firefighter's Union (another factor in his movement to the left, despite not actually being a member), and with his position on the city council, he was able to fight
to secure a significant increase in pensions for firefighters, and started a program to hire more military veterans for law enforcement and firefighting services in Portland. Not all of his proposals were passed, but he did get increased benefits for the families of retired or injured law enforcement and firefighters passed by a unanimous vote.
In 2008, Alec, pushed by his friends and son, decided to run in the Democratic primary for Maine's first district. Due to the seat's heavily Democratic lean, the primary was essentially the general, and Alec took on the incumbent Congressman in a long, dirty fight. He accused the incumbent of being disconnected from the district, of being owned by Washington interests and corporate executives, while portraying himself as a salt-of-the-Earth, down-home guy, a veteran and a firefighter, a father who had lost a son tragically. He played up his progressive economic stances, developed over years as a union-ajacent fireman, and barely won the primary. He coasted to victory in the general, outperforming Baharia by 2 points due to crossover Republican support.
Alec has been reelected five times (2010, 2012, 2014, 2016, and 2018), and currently serves as Maine's only Congressional Democrat, making him something of a powerbroker in the state's Democratic politics. He voted with 99% of Baharia's agenda, and has generally kept his head down in Congress, aside from his occasional clashes with the establishment when it comes to his constant votes against gun control, his initial resistance to gay marriage (although he supported civil unions), and his support for Medicare for All. He has also faced several more establishment-friendly or socially progressive primary challengers, and nearly lost his first reelection, but has otherwise always come out on top. He's also well-known in his district for being easy to contact, with the Congressman frequently personally answering calls and emails from constituents.
Alec has voted for all Democratic legislation this session, as well as the Doggies for Veterans Act and the Iran Sanctions Act.
In June 2019 he announced he was "considering" a run for Senate in 2020, although he did praise not-Collins for her bipartisanship and connection with Maine voters. At the same time, he endorsed Senator Murphy for President, saying that "[Murphy] has the best economic policies and plans for America and for Maine."
Other Info:
Ideology-Immigration: No wall, but we need better enforcement and a more humane and efficient system. Supports working with Central and South American nations to improve conditions for immigrants at home. Does not want to dissolve ICE but significantly reform it.
-The environment: A balance needs to be struck between long-term livability and current prosperity. Matthews supports the idea of the Green New Deal but wants to make sure industries like timber and fishing are protected. American oil sources should be used while we work to transition to a green energy economy.
-Foreign Relations: Matthews believes in a generally non-interventionist policy, except in cases of genocide or human rights abuses, or an attack on the USA. He wants to cut ties with brutal regimes like Saudi Arabia, and supports a 2-state-solution in Israel, as well as sanctions on North Korea, Iran, and Turkey. He thinks China is the biggest geopolitical threat to America and needs to be handled somehow.
-Policing: Matthews tries to strike a balance between the need for law enforcement and the demands of protestors and activists. He supports community-based policing, and is working on writing legislation to make a 2-year law and civil rights degree mandatory to become a LEO, saying that it will improve the situation for police and communities. Overall he supports law enforcement.
-Healthcare: Medicare for All, now.
-Worker's Rights: Strongly pro-union, especially in the public sector.
Committee and Caucus Memberships-House Agriculture Committee
- House Conservation and Forestry Committee
- House Appropriations Committee
- House Education and Labor Committee
- House Health, Employment, Labor and Pensions Committee (Chair)
- Army Caucus
- Blue Collar Caucus (Co-Chair)
- Congressional Coastal Communities Caucus
-
Presidential votes1980-Reagan
1984-Reagan
1988-Burke
1992-Burke
1996-Not-Dole
2000-Baby Burke
2004-Not-Kerry
2008-Baharia
2012-Baharia
2016-Baginski in the primary, Clifford in the general
I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: no.
Do Not Remove:
Big Jim P wrote:I like the way you think.
Constaniana wrote:Ah, so you were dropped on your head. This explains a lot.
Zarkenis Ultima wrote:Snarky bastard.
The Grey Wolf wrote:You sir, are a gentleman and a scholar.
Renewed Imperial Germany wrote:I'm not sure whether to laugh because thIs is the best satire I've ever seen or be very very afraid because someone actually thinks all this so.... have a cookie?
John Holland wrote: John Holland
by New Cobastheia » Sun Jan 03, 2021 6:35 pm
by New Cobastheia » Sun Jan 03, 2021 6:37 pm

by Gordano and Lysandus » Sun Jan 03, 2021 7:11 pm
Louisianan wrote:Might do a Slice of Life for Linda, she's going on a date!

by Bruke » Sun Jan 03, 2021 7:12 pm
by Louisianan » Sun Jan 03, 2021 7:14 pm

by Kargintinia » Sun Jan 03, 2021 7:21 pm
Louisianan wrote:Might do a Slice of Life for Linda, she's going on a date!
by Louisianan » Sun Jan 03, 2021 7:22 pm

by Democratic Peoples republic of Kelvinsi » Sun Jan 03, 2021 7:41 pm

by Bruke » Sun Jan 03, 2021 7:42 pm
Democratic Peoples republic of Kelvinsi wrote:There is something that may or may not interest you guys in the IC.
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