Tawnat: A North African Political RP (OOC/OPEN)

[Gordano and Lysandus]

The OP team is broadly looking not to split the parties too much, and so are looking to just have a party to cover:

Islamists
Socialists
Communists
Ba'athists
Liberal Secularists
Conservative Secularists

I think 4 of those hats now, including socialists, are looking to be covered.

[Federal States of Xathuecia]

Looks interesting. Thinking of maybe doing a former Leftist Rebel from the inner hinterlands who fought against the former Dictator. They signed a ceasefire(explains why they aren't fighting at the moment) with the ex dictator maybe a year before the Arab spring but upon the commencing of said event were partially involved. Upon the creation of a new government they promptly negotiated a peace deal which granted amnesty to their active members and the right for them to be incorporated as a legitimate political party in exchange for agreeing to put down their weapons and demobilize. At the moment they would have a minor presence in Parliament representing a region they used to control, probably a piece of the north island advocating for local autonomy and the creation of a more federal constitutional order.

Wondering if that would be something that would work in line with what you are going for here.

How left are they?

And how religious/secular are they?

[Federal States of Xathuecia]

The OP team is broadly looking not to split the parties too much, and so are looking to just have a party to cover:

Islamists
Socialists
Communists
Ba'athists
Liberal Secularists
Conservative Secularists

I think 4 of those hats now, including socialists, are looking to be covered.

Qudus, Ba'athists, and Liberal Sec. are the others no?

[Gordano and Lysandus]

Review done, feedback is in RED.

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Character Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Kargy
Character Name: Celadet Dokmud
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 49
Character Height: 6’0”
Character Weight:187
Character Position/Role/Job: Member of the Albarlaman for Al-Salibiyyn (2014-present) Labour activist (1986-2014) Rebel soldier (1995-1996)
Appearance:

https://callofduty.fandom.com/wiki/Khaled_Al-Asad_(Original)?file=Al-Asad.png

{Image is a bit meme-y, I think I'd prefer something else here.}
Character Country of Birth: Tawnat
Character Country of Residence: Tawnat
Character Governate of Residence: Al-Salibiyyn
Character Party Affiliation: TPVP
Character Religious Affiliation: Publicly claims Sunni Islam but really an atheist
Main Strengths: Strong support in home region, seen as hero of the working class, very charismatic and well spoken
Main Weaknesses: Hated by conservatives and islamists, sees people as tools to get him elected, doesn’t actually care for the average citizen, power hungry, secret atheism would doom him if found out
Biography: Born in 1970 in Al-Salibiyyn. Celebet always had his sights in high places. He originally planned to move to the USA but the oil crisis in the late 70s left his family destitute and suffering. He moved to Haferdaz to work in a factory during his teen years where he became hateful and resentful of big business and capitalism. He joined labor movements and helped organize several worker’s strikes during the 1980s. He lamented the loss of the USSR and the fall of socialism. He was outraged by Saudi Arabia’s allowance of American troops to occupy their nation during the Persian Gulf War, which caused him to start losing faith in Islam. {Would like to see a little more detail here. What did his family do? What was his education like?}

In 1995 he felt himself called to duty during the civil war, enlisting himself in the rebel army. He didn’t care that he had to fight alongside Islamists or Liberals so long as he resisted the Al-Zaruq regime. He was placed behind the lines as a truck driver and never got to see real combat.

After the war and the failure of the revolt he went back to his home in Al-Salibiyyn, keeping a low profile to avoid arrest by the secret police. He stayed with his childhood family until 2000 when he met his wife. Him and his wife lived in Haferdaz and were part of several underground government groups. {What did he do as a member of these underground groups? What were these groups like?}

After the 2012 revolution Dokmud traveled back home to prepare for the 2014 elections. It was at this time that he became an official member for the Tawnati People’s Vanguard Party, the country’s largest Marxist party. He was elected to the Albarlaman but his party was unable to break into the mainstream vote as most voters wanted a return to calm after the past few tumultuous years as opposed to total change as the TPVP advocated. {Would like a touch more here too. What policies did he stand for? What has he been doing for the past six years in the Albarlaman? Is he important in the TPVP?}

He now plans to run for President in the 2020 Presidential Election and finally being the revolution to Tawnat.
Other Info: Owns a Lebel 1882 rifle he got during the Civil War and has two children.

I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Karg

Do not remove: 1337

[Gordano and Lysandus]

The OP team is broadly looking not to split the parties too much, and so are looking to just have a party to cover:

Islamists
Socialists
Communists
Ba'athists
Liberal Secularists
Conservative Secularists

I think 4 of those hats now, including socialists, are looking to be covered.

Qudus, Ba'athists, and Liberal Sec. are the others no?

Yeah. Liberal secularists is your party, Islamists is Sana's, and Ba'athists are Emazia's. So we need a conservative party. Though hang on, if Karg's party is more communist then maybe the moderate socialist lane is open, I may be misinterpreting this.

[Kargintina the Third]

Qudus, Ba'athists, and Liberal Sec. are the others no?

Yeah. Liberal secularists is your party, Islamists is Sana's, and Ba'athists are Emazia's. So we need a conservative party. Though hang on, if Karg's party is more communist then maybe the moderate socialist lane is open, I may be misinterpreting this.

I should clarify more, my party is more Communist

[Jovuistan]

I'll do some responding in a little bit. IC should be up either tomorrow or later tonight depending on the number of apps we have accepted.

[Jovuistan]

Looks interesting. Thinking of maybe doing a former Leftist Rebel from the inner hinterlands who fought against the former Dictator. They signed a ceasefire(explains why they aren't fighting at the moment) with the ex dictator maybe a year before the Arab spring but upon the commencing of said event were partially involved. Upon the creation of a new government they promptly negotiated a peace deal which granted amnesty to their active members and the right for them to be incorporated as a legitimate political party in exchange for agreeing to put down their weapons and demobilize. At the moment they would have a minor presence in Parliament representing a region they used to control, probably a piece of the north island advocating for local autonomy and the creation of a more federal constitutional order.

Wondering if that would be something that would work in line with what you are going for here.

Hi! I doubt they'd be able to get control over land since the Al-Zaruq government cracked down very hard on any rebellions, and a good number of them would either be killed, arrested and (probably) executed, or be forced into hiding until 2012 when the regime fell. We do have room for a more 'moderate' socialist party that could be like you suggested in your other post.

[Jovuistan]

Hi! Welcome to the RP. I see a bit of potential here. Just needs to be beefed up a fair bit. Some comments in bold.

I corrected his age to 54.

The ties with Gaddafi are not public knowledge.

In 2010

ASPT is part of the opposition.

Social mores refers to habits and taboos within a culture

The party has been led through the leninist tradition of democratic centralism

The ASPT before being a legal party participated in economic sabotages against the electric grid and the oil infrastructure.

The party during the democratic period has promoted the idea of directly allocating a large part of the oil revenue in the bank accounts of Tawnati citizens, it has promoted the idea of a national bank with 0 % interest rates for locals, It has supported better relationship with arab non-monarchic countries, it has promoted the creation of investments abroad and of a sovereign wealth fund to not become too dependent on oil income.

Al-Zaruq killed many ASPT sympathizers but the leadership has been able to survive thanks to the hit-and-hide technique.

1. What do you mean "in 2010"? Excuse me, just trying to make sure everything is clear.

2. I would like some more detail about their activity before becoming a legal party beyond just economic sabotage. Surely there are other things they must have also done? Notable incidents they caused?

[Jovuistan]

Now written.

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Character Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Gordano and Lysandus
Character Name: His Highness Sheikh Hassan bin Ibrahim al-Fathi
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 63
Character Height: 5'10"
Character Weight: 164lbs
Character Position/Role/Job: Crown Prince of Tawnat [titular, unrecognized] (2005-), Transitional Head of State (2012-2017), Businessman (1975-2011).
Appearance:

(Image)

Character Country of Birth: Tawnat
Character Country of Residence: Tawnat (1957-1967, 2012-), Greece (1967-2012)
Character Governate of Residence: Haferdaz
Character Party Affiliation: Independent
Character Religious Affiliation: Sunni Muslim
Main Strengths: Enjoys some support from conservative monarchists, respected for role in the transition to democracy, well-connected, wealthy.
Main Weaknesses: Seen as anachronistic by liberals and socialists, seen as partly disconnected from his native land due to his long exile, slightly snobbish, alienated some Islamists with his support for President Qaderi.

Biography: Born ten years before the 1967 coup to Sheikh Ibrahim, the Crown Prince of Tawnat, Hassan enjoyed a childhood in expectation of rising to the throne. Well-educated by tutors in this time, he lived a somewhat cloistered existence in the Haferdaz Palace, surrounded only by members of the Emir's household and staff, occasionally being seen in public with his father and grandfather (Emir Hassan V). This tranquil childhood was disrupted by the Coup of 1967. In the run-up to the coup, his father and siblings had been moved to a naval vessel under the command of a royal loyalist, and soon, they fled the country when it became apparent that Commandant al-Zaruq was intent on seizing the country. The vessel surrendered itself to the Greek authorities, and what was left of the Emir's family settled in exile in Crete.

Growing up on Crete afforded Hassan more opportunities to interact with the real world and ground himself, along with getting a more broad-based education than one might have purely as an Emir-in-waiting. Focusing increasingly on mathematics and later on economics, Hassan's late childhood and adolescence moved him towards getting into business, as the door was firmly slammed behind him on his previous role. After achieving his Bachelor's in Economics at the University of Athens in 1978, he returned to Crete where he established himself in the shipping industry, using some of the al-Fathi family's leftover wealth to establish the business. His father, the Crown Prince, had become increasingly withdrawn and sickly, believed to be a consequence of psychological issues stemming from the coup, and so the family's affairs largely fell to the young but capable Hassan.

1978 also marked Libya's abortive attempt to invade Tawnat, and the aftermath which led to the strengthening of the al-Zaruq regime. Hassan began to welcome exiles from various resistance groups and movements - democrats, monarchists or Islamists - to convene at the al-Fathis' exile home in Greece to help coordinate and strengthen opposition to that regime. An abiding resentment existed in Hassan for the regime that had toppled his family and caused the decline of his father's health, and so was happy to pour money and connections into building up the opposition coalition as best he could. This was clumsy at first, Hassan's edge for politics as yet unhoned, but his resources allowed him the opportunity to build influence and relationships, and steadily, he became an eminent, vocal opponent to the Zaruq dictatorship.

In 1985, Hassan met Kalliope Diamandis, a Greek model, and over a couple of years, they developed a firm, warm relationship. After Kalliope's conversion to Islam (and adopting the name Nasira), they would marry in a relatively small ceremony at the mosque in Iraklion. They would go on to have seven children together - three daughters and four sons. The details of Hassan's relationship with Nasira are generally kept quite private, and the future Crown Prince has consistently placed an emphasis on separating his political and private lives, stating that he "doesn't want any further pain to be caused to my family by affairs in Tawnat."

When the 1995 Tawnati Civil War kicked off, Hassan arrived in Tawnat alongside a number of freedom fighters and gave some speeches deploring the decline of a once proud and unique nation at the hands of an incompetent and arrogant dictator. Despite early progress going well for the rebels, when it became increasingly apparent that Zaruq would soon regain control of the country, Hassan left in some ignominy, forced to use a fishing trawler to leave Tawnat, and causing no shortage of tensions between Hassan and the Greek government, forced to play a hefty fine by the order of a Greek court to avoid greater consequences.

In 2006, Hassan's long ailing father Ibrahim bin Hassan al-Fathi died, making Hassan the titular Crown Prince and thus the head of the royal house. This meant little in practical terms, on account of his already eminent role in the organisation of the al-Fathi dynasty's affairs and promoting the resistance movement. Come 2011, when the Arab Spring rolled in and with the weak successor to Suleiman al-Zaruq, his son Rafiq, failing to control the situation, Hassan once again threw himself full force - all or nothing - into helping the broad coalition of opposition find a unifying message, supporting Omar Qaderi's efforts to unite the opposition and to outline the opposition's demands. When the dictatorship fell in 2012, Hassan stepped in as Transitional Head of State to help oversee the transition from the Arab Democratic Republic of Tawnat to the modern, democratic Republic of Tawnat. Despite his royal claims (which he, to the chagrin of some, maintained at least in a titular sense), Hassan conceded publicly that "the form of government in Tawnat is not for me to decide".

Hassan worked hard to help forge the compromises that fostered the new constitution, and the transition from the Transitional Council of State to the First Albarlaman in 2014. Largely conceding any 'presidential' authority to the Prime Minister at the time, Hassan did his best to avoid angering or provoking particular factions, though his particular brand of regal behaviour served to estrange socialists and some liberals, and his support for Omar Qaderi and kicking the question of the official religion down the road infuriated some Islamists. With the presidential election of 2016, Sheikh Hassan stood down as Transitional Head of State and handed over the symbols of government to the first President of the Republic - his longtime ally Qaderi - and retreated from mainstream politics. Hassan has remained an eminent public figure and philanthropist, and has occasionally made public statements about the importance of unity and compromise - seen as attempts to shore up Qaderi's rule - but has refrained from seeking parliamentary power for himself. Some close to the would-be Emir, however, have been aware that the Crown Prince has grown increasingly dissatisfied with the fractiousness of the political situation, and may be weighing up a new intervention.

Other Info: Married to Nasira al-Hassan (born Kalliope Diamandis), has seven children: Haifa, Hassan, Ibrahim, Amira, Sara, Abdullah, and Nasir.

I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Gordano and Lysandus

Do not remove: 1337

Accepted!

[Sanabel]

I’ll finish Jebali tomorrow probably

[Federal States of Xathuecia]

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Character Information Sheet

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Name: Jafar Amiri Rasoulof al-Mohammed

Gender: Male

Age: 67

Height: 5 ft, 5in

Weight: 164

Position:

• Mayor of Haferdaz (2017 - Present)
• Vice President of the National Civil Alliance (2018 - Present)
• Interim Mayor of Haferdaz (2016 - 2017)
• Member of the Albarlaman for Haferdaz (2014 - 2016)
• Founding Member and Party Committeman for the National Civil Alliance (2014 - 2018)
• Interim Foreign Minister to the Transitional Council of State (2012 - 2014)
• Public Pro-Democracy Activist (2010 - 2012)
• Shadow Pro-Democracy Organizer (1995 - 2010)
• Businessman & Owner of Rasoulof Cooperative (1981 - 2013)
• Fisherman & Merchant (1970 - 1981)

Country of Birth: Tawnat

Country of Residence: Tawnat

Governate of Residence: Haferdaz

Party Affiliation: National Civil Alliance (NCA)

Religious Affiliation: Sunni Muslim

Main Strengths:
Well-respected & popular; Regarded as authentic; Skilled at consensus-building within the Haferdaz Governate; Good connections to a number of industrial magnates; Upstanding history with the pro-democracy movement

Main Weaknesses:
Sometimes aligns himself too closely with the nation's industrialists; Seen as sort of too liberal for the rest of the country; Can ignore morality and ethics to be effective in governing; Maintains a number of close relations with the West especially with Europeans; Publicly has disparaged the socialists and other leftists

Biography: Born during the waning years of French rule on the island, Jafar was the child of two native Tawnat parents who came from the fishing clans of Al-Sajjad. It was in this most southern island where he was nurtured by his mother until he was afforded the chance, as the eldest son, to attend school. While there had been a proposed French preparatory school to be built on the island and his family having prepared an investment to ensure a spot for their firstborn, the end of French colonialism on the island quickly dashed away the reams of the limited expansion of education. So, with the local schools and teachers generally regarded as too poor quality be worth the time, the family instead began to teach their child of the ways of fishing and his father began to bring the young Jafar along with him on trips.

Largely unaffected by the transpiring political changes in the North and on the mainland, the family continued to prosper with a modest living and eventually behind able to afford one of the better academies and tutors in the area for the family's other four children though only the youngest two would ever truly complete their education completely. Jafar was delegated responsibilities to care for the families for the most part and as he grew older, he continued to build on his assigned duties of both fishing with the family and caring for the younger ones. By sixteen and the establishment of the al-Zaruq dictatorship, the young Jafar continued to remain largely oblivious to the political struggle in the country and eventually found himself marrying within three years to a young woman and only daughter of a larger, more successful fishing clan.

The pair had two children and continued to expand their own fishing operations, though the family began to expand to a local mercantile business, eventually being gifted a small shipping boat by Jafar's in-laws. It was in the mid seventies when, with declining opportunities on the island and the death of his own parents, the family sought to move away. These plans were sped up with the threat of a Libyan invasion, eventually with the young family of four moving to the northern part of the main island, specifically to Haferdaz in the hopes of continuing their fishing operation or perhaps a local shop.

The move turned out to be the right one given the invasion of the southern territories two years later, during which Jafar had already began to establish himself as an entrepreneur man. His humble beginnings and his rather personable family all around gave him a trustworthy demeanor that was greatly valued more in the developing city than in other parts of the nation. Opening four shops by the early eighties across the city in predominately Sunni and middle-class areas, he began to establish a reputation for himself as a fair man focused on helping the community. He also made it a big deal to welcome a number of relatives to coming to the city from their home on the island though Jafar and his wife made it a point to visit when they could. Similarly, he also ensured his own children attended and completed their schooling, eventually supporting them both in completing their university level education as a doctor and engineer respectively.

They continued to expand their business operations, eventually dropping the local fishing side entirely and opening small grocery and money transfer services in more locations, even in minority areas like the few European and French quarters of the city and hiring a handful of non-Muslims as well. Overall, by the time the civil war would erupt, Jafar had become a prominent businessman owning a variety of local and small locations, hardly at the level of the French and Europhile industrialists by earning a reputation as one of the few truly Tawnat up & comers. When the civil war erupted, the bustling northern city was able to largely escape unscathed given the fierce control the dictatorship held, though a number of friends who were more supportive of the democratic cause were arrested, imprisoned, or outright killed. It lead to distinct anger among the business community in Haferdaz, while also serving as a rallying call for a number of well-educated & middle-class communities in the city.

While Jafar typically did not lead these movements, he became a close ally of the cause for democracy and eventually became a well-known ally for the underground movement in the capital city, often using his business connections, wealth, and distinctly Tawnat roots to help support the group by bribing officials, helping move certain leaders, and misdirecting government officials. Despite his rising economic situation, his poor upbringing and dedication to the movement for a free Tawnat lent him the necessary credibility and humility to eventually become a forefront asset in the pro-democratic movements in the party.

These illicit actions did force the government to target him, eventually landing him at the center of an intelligence sting operation to hopefully implicate him though he was saved by Islamist informants who tipped him off from meeting the al-Zaruq spy, a partnership that both kept Jafar out of trouble and created a sense of trust between his more center-left faction and the more religious elements. Despite being roughly questioned and monitored, he evaded any further implications and continued to support the movement until the death of the President and dictator, openly questioning the credibility of the younger al-Zaruq, and given his own influence in Haferdaz, he had become somewhat untouchable without potentially flaring up an already disgruntled middle-class.

Alas, this dynamic ended quickly when the Arab Spring occurred, leading to Jafar quickly joining the official pro-democracy activists and making several trips to Europe to hopefully gain key recognition for the fledgling country. He also was key to swinging rebellions from the capital city's educated workforce as well as encouraging the Tawnat business community to come out in full force against the establishment government. His widespread popularity in his new home city and subsequent reveal of his longstanding relationship with the pro-democracy movement made him a popular political figure, eventually leading to his assumption as the interim Foreign Minister for the Transitional Council of State. Once again, he focused on cultivating relationships with the West and what largely made him supportive of a secular government, though one that was distinctly for Tawnat.

But with the uneasy politics in the fledgling nation, Jafar along with a number of other center-left business people, middle-class & upper-class activists, and educated workers all united to found the National Civil Alliance, a secular party focused on instituting democratic reforms with a leftist tilt, especially focusing on keeping Tawnat independent and prospering for most people, with a key goal being to raise people out of poverty, expanding education, moderate social reforms for women and some refugees, and rebuilding the country. He became a member of the Albarlaman once elections occurred, touting himself as a respectable man seeking to address the issues of the working people first, including reforms that established more transparent elections, anti-corruption legislation, and a family tax deduction for those that qualified, particularly affecting the middle-class of the nation.

His party hardly had the political power to govern on their own and thus entered into a coalition with the Qudus Movement at the behest of Jafar given his established ties with some of their party leaders, creating an uneasy yet governable majority. This was also done given his intense distrust of the socialists, something that Jafar made well-known by openly and crudely calling them revolutionary's for the sake of chaos, not stability. A year before having to stand for another election, then Mayor of Haferdaz suffered a stroke and hence force resigned. Given the lack of structure or procedure for such a decision, the Council of Haferdaz offered Jafar to become the interim Mayor following the sudden retirement of the transition leader, a close friend of Jafar. Thus leading for a year and focused on organizing the government of the city, he decided to run for a full term come 2017. With the backing of the outgoing successor, an inspiring story, a notable yet short legislative tenure, and the backing of what was shaping up to the city's majority party, he was swept into power with 72% of the vote.

By now, he had been given the nickname JAR by the media and began to both shape his party more directly since becoming Vice President. He has focused on developing his party's youth wing and supporting education initiatives while also placing more emphasis on local governments, less so on federal offices. Jafar's business connections have also helped make the NCA an incredibly well funded party and while they often turn a blind eye on more regulation of industry and some European contacts, they continue to focus on incremental center-left reforms. As for his tenure as Governor, he has focused on setting up the government's essential services of sanitation, a centralized system for sewage and expanding this, greater investment in public education scholarships, revitalizing smaller, less centralized business communities, and welcoming further better housing & electrification of the city. He has also increased the police force in the city and has sought to improve emergency services, with his current mandate focusing on improving roads and helping diversify the region's economy.

As the new year begins, Jafar is less focused on national politics and more on helping Haferdaz move forward.

Other Info: Commonly referred to by his first three initials i.e. JAR or simply as Governor Jafar given his personable nature. While not the official President of the NCA, he remains a powerful force within the party and holds the Vice Presidency of the NCA, a role he has held since 2015. He has no intentions to seek higher office like the Presidency of Tawnat or of the NCA.

I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Xathuecia

Do not remove: 1337

[Barapam]

Looks interesting. I'm toying with the idea of a female character. I figure she'd have to be well connected, belong to a family of high status, and not too liberal (probably conservative by western standards). Could that be plausible?

Either that or a baathist hardliner.

[Sao Nova Europa]

Tagging for a character and party that will be socially and fiscally conservative (think of GOP or Tories but with Islamic, instead of Christian, conservatism and focus on free market).

[Sao Nova Europa]

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Character Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Sao Nova Europa
Character Name: Fadhel ben Salem
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 57
Character Height: 1.71 m
Character Weight: 81 k
Character Position/Role/Job: Member of Albarlaman (MP)
Appearance:

Character Country of Birth: Tawnat
Character Country of Residence: Tawnat
Character Governate of Residence: Sahil Al-Hubub
Character Party Affiliation: ILP (Islamic Liberal Party)
Character Religious Affiliation: Sunni Islam
Main Strengths: Loyal base (while he doesn't have the largest electoral base, his voting base is extremely loyal to his person meaning that he has a stable base), Western connections (having studied in the US, and having established connections with economic and political experts there, Fadhel can count on the support of American campaign managers and advisors)
Main Weaknesses: Anti-Americanism (Fadhel's education in the US, his hiring of many American campaign managers and advisors in his party and his strong support for the US mean that he is viewed negatively by hardcore Islamists, left-wingers and by those who dislike America), Elitist (his free-market ideology has allowed him to be accused to elitism by both right wing and left wing opponents).
Biography:

Born to an upper class family with ties to the al-Zaruq regime on 12 August 1963, Fadhel excelled at academic lessons at school, thought it must be said that he had the benefit of also receiving private lessons from private tutors. He went to college at Al-Mubarak University in 1981, studying economics, where he graduated with an upper second-class honours degree in 1985. He decided to pursue further studies abroad, something which he could afford thanks to his family's relative wealth. He attended Harvard Business School where he earned an MBA (Master Business Administration) in 1987 and continued his studies in Columbia University, where in 1990 he received his Ph.D. in economics.

He eventually managed to become a Professor at New York University Business School. He would also write opinion essays on Financial Times and the Economist, while publishing two books on economics; The Islamic Foundations of Market Capitalism and From Developing to Developed Nation: Free Markets, Modernization and Growth in the Developing World. At the same time, he established connections with the Heritage Foundation and Mises Institute, becoming an associate of both think-tanks. At the same time, though, he retained ties with relatives and friends back in Tawnat, some of them in high governing places. He had been offered political positions in the regime, but he refused due to differences on how the economy should be managed; Fadhel had been arguing for austerity measures and free market reforms to deal with the ever increasing debt, while the regime wouldn't agree on such an agenda.

With the regime change in 2012, Fadhel was persuaded to come back to his homeland, serving as one of the technocratic advisers to the new provisional government. However, his role was minor and he became dissatisfied with it. In 2013, he established the 'Islamic Liberal League', a non-partisan free-market think tank which gathered the support of various moderate conservative politicians, both new and members of the old regime. In the 2014 elections, the think tank became the Islamic Liberal Party and managed to gain a limited number of seats due to lack of mass organization and public recognition. The ILP did not take part in the shaky government coalition, focusing instead on providing a conservative opposition and building up a party machine. In 2017, with the advise of American campaign managers and analysts hired by Fadhel (many of them from conservative think-tanks), the ILP managed to increase the number of seats it held in parliament. The ILP remained in opposition, and Fadhel hopes to provide an alternative to the government and to reap public dissatisfaction; especially he hopes to attract voters who oppose the coalition government but do not want to vote for either the left or the Ba'athists.

Other Info: Fadhel is married with an Arab-American wife and has three children, two male and one female.

I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Sao Nova Europa

Do not remove: 1337

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Party Information Sheet

Party Information Sheet
Party Name: Islamic Liberal Party
Ideology Summary:

A center-right conservative party, ILP emulates the European and North American center-right parties in its focus on free market economics and support for moderate social conservatism. The official ideology of the party is 'Islamic Liberalism' which, according to its founder Fadhel ben Salem, can be described as "an ideology that combines care for individuality and economic growth that only a free market economy can provide with reverence for our Islamic traditions, which maintain the stability of our society."

Liberalism, in the party name and official ideology, refers to economic liberalism (free-market economics/fiscal conservatism), rather than liberalism in the American sense.

In practice, the party supports:

Privatization of state assets, digitization of the public administration and deregulation of the market.
Partial privatization of the healthcare and social security systems.
Drastic cuts in taxation, replacing the current tax system with a low flat income tax and a low flat corporate tax, abolishing all other taxes.
Strengthening of the police forces, strict enforcement of law and order, and arrest of radicals (both leftists and Islamists).
Opposition to LGBT ideology (which is compared by party members to "communism"), opposition to feminism and support for traditional family mode and for stay-at-home wives.
Secular state law should conform more closely to Islamic traditions. While the party is opposed to implementing Sharia Law, it supports amending the constitution to establish Islam as the 'majority religion'.
Opposition to admitting refugees from Libya; party members have been calling them 'parasites draining our economy and the taxes of our citizens'. They also accuse them of stealing jobs.
A pro-US foreign policy. The ILP is considered the most pro-American of the Tawnat parties.
Building up the armed forces, with increased funding for the military.

Party Biography:

Established as a think tank ('Islamic Liberal League') in 2013, it attracted moderate conservative politicians; both from new faces coming from abroad (many of them having lived in France and the US) and old faces, mainly politicians associated with the old regime, though mostly on minor roles and on local level. In the 2014 elections, it became officially a political party and managed to gain a small number of seats, but it was hampered by lack of a party machine and public recognition. Declining to become part of the government, it instead focused on building up a party machine that would allow it to increase recognition among voters. The party also made extensive use of American conservative campaign managers and analysts, who played a crucial role in ts marketing and political message. The ILP is extremely professionalized in political messaging, making extensive use of polling and data to tweak its messaging. Thus in 2017 it was able to increase the number of seats, but it remained in opposition. The party tends to be adversarial towards the government and the strategy supported by leadership and members is to remain in opposition in order to reap the benefits of dissatisfaction.

Party Abbreviation ("DP" for Democratic Party): ILP
Party Colors: Red
Governing Position: Opposition
Other Info:

Fadhel ben Salem is Chairman of the Party.
It has a Shadow Cabinet, staffed by foreign educated technocrats. Each shadow minister is responsible for providing opposition to the respective government minister. Each shadow minister is also assigned from three to six assistants, meant to help him in his critique of that particular government sector.
A National Council, staffed by twelve members (academics, business executives and journalists), is responsible for drafting the political program of the ILP.
The Campaigning and Marketing Task Force, comprised of twenty campaign managers and political analysts (thirteen of those Americans, the rest Tawnats), is responsible for the messaging of the party's platform and consults candidates on their races.
The party is highly centralized in its structure, and most decisions are taken at the top.

I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Sao Nova Europa

Do not remove: 1337

[Somerania]

Tagged

[Somerania]

Is there a social-democrat party?

[Agarntrop]

Is there a social-democrat party?

Thats not exactly an ideology present in ME.

[Kargintina the Third]

Are we gonna have a fireworks factory blow up in the harbor?

[Emazia]

Hey, I'm sorry, I don't think I'll have time to make a major character sorry. Someone can take the leadership of the PRST instead, someone who can be more active. I might take a minor character soon, if I have the time for even that. I'm about to be confirmed as CM to the region soon, so...

[Groc Ching]

Hmmm, this looks like fun. Remembered this site has some good geopolitical rp. Might make a female conservative secularist MP; dunno if women politicians are common here, but they are in Egypt and this seems kinda similar.

[Federal States of Xathuecia]

Hmmm, this looks like fun. Remembered this site has some good geopolitical rp. Might make a female conservative secularist MP; dunno if women politicians are common here, but they are in Egypt and this seems kinda similar.

I'm sure they'd be allowed but not sure if they'd be "common".

[Jovuistan]

---

Character Information Sheet

(Image)

---

Name: Jafar Amiri Rasoulof al-Mohammed

Gender: Male

Age: 67

Height: 5 ft, 5in

Weight: 164

Position:

• Mayor of Haferdaz (2017 - Present)
• Vice President of the National Civil Alliance (2018 - Present)
• Interim Mayor of Haferdaz (2016 - 2017)
• Member of the Albarlaman for Haferdaz (2014 - 2016)
• Founding Member and Party Committeman for the National Civil Alliance (2014 - 2018)
• Interim Foreign Minister to the Transitional Council of State (2012 - 2014)
• Public Pro-Democracy Activist (2010 - 2012)
• Shadow Pro-Democracy Organizer (1995 - 2010)
• Businessman & Owner of Rasoulof Cooperative (1981 - 2013)
• Fisherman & Merchant (1970 - 1981)

Country of Birth: Tawnat

Country of Residence: Tawnat

Governate of Residence: Haferdaz

Party Affiliation: National Civil Alliance (NCA)

Religious Affiliation: Sunni Muslim

Main Strengths:
Well-respected & popular; Regarded as authentic; Skilled at consensus-building within the Haferdaz Governate; Good connections to a number of industrial magnates; Upstanding history with the pro-democracy movement

Main Weaknesses:
Sometimes aligns himself too closely with the nation's industrialists; Seen as sort of too liberal for the rest of the country; Can ignore morality and ethics to be effective in governing; Maintains a number of close relations with the West especially with Europeans; Publicly has disparaged the socialists and other leftists

Biography: Born during the waning years of French rule on the island, Jafar was the child of two native Tawnat parents who came from the fishing clans of Al-Sajjad. It was in this most southern island where he was nurtured by his mother until he was afforded the chance, as the eldest son, to attend school. While there had been a proposed French preparatory school to be built on the island and his family having prepared an investment to ensure a spot for their firstborn, the end of French colonialism on the island quickly dashed away the reams of the limited expansion of education. So, with the local schools and teachers generally regarded as too poor quality be worth the time, the family instead began to teach their child of the ways of fishing and his father began to bring the young Jafar along with him on trips.

Largely unaffected by the transpiring political changes in the North and on the mainland, the family continued to prosper with a modest living and eventually behind able to afford one of the better academies and tutors in the area for the family's other four children though only the youngest two would ever truly complete their education completely. Jafar was delegated responsibilities to care for the families for the most part and as he grew older, he continued to build on his assigned duties of both fishing with the family and caring for the younger ones. By sixteen and the establishment of the al-Zaruq dictatorship, the young Jafar continued to remain largely oblivious to the political struggle in the country and eventually found himself marrying within three years to a young woman and only daughter of a larger, more successful fishing clan.

The pair had two children and continued to expand their own fishing operations, though the family began to expand to a local mercantile business, eventually being gifted a small shipping boat by Jafar's in-laws. It was in the mid seventies when, with declining opportunities on the island and the death of his own parents, the family sought to move away. These plans were sped up with the threat of a Libyan invasion, eventually with the young family of four moving to the northern part of the main island, specifically to Haferdaz in the hopes of continuing their fishing operation or perhaps a local shop.

The move turned out to be the right one given the invasion of the southern territories two years later, during which Jafar had already began to establish himself as an entrepreneur man. His humble beginnings and his rather personable family all around gave him a trustworthy demeanor that was greatly valued more in the developing city than in other parts of the nation. Opening four shops by the early eighties across the city in predominately Sunni and middle-class areas, he began to establish a reputation for himself as a fair man focused on helping the community. He also made it a big deal to welcome a number of relatives to coming to the city from their home on the island though Jafar and his wife made it a point to visit when they could. Similarly, he also ensured his own children attended and completed their schooling, eventually supporting them both in completing their university level education as a doctor and engineer respectively.

They continued to expand their business operations, eventually dropping the local fishing side entirely and opening small grocery and money transfer services in more locations, even in minority areas like the few European and French quarters of the city and hiring a handful of non-Muslims as well. Overall, by the time the civil war would erupt, Jafar had become a prominent businessman owning a variety of local and small locations, hardly at the level of the French and Europhile industrialists by earning a reputation as one of the few truly Tawnat up & comers. When the civil war erupted, the bustling northern city was able to largely escape unscathed given the fierce control the dictatorship held, though a number of friends who were more supportive of the democratic cause were arrested, imprisoned, or outright killed. It lead to distinct anger among the business community in Haferdaz, while also serving as a rallying call for a number of well-educated & middle-class communities in the city.

While Jafar typically did not lead these movements, he became a close ally of the cause for democracy and eventually became a well-known ally for the underground movement in the capital city, often using his business connections, wealth, and distinctly Tawnat roots to help support the group by bribing officials, helping move certain leaders, and misdirecting government officials. Despite his rising economic situation, his poor upbringing and dedication to the movement for a free Tawnat lent him the necessary credibility and humility to eventually become a forefront asset in the pro-democratic movements in the party.

These illicit actions did force the government to target him, eventually landing him at the center of an intelligence sting operation to hopefully implicate him though he was saved by Islamist informants who tipped him off from meeting the al-Zaruq spy, a partnership that both kept Jafar out of trouble and created a sense of trust between his more center-left faction and the more religious elements. Despite being roughly questioned and monitored, he evaded any further implications and continued to support the movement until the death of the President and dictator, openly questioning the credibility of the younger al-Zaruq, and given his own influence in Haferdaz, he had become somewhat untouchable without potentially flaring up an already disgruntled middle-class.

Alas, this dynamic ended quickly when the Arab Spring occurred, leading to Jafar quickly joining the official pro-democracy activists and making several trips to Europe to hopefully gain key recognition for the fledgling country. He also was key to swinging rebellions from the capital city's educated workforce as well as encouraging the Tawnat business community to come out in full force against the establishment government. His widespread popularity in his new home city and subsequent reveal of his longstanding relationship with the pro-democracy movement made him a popular political figure, eventually leading to his assumption as the interim Foreign Minister for the Transitional Council of State. Once again, he focused on cultivating relationships with the West and what largely made him supportive of a secular government, though one that was distinctly for Tawnat.

But with the uneasy politics in the fledgling nation, Jafar along with a number of other center-left business people, middle-class & upper-class activists, and educated workers all united to found the National Civil Alliance, a secular party focused on instituting democratic reforms with a leftist tilt, especially focusing on keeping Tawnat independent and prospering for most people, with a key goal being to raise people out of poverty, expanding education, moderate social reforms for women and some refugees, and rebuilding the country. He became a member of the Albarlaman once elections occurred, touting himself as a respectable man seeking to address the issues of the working people first, including reforms that established more transparent elections, anti-corruption legislation, and a family tax deduction for those that qualified, particularly affecting the middle-class of the nation.

His party hardly had the political power to govern on their own and thus entered into a coalition with the Qudus Movement at the behest of Jafar given his established ties with some of their party leaders, creating an uneasy yet governable majority. This was also done given his intense distrust of the socialists, something that Jafar made well-known by openly and crudely calling them revolutionary's for the sake of chaos, not stability. A year before having to stand for another election, then Mayor of Haferdaz suffered a stroke and hence force resigned. Given the lack of structure or procedure for such a decision, the Council of Haferdaz offered Jafar to become the interim Mayor following the sudden retirement of the transition leader, a close friend of Jafar. Thus leading for a year and focused on organizing the government of the city, he decided to run for a full term come 2017. With the backing of the outgoing successor, an inspiring story, a notable yet short legislative tenure, and the backing of what was shaping up to the city's majority party, he was swept into power with 72% of the vote.

By now, he had been given the nickname JAR by the media and began to both shape his party more directly since becoming Vice President. He has focused on developing his party's youth wing and supporting education initiatives while also placing more emphasis on local governments, less so on federal offices. Jafar's business connections have also helped make the NCA an incredibly well funded party and while they often turn a blind eye on more regulation of industry and some European contacts, they continue to focus on incremental center-left reforms. As for his tenure as Governor, he has focused on setting up the government's essential services of sanitation, a centralized system for sewage and expanding this, greater investment in public education scholarships, revitalizing smaller, less centralized business communities, and welcoming further better housing & electrification of the city. He has also increased the police force in the city and has sought to improve emergency services, with his current mandate focusing on improving roads and helping diversify the region's economy.

As the new year begins, Jafar is less focused on national politics and more on helping Haferdaz move forward.

Other Info: Commonly referred to by his first three initials i.e. JAR or simply as Governor Jafar given his personable nature. While not the official President of the NCA, he remains a powerful force within the party and holds the Vice Presidency of the NCA, a role he has held since 2015. He has no intentions to seek higher office like the Presidency of Tawnat or of the NCA.

I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Xathuecia

Do not remove: 1337

Al-Zaruq nationalized Tawnati industry before the civil war, and that likely would include Jafar's business. Other than that it seems pretty good.

[Federal States of Xathuecia]

---

Character Information Sheet

(Image)

---

Name: Jafar Amiri Rasoulof al-Mohammed

Gender: Male

Age: 67

Height: 5 ft, 5in

Weight: 164

Position:

• Mayor of Haferdaz (2017 - Present)
• Vice President of the National Civil Alliance (2018 - Present)
• Interim Mayor of Haferdaz (2016 - 2017)
• Member of the Albarlaman for Haferdaz (2014 - 2016)
• Founding Member and Party Committeman for the National Civil Alliance (2014 - 2018)
• Interim Foreign Minister to the Transitional Council of State (2012 - 2014)
• Public Pro-Democracy Activist (2010 - 2012)
• Shadow Pro-Democracy Organizer (1995 - 2010)
• Businessman & Owner of Rasoulof Cooperative (1981 - 2013)
• Fisherman & Merchant (1970 - 1981)

Country of Birth: Tawnat

Country of Residence: Tawnat

Governate of Residence: Haferdaz

Party Affiliation: National Civil Alliance (NCA)

Religious Affiliation: Sunni Muslim

Main Strengths:
Well-respected & popular; Regarded as authentic; Skilled at consensus-building within the Haferdaz Governate; Good connections to a number of industrial magnates; Upstanding history with the pro-democracy movement

Main Weaknesses:
Sometimes aligns himself too closely with the nation's industrialists; Seen as sort of too liberal for the rest of the country; Can ignore morality and ethics to be effective in governing; Maintains a number of close relations with the West especially with Europeans; Publicly has disparaged the socialists and other leftists

Biography: Born during the waning years of French rule on the island, Jafar was the child of two native Tawnat parents who came from the fishing clans of Al-Sajjad. It was in this most southern island where he was nurtured by his mother until he was afforded the chance, as the eldest son, to attend school. While there had been a proposed French preparatory school to be built on the island and his family having prepared an investment to ensure a spot for their firstborn, the end of French colonialism on the island quickly dashed away the reams of the limited expansion of education. So, with the local schools and teachers generally regarded as too poor quality be worth the time, the family instead began to teach their child of the ways of fishing and his father began to bring the young Jafar along with him on trips.

Largely unaffected by the transpiring political changes in the North and on the mainland, the family continued to prosper with a modest living and eventually behind able to afford one of the better academies and tutors in the area for the family's other four children though only the youngest two would ever truly complete their education completely. Jafar was delegated responsibilities to care for the families for the most part and as he grew older, he continued to build on his assigned duties of both fishing with the family and caring for the younger ones. By sixteen and the establishment of the al-Zaruq dictatorship, the young Jafar continued to remain largely oblivious to the political struggle in the country and eventually found himself marrying within three years to a young woman and only daughter of a larger, more successful fishing clan.

The pair had two children and continued to expand their own fishing operations, though the family began to expand to a local mercantile business, eventually being gifted a small shipping boat by Jafar's in-laws. It was in the mid seventies when, with declining opportunities on the island and the death of his own parents, the family sought to move away. These plans were sped up with the threat of a Libyan invasion, eventually with the young family of four moving to the northern part of the main island, specifically to Haferdaz in the hopes of continuing their fishing operation or perhaps a local shop.

The move turned out to be the right one given the invasion of the southern territories two years later, during which Jafar had already began to establish himself as an entrepreneur man. His humble beginnings and his rather personable family all around gave him a trustworthy demeanor that was greatly valued more in the developing city than in other parts of the nation. Opening four shops by the early eighties across the city in predominately Sunni and middle-class areas, he began to establish a reputation for himself as a fair man focused on helping the community. He also made it a big deal to welcome a number of relatives to coming to the city from their home on the island though Jafar and his wife made it a point to visit when they could. Similarly, he also ensured his own children attended and completed their schooling, eventually supporting them both in completing their university level education as a doctor and engineer respectively.

They continued to expand their business operations, eventually dropping the local fishing side entirely and opening small grocery and money transfer services in more locations, even in minority areas like the few European and French quarters of the city and hiring a handful of non-Muslims as well. Overall, by the time the civil war would erupt, Jafar had become a prominent businessman owning a variety of local and small locations, hardly at the level of the French and Europhile industrialists by earning a reputation as one of the few truly Tawnat up & comers. When the civil war erupted, the bustling northern city was able to largely escape unscathed given the fierce control the dictatorship held, though a number of friends who were more supportive of the democratic cause were arrested, imprisoned, or outright killed. It lead to distinct anger among the business community in Haferdaz, while also serving as a rallying call for a number of well-educated & middle-class communities in the city.

While Jafar typically did not lead these movements, he became a close ally of the cause for democracy and eventually became a well-known ally for the underground movement in the capital city, often using his business connections, wealth, and distinctly Tawnat roots to help support the group by bribing officials, helping move certain leaders, and misdirecting government officials. Despite his rising economic situation, his poor upbringing and dedication to the movement for a free Tawnat lent him the necessary credibility and humility to eventually become a forefront asset in the pro-democratic movements in the party.

These illicit actions did force the government to target him, eventually landing him at the center of an intelligence sting operation to hopefully implicate him though he was saved by Islamist informants who tipped him off from meeting the al-Zaruq spy, a partnership that both kept Jafar out of trouble and created a sense of trust between his more center-left faction and the more religious elements. Despite being roughly questioned and monitored, he evaded any further implications and continued to support the movement until the death of the President and dictator, openly questioning the credibility of the younger al-Zaruq, and given his own influence in Haferdaz, he had become somewhat untouchable without potentially flaring up an already disgruntled middle-class.

Alas, this dynamic ended quickly when the Arab Spring occurred, leading to Jafar quickly joining the official pro-democracy activists and making several trips to Europe to hopefully gain key recognition for the fledgling country. He also was key to swinging rebellions from the capital city's educated workforce as well as encouraging the Tawnat business community to come out in full force against the establishment government. His widespread popularity in his new home city and subsequent reveal of his longstanding relationship with the pro-democracy movement made him a popular political figure, eventually leading to his assumption as the interim Foreign Minister for the Transitional Council of State. Once again, he focused on cultivating relationships with the West and what largely made him supportive of a secular government, though one that was distinctly for Tawnat.

But with the uneasy politics in the fledgling nation, Jafar along with a number of other center-left business people, middle-class & upper-class activists, and educated workers all united to found the National Civil Alliance, a secular party focused on instituting democratic reforms with a leftist tilt, especially focusing on keeping Tawnat independent and prospering for most people, with a key goal being to raise people out of poverty, expanding education, moderate social reforms for women and some refugees, and rebuilding the country. He became a member of the Albarlaman once elections occurred, touting himself as a respectable man seeking to address the issues of the working people first, including reforms that established more transparent elections, anti-corruption legislation, and a family tax deduction for those that qualified, particularly affecting the middle-class of the nation.

His party hardly had the political power to govern on their own and thus entered into a coalition with the Qudus Movement at the behest of Jafar given his established ties with some of their party leaders, creating an uneasy yet governable majority. This was also done given his intense distrust of the socialists, something that Jafar made well-known by openly and crudely calling them revolutionary's for the sake of chaos, not stability. A year before having to stand for another election, then Mayor of Haferdaz suffered a stroke and hence force resigned. Given the lack of structure or procedure for such a decision, the Council of Haferdaz offered Jafar to become the interim Mayor following the sudden retirement of the transition leader, a close friend of Jafar. Thus leading for a year and focused on organizing the government of the city, he decided to run for a full term come 2017. With the backing of the outgoing successor, an inspiring story, a notable yet short legislative tenure, and the backing of what was shaping up to the city's majority party, he was swept into power with 72% of the vote.

By now, he had been given the nickname JAR by the media and began to both shape his party more directly since becoming Vice President. He has focused on developing his party's youth wing and supporting education initiatives while also placing more emphasis on local governments, less so on federal offices. Jafar's business connections have also helped make the NCA an incredibly well funded party and while they often turn a blind eye on more regulation of industry and some European contacts, they continue to focus on incremental center-left reforms. As for his tenure as Governor, he has focused on setting up the government's essential services of sanitation, a centralized system for sewage and expanding this, greater investment in public education scholarships, revitalizing smaller, less centralized business communities, and welcoming further better housing & electrification of the city. He has also increased the police force in the city and has sought to improve emergency services, with his current mandate focusing on improving roads and helping diversify the region's economy.

As the new year begins, Jafar is less focused on national politics and more on helping Haferdaz move forward.

Other Info: Commonly referred to by his first three initials i.e. JAR or simply as Governor Jafar given his personable nature. While not the official President of the NCA, he remains a powerful force within the party and holds the Vice Presidency of the NCA, a role he has held since 2015. He has no intentions to seek higher office like the Presidency of Tawnat or of the NCA.

I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Xathuecia

Do not remove: 1337

Al-Zaruq nationalized Tawnati industry before the civil war, and that likely would include Jafar's business. Other than that it seems pretty good.

ah, okay, I'll make him a government underling then, I'll edit it now.

[Jovuistan]

Hmmm, this looks like fun. Remembered this site has some good geopolitical rp. Might make a female conservative secularist MP; dunno if women politicians are common here, but they are in Egypt and this seems kinda similar.

Looks interesting. I'm toying with the idea of a female character. I figure she'd have to be well connected, belong to a family of high status, and not too liberal (probably conservative by western standards). Could that be plausible?

Either that or a baathist hardliner.

Hello! We're actually in pretty great need of Ba'athist and conservative secular parties right now, so that'd be pretty great. Women would be allowed, yes, but they'd have more difficulty being elected and taken seriously at a national level due to the country being much more conservative than the west. They'd probably struggle outside of Haferdaz (We already have a lot of those) Sakhratalmas (Which both Ba'athists and conservative would struggle in) and Al-Salibiiyn (Essentially Ba'athist paradise. Not sure how a conservative would do).

Seem like some interesting ideas, though. Happy to see you guys interested.