Tawnat: A North African Political RP (OOC/OPEN)

[Jovuistan]

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Character Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Sao Nova Europa
Character Name: Fadhel ben Salem
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 57
Character Height: 1.71 m
Character Weight: 81 k
Character Position/Role/Job: Member of Albarlaman (MP)
Appearance:

([url=https://i.postimg.cc/NGyzyHLz/Walid-Bennani-ANC.jpg]Image)[/url]

Character Country of Birth: Tawnat
Character Country of Residence: Tawnat
Character Governate of Residence: Sakhratalmas
Character Party Affiliation: ILP (Islamic Liberal Party)
Character Religious Affiliation: Sunni Islam
Main Strengths: Loyal base (while he doesn't have the largest electoral base, his voting base is extremely loyal to his person meaning that he has a stable base), Western connections (having studied in the US, and having established connections with economic and political experts there, Fadhel can count on the support of American campaign managers and advisors)
Main Weaknesses: Western educated (Fadhel's education in the US mean that is viewed suspiciously by some on the more conservative spectrum and by those who dislike the West), Elitist (his free-market ideology has allowed him to be accused to elitism by both right wing and left wing opponents).
Biography:

Born to an upper class family with ties to the al-Zaruq regime on 12 August 1963, Fadhel excelled at academic lessons at school, thought it must be said that he had the benefit of also receiving private lessons from private tutors. He went to college at Al-Mubarak University in 1981, studying economics, where he graduated with an upper second-class honours degree in 1985. He decided to pursue further studies abroad, something which he could afford thanks to his family's relative wealth. He attended Harvard Business School where he earned an MBA (Master Business Administration) in 1987 and continued his studies in Columbia University, where in 1990 he received his Ph.D. in economics.

He eventually managed to become a Professor at New York University Business School. He would also write opinion essays on Financial Times and the Economist, while publishing two books on economics; The Islamic Foundations of Market Capitalism and From Developing to Developed Nation: Free Markets, Modernization and Growth in the Developing World. At the same time, he established connections with the Heritage Foundation and Mises Institute, becoming an associate of both think-tanks. At the same time, though, he retained ties with relatives and friends back in Tawnat, some of them in high governing places. He had been offered political positions in the regime, but he refused due to differences on how the economy should be managed; Fadhel had been arguing for austerity measures and free market reforms to deal with the ever increasing debt, while the regime wouldn't agree on such an agenda.

With the regime change in 2012, Fadhel was persuaded to come back to his homeland, serving as one of the technocratic advisers to the new provisional government. However, his role was minor and he became dissatisfied with it. In 2013, he established the 'Islamic Liberal League', a non-partisan free-market think tank which gathered the support of various moderate conservative politicians, both new and members of the old regime. In the 2014 elections, the think tank became the Islamic Liberal Party and managed to gain a limited number of seats due to lack of mass organization and public recognition. The ILP did not take part in the shaky government coalition, focusing instead on providing a conservative opposition and building up a party machine. In 2017, with the advise of American campaign managers and analysts hired by Fadhel (many of them from conservative think-tanks), the ILP managed to increase the number of seats it held in parliament. The ILP remained in opposition, and Fadhel hopes to provide an alternative to the government and to reap public dissatisfaction; especially he hopes to attract voters who oppose the coalition government but do not want to vote for either the left or the Ba'athists.

Other Info: Fadhel is married with an Arab-American wife and has three children, two male and one female.

I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Sao Nova Europa

Do not remove: 1337

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Party Information Sheet

Party Information Sheet
Party Name: Islamic Liberal Party
Ideology Summary:

A center-right conservative party, ILP emulates the European and North American center-right parties in its focus on free market economics and support for moderate social conservatism. The official ideology of the party is 'Islamic Liberalism' which, according to its founder Fadhel ben Salem, can be described as "an ideology that combines care for individuality and economic growth that only a free market economy can provide with reverence for our Islamic traditions, which maintain the stability of our society."

Liberalism, in the party name and official ideology, refers to economic liberalism (free-market economics/fiscal conservatism), rather than liberalism in the American sense.

In practice, the party supports:

Privatization of state assets, digitization of the public administration and deregulation of the market.
Partial privatization of the healthcare and social security systems.
Drastic cuts in taxation, replacing the current tax system with a low flat income tax and a low flat corporate tax, abolishing all other taxes.
Strengthening of the police forces, strict enforcement of law and order, and arrest of radicals (both leftists and Islamists).
Opposition to LGBT ideology (which is compared by party members to "communism"), opposition to feminism and support for traditional family mode and for stay-at-home wives.
Secular state law should conform more closely to Islamic traditions. While the party is opposed to implementing Sharia Law, it supports amending the constitution to establish Islam as the 'majority religion'.
Opposition to admitting refugees from Libya; party members have been calling them 'parasites draining our economy and the taxes of our citizens'. They also accuse them of stealing jobs.
A pro-US foreign policy. The ILP is considered the most pro-American of the Tawnat parties.
Building up the armed forces, with increased funding for the military.

Party Biography:

Established as a think tank ('Islamic Liberal League') in 2013, it attracted moderate conservative politicians; both from new faces coming from abroad (many of them having lived in France and the US) and old faces, mainly politicians associated with the old regime, though mostly on minor roles and on local level. In the 2014 elections, it became officially a political party and managed to gain a small number of seats, but it was hampered by lack of a party machine and public recognition. Declining to become part of the government, it instead focused on building up a party machine that would allow it to increase recognition among voters. The party also made extensive use of American conservative campaign managers and analysts, who played a crucial role in ts marketing and political message. The ILP is extremely professionalized in political messaging, making extensive use of polling and data to tweak its messaging. Thus in 2017 it was able to increase the number of seats, but it remained in opposition. The party tends to be adversarial towards the government and the strategy supported by leadership and members is to remain in opposition in order to reap the benefits of dissatisfaction.

Party Abbreviation ("DP" for Democratic Party): ILP
Party Colors: Red
Governing Position: Opposition
Other Info:

Fadhel ben Salem is Chairman of the Party.
It has a Shadow Cabinet, staffed by foreign educated technocrats. Each shadow minister is responsible for providing opposition to the respective government minister. Each shadow minister is also assigned from three to six assistants, meant to help him in his critique of that particular government sector.
A National Council, staffed by twelve members (academics, business executives and journalists), is responsible for drafting the political program of the ILP.
The Campaigning and Marketing Task Force, comprised of twenty campaign managers and political analysts (thirteen of those Americans, the rest Tawnats), is responsible for the messaging of the party's platform and consults candidates on their races.
The party is highly centralized in its structure, and most decisions are taken at the top.

I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Sao Nova Europa

Do not remove: 1337

Two things

1. I doubt he'd be able to get elected to a seat in Sakhratalmas. One of the southern Governates I think would better suit his ideology. I personally recommend Sahil Al-Hubub, as it seems to pretty closely match what the ILP is about.

2. I think his weaknesses should also point out that not only his western education but also his party's hiring of Americans and support for the US would be viewed in a more negative light to a lot of Tawnatis, particularly hardcore Islamists.

[Sao Nova Europa]

Edited my app to change seat to Sahil Al-Hubub and to add anti-Americanism weakness.

[Jovuistan]

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Character Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Sao Nova Europa
Character Name: Fadhel ben Salem
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 57
Character Height: 1.71 m
Character Weight: 81 k
Character Position/Role/Job: Member of Albarlaman (MP)
Appearance:

([url=https://i.postimg.cc/NGyzyHLz/Walid-Bennani-ANC.jpg]Image)[/url]

Character Country of Birth: Tawnat
Character Country of Residence: Tawnat
Character Governate of Residence: Sahil Al-Hubub
Character Party Affiliation: ILP (Islamic Liberal Party)
Character Religious Affiliation: Sunni Islam
Main Strengths: Loyal base (while he doesn't have the largest electoral base, his voting base is extremely loyal to his person meaning that he has a stable base), Western connections (having studied in the US, and having established connections with economic and political experts there, Fadhel can count on the support of American campaign managers and advisors)
Main Weaknesses: Anti-Americanism (Fadhel's education in the US, his hiring of many American campaign managers and advisors in his party and his strong support for the US mean that he is viewed negatively by hardcore Islamists, left-wingers and by those who dislike America), Elitist (his free-market ideology has allowed him to be accused to elitism by both right wing and left wing opponents).
Biography:

Born to an upper class family with ties to the al-Zaruq regime on 12 August 1963, Fadhel excelled at academic lessons at school, thought it must be said that he had the benefit of also receiving private lessons from private tutors. He went to college at Al-Mubarak University in 1981, studying economics, where he graduated with an upper second-class honours degree in 1985. He decided to pursue further studies abroad, something which he could afford thanks to his family's relative wealth. He attended Harvard Business School where he earned an MBA (Master Business Administration) in 1987 and continued his studies in Columbia University, where in 1990 he received his Ph.D. in economics.

He eventually managed to become a Professor at New York University Business School. He would also write opinion essays on Financial Times and the Economist, while publishing two books on economics; The Islamic Foundations of Market Capitalism and From Developing to Developed Nation: Free Markets, Modernization and Growth in the Developing World. At the same time, he established connections with the Heritage Foundation and Mises Institute, becoming an associate of both think-tanks. At the same time, though, he retained ties with relatives and friends back in Tawnat, some of them in high governing places. He had been offered political positions in the regime, but he refused due to differences on how the economy should be managed; Fadhel had been arguing for austerity measures and free market reforms to deal with the ever increasing debt, while the regime wouldn't agree on such an agenda.

With the regime change in 2012, Fadhel was persuaded to come back to his homeland, serving as one of the technocratic advisers to the new provisional government. However, his role was minor and he became dissatisfied with it. In 2013, he established the 'Islamic Liberal League', a non-partisan free-market think tank which gathered the support of various moderate conservative politicians, both new and members of the old regime. In the 2014 elections, the think tank became the Islamic Liberal Party and managed to gain a limited number of seats due to lack of mass organization and public recognition. The ILP did not take part in the shaky government coalition, focusing instead on providing a conservative opposition and building up a party machine. In 2017, with the advise of American campaign managers and analysts hired by Fadhel (many of them from conservative think-tanks), the ILP managed to increase the number of seats it held in parliament. The ILP remained in opposition, and Fadhel hopes to provide an alternative to the government and to reap public dissatisfaction; especially he hopes to attract voters who oppose the coalition government but do not want to vote for either the left or the Ba'athists.

Other Info: Fadhel is married with an Arab-American wife and has three children, two male and one female.

I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Sao Nova Europa

Do not remove: 1337

---

Party Information Sheet

Party Information Sheet
Party Name: Islamic Liberal Party
Ideology Summary:

A center-right conservative party, ILP emulates the European and North American center-right parties in its focus on free market economics and support for moderate social conservatism. The official ideology of the party is 'Islamic Liberalism' which, according to its founder Fadhel ben Salem, can be described as "an ideology that combines care for individuality and economic growth that only a free market economy can provide with reverence for our Islamic traditions, which maintain the stability of our society."

Liberalism, in the party name and official ideology, refers to economic liberalism (free-market economics/fiscal conservatism), rather than liberalism in the American sense.

In practice, the party supports:

Privatization of state assets, digitization of the public administration and deregulation of the market.
Partial privatization of the healthcare and social security systems.
Drastic cuts in taxation, replacing the current tax system with a low flat income tax and a low flat corporate tax, abolishing all other taxes.
Strengthening of the police forces, strict enforcement of law and order, and arrest of radicals (both leftists and Islamists).
Opposition to LGBT ideology (which is compared by party members to "communism"), opposition to feminism and support for traditional family mode and for stay-at-home wives.
Secular state law should conform more closely to Islamic traditions. While the party is opposed to implementing Sharia Law, it supports amending the constitution to establish Islam as the 'majority religion'.
Opposition to admitting refugees from Libya; party members have been calling them 'parasites draining our economy and the taxes of our citizens'. They also accuse them of stealing jobs.
A pro-US foreign policy. The ILP is considered the most pro-American of the Tawnat parties.
Building up the armed forces, with increased funding for the military.

Party Biography:

Established as a think tank ('Islamic Liberal League') in 2013, it attracted moderate conservative politicians; both from new faces coming from abroad (many of them having lived in France and the US) and old faces, mainly politicians associated with the old regime, though mostly on minor roles and on local level. In the 2014 elections, it became officially a political party and managed to gain a small number of seats, but it was hampered by lack of a party machine and public recognition. Declining to become part of the government, it instead focused on building up a party machine that would allow it to increase recognition among voters. The party also made extensive use of American conservative campaign managers and analysts, who played a crucial role in ts marketing and political message. The ILP is extremely professionalized in political messaging, making extensive use of polling and data to tweak its messaging. Thus in 2017 it was able to increase the number of seats, but it remained in opposition. The party tends to be adversarial towards the government and the strategy supported by leadership and members is to remain in opposition in order to reap the benefits of dissatisfaction.

Party Abbreviation ("DP" for Democratic Party): ILP
Party Colors: Red
Governing Position: Opposition
Other Info:

Fadhel ben Salem is Chairman of the Party.
It has a Shadow Cabinet, staffed by foreign educated technocrats. Each shadow minister is responsible for providing opposition to the respective government minister. Each shadow minister is also assigned from three to six assistants, meant to help him in his critique of that particular government sector.
A National Council, staffed by twelve members (academics, business executives and journalists), is responsible for drafting the political program of the ILP.
The Campaigning and Marketing Task Force, comprised of twenty campaign managers and political analysts (thirteen of those Americans, the rest Tawnats), is responsible for the messaging of the party's platform and consults candidates on their races.
The party is highly centralized in its structure, and most decisions are taken at the top.

I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Sao Nova Europa

Do not remove: 1337

Accepted.

[Jovuistan]

IC IS UP!

[Azekopolaltion]

What are taxes like in Tawnat (corporate tax rate, income tax, etc.)

[Jovuistan]

What are taxes like in Tawnat (corporate tax rate, income tax, etc.)

Tawnat has a fairly progressive income tax. The corporate tax rate is 20%. I'll get more proper numbers up soon.

[Kazarogkai]

Looks interesting. Thinking of maybe doing a former Leftist Rebel from the inner hinterlands who fought against the former Dictator. They signed a ceasefire(explains why they aren't fighting at the moment) with the ex dictator maybe a year before the Arab spring but upon the commencing of said event were partially involved. Upon the creation of a new government they promptly negotiated a peace deal which granted amnesty to their active members and the right for them to be incorporated as a legitimate political party in exchange for agreeing to put down their weapons and demobilize. At the moment they would have a minor presence in Parliament representing a region they used to control, probably a piece of the north island advocating for local autonomy and the creation of a more federal constitutional order.

Wondering if that would be something that would work in line with what you are going for here.

Hi! I doubt they'd be able to get control over land since the Al-Zaruq government cracked down very hard on any rebellions, and a good number of them would either be killed, arrested and (probably) executed, or be forced into hiding until 2012 when the regime fell. We do have room for a more 'moderate' socialist party that could be like you suggested in your other post.

By control I meant more in the peripheral "area of operations" zone I guess you would say. Where as Mao would put it where the revolutionary base areas would be located in and they would conduct revolutionary actions to and from. Any control that they did have would have occurred after the regime's collapse and would have come in the context of them being elected to local government in the area. Specifically I was thinking those central mountains in the northern island would be a good location to work from which they would primarily derive from. Isolated, presumably neglected and poor. Good location from which a couple peasant'/bandit rebels would be right at home.

Moderate Socialist you say? that might possibly work. Based on my conceptualization they as a movement would be less concerned with classic Marxian "seizing the means of production" and more interested in local development projects, greater decentralization, protecting the rights of both religious and ethnic minorities, and most importantly land reform. "To the tiller the soil, and the worker the factory" as one would say. if one could regard Syndicalist as Moderate I guess. Could work. I think I'll start working on it.

[Sao Nova Europa]

How are demonstrations/protests/rallies dealt with? Do we write about them ourselves in our posts or do the OPs post a description/details of such events?

I am considering organizing a series of protests/rallies (mobilizing in large part the ILPs party members), thus why I am asking.

Also, do Albarlaman members who decide to run for President have to resign their post or do they keep it (unless they get elected)?

[Jovuistan]

How are demonstrations/protests/rallies dealt with? Do we write about them ourselves in our posts or do the OPs post a description/details of such events?

I am considering organizing a series of protests/rallies (mobilizing in large part the ILPs party members), thus why I am asking.

Also, do Albarlaman members who decide to run for President have to resign their post or do they keep it (unless they get elected)?

1. Rallies, protests, and the like have to be organized by players.

2. Albarlaman members don't have to resign unless they win the election.

[Sao Nova Europa]

Great.

BTW, I will be on a trip in the next two days with minimal internet connection, so I will not be able to post. Just informing you. So I will be making a second post today before I leave.

(about the fake news and social media stuff, I asked the OP first)

[Agarntrop]

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Character Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Agarntrop
Character Name: Anwar Hamima
Character Gender: M
Character Age: 62
Character Height: 169cm
Character Weight: 71.2kg
Character Position/Role/Job: Foreign Minister of the Republic of Tawnat (2018-), Member of the Albarlaman for Rimalawluiya (2014-), Political activist (1987-2014).
Appearance:
Character Country of Birth: Tawnat
Character Country of Residence: Tawnat (1957-2007; 2012-), Turkey (2007-12).
Character Governate of Residence: Rimalawluiya
Character Party Affiliation: Qudus Movement
Character Religious Affiliation: Sunni Islam
Main Strengths: Populist, war veteran, activist, stong anti-Al-Zaruq record including the martyrdom of a 14-year prison sentence and hunger strikes/force feeding, good at negotiating and building connections.
Main Weaknesses: Opportunist, comes from rich family and is wealthy himself, connections to alleged terrorists, has betrayed his political allies so could be seen as untrustworthy.
Biography:

Anwar Hamima was born on December 28th 1957 to an upper-class family in the city of Al-Shshati al’Aswad, Rimalawluiya. He was noted to be studious in school and highly intellegent. He was seen as somewhat quiet and reserved as a child, but was generally liked by his teachers and developed an interest in political affairs from a young age. He spent eleven years (1963-74) in education (completing both primary and basic secondary schooling) before leaving school at age 17 to work as an assistant to his uncle, Rafis Hamima, who was an accountant.

This was not to say that Anwar's childhood was without trouble, however, as his father was a key figure of the Tawnati wing of the muslim brotherhood and political ally of Ibrahim Bougabeb who was executed for treason in 1968 following Al-Zaruq's violent rise to power. His death resulted in Anwar and his two brothers living with his uncle (Rafis) for eight months until his mother remarried, developing a strong bond with him that would later come in handy when Anwar became Rafis's assistant after leaving school in 1974.

Hamima's work as his uncle's assistant came to an end in 1978, when at age 20 he was drafted into the Tawnati army as a conscript to fight against the Libyan invasion. He served for around a year, being discharged in 1979 after the invasion had been repelled. Shortly after being discharged, Hamima applied in November 1979 to study political science at Al-Mubarak University. His tuition was funded by his wealthy uncle (Rafis) and his father's inheritance. His application was accepted in January 1980 and he began studying there in March. He was considered excessively studious during this time where he began to build connections with what would become his political allies in the years to come. He was heavily involved in the university's political wing, and was threatened with explusion several times for his populist, pro-Muslim brotherhood, and anti-Al-Zaruq leanings. Nethertheless, Hamima managed to remain enrolled at the university until his graduation in 1987. During this time at university he met his wife, Shamima Hamima (neé Saidi), who he married in 1986. They had a child in 1988, named Hakim Hamima.

Whilst at university, Hamima began part-time work as an auditor. This work would become full-time in 1988 following Hamima's graduation from the university. However, during this time Hamima secretly built connections with members of the banned Qudus Movement and Muslim brotherhood. He officially became a member of both in 1989, however his membership was discovered by an undercover double-agent of Al-Zaruq's intellegence services, and he was arrested in 1991 alongside two others for membership of banned organisations and for conspiracy to commit terrorism. He was convicted a year later and sentenced to 16 years in prison.

He built connections with other senior members of the QM and Muslim Brotherhood during his time in prison, and he established himself as a senior member of both underground organisations in the months and years leading up to the Tawnati civil war in 1995. He was involved in several rebellions during the civil war, which saw him beaten and tortured as punishment. However, he was not directly involved in the civil war as the prison which he was held at never came close to being taken by rebel forces.

After the civil war, he became the victim of several regime crackdowns on political prisoners. During one incident in October 1997, his skin was branded and it left him with a physical scar that he still bears today. This led him and other islamist prisoners to begin launching hunger strikes starting in 1998 and continuing into 1999, the year 2000 and 2001. During two incidents in March 2001, he was force fed.

Many islamist prisoners in Tawnati jails celebrated the 9/11 attacks on the United States in September 2001, and since the events some western media reports have claimed that Hamima was one of them who did (Hamima was not linked to Al-Qaeda, however his anti-American sentiments have led to this allegation). However, Hamima strongly denies such allegations. After the attacks Hamima's behaviour in prison began to calm as he approached his release date, and he managed to curry favour with prison guards and staff by informing them of an Al-Qaeda plot to use several fertalizer bombs to attack government buidlings in the newly built Taounate City in 2005. After this he made sure to distance himself from Al-Qaeda and its affiliates, but still remained closely connected with the Muslim Brotherhood and Qudus Movement.

As a result of him being an informant, Hamima was released on good behaviour two years early in 2006, after serving 14 years in prison and was reunited with his wife and son. He later wrote a book about his experiences there in 2009. In 2007, he learnt that he was once again under investigation for his political activities, and so he and his wife decided to flee to Turkey as stowaways on a flight from Haferdaz to Istanbul. Upon arrival in Turkey, Hamima sought asylum, and it was granted due to his involvement in the muslim brotherhood and Turkey's support of that group.

He was still heavily involved in Tawnati affairs from his residence in Turkey, and he was well-informed of events during the Arab Spring in 2010 and 11 following Al-Zaruq's death. His asylum was ruled void by Turkish courts in 2012 and as a result he was deported back to Tawnat with his wife. However, he has since claimed that he wished to return to Tawnat regardless in order to partake in activism there.

Upon his return, he lobbied for the Transitional Council of State to support conservative islamic interests and the wider interests of the muslim brotherhood. He became an official member of the Qudus Movement upon its legalisation, and was nominated as a parliamentary candidate for Hamima's home governate of Rimalawluiya. He was succesfully elected in 2014, and served in the governing coalition in the Albarlaman. He backed socially conservative and economically populist legislation. In 2016, he officially gave his support to President Qaderi following his election, however has not been afraid to privately disagree with Qaderi's secularism.

He was reelected in 2017, and continued to gain the trust of members of government. As a result, upon the death of his predecessor in February 2018, he was appointed Foreign Minister. He has supported the UN-backed government in Libya over the forces of General Haftar, and has increased weapons sales with Turkey and Saudi Arabia.

Other Info: N/A

I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Agarntrop

Do not remove: 1337


Changed app using Xath's reccomendations.

[Jovuistan]

Hi! I doubt they'd be able to get control over land since the Al-Zaruq government cracked down very hard on any rebellions, and a good number of them would either be killed, arrested and (probably) executed, or be forced into hiding until 2012 when the regime fell. We do have room for a more 'moderate' socialist party that could be like you suggested in your other post.

By control I meant more in the peripheral "area of operations" zone I guess you would say. Where as Mao would put it where the revolutionary base areas would be located in and they would conduct revolutionary actions to and from. Any control that they did have would have occurred after the regime's collapse and would have come in the context of them being elected to local government in the area. Specifically I was thinking those central mountains in the northern island would be a good location to work from which they would primarily derive from. Isolated, presumably neglected and poor. Good location from which a couple peasant'/bandit rebels would be right at home.

Moderate Socialist you say? that might possibly work. Based on my conceptualization they as a movement would be less concerned with classic Marxian "seizing the means of production" and more interested in local development projects, greater decentralization, protecting the rights of both religious and ethnic minorities, and most importantly land reform. "To the tiller the soil, and the worker the factory" as one would say. if one could regard Syndicalist as Moderate I guess. Could work. I think I'll start working on it.

Seems like a possible concept, but I think they'd be better suited for maybe parts of Al-Salibiiyn or northern Ardunajabal in terms of being elected, as the north island isn't exactly poor and not very big on that ideology.

[Federal States of Xathuecia]

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Character Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Agarntrop
Character Name: Anwar Hamima
Character Gender: M
Character Age: 62
Character Height: 169cm
Character Weight: 71.2kg
Character Position/Role/Job: Foreign Minister of the Republic of Tawnat (2018-), Member of the Albarlaman for Rimalawluiya (2014-), Political activist (1987-2014).
Appearance: (Image)
Character Country of Birth: Tawnat
Character Country of Residence: Tawnat (1957-2007; 2012-), Turkey (2007-12).
Character Governate of Residence: Rimalawluiya
Character Party Affiliation: Qudus Movement
Character Religious Affiliation: Sunni Islam
Main Strengths: Populist, war veteran, activist, stong anti-Al-Zaruq record including the martyrdom of a 14-year prison sentence and hunger strikes/force feeding, good at negotiating and building connections.
Main Weaknesses: Opportunist, comes from rich family and is wealthy himself, connections to alleged terrorists, has betrayed his political allies so could be seen as untrustworthy.
Biography:

Anwar Hamima was born on December 28th 1957 to an upper-class family in the city of Al-Shshati al’Aswad, Rimalawluiya. He was noted to be studious in school and highly intellegent. He was seen as somewhat quiet and reserved as a child, but was generally liked by his teachers and developed an interest in political affairs from a young age. He spent eleven years (1963-74) in education (completing both primary and basic secondary schooling) before leaving school at age 17 to work as an assistant to his uncle, Rafis Hamima, who was an accountant.

This was not to say that Anwar's childhood was without trouble, however, as his father was a key figure of the Tawnati wing of the muslim brotherhood and political ally of Ibrahim Bougabeb who was executed for treason in 1968 following Al-Zaruq's violent rise to power. His death resulted in Anwar and his two brothers living with his uncle (Rafis) for eight months until his mother remarried, developing a strong bond with him that would later come in handy when Anwar became Rafis's assistant after leaving school in 1974.

Hamima's work as his uncle's assistant came to an end in 1978, when at age 20 he was drafted into the Tawnati army as a conscript to fight against the Libyan invasion. He served for around a year, being discharged in 1979 after the invasion had been repelled. Shortly after being discharged, Hamima applied in November 1979 to study political science at Al-Mubarak University. His tuition was funded by his wealthy uncle (Rafis) and his father's inheritance. His application was accepted in January 1980 and he began studying there in March. He was considered excessively studious during this time where he began to build connections with what would become his political allies in the years to come. He was heavily involved in the university's political wing, and was threatened with explusion several times for his populist, pro-Muslim brotherhood, and anti-Al-Zaruq leanings. Nethertheless, Hamima managed to remain enrolled at the university until his graduation in 1987. During this time at university he met his wife, Shamima Hamima (neé Saidi), who he married in 1986. They had a child in 1988, named Hakim Hamima.

Whilst at university, Hamima began part-time work as an auditor. This work would become full-time in 1988 following Hamima's graduation from the university. However, during this time Hamima secretly built connections with members of the banned Qudus Movement and Muslim brotherhood. He officially became a member of both in 1989, however his membership was discovered by an undercover double-agent of Al-Zaruq's intellegence services, and he was arrested in 1991 alongside two others for membership of banned organisations and for conspiracy to commit terrorism. He was convicted a year later and sentenced to 16 years in prison.

He built connections with other senior members of the QM and Muslim Brotherhood during his time in prison, and he established himself as a senior member of both underground organisations in the months and years leading up to the Tawnati civil war in 1995. He was involved in several rebellions during the civil war, which saw him beaten and tortured as punishment. However, he was not directly involved in the civil war as the prison which he was held at never came close to being taken by rebel forces.

After the civil war, he became the victim of several regime crackdowns on political prisoners. During one incident in October 1997, his skin was branded and it left him with a physical scar that he still bears today. This led him and other islamist prisoners to begin launching hunger strikes starting in 1998 and continuing into 1999, the year 2000 and 2001. During two incidents in March 2001, he was force fed.

Many islamist prisoners in Tawnati jails celebrated the 9/11 attacks on the United States in September 2001, and since the events some western media reports have claimed that Hamima was one of them who did (Hamima was not linked to Al-Qaeda, however his anti-American sentiments have led to this allegation). However, Hamima strongly denies such allegations. After the attacks Hamima's behaviour in prison began to calm as he approached his release date, and he managed to curry favour with prison guards and staff by informing them of an Al-Qaeda plot to use several fertalizer bombs to attack government buidlings in the newly built Taounate City in 2005. After this he made sure to distance himself from Al-Qaeda and its affiliates, but still remained closely connected with the Muslim Brotherhood and Qudus Movement.

As a result of him being an informant, Hamima was released on good behaviour two years early in 2006, after serving 14 years in prison and was reunited with his wife and son. He later wrote a book about his experiences there in 2009. In 2007, he learnt that he was once again under investigation for his political activities, and so he and his wife decided to flee to Turkey as stowaways on a flight from Haferdaz to Istanbul. Upon arrival in Turkey, Hamima sought asylum, and it was granted due to his involvement in the muslim brotherhood and Turkey's support of that group.

He was still heavily involved in Tawnati affairs from his residence in Turkey, and he was well-informed of events during the Arab Spring in 2010 and 11 following Al-Zaruq's death. His asylum was ruled void by Turkish courts in 2012 and as a result he was deported back to Tawnat with his wife. However, he has since claimed that he wished to return to Tawnat regardless in order to partake in activism there.

Upon his return, he lobbied for the Transitional Council of State to support conservative islamic interests and the wider interests of the muslim brotherhood. He became an official member of the Qudus Movement upon its legalisation, and was nominated as a parliamentary candidate for Hamima's home governate of Rimalawluiya. He was succesfully elected in 2014, and served in the governing coalition in the Albarlaman. He backed socially conservative and economically populist legislation. In 2016, he officially gave his support to President Qaderi following his election, however has not been afraid to privately disagree with Qaderi's secularism.

He was reelected in 2017, and continued to gain the trust of members of government. As a result, upon the death of his predecessor in February 2018, he was appointed Foreign Minister. He has supported the UN-backed government in Libya over the forces of General Haftar, and has increased weapons sales with Turkey and Saudi Arabia.

Other Info: N/A

I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Agarntrop

Do not remove: 1337


Changed app using Xath's reccomendations.

I'm good with this, ACCEPTED

[Federal States of Xathuecia]

---

Character Information Sheet

---

Name: Jafar Amiri Rasoulof al-Mohammed

Gender: Male

Age: 67

Height: 5 ft, 5in

Weight: 164

Position:

• Mayor of Haferdaz (2017 - Present)
• Vice President of the National Civil Alliance (2018 - Present)
• Interim Mayor of Haferdaz (2016 - 2017)
• Member of the Albarlaman for Haferdaz (2014 - 2016)
• Founding Member and Party Committeeman for the National Civil Alliance (2014 - 2018)
• Interim Foreign Minister to the Transitional Council of State (2012 - 2014)
• Public Pro-Democracy Activist (2010 - 2012)
• Shadow Pro-Democracy Organizer (1995 - 2010)
• Undersecretary of Industry for Grocery Cooperatives in Haferdaz (1981 - 2011)
• Undersecretary of Industry for Wire Transfers & Local Financial Exchanges in Haferdaz (1989 - 2011)
• Fisherman & Merchant (1970 - 1981)

Country of Birth: Tawnat

Country of Residence: Tawnat

Governate of Residence: Haferdaz

Party Affiliation: National Civil Alliance (NCA)

Religious Affiliation: Sunni Muslim

Main Strengths:
Well-respected & popular; Regarded as authentic; Skilled at consensus-building within the Haferdaz Governate; Good connections to a number of industrial magnates; Upstanding history with the pro-democracy movement

Main Weaknesses:
Sometimes aligns himself too closely with the nation's industrialists; Seen as sort of too liberal for the rest of the country; Can ignore morality and ethics to be effective in governing; Maintains a number of close relations with the West especially with Europeans; Publicly has disparaged the socialists and other leftists

Biography: Born during the waning years of French rule on the island, Jafar was the child of two native Tawnat parents who came from the fishing clans of Al-Sajjad. It was in this most southern island where he was nurtured by his mother until he was afforded the chance, as the eldest son, to attend school. While there had been a proposed French preparatory school to be built on the island and his family having prepared an investment to ensure a spot for their firstborn, the end of French colonialism on the island quickly dashed away the reams of the limited expansion of education. So, with the local schools and teachers generally regarded as too poor quality be worth the time, the family instead began to teach their child of the ways of fishing and his father began to bring the young Jafar along with him on trips.

Largely unaffected by the transpiring political changes in the North and on the mainland, the family continued to prosper with a modest living and eventually behind able to afford one of the better academies and tutors in the area for the family's other four children though only the youngest two would ever truly complete their education completely. Jafar was delegated responsibilities to care for the families for the most part and as he grew older, he continued to build on his assigned duties of both fishing with the family and caring for the younger ones. By sixteen and the establishment of the al-Zaruq dictatorship, the young Jafar continued to remain largely oblivious to the political struggle in the country and eventually found himself marrying within three years to a young woman and only daughter of a larger, more successful fishing clan.

The pair had two children and continued to expand their own fishing operations, though the family began to expand to a local mercantile business, eventually being gifted a small shipping boat by Jafar's in-laws. It was in the mid seventies when, with declining opportunities on the island and the death of his own parents, the family sought to move away. These plans were sped up with the threat of a Libyan invasion, eventually with the young family of four moving to the northern part of the main island, specifically to Haferdaz in the hopes of continuing their fishing operation or perhaps a local shop though they did not know of the nationalization of industry to come.

The move turned out to be the right one given the invasion of the southern territories two years later, during which Jafar had already began to establish himself as an entrepreneur man. His humble beginnings and his rather personable family all around gave him a trustworthy demeanor that was greatly valued more in the developing city than in other parts of the nation. Opening four shops by the early eighties across the city in predominately Sunni and middle-class areas, he began to establish a reputation for himself as a fair man focused on helping the community. But soon the government sought to nationalize his small business though trusting the man, local city officials granted him certain control over the state-controlled grocery sector in the small area of Haferdaz Jafar lived. He also made it a big deal to welcome a number of relatives to coming to the city from their home on the island though Jafar and his wife made it a point to visit when they could. Similarly, he also ensured his own children attended and completed their schooling, eventually supporting them both in completing their university level education as a doctor and engineer respectively.

They continued to expand their business operations through authorized internal reorganizations, often allowed and approved by befriended government officials, eventually dropping the local fishing side entirely and opening small grocery and money transfer services in more locations, even in minority areas like the few European and French quarters of the city and hiring a handful of non-Muslims as well. Overall, by the time the civil war would erupt, Jafar had become a prominent businessman owning a variety of local and small locations, hardly at the level of the French and Europhile industrialists by earning a reputation as one of the few truly Tawnat up & comers. When the civil war erupted, the bustling northern city was able to largely escape unscathed given the fierce control the dictatorship held, though a number of friends who were more supportive of the democratic cause were arrested, imprisoned, or outright killed. It led to distinct anger among the business community in Haferdaz, while also serving as a rallying call for a number of well-educated & middle-class communities in the city.

While Jafar typically did not lead these movements, he became a close ally of the cause for democracy and eventually became a well-known ally for the underground movement in the capital city, often using his business connections, wealth, and distinctly Tawnat roots to help support the group by bribing officials, helping move certain leaders, and misdirecting government officials, both under him and those he reported to, though some turned a blind eye given their own pro-democracy sentiments. Despite his rising economic situation, his poor upbringing and dedication to the movement for a free Tawnat lent him the necessary credibility and humility to eventually become a forefront asset in the pro-democratic movements in the party.

These illicit actions did force the government to target him, eventually landing him at the center of an intelligence sting operation to hopefully implicate him though he was saved by Islamist informants who tipped him off from meeting the al-Zaruq spy, a partnership that both kept Jafar out of trouble and created a sense of trust between his more center-left faction and the more religious elements. Despite being roughly questioned and monitored, he evaded any further implications and continued to support the movement until the death of the President and dictator, openly questioning the credibility of the younger al-Zaruq, and given his own influence in Haferdaz, he had become somewhat untouchable without potentially flaring up an already disgruntled middle-class.

Alas, this dynamic ended quickly when the Arab Spring occurred, leading to Jafar quickly joining the official pro-democracy activists and making several trips to Europe to hopefully gain key recognition for the fledgling country. He also was key to swinging rebellions from the capital city's educated workforce as well as encouraging the Tawnat business community to come out in full force against the establishment government. During this time, he also freed his company from government nationalization and turned over the reins to his nephew soon after his future appointment to the legislature. His widespread popularity in his new home city and subsequent reveal of his longstanding relationship with the pro-democracy movement made him a popular political figure, eventually leading to his assumption as the interim Foreign Minister for the Transitional Council of State. Once again, he focused on cultivating relationships with the West and what largely made him supportive of a secular government, though one that was distinctly for Tawnat.

But with the uneasy politics in the fledgling nation, Jafar along with a number of other center-left business people, middle-class & upper-class activists, and educated workers all united to found the National Civil Alliance, a secular party focused on instituting democratic reforms with a leftist tilt, especially focusing on keeping Tawnat independent and prospering for most people, with a key goal being to raise people out of poverty, expanding education, moderate social reforms for women and some refugees, and rebuilding the country. He became a member of the Albarlaman once elections occurred, touting himself as a respectable man seeking to address the issues of the working people first, including reforms that established more transparent elections, anti-corruption legislation, and a family tax deduction for those that qualified, particularly affecting the middle-class of the nation.

His party hardly had the political power to govern on their own and thus entered into a coalition with the Qudus Movement at the behest of Jafar given his established ties with some of their party leaders, creating an uneasy yet governable majority. This was also done given his intense distrust of the socialists, something that Jafar made well-known by openly and crudely calling them revolutionary's for the sake of chaos, not stability. A year before having to stand for another election, then Mayor of Haferdaz suffered a stroke and hence force resigned. Given the lack of structure or procedure for such a decision, the Council of Haferdaz offered Jafar to become the interim Mayor following the sudden retirement of the transition leader, a close friend of Jafar. Thus leading for a year and focused on organizing the government of the city, he decided to run for a full term come 2017. With the backing of the outgoing successor, an inspiring story, a notable yet short legislative tenure, and the backing of what was shaping up to the city's majority party, he was swept into power with 72% of the vote.

By now, he had been given the nickname JAR by the media and began to both shape his party more directly since becoming Vice President. He has focused on developing his party's youth wing and supporting education initiatives while also placing more emphasis on local governments, less so on federal offices. Jafar's business connections have also helped make the NCA an incredibly well funded party and while they often turn a blind eye on more regulation of industry and some European contacts, they continue to focus on incremental center-left reforms. As for his tenure as Governor, he has focused on setting up the government's essential services of sanitation, a centralized system for sewage and expanding this, greater investment in public education scholarships, revitalizing smaller, less centralized business communities, and welcoming further better housing & electrification of the city. He has also increased the police force in the city and has sought to improve emergency services, with his current mandate focusing on improving roads and helping diversify the region's economy.

As the new year begins, Jafar is less focused on national politics and more on helping Haferdaz move forward.

Other Info: Commonly referred to by his first three initials i.e. JAR or simply as Governor Jafar given his personable nature. While not the official President of the NCA, he remains a powerful force within the party and holds the Vice Presidency of the NCA, a role he has held since 2015. He has no intentions to seek higher office like the Presidency of Tawnat or of the NCA.

I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Xathuecia

Do not remove: 1337

Fixed per comments!

[Jovuistan]

---

Character Information Sheet

(Image)

---

Name: Jafar Amiri Rasoulof al-Mohammed

Gender: Male

Age: 67

Height: 5 ft, 5in

Weight: 164

Position:

• Mayor of Haferdaz (2017 - Present)
• Vice President of the National Civil Alliance (2018 - Present)
• Interim Mayor of Haferdaz (2016 - 2017)
• Member of the Albarlaman for Haferdaz (2014 - 2016)
• Founding Member and Party Committeeman for the National Civil Alliance (2014 - 2018)
• Interim Foreign Minister to the Transitional Council of State (2012 - 2014)
• Public Pro-Democracy Activist (2010 - 2012)
• Shadow Pro-Democracy Organizer (1995 - 2010)
• Undersecretary of Industry for Grocery Cooperatives in Haferdaz (1981 - 2011)
• Undersecretary of Industry for Wire Transfers & Local Financial Exchanges in Haferdaz (1989 - 2011)
• Fisherman & Merchant (1970 - 1981)

Country of Birth: Tawnat

Country of Residence: Tawnat

Governate of Residence: Haferdaz

Party Affiliation: National Civil Alliance (NCA)

Religious Affiliation: Sunni Muslim

Main Strengths:
Well-respected & popular; Regarded as authentic; Skilled at consensus-building within the Haferdaz Governate; Good connections to a number of industrial magnates; Upstanding history with the pro-democracy movement

Main Weaknesses:
Sometimes aligns himself too closely with the nation's industrialists; Seen as sort of too liberal for the rest of the country; Can ignore morality and ethics to be effective in governing; Maintains a number of close relations with the West especially with Europeans; Publicly has disparaged the socialists and other leftists

Biography: Born during the waning years of French rule on the island, Jafar was the child of two native Tawnat parents who came from the fishing clans of Al-Sajjad. It was in this most southern island where he was nurtured by his mother until he was afforded the chance, as the eldest son, to attend school. While there had been a proposed French preparatory school to be built on the island and his family having prepared an investment to ensure a spot for their firstborn, the end of French colonialism on the island quickly dashed away the reams of the limited expansion of education. So, with the local schools and teachers generally regarded as too poor quality be worth the time, the family instead began to teach their child of the ways of fishing and his father began to bring the young Jafar along with him on trips.

Largely unaffected by the transpiring political changes in the North and on the mainland, the family continued to prosper with a modest living and eventually behind able to afford one of the better academies and tutors in the area for the family's other four children though only the youngest two would ever truly complete their education completely. Jafar was delegated responsibilities to care for the families for the most part and as he grew older, he continued to build on his assigned duties of both fishing with the family and caring for the younger ones. By sixteen and the establishment of the al-Zaruq dictatorship, the young Jafar continued to remain largely oblivious to the political struggle in the country and eventually found himself marrying within three years to a young woman and only daughter of a larger, more successful fishing clan.

The pair had two children and continued to expand their own fishing operations, though the family began to expand to a local mercantile business, eventually being gifted a small shipping boat by Jafar's in-laws. It was in the mid seventies when, with declining opportunities on the island and the death of his own parents, the family sought to move away. These plans were sped up with the threat of a Libyan invasion, eventually with the young family of four moving to the northern part of the main island, specifically to Haferdaz in the hopes of continuing their fishing operation or perhaps a local shop though they did not know of the nationalization of industry to come.

The move turned out to be the right one given the invasion of the southern territories two years later, during which Jafar had already began to establish himself as an entrepreneur man. His humble beginnings and his rather personable family all around gave him a trustworthy demeanor that was greatly valued more in the developing city than in other parts of the nation. Opening four shops by the early eighties across the city in predominately Sunni and middle-class areas, he began to establish a reputation for himself as a fair man focused on helping the community. But soon the government sought to nationalize his small business though trusting the man, local city officials granted him certain control over the state-controlled grocery sector in the small area of Haferdaz Jafar lived. He also made it a big deal to welcome a number of relatives to coming to the city from their home on the island though Jafar and his wife made it a point to visit when they could. Similarly, he also ensured his own children attended and completed their schooling, eventually supporting them both in completing their university level education as a doctor and engineer respectively.

They continued to expand their business operations through authorized internal reorganizations, often allowed and approved by befriended government officials, eventually dropping the local fishing side entirely and opening small grocery and money transfer services in more locations, even in minority areas like the few European and French quarters of the city and hiring a handful of non-Muslims as well. Overall, by the time the civil war would erupt, Jafar had become a prominent businessman owning a variety of local and small locations, hardly at the level of the French and Europhile industrialists by earning a reputation as one of the few truly Tawnat up & comers. When the civil war erupted, the bustling northern city was able to largely escape unscathed given the fierce control the dictatorship held, though a number of friends who were more supportive of the democratic cause were arrested, imprisoned, or outright killed. It led to distinct anger among the business community in Haferdaz, while also serving as a rallying call for a number of well-educated & middle-class communities in the city.

While Jafar typically did not lead these movements, he became a close ally of the cause for democracy and eventually became a well-known ally for the underground movement in the capital city, often using his business connections, wealth, and distinctly Tawnat roots to help support the group by bribing officials, helping move certain leaders, and misdirecting government officials, both under him and those he reported to, though some turned a blind eye given their own pro-democracy sentiments. Despite his rising economic situation, his poor upbringing and dedication to the movement for a free Tawnat lent him the necessary credibility and humility to eventually become a forefront asset in the pro-democratic movements in the party.

These illicit actions did force the government to target him, eventually landing him at the center of an intelligence sting operation to hopefully implicate him though he was saved by Islamist informants who tipped him off from meeting the al-Zaruq spy, a partnership that both kept Jafar out of trouble and created a sense of trust between his more center-left faction and the more religious elements. Despite being roughly questioned and monitored, he evaded any further implications and continued to support the movement until the death of the President and dictator, openly questioning the credibility of the younger al-Zaruq, and given his own influence in Haferdaz, he had become somewhat untouchable without potentially flaring up an already disgruntled middle-class.

Alas, this dynamic ended quickly when the Arab Spring occurred, leading to Jafar quickly joining the official pro-democracy activists and making several trips to Europe to hopefully gain key recognition for the fledgling country. He also was key to swinging rebellions from the capital city's educated workforce as well as encouraging the Tawnat business community to come out in full force against the establishment government. During this time, he also freed his company from government nationalization and turned over the reins to his nephew soon after his future appointment to the legislature. His widespread popularity in his new home city and subsequent reveal of his longstanding relationship with the pro-democracy movement made him a popular political figure, eventually leading to his assumption as the interim Foreign Minister for the Transitional Council of State. Once again, he focused on cultivating relationships with the West and what largely made him supportive of a secular government, though one that was distinctly for Tawnat.

But with the uneasy politics in the fledgling nation, Jafar along with a number of other center-left business people, middle-class & upper-class activists, and educated workers all united to found the National Civil Alliance, a secular party focused on instituting democratic reforms with a leftist tilt, especially focusing on keeping Tawnat independent and prospering for most people, with a key goal being to raise people out of poverty, expanding education, moderate social reforms for women and some refugees, and rebuilding the country. He became a member of the Albarlaman once elections occurred, touting himself as a respectable man seeking to address the issues of the working people first, including reforms that established more transparent elections, anti-corruption legislation, and a family tax deduction for those that qualified, particularly affecting the middle-class of the nation.

His party hardly had the political power to govern on their own and thus entered into a coalition with the Qudus Movement at the behest of Jafar given his established ties with some of their party leaders, creating an uneasy yet governable majority. This was also done given his intense distrust of the socialists, something that Jafar made well-known by openly and crudely calling them revolutionary's for the sake of chaos, not stability. A year before having to stand for another election, then Mayor of Haferdaz suffered a stroke and hence force resigned. Given the lack of structure or procedure for such a decision, the Council of Haferdaz offered Jafar to become the interim Mayor following the sudden retirement of the transition leader, a close friend of Jafar. Thus leading for a year and focused on organizing the government of the city, he decided to run for a full term come 2017. With the backing of the outgoing successor, an inspiring story, a notable yet short legislative tenure, and the backing of what was shaping up to the city's majority party, he was swept into power with 72% of the vote.

By now, he had been given the nickname JAR by the media and began to both shape his party more directly since becoming Vice President. He has focused on developing his party's youth wing and supporting education initiatives while also placing more emphasis on local governments, less so on federal offices. Jafar's business connections have also helped make the NCA an incredibly well funded party and while they often turn a blind eye on more regulation of industry and some European contacts, they continue to focus on incremental center-left reforms. As for his tenure as Governor, he has focused on setting up the government's essential services of sanitation, a centralized system for sewage and expanding this, greater investment in public education scholarships, revitalizing smaller, less centralized business communities, and welcoming further better housing & electrification of the city. He has also increased the police force in the city and has sought to improve emergency services, with his current mandate focusing on improving roads and helping diversify the region's economy.

As the new year begins, Jafar is less focused on national politics and more on helping Haferdaz move forward.

Other Info: Commonly referred to by his first three initials i.e. JAR or simply as Governor Jafar given his personable nature. While not the official President of the NCA, he remains a powerful force within the party and holds the Vice Presidency of the NCA, a role he has held since 2015. He has no intentions to seek higher office like the Presidency of Tawnat or of the NCA.

I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Xathuecia

Do not remove: 1337

Fixed per comments!

Accepted!

[Aureumterra]

Tagging for intrest

I haven’t yet read through the full history yet, was there any sort of monarchy in the recent past here?

[Gordano and Lysandus]

Tagging for intrest

I haven’t yet read through the full history yet, was there any sort of monarchy in the recent past here?

Yes! The al-Fathi dynasty ruled as Beys of Tawnat under the Ottoman Empire until 1882, when they became Emirs under French protectorate. They remained in power past independence, and were deposed in the Coup of 1967. When the Arab Spring hit, my character, Sheikh Hassan (the Crown Prince) served as Transitional Head of State until President Qaderi was elected in 2016.

[Sarderia]

---

Character Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Sarderia
Character Name: Khaled Mansour Ghafezi
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 62
Character Height: 178 cm
Character Weight: 78 kg

Character Position/Role/Job: Minister of Energy and Natural Resources (2018-); Member of Al-Barlaman for Rimalawluiya (2018-); Chief Executive Officer for Shafira Capital (2015-2018)
Appearance: WIP
Character Country of Birth: Jordan
Character Country of Residence: Tawnat (1963-1980; 1991-present), Jordan (1958-1962; 1980), Saudi Arabia (1980-1984), Bahrain (1984-1990)
Character Governate of Residence: 224 Emir Hassan V St, Al Khaila, Rimalawluiya Governate
Character Party Affiliation: Qudus Movement
Character Religious Affiliation: Sunni Islam
Main Strengths: Populist (former activist and war veteran), Rich (owned a large amount of stocks in Tawnati oil and capital companies), Philantropist (donated to many Islamic charities, foundations, and non-profit organizations)
Main Weaknesses: Involved in a corruption scandal once, Scandalous, Outspoken, Opportunist, Rash, denounced by greens and enviromentalists

Biography: Khaled Mansour Ghafezi (real name Khaled al-Maktour) was born to Sulayman Salman al-Maktour, a Saudi businessman, and Leila Ghafezi, daughter of a Jordanian-Tawnati transport magnate in Amman, Jordan. Hailing from an upper-class family, Khaled spent his childhood up until five years old in Jordan, of which he never recalled. The family moved to Leila Ghafezi's home in Tawnat, in part due to Sulayman al-Maktour's desire to expand the al-Maktour business into Tawnat. Within two years, the Al-Maktour company in Tawnat became one of the nation''s primary construction and transport companies, serving the needs of various corporations in building oil drills and pipelines. Suleyman and his family estabilished themselves in the city of Al Khaila, in the Rimalawluiya Governate, a small town with a bustling economy - with a seaside view that made it perfect for upper class mansions.

Khaled was raised a devout Sunni Muslim, but his father Suleyman was rather secular and liberal. This put the family frequently at odds with the reigning new government of President al-Zaruq, though the connections betweeen Suleyman and the paramilitary officials were more than enough to divert the government's attention. During the al-Zaruq rule, the al-Maktour corporation boomed to become one of the largest conglomerates in Tawnat, with activities in real estate, construction, transport, and even oil rig stocks. However, the Libyan invasion of Tawnat in 1978 marked a downturn for the company. Several al-Maktour real estates were destroyed during the invasion, and the subsequent paranoid attitude of President al-Zaruq saw the nationalization of Tawnat's major companies. The Al-Maktour company had not been spared. Khaled , then a mere 21 years old, had been drafted into the Tawnati Ground Forces a year earlier, serving in the Artillery Corps against the Libyan invasion. Despite fighting against the Libyans, he saw merit in Gaddafi's cause - primarily, resistance against the United States, the Arab Nationalism, and Socialist ideologies. He resigned in 1980 despite having attained the rank of Sergeant, choosing to follow his family to settle in Jordan. Khaled applied to King Saud University in Saudi Arabia, graduating with an MBA title in 1985. During his time in Saudi Arabia, Khaled became familiar with the tenets of Wahhabism - though he was not indoctrinated, and never really adhered to Wahhabist principles.He started building connection with the Muslim Brotherhood. Fawrouz officially became a member of the Qudus Movement in 1986, while working as a manager in the Al Maktour Bahrain Construction company.

Khaled abandoned the Al-Maktour company in 1991, choosing to further his political activities in Tawnat instead. He emigrated to Tawnat later that year, after legally changed his name in Jordan to Khaled Mansour Ghafezi, taking both his mother's family name and his uncle's name to disassociate himself with the Al-Maktour family (which had fled Tawnat decades ago). Khaled set up a construction business, having an extensive experience with the business back in Bahrain. His company, Ghafezi Construction, often smuggled armaments and funds to rebel groups all across Tawnat. Government officials followed him, and in 1993 he was arrested for money laundering and allegedly having ties with dissent organizations. He was not directly involved in the Tawnati Civil War - neither was Ghafezi Construction - and maintained a good behaviour during his time in prison, which led him being released in 2000. After the 9/11 attacks and the rise of Al-Qaeda, Khaled became inspired to restart his political activism. He openly denounced the President the following years, and even goes as far as holding a small rally in 2003. He was arrested afterwards, and while being a recidivist, received a cut in prison time due to good behaviour in 2006. In the next year, the President died, which sparked an extensive political instability that culminated with the overthrow of Rafiq al-Zaruq in 2012. A series of protests in the capital following Rafiq al-Zaruq's ascension in 2010 resulted in the storming of several police compounds - Khaled eventually escaped alongside his Qudus Movement allies. He became a fugitive for nearly a year, when he was caught again by the police in 2011.

When Rafiq al-Zaruq was deposed, Khaled managed to gain himself a strong political support in the new government. He was three times imprisoned fighting the al-Zaruq government, in additon to being a political activist; that alone made him some sort of a public figure. However, Khaled did not use this newfound political support to force his way into office. Instead, he re-estabilished the Ghafezi Construction company, with massive investments from the Al-Maktour company in Jordan (which saw this as yet another opportunity to present themselves in the Tawnati market). Khaled procured favours from his allies and politicians - in the span of three years from 2013 to 2015, the Ghafezi Construction quickly became one of the largest companies in Tawnat, catering to foreign energy companies and government projects. In a joint venture with Saudi Aramco, Khaled founded Shafira Capital in 2015 - an investment company that manages energy and real estate assets in Tawnat.

Meanwhile, Shafira Capital was involved in a major money laundering scandal that brought down the former Governor of Rimalawluiya. Khaled barely escaped trial, though he was subject to public scrutiny - the effects are minimalized due to his popularity as a political activist during the al-Zaruq era, though. In 2017 Khaled stepped down from Shafira, delegating the management to his son Sultan instead. For the first time, Khaled entered politics, campaigning for an Albaraman seat for Rimalawluiya from the Qudus Movement. He managed to win a landslide in the 2018 election. The previous year, the Energy and Natural Resources minister was involved in an accident - some said it was done by Khaled's company, others the oil investors, or it was just coincidence. Nevertheless, Khaled is a suitable candidate from a Government supporting party, a former businessman, and quite popular in his constituency, was a suitable candidate. He was elected as the Minister in the Qaderi cabinet in February 2018. Khaled tenure as minister saw a further liberalization of foreign investments; the Tawnatian government is accomodating to Middle East-based oil companies such as Saudi Aramco. He facilitated Petrochina's entry in the Tawnatian oil business in response to the Israeli attack on Gaza, and President Trump's decision to recognize Jerusalem as the capital of Israel. Khaled , which formery fervently opposed the Saudi-Russia agreement in managing the price of oil, increased Tawnat's oil production in 2018 instead, before cutting down significantly due to fear that Tawnati oil would face heavy competition from US shale, which are now very abundant due to the advancement in fracking technology. Khaled supported Saudi Arabia in the 2020 Saudi-Russian oil price war, and cut Tawnati oil prices to $5.95 per barrel. This move has been strongly denounced by Russia, due to Tawnat being a major oil supplier to Europe. Khaled is an ardent supporter of Saudi Arabia in the Middle East "cold war" against Iran; in an interview back in 2019, he denounced the Iranian government as being "a warmongering cabal" and referred to the Ayatollah as "Dictator". Strangely enough, Khaled 's attitude towards Israel had slightly warmed as of late; though Tawnat's purchase of several Israeli arms might be the cause, political analysts pointed to Israel's newfound offshore oil reserves might be a better explanation, as Khaled is keen to extend Tawnati investment all over the world.

Other Info: None

I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Sarderia

Do not remove: 1337

---

This character would probably lose his job, or being demoted from the Ministry in the IC soon enough because of his former corruption scandal, so I hope it would provide enough writing material for start. I hope this is suitable enough for the application. And probably Khaled could buy several key opposition voices as well, to maintain his position...

[Sao Nova Europa]

When can we announce our candidacy for the presidency?

[Jovuistan]

When can we announce our candidacy for the presidency?

You can do it anytime.

[Jovuistan]

---

Character Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Sarderia
Character Name: Khaled Mansour Ghafezi
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 62
Character Height: 178 cm
Character Weight: 78 kg

Character Position/Role/Job: Minister of Energy and Natural Resources (2018-); Member of Al-Barlaman for Rimalawluiya (2018-); Chief Executive Officer for Shafira Capital (2015-2018)
Appearance: WIP
Character Country of Birth: Jordan
Character Country of Residence: Tawnat (1963-1980; 1991-present), Jordan (1958-1962; 1980), Saudi Arabia (1980-1984), Bahrain (1984-1990)
Character Governate of Residence: 224 Emir Hassan V St, Al Khaila, Rimalawluiya Governate
Character Party Affiliation: Qudus Movement
Character Religious Affiliation: Sunni Islam
Main Strengths: Populist (former activist and war veteran), Rich (owned a large amount of stocks in Tawnati oil and capital companies), Philantropist (donated to many Islamic charities, foundations, and non-profit organizations)
Main Weaknesses: Involved in a corruption scandal once, Scandalous, Outspoken, Opportunist, Rash, denounced by greens and enviromentalists

Biography: Khaled Mansour Ghafezi (real name Khaled al-Maktour) was born to Sulayman Salman al-Maktour, a Saudi businessman, and Leila Ghafezi, daughter of a Jordanian-Tawnati transport magnate in Amman, Jordan. Hailing from an upper-class family, Khaled spent his childhood up until five years old in Jordan, of which he never recalled. The family moved to Leila Ghafezi's home in Tawnat, in part due to Sulayman al-Maktour's desire to expand the al-Maktour business into Tawnat. Within two years, the Al-Maktour company in Tawnat became one of the nation''s primary construction and transport companies, serving the needs of various corporations in building oil drills and pipelines. Suleyman and his family estabilished themselves in the city of Al Khaila, in the Rimalawluiya Governate, a small town with a bustling economy - with a seaside view that made it perfect for upper class mansions.

Khaled was raised a devout Sunni Muslim, but his father Suleyman was rather secular and liberal. This put the family frequently at odds with the reigning new government of President al-Zaruq, though the connections betweeen Suleyman and the paramilitary officials were more than enough to divert the government's attention. During the al-Zaruq rule, the al-Maktour corporation boomed to become one of the largest conglomerates in Tawnat, with activities in real estate, construction, transport, and even oil rig stocks. However, the Libyan invasion of Tawnat in 1978 marked a downturn for the company. Several al-Maktour real estates were destroyed during the invasion, and the subsequent paranoid attitude of President al-Zaruq saw the nationalization of Tawnat's major companies. The Al-Maktour company had not been spared. Khaled , then a mere 21 years old, had been drafted into the Tawnati Ground Forces a year earlier, serving in the Artillery Corps against the Libyan invasion. Despite fighting against the Libyans, he saw merit in Gaddafi's cause - primarily, resistance against the United States, the Arab Nationalism, and Socialist ideologies. He resigned in 1980 despite having attained the rank of Sergeant, choosing to follow his family to settle in Jordan. Khaled applied to King Saud University in Saudi Arabia, graduating with an MBA title in 1985. During his time in Saudi Arabia, Khaled became familiar with the tenets of Wahhabism - though he was not indoctrinated, and never really adhered to Wahhabist principles.He started building connection with the Muslim Brotherhood. Fawrouz officially became a member of the Qudus Movement in 1986, while working as a manager in the Al Maktour Bahrain Construction company.

Khaled abandoned the Al-Maktour company in 1991, choosing to further his political activities in Tawnat instead. He emigrated to Tawnat later that year, after legally changed his name in Jordan to Khaled Mansour Ghafezi, taking both his mother's family name and his uncle's name to disassociate himself with the Al-Maktour family (which had fled Tawnat decades ago). Khaled set up a construction business, having an extensive experience with the business back in Bahrain. His company, Ghafezi Construction, often smuggled armaments and funds to rebel groups all across Tawnat. Government officials followed him, and in 1993 he was arrested for money laundering and allegedly having ties with dissent organizations. He was not directly involved in the Tawnati Civil War - neither was Ghafezi Construction - and maintained a good behaviour during his time in prison, which led him being released in 2000. After the 9/11 attacks and the rise of Al-Qaeda, Khaled became inspired to restart his political activism. He openly denounced the President the following years, and even goes as far as holding a small rally in 2003. He was arrested afterwards, and while being a recidivist, received a cut in prison time due to good behaviour in 2006. In the next year, the President died, which sparked an extensive political instability that culminated with the overthrow of Rafiq al-Zaruq in 2012. A series of protests in the capital following Rafiq al-Zaruq's ascension in 2010 resulted in the storming of several police compounds - Khaled eventually escaped alongside his Qudus Movement allies. He became a fugitive for nearly a year, when he was caught again by the police in 2011.

When Rafiq al-Zaruq was deposed, Khaled managed to gain himself a strong political support in the new government. He was three times imprisoned fighting the al-Zaruq government, in additon to being a political activist; that alone made him some sort of a public figure. However, Khaled did not use this newfound political support to force his way into office. Instead, he re-estabilished the Ghafezi Construction company, with massive investments from the Al-Maktour company in Jordan (which saw this as yet another opportunity to present themselves in the Tawnati market). Khaled procured favours from his allies and politicians - in the span of three years from 2013 to 2015, the Ghafezi Construction quickly became one of the largest companies in Tawnat, catering to foreign energy companies and government projects. In a joint venture with Saudi Aramco, Khaled founded Shafira Capital in 2015 - an investment company that manages energy and real estate assets in Tawnat.

Meanwhile, Shafira Capital was involved in a major money laundering scandal that brought down the former Governor of Rimalawluiya. Khaled barely escaped trial, though he was subject to public scrutiny - the effects are minimalized due to his popularity as a political activist during the al-Zaruq era, though. In 2017 Khaled stepped down from Shafira, delegating the management to his son Sultan instead. For the first time, Khaled entered politics, campaigning for an Albaraman seat for Rimalawluiya from the Qudus Movement. He managed to win a landslide in the 2018 election. The previous year, the Energy and Natural Resources minister was involved in an accident - some said it was done by Khaled's company, others the oil investors, or it was just coincidence. Nevertheless, Khaled is a suitable candidate from a Government supporting party, a former businessman, and quite popular in his constituency, was a suitable candidate. He was elected as the Minister in the Qaderi cabinet in February 2018. Khaled tenure as minister saw a further liberalization of foreign investments; the Tawnatian government is accomodating to Middle East-based oil companies such as Saudi Aramco. He facilitated Petrochina's entry in the Tawnatian oil business in response to the Israeli attack on Gaza, and President Trump's decision to recognize Jerusalem as the capital of Israel. Khaled , which formery fervently opposed the Saudi-Russia agreement in managing the price of oil, increased Tawnat's oil production in 2018 instead, before cutting down significantly due to fear that Tawnati oil would face heavy competition from US shale, which are now very abundant due to the advancement in fracking technology. Khaled supported Saudi Arabia in the 2020 Saudi-Russian oil price war, and cut Tawnati oil prices to $5.95 per barrel. This move has been strongly denounced by Russia, due to Tawnat being a major oil supplier to Europe. Khaled is an ardent supporter of Saudi Arabia in the Middle East "cold war" against Iran; in an interview back in 2019, he denounced the Iranian government as being "a warmongering cabal" and referred to the Ayatollah as "Dictator". Strangely enough, Khaled 's attitude towards Israel had slightly warmed as of late; though Tawnat's purchase of several Israeli arms might be the cause, political analysts pointed to Israel's newfound offshore oil reserves might be a better explanation, as Khaled is keen to extend Tawnati investment all over the world.

Other Info: None

I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Sarderia

Do not remove: 1337

---

This character would probably lose his job, or being demoted from the Ministry in the IC soon enough because of his former corruption scandal, so I hope it would provide enough writing material for start. I hope this is suitable enough for the application. And probably Khaled could buy several key opposition voices as well, to maintain his position...

It seems mostly fine, but there are still a couple of concerns.

First, I forgot to mention this but Tawnat industry was nationalized by Al-Zaruq by the 90s, so Ghafezi wouldn't have been able to found Ghafezi corporation. He could have gotten in with one of the state owned industries though.

It would be a bit strange for him to be removed from the Ministry because of his scandal when the government seemingly ignored the scandal until now. I do actually see a potential IC fix, though! It could be possible if you expect him to lose his position due to the scandal that his appointment to the Ministry could have been a compromise to satisfy the Qudus Movement, and with the coalition between the Qudus and the Liberals likely to break down soon in the IC, there won't be an incentive for the government to brush it aside anymore.

The Israel thing is still off for a Qudus member, but he could just be an opportunist or something.

Basically, just change the stuff about Ghafezi Corp to account for the nationalization of industry, stick a little bit about his appointment to the cabinet being a compromise to keep the Qudus Movement happy, and give him an appearance, and I think he'll be good enough.

[Agarntrop]

Why are the politicians in this rp so wholesome isnt Tawnat supposed to be corrupt asf

[Dayganistan]

I'm considering throwing up an app. My idea is to make an app for a son or daughter of a minister in the previous government who was educated somewhere abroad (probably Turkey) and has now come back in an attempt to help create a "sanitized" Ba'athist party. My only concern is there hasn't been a player created Ba'athist party as far as I can see and I just don't have the time to take on that important of a role.

[Kargintina the Third]

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Character Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Kargy
Character Name: Celadet Dokmud
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 49
Character Height: 6’0”
Character Weight:187
Character Position/Role/Job: Member of the Albarlaman for Al-Salibiyyn (2014-present) Labour activist (1986-2014) Rebel soldier (1995-1996)
Appearance: (Image)
Character Country of Birth: Tawnat
Character Country of Residence: Tawnat
Character Governate of Residence: Al-Salibiyyn
Character Party Affiliation: TPVP
Character Religious Affiliation: Publicly claims Sunni Islam but really an atheist
Main Strengths: Strong support in home region, seen as hero of the working class, very charismatic and well spoken
Main Weaknesses: Hated by conservatives and islamists, sees people as tools to get him elected, doesn’t actually care for the average citizen, power hungry, secret atheism would doom him if found out
Biography: Born in 1970 in Al-Salibiyyn. His parents were originally oil workers but lost their jobs during the late 1970s. Celebet always had his sights in high places. He originally planned to move to the USA but the oil crisis in the late 70s left his family destitute and suffering. He moved to Haferdaz to work in a factory during his teen years where he became hateful and resentful of big business and capitalism. Celebet finished (Tawnat’s equilavent to High School) but never received a University education. He joined labor movements and helped organize several worker’s strikes during the 1980s. He lamented the loss of the USSR and the fall of socialism. He was outraged by Saudi Arabia’s allowance of American troops to occupy their nation during the Persian Gulf War, which caused him to start losing faith in Islam.

In 1995 he felt himself called to duty during the civil war, enlisting himself in the rebel army. He didn’t care that he had to fight alongside Islamists or Liberals so long as he resisted the Al-Zaruq regime. He was placed behind the lines as a truck driver and never got to see real combat.

After the war and the failure of the revolt he went back to his home in Al-Salibiyyn, keeping a low profile to avoid arrest by the secret police. He stayed with his childhood family until 2000 when he met his wife. Him and his wife lived in Haferdaz and were part of several underground government groups. These groups mainly focused on organizing civil resistance in a nonviolent manner, however they preceded to keep their resistance small and sporadic to avoid arrest by Al-Zaruq’s police.

After the 2012 revolution Dokmud traveled back home to prepare for the 2014 elections. It was at this time that he became an official member for the Tawnati People’s Vanguard Party, the country’s largest Marxist party. He was elected to the Albarlaman but his party was unable to break into the mainstream vote as most voters wanted a return to calm after the past few tumultuous years as opposed to total change as the TPVP advocated.

His policies are more traditional Marxist-Leninist, in that he wants a Socialist Vanguard Party to defend the dictatorship of the proletariat and the transition to an eventual Communist State. He generally supports secular social policies, however he will mention Islam and use it as a justification for transferring to Socialism, despite his closet atheism. He is extremely influential in the TPVP, being one of its longest sitting members.

He now plans to run for President in the 2020 Presidential Election and finally bring the revolution to Tawnat.
Other Info: Owns a Lebel 1882 rifle he got during the Civil War and has two children.

I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Karg

Do not remove: 1337

[Jovuistan]

Gonna make Qaderi's announcement later today.