Tawnat: A North African Political RP (OOC/OPEN)

[Jovuistan]

---

Party Information Sheet

Party Information Sheet
Party Name: جبهة روح القدس (Literally means Front for Sanctity, known in the West as the Qudus Movement)

Ideology Summary: The Qudus Movement is similar to other organizations which have existed in states such as Egypt, in that it seeks to be a catch-all of Islamist politics. It has theocratic elements, but it primarily follows the Muslim Brotherhood’s Mu’tazila view on Islamic rationalism in government. The party would like an emphasis on Islamic Shari’a law over secular law, opposes state-mandated secularism, and takes a third-positionist stance on economic issues. Socially, it is one of the most right-wing parties in Tawnat. Economically it is centrist, but drifts back in forth based on Islamic jurisprudence.

Party Biography: The Qudus Movement was founded in 1970, two years after the start of the al-Zaruq regime. Famous Fiqah and Imam Tariq Muhammad bin-Zaid was increasingly alarmed at the secular, Ba’athist stance of the new government, and sought to align himself more formally with the Muslim Brotherhood to oppose it in any way possible. Not a politician or a political movement at first, the al-Zaruq regime did not crack down on bin-Zaid or the burgeoning Qudus Movement. This allowed it to spread rapidly through madrasas and mosques throughout the country. For a brief time, it was the only true opposition to the new regime.

In 1972, the Qudus Movement became too subversive for the regime to allow, and so it was banned. Bin-Zaid and his closest followers were exiled from the country, and forced to flee to Bahrain by way of Palestine. The Qudus Movement remained in Bahrain, staging some minor terror attacks in Tawnat by way of intermediaries, and supporting Palestine against Israel simultaneously. In the 1990s, the Qudus Movement began to receive covert financial backing from the United States and Saudi Arabia. It shifted from a fringe cell into a shadow government of sorts, a vocal opponent of Arab nationalist regimes.

This positioned the Qudus Movement well during the Civil War, which embarrassed the al-Zaruq regime. During this time the Movement sent individuals to Tawnat covertly, to help sow dissent and push the country toward collapse. This did not work, but it put the Qudus Movement back into the minds of common people as a potential vehicle for opposition.

In the late aughts, questions arose as to how the organization would be moving forward, following the death of longtime leader and founder bin-Zaid. Abu Bakr Jebali al-Hajji a long time advisor and aide to bin-Zaid took over, and largely sought to turn the Qudus Movement into a legitimate political force, furthering the organization’s international ties and infrastructure. In 2010, following civil unrest, the party moved publicly back to Tawnat, establishing a base of operations and provisional headquarters in Kafid. The party nominated an individual as a claimant governor in each governate, and called for national elections. Through protests and violent demonstrations the Qudus Movement gained de facto control of Al-Sajjad and some municipalities on the mainland, seizing government buildings and courthouses. The Qudus Movement supported the rise of the transitional government and nominated a slate of candidates for the 2014 election.

The Qudus Movement transitioned fully into a political party, though it maintains the support of Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and other Middle Eastern States. The movement seems likely to walk on the National Coalition soon over disagreements with governance and the role of Islam in politics.

Party Abbreviation: QM

Party Colors: Green and Gold

Governing Position: Majority, a constituent party of the National Coalition

Other Info: Base of support is in Al-Sajjad, as well as rural, central areas of the mainland like Ardunajabal. Has an increasing urban presence as investment brings rural-urban internal migration. The Qudus Movement benefits from having a party infrastructure and national reputation before the other parties, though it lacks the financial resources of its opponents.

I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: San

Do not remove: 1337


CHARACTER COMPOSITION

Accepted!

[Agarntrop]

---

Character Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Agarntrop
Character Name: Anwar Hamima
Character Gender: M
Character Age: 62
Character Height: 169cm
Character Weight: 71.2kg
Character Position/Role/Job: Foreign Minister of the Republic of Tawnat (2018-), Member of the Albarlaman for Rimalawluiya (2014-), Political activist (1987-2014).
Appearance:
Character Country of Birth: Tawnat
Character Country of Residence: Tawnat (1957-2007; 2012-), Turkey (2007-12).
Character Governate of Residence: Rimalawluiya
Character Party Affiliation: Qudus Movement
Character Religious Affiliation: Sunni Islam
Main Strengths: Populist, war veteran, activist, stong anti-Al-Zaruq record including the martyrdom of a 14-year prison sentence and hunger strikes/force feeding, good at negotiating and building connections.
Main Weaknesses: Opportunist, comes from rich family and is wealthy himself, connections to alleged terrorists, has betrayed his political allies so could be seen as untrustworthy.
Biography:

Anwar Hamima was born on December 28th 1957 to an upper-class family in the city of Al-Shshati al’Aswad, Rimalawluiya. He was noted to be studious in school and highly intellegent. He was seen as somewhat quiet and reserved as a child, but was generally liked by his teachers and developed an interest in political affairs from a young age. He spent eleven years (1963-74) in education before leaving school at age 17 to work as an assistant to his uncle, Rafis Hamima, who was an accountant.

This was not to say that Anwar's childhood was without trouble, however, as his father was a key figure of the Tawnati wing of the muslim brotherhood and political ally of Ibrahim Bougabeb who was executed for treason in 1968 following Al-Zaruq's violent rise to power. His death resulted in Anwar and his two brothers living with his uncle (Rafis) for eight months until his mother remarried, developing a strong bond with him that would later come in handy when Anwar became Rafis's assistant after leaving school in 1974.

Hamima's work as his uncle's assistant came to an end in 1978, when at age 20 he was drafted into the Tawnati army as a conscript to fight against the Libyan invasion. He served for around a year, being discharged in 1979 after the invasion had been repelled. Shortly after being discharged, Hamima applied in November 1979 to study political science at Al-Mubarak University. His application was accepted in January 1980 and he began studying there in March. He was considered excessively studious during this time where he began to build connections with what would become his political allies in the years to come. He was heavily involved in the university's political wing, and was threatened with explusion several times for his populist, pro-Muslim brotherhood, and anti-Al-Zaruq leanings. Nethertheless, Hamima managed to remain enrolled at the university until his graduation in 1987. During this time at university he met his wife, Shamima Hamima (neé Saidi), who he married in 1986. They had a child in 1988, named Hakim Hamima.

Whilst at university, Hamima began part-time work as an auditor. This work would become full-time in 1988 following Hamima's graduation from the university. However, during this time Hamima secretly built connections with members of the banned Qudus Movement and Muslim brotherhood. He officially became a member of both in 1989, however his membership was discovered by an undercover double-agent of Al-Zaruq's intellegence services, and he was arrested in 1991 alongside two others for membership of banned organisations and for conspiracy to commit terrorism. He was convicted a year later and sentenced to 16 years in prison.

He built connections with other senior members of the QM and Muslim Brotherhood during his time in prison, and he established himself as a senior member of both underground organisations. He was involved in several rebellions during the civil war, which saw him beaten and tortured as punishment. However, he was not directly involved in the civil war as the prison which he was held at never came close to being taken by rebel forces.

After the civil war, he became the victim of several regime crackdowns on political prisoners. During one incident in October 1997, his skin was branded and it left him with a physical scar that he still bears today. This led him and other islamist prisoners to begin launching hunger strikes starting in 1998 and continuing into 1999, the year 2000 and 2001. During two incidents in March 2001, he was force fed.

Many islamist prisoners in Tawnati jails celebrated the 9/11 attacks on the United States in September 2001, and since the events some western media reports have claimed that Hamima was one of them who did. However, Hamima strongly denies such allegations. After the attacks Hamima's behaviour in prison began to calm as he approached his release date, and he managed to curry favour with prison guards and staff by informing them of a plot to use several fertalizer bombs to attack government buidlings in the newly built Taounate City in 2005. Whilst this plot was offically the work of Al-Qaeda members, many of Hamima's ex-allies in the QM and Muslim Brotherhood colluded in the plot and were given extensive prison sentences for their roles in it.

As a result of him being an informant, Hamima was released on good behaviour two years early in 2006, after serving 14 years in prison and was reunited with his wife and son. He later wrote a book about his experiences there in 2009. In 2007, he learnt that he was once again under investigation for his political activities, and so he and his wife decided to flee to Turkey as stowaways on a flight from Haferdaz to Istanbul. Upon arrival in Turkey, Hamima sought asylum, and it was granted due to his involvement in the muslim brotherhood and Turkey's support of that group.

He was still heavily involved in Tawnati affairs from his residence in Turkey, and he was well-informed of events during the Arab Spring in 2010 and 11 following Al-Zaruq's death. His asylum was ruled void by Turkish courts in 2012 and as a result he was deported back to Tawnat with his wife. However, he has since claimed that he wished to return to Tawnat regardless in order to partake in activism there.

Upon his return, he lobbied for the Transitional Council of State to support conservative islamic interests and the wider interests of the muslim brotherhood. He became an official member of the Qudus Movement upon its legalisation, and was nominated as a parliamentary candidate for Hamima's home governate of Rimalawluiya. He was succesfully elected in 2014, and served in the governing coalition in the Albarlaman. He backed socially conservative and economically populist legislation. In 2016, he officially gave his support to President Qaderi following his election, however has not been afraid to privately disagree with Qaderi's secularism.

He was reelected in 2017, and continued to gain the trust of members of government. As a result, upon the death of his predecessor in February 2018, he was appointed Foreign Minister. His tenure has realigned Tawnat's foreign policy towards islamic fundamentalism and countries such as Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Qatar and Turkey, with increased hostilities with Israel, France, Iran, Syria, and Egypt. He has supported the UN-backed government in Libya over the forces of General Haftar, and has increased weapons sales with Turkey and Saudi Arabia. He has also strengthened Tawnat's compliance with UN sanctions against ISIS.

Other Info: N/A

I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Agarntrop

Do not remove: 1337

[Emazia]

[NOT FOR REVIEW YET}

---

Character Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: WCC/Emazia
Character Name: Mehmed Artonz
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 56
Character Height: 155cm
Character Weight: 50kg
Character Position/Role/Job: Chairman of the National People's Committee
Appearance:
Character Country of Birth: Tawnat
Character Country of Residence: Tawnat
Character Governate of Residence: Haferdaz
Character Party Affiliation: The People's Socialist Republican Party of Tawnat
Character Religious Affiliation: Catholic privately, but Sunni Islam in public.
Main Strengths: Well-connected with other previous members of the regime and cemented in the PSRT, seen as the more moderate of the Ba'athists, seen as reasonable, liked by moderate liberals due to his assistance in the revolution, intelligent and has a lot of control over the PSRT
Main Weaknesses: Mocked by anti-Ba'athists as "Tawnat's Napoleon", due to his short height, seen as an enemy by the more radical liberals who view him a a threat to democracy, resented by pro-Ba'athist radicals as a traitor, particularly for his involvement in the revolution, along with being seen as a cold, calculating opportunist.
Biography: Coming soon
Other Info:

I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: WCC/Emazia

Do not remove: 1337

Party Name: The People's Socialist Republican Party of Tawnat

Ideology Summary: Usually follow the old government line, but tend to swerve a bit more liberally on social issues due to the moving of the post-revolution Overton Window. Has two main factions, moderates and radicals. Radicals are strongly Ba'athists, often dogmatic to the point of self-destruction, making up 20-25% of the membership and one or two MPs. Moderates are the rest, who see the need for compromise, and are willing to follow liberal policy, both on economics and social issues, albeit still are loyal to the old brand. Mehmed Artonz is the current "leader" of the moderate wing and sits at the Chair of the National People's Committee, the governing body of the PSRT.

Party Biography:

Party Abbreviation: PSRT

Party Colors: White, red and black

Governing Position: Main opposition party

Other Info:

I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: WCC

Do not remove: 1337

[Kargintina the Third]

Communism will prevail

[Sarderia]

---

Character Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Sarderia
Character Name: Fawrouz Mansour Ghafezi
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 62
Character Height: 178 cm
Character Weight: 78 kg

Character Position/Role/Job: Minister of Energy and Natural Resources (2018-); Member of Al-Barlaman for Rimalawluiya (2018-); Chief Executive Officer for Shafira Capital (2015-2018)
Appearance: WIP
Character Country of Birth: Jordan
Character Country of Residence: Tawnat (1963-1980; 1991-present), Jordan (1958-1962; 1980), Saudi Arabia (1980-1984), Bahrain (1984-1990)
Character Governate of Residence: 224 Emir Hassan V St, Al Khaila, Rimalawluiya Governate
Character Party Affiliation: Qudus Movement
Character Religious Affiliation: Sunni Islam
Main Strengths: Populist (former activist and war veteran), Rich (owned a large amount of stocks in Tawnati oil and capital companies), Philantropist (donated to many Islamic charities, foundations, and non-profit organizations)
Main Weaknesses: Supported Israel once (bad publicity), Scandalous, Outspoken, Opportunist, Rash, denounced by green and enviromentalists

Biography: Fawrouz Mansour Ghafezi (real name Fawrouz al-Maktour) was born to Sulayman Salman al-Maktour, a Saudi businessman, and Leila Ghafezi, daughter of a Jordanian-Tawnati transport magnate in Amman, Jordan. Hailing from an upper-class family, Fawrouz spent his childhood up until five years old in Jordan, of which he never recalled. The family moved to Leila Ghafezi's home in Tawnat, in part due to Sulayman al-Maktour's desire to expand the al-Maktour business into Tawnat. Within two years, the Al-Maktour company in Tawnat became one of the nation''s primary construction and transport companies, serving the needs of various corporations in building oil drills and pipelines. Suleyman and his family estabilished themselves in the city of Al Khaila, in the Rimalawluiya Governate, a small town with a bustling economy - with a seaside view that made it perfect for upper class mansions.

Fawrouz was raised a devout Sunni Muslim, but his father Suleyman was rather secular and liberal. This put the family frequently at odds with the reigning new government of President al-Zaruq, though the connections betweeen Suleyman and the paramilitary officials were more than enough to divert the government's attention. During the al-Zaruq rule, the al-Maktour corporation boomed to become one of the largest conglomerates in Tawnat, with activities in real estate, construction, transport, and even oil rig stocks. However, the Libyan invasion of Tawnat in 1978 marked a downturn for the company. Several al-Maktour real estates were destroyed during the invasion, and the subsequent paranoid attitude of President al-Zaruq saw the nationalization of Tawnat's major companies. The Al-Maktour company had not been spared. Fawrouz, then a mere 21 years old, had been drafted into the Tawnati Ground Forces a year earlier, serving in the Artillery Corps against the Libyan invasion. Despite fighting against the Libyans, he saw merit in Gaddafi's cause - primarily, resistance against the United States, the Arab Nationalism, and Socialist ideologies. He resigned in 1980 despite having attained the rank of Sergeant, choosing to follow his family to settle in Jordan. Fawrouz applied to King Saud University in Saudi Arabia, graduating with an MBA title in 1985. During his time in Saudi Arabia, Fawrouz became familiar with the tenets of Wahhabism - though he was not indoctrinated, and never really adhered to Wahhabist principles.He started building connection with the Muslim Brotherhood. Fawrouz officially became a member of the Qudus Movement in 1986, while working as a manager in the Al Maktour Bahrain Construction company.

Fawrouz abandoned the Al-Maktour company in 1991, choosing to further his political activities in Tawnat instead. He emigrated to Tawnat later that year, after legally changed his name in Jordan to Fawrouz Mansour Ghafezi, taking both his mother's family name and his uncle's name to disassociate himself with the Al-Maktour family (which had fled Tawnat decades ago). Fawrouz set up a construction business, having an extensive experience with the business back in Bahrain. His company, Ghafezi Construction, often smuggled armaments and funds to rebel groups all across Tawnat. Government officials followed him, and in 1993 he was arrested for money laundering and allegedly having ties with dissent organizations. He was not directly involved in the Tawnati Civil War - neither was Ghafezi Construction - and maintained a good behaviour during his time in prison, which led him being released in 2000. After the 9/11 attacks and the rise of Al-Qaeda, Fawrouz became inspired to restart his political activism. He openly denounced the President the following years, and even goes as far as holding a small rally in 2003. He was arrested afterwards, and while being a recidivist, received a cut in prison time due to good behaviour in 2006. In the next year, the President died, which sparked an extensive political instability that culminated with the overthrow of Rafiq al-Zaruq in 2012. A series of protests in the capital following Rafiq al-Zaruq's ascension in 2010 resulted in the storming of several police compounds - Fawrouz eventually escaped alongside his Qudus Movement allies. He became a fugitive for nearly a year, when he was caught again by the police in 2011.

When Rafiq al-Zaruq was deposed, Fawrouz managed to gain himself a strong political support in the new government. He was three times imprisoned fighting the al-Zaruq government, in additon to being a political activist; that alone made him some sort of a public figure. However, Fawrouz did not use this newfound political support to force his way into office. Instead, he re-estabilished the Ghafezi Construction company, with massive investments from the Al-Maktour company in Jordan (which saw this as yet another opportunity to present themselves in the Tawnati market). Fawrouz procured favours from his allies and politicians - in the span of three years from 2013 to 2015, the Ghafezi Construction quickly became one of the largest companies in Tawnat, catering to foreign energy companies and government projects. In a joint venture with Saudi Aramco, Fawrouz founded Shafira Capital in 2015 - an investment company that manages energy and real estate assets in Tawnat.

Meanwhile, Shafira Capital was involved in a major money laundering scandal that brought down the former Governor of Rimalawluiya. Fawrouz barely escaped trial, though he was subject to public scrutiny - the effects are minimalized due to his popularity as a political activist during the al-Zaruq era, though. In 2017 Fawrouz stepped down from Shafira, delegating the management to his son Sultan instead. For the first time, Fawrouz entered politics, campaigning for an Albaraman seat for Rimalawluiya from the Qudus Movement. He managed to win a landslide in the 2018 election. The previous year, the Energy and Natural Resources minister was sacked for being complicit in a corruption case. Fawrouz, a suitable candidate from a Government supporting party, a former businessman, and quite popular in his constituency, was a suitable candidate. He was elected as the Minister in the Qaderi cabinet in February 2018. Fawrouz's tenure as minister saw a further liberalization of foreign investments; the Tawnatian government is accomodating to Middle East-based oil companies such as Saudi Aramco. He facilitated Petrochina's entry in the Tawnatian oil business in response to the Israeli attack on Gaza, and President Trump's decision to recognize Jerusalem as the capital of Israel. Fawrouz, which formery fervently opposed the Saudi-Russia agreement in managing the price of oil, increased Tawnat's oil production in 2018 instead, before cutting down significantly due to fear that Tawnati oil would face heavy competition from US shale, which are now very abundant due to the advancement in fracking technology. Fawrouz supported Saudi Arabia in the 2020 Saudi-Russian oil price war, and cut Tawnati oil prices to $5.95 per barrel. This move has been strongly denounced by Russia, due to Tawnat being a major oil supplier to Europe. Fawrouz is an ardent supporter of Saudi Arabia in the Middle East "cold war" against Iran; in an interview back in 2019, he denounced the Iranian government as being "a warmongering cabal" and referred to the Ayatollah as "Dictator". Strangely enough, Fawrouz's attitude towards Israel had warmed as of late; though Tawnat's purchase of several Israeli arms might be the cause, political analysts pointed to Israel's newfound offshore oil reserves might be a better explanation, as Fawrouz is keen to extend Tawnati investment all over the world.

Other Info: None

I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Sarderia

Do not remove: 1337

[Sanabel]

فيروز (Feyrooz) is a feminine name.

[Sanabel]

If Ghafezi is warm toward Israel he should not be in QM

[Azekopolaltion]

Wait so can someone give me a rundown of the major parties

Thinking of making a highish-ranking Liberal Secularist

[Jovuistan]

---

Character Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Sarderia
Character Name: Fawrouz Mansour Ghafezi
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 62
Character Height: 178 cm
Character Weight: 78 kg

Character Position/Role/Job: Minister of Energy and Natural Resources (2018-); Member of Al-Barlaman for Rimalawluiya (2018-); Chief Executive Officer for Shafira Capital (2015-2018)
Appearance: WIP
Character Country of Birth: Jordan
Character Country of Residence: Tawnat (1963-1980; 1991-present), Jordan (1958-1962; 1980), Saudi Arabia (1980-1984), Bahrain (1984-1990)
Character Governate of Residence: 224 Emir Hassan V St, Al Khaila, Rimalawluiya Governate
Character Party Affiliation: Qudus Movement
Character Religious Affiliation: Sunni Islam
Main Strengths: Populist (former activist and war veteran), Rich (owned a large amount of stocks in Tawnati oil and capital companies), Philantropist (donated to many Islamic charities, foundations, and non-profit organizations)
Main Weaknesses: Supported Israel once (bad publicity), Scandalous, Outspoken, Opportunist, Rash, denounced by green and enviromentalists

Biography: Fawrouz Mansour Ghafezi (real name Fawrouz al-Maktour) was born to Sulayman Salman al-Maktour, a Saudi businessman, and Leila Ghafezi, daughter of a Jordanian-Tawnati transport magnate in Amman, Jordan. Hailing from an upper-class family, Fawrouz spent his childhood up until five years old in Jordan, of which he never recalled. The family moved to Leila Ghafezi's home in Tawnat, in part due to Sulayman al-Maktour's desire to expand the al-Maktour business into Tawnat. Within two years, the Al-Maktour company in Tawnat became one of the nation''s primary construction and transport companies, serving the needs of various corporations in building oil drills and pipelines. Suleyman and his family estabilished themselves in the city of Al Khaila, in the Rimalawluiya Governate, a small town with a bustling economy - with a seaside view that made it perfect for upper class mansions.

Fawrouz was raised a devout Sunni Muslim, but his father Suleyman was rather secular and liberal. This put the family frequently at odds with the reigning new government of President al-Zaruq, though the connections betweeen Suleyman and the paramilitary officials were more than enough to divert the government's attention. During the al-Zaruq rule, the al-Maktour corporation boomed to become one of the largest conglomerates in Tawnat, with activities in real estate, construction, transport, and even oil rig stocks. However, the Libyan invasion of Tawnat in 1978 marked a downturn for the company. Several al-Maktour real estates were destroyed during the invasion, and the subsequent paranoid attitude of President al-Zaruq saw the nationalization of Tawnat's major companies. The Al-Maktour company had not been spared. Fawrouz, then a mere 21 years old, had been drafted into the Tawnati Ground Forces a year earlier, serving in the Artillery Corps against the Libyan invasion. Despite fighting against the Libyans, he saw merit in Gaddafi's cause - primarily, resistance against the United States, the Arab Nationalism, and Socialist ideologies. He resigned in 1980 despite having attained the rank of Sergeant, choosing to follow his family to settle in Jordan. Fawrouz applied to King Saud University in Saudi Arabia, graduating with an MBA title in 1985. During his time in Saudi Arabia, Fawrouz became familiar with the tenets of Wahhabism - though he was not indoctrinated, and never really adhered to Wahhabist principles.He started building connection with the Muslim Brotherhood. Fawrouz officially became a member of the Qudus Movement in 1986, while working as a manager in the Al Maktour Bahrain Construction company.

Fawrouz abandoned the Al-Maktour company in 1991, choosing to further his political activities in Tawnat instead. He emigrated to Tawnat later that year, after legally changed his name in Jordan to Fawrouz Mansour Ghafezi, taking both his mother's family name and his uncle's name to disassociate himself with the Al-Maktour family (which had fled Tawnat decades ago). Fawrouz set up a construction business, having an extensive experience with the business back in Bahrain. His company, Ghafezi Construction, often smuggled armaments and funds to rebel groups all across Tawnat. Government officials followed him, and in 1993 he was arrested for money laundering and allegedly having ties with dissent organizations. He was not directly involved in the Tawnati Civil War - neither was Ghafezi Construction - and maintained a good behaviour during his time in prison, which led him being released in 2000. After the 9/11 attacks and the rise of Al-Qaeda, Fawrouz became inspired to restart his political activism. He openly denounced the President the following years, and even goes as far as holding a small rally in 2003. He was arrested afterwards, and while being a recidivist, received a cut in prison time due to good behaviour in 2006. In the next year, the President died, which sparked an extensive political instability that culminated with the overthrow of Rafiq al-Zaruq in 2012. A series of protests in the capital following Rafiq al-Zaruq's ascension in 2010 resulted in the storming of several police compounds - Fawrouz eventually escaped alongside his Qudus Movement allies. He became a fugitive for nearly a year, when he was caught again by the police in 2011.

When Rafiq al-Zaruq was deposed, Fawrouz managed to gain himself a strong political support in the new government. He was three times imprisoned fighting the al-Zaruq government, in additon to being a political activist; that alone made him some sort of a public figure. However, Fawrouz did not use this newfound political support to force his way into office. Instead, he re-estabilished the Ghafezi Construction company, with massive investments from the Al-Maktour company in Jordan (which saw this as yet another opportunity to present themselves in the Tawnati market). Fawrouz procured favours from his allies and politicians - in the span of three years from 2013 to 2015, the Ghafezi Construction quickly became one of the largest companies in Tawnat, catering to foreign energy companies and government projects. In a joint venture with Saudi Aramco, Fawrouz founded Shafira Capital in 2015 - an investment company that manages energy and real estate assets in Tawnat.

Meanwhile, Shafira Capital was involved in a major money laundering scandal that brought down the former Governor of Rimalawluiya. Fawrouz barely escaped trial, though he was subject to public scrutiny - the effects are minimalized due to his popularity as a political activist during the al-Zaruq era, though. In 2017 Fawrouz stepped down from Shafira, delegating the management to his son Sultan instead. For the first time, Fawrouz entered politics, campaigning for an Albaraman seat for Rimalawluiya from the Qudus Movement. He managed to win a landslide in the 2018 election. The previous year, the Energy and Natural Resources minister was sacked for being complicit in a corruption case. Fawrouz, a suitable candidate from a Government supporting party, a former businessman, and quite popular in his constituency, was a suitable candidate. He was elected as the Minister in the Qaderi cabinet in February 2018. Fawrouz's tenure as minister saw a further liberalization of foreign investments; the Tawnatian government is accomodating to Middle East-based oil companies such as Saudi Aramco. He facilitated Petrochina's entry in the Tawnatian oil business in response to the Israeli attack on Gaza, and President Trump's decision to recognize Jerusalem as the capital of Israel. Fawrouz, which formery fervently opposed the Saudi-Russia agreement in managing the price of oil, increased Tawnat's oil production in 2018 instead, before cutting down significantly due to fear that Tawnati oil would face heavy competition from US shale, which are now very abundant due to the advancement in fracking technology. Fawrouz supported Saudi Arabia in the 2020 Saudi-Russian oil price war, and cut Tawnati oil prices to $5.95 per barrel. This move has been strongly denounced by Russia, due to Tawnat being a major oil supplier to Europe. Fawrouz is an ardent supporter of Saudi Arabia in the Middle East "cold war" against Iran; in an interview back in 2019, he denounced the Iranian government as being "a warmongering cabal" and referred to the Ayatollah as "Dictator". Strangely enough, Fawrouz's attitude towards Israel had warmed as of late; though Tawnat's purchase of several Israeli arms might be the cause, political analysts pointed to Israel's newfound offshore oil reserves might be a better explanation, as Fawrouz is keen to extend Tawnati investment all over the world.

Other Info: None

I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Sarderia

Do not remove: 1337

As San pointed out, being warm towards Israel isn't very compatible with the Qudus Movement. Also, the 2020 Saudi-Russian oil price war hasn't happened yet IC. His new company being implicated in a major scandal only for him to replace someone implicated in a major scandal is also a bit odd. Change/clarify those things and get his appearance up (and change his first name) and I think he'll probably be good to go.

[Jovuistan]

Wait so can someone give me a rundown of the major parties

Thinking of making a highish-ranking Liberal Secularist

Players get to create the parties. If you want a Liberal Secularist, I recommend putting them in the National Civil Alliance that's already been created by Xath.

[Azekopolaltion]

Wait so can someone give me a rundown of the major parties

Thinking of making a highish-ranking Liberal Secularist

Players get to create the parties. If you want a Liberal Secularist, I recommend putting them in the National Civil Alliance that's already been created by Xath.

Ok cool, I'll do that then. Would it make sense for him to be Minister of the Economy and Finance?

[Jovuistan]

Players get to create the parties. If you want a Liberal Secularist, I recommend putting them in the National Civil Alliance that's already been created by Xath.

Ok cool, I'll do that then. Would it make sense for him to be Minister of the Economy and Finance?

Sure.

[Azekopolaltion]

---

Character Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Azek
Character Name: Latif Faisal
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 43
Character Height: 5' 7"
Character Weight: 148 lbs.
Character Position/Role/Job: Minister for the Economy and Finance (2018-), Member of the Albarlaman from Haferdaz (2014-), Chief Economic Adviser to the Transitional Council of State (2012-2014), Professor of Economics at the University of Haferdaz (2003-2010, 2012-2014)
Appearance:

Character Country of Birth: Tawnat
Character Country of Residence: Tawnat
Character Governate of Residence: Haferdaz
Character Party Affiliation: National Civil Alliance
Character Religious Affiliation: Shi'a Muslim
Main Strengths: Intelligent, moderate, pleasant, good orator, political outsider
Main Weaknesses: Elitist, silver-spoon background, seen as inexperienced, French blood and Shi'a faith hamstring him
Biography:

Latif Faisal was born in 1977 to a family of wealthy merchants on his father's side, his dad having inherited a large textile business based in Al-Salibyn from his family of Iranian origin. Latif's mother was the daughter of another wealthy businessman of French origin, who had emigrated to Tawnat in 1943. Despite being born in Haferdaz, Latif's mother was raised as French and sent to one of the few private French international schools in Tawnat.

As such he grew up in a very privileged household, and was only offered the best of his nation. Latif attended one of the best schools in Al-Salibyn, and was recognized by his teachers as one of the brightest students in his class. At home he lived a highly modern lifestyle, influenced by the West; although his father did practice Islam and was a Shi'a Muslim, he was a progressive man and not a fundamentalist by any means. Latif was raised loosely in his Shi'a faith, and grew up speaking French, English, and knowing Arabic. His father's liberal views seeped into Latif; both of his parents were privately pro-democracy and despised the al-Zaruq government. This hatred was only intensified when Latif's father's business was nationalized by the government, his factories taken away from him to fill the government coffers.

After having the business taken off their hands in 1989, the family moved to France, since they did not feel safe in Tawnat; many of Latif's father's friends and allies who worked as ministers or in foreign corporations were either taken into custody by al-Zaruq or killed by the secret police, and the Faisals did not want the same fate for themselves. Latif finished his education in Lyon, graduating in 1995. Despite the fact that he lived abroad, Latif did not lose his patriotism for Tawnat, and he promised he would return after completing his education.

He studied in the Paris Sorbonne University from 1995 to 1999, getting his BA in Economics. He was a hard worker in Paris, graduating at the top of his class and being known at university for his activeness in student politics. He was then admitted to Oxford University as a Rhodes Scholar, and got his MSc in Development Economics.

Upon graduating in 2001 he got a job with the UN in the Food and Agriculture Organization in Rome, and worked with them for two years before he found an opportunity to return to Tawnat. Having focused on the developing world and poverty in his studies, Latif felt incredibly guilty that he could do nothing for the poor in his own nation. When an adjunct position opened up at the Economics Department in the University of Haferdaz, Latif immediately applied and got the job; his background made him one of the most qualified professors at the university, even though he was amongst the youngest.

It was only a matter of time before he ascended to the position of Assistant Professor, and then in 2006 to Professor of Economics at the University of Haferdaz. This quick ascent was partly driven by his brilliant lecturing skills, but also by the fact that in those years he had published several papers on liberalizing and diversifying the Tawnat economy; his publications were received wide acclaim internationally in the academic world, and he was even invited to speak at the World Bank and his old employer, the UN.

However, his work was not admired by the authoritarian al-Zaruq government, who saw them as an attack on the state's policies. Professor Faisal was harassed by government goons and the university instructed him to keep from publishing anything that directly criticized government policy. He obeyed their instructions, sticking to generalities in his subsequent publications, but in 2009 upon observing the instability of the incumbent government he became a bit more bold.

Faisal started publishing non-academic articles in foreign newspapers like the Guardian that called for democracy and freedom of speech in Tawnat, and he became one of the leaders in the nation's academic world for a liberal revolution in his country. His status as a liberal thinker made him popular in the West, but obviously not at home with the government. He was jailed in 2010 after the publication of his pro-democracy articles in the Guardian and the Independent. Lucky for Professor Faisal, the dictator died in 2010, soon followed by the Arab Spring Revolution - so his chances of being released looked good.

Following his release in 2012, his work shifted to focusing on how to manage Tawnat's debt crisis, given the unpopularity of the austerity measures taken by the government but also the seriousness of the problem. This work in 2012 caught the attention of several activists and officials that were in the Transitional Council of State, and he was invited to be their Chief Economic Adviser; despite the fact that the role wasn't as consequential as that of those who were figuring out the state constitution and political system, it was one that he accepted.

Following the dissolution of the Council and the first elections, Faisal was elected as one of the members of the Albarlaman from Haferdaz; running as a member of the newly formed National Civil Alliance on his credentials as a liberal economic reformer and anti-poverty academic, it was fairly easy for him to prevail in the highly-educated capital city. His religion and French background were a bit of a liability, but running on secularism wasn't a bad move in Haferdaz.

Faisal was disappointed that his party leaders chose to join a coalition with the Islamists in the Qudus Movement, which Faisal was extremely distrustful of and highly against, but he remained silent about these concerns. He was not chosen as a cabinet minister due to party criticism of his youth. A more elderly official in the Qudus Movement with a background in banking and economics was selected as Minister for the Economy and Finance, despite the fact that Faisal's work was more well known and groundbreaking.

While in Parliament, Faisal was a champion of several anti-poverty measures among other economic positions; his main one was the establishment of a sovereign wealth fund similar to Norway's and Iran's to store oil revenues and pay out a basic income to the poor in the nation. This idea became popular with the Youth Wing of the NCA, along with his constituents. When the Minister for the Economy died in 2017, following the elections, the coalition took a chance on the soft-spoken Faisal and he was appointed the new Minister for the Economy and Finance.

He has been a steady hand in this office, often discouraging talk of bending to the will of the socialist and nationalist radicals in the opposition, and a few of his ideas have been adopted. He has spearheaded efforts to re-industrialize and diversify the Tawnat economy, although his hopes for a sovereign wealth fund have not yet materialized.

Other Info: Latif is unmarried.

I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Azek

[Jovuistan]

---

Character Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Azek
Character Name: Latif Faisal
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 43
Character Height: 5' 7"
Character Weight: 148 lbs.
Character Position/Role/Job: Minister for the Economy and Finance (2018-), Member of the Albarlaman from Haferdaz (2014-), Chief Economic Adviser to the Transitional Council of State (2012-2014), Professor of Economics at the University of Haferdaz (2003-2014)
Appearance:
(Image)
Character Country of Birth: Tawnat
Character Country of Residence: Tawnat
Character Governate of Residence: Haferdaz
Character Party Affiliation: National Civil Alliance
Character Religious Affiliation: Shi'a Muslim
Main Strengths: Intelligent, moderate, pleasant, good orator, political outsider
Main Weaknesses: Elitist, silver-spoon background, seen as inexperienced, French blood and Shi'a faith hamstring him
Biography:

Latif Faisal was born in 1977 to a family of wealthy merchants on his father's side, his dad having inherited a large textile business based in Al-Salibyn from his family of Iranian origin. Latif's mother was the daughter of another wealthy businessman of French origin, who had emigrated to Tawnat in 1943. Despite being born in Haferdaz, Latif's mother was raised as French and sent to one of the few private French international schools in Tawnat.

As such he grew up in a very privileged household, and was only offered the best of his nation. Latif attended one of the best schools in Al-Salibyn, and was recognized by his teachers as one of the brightest students in his class. At home he lived a highly modern lifestyle, influenced by the West; although his father did practice Islam and was a Shi'a Muslim, he was a progressive man and not a fundamentalist by any means. Latif was raised loosely in his Shi'a faith, and grew up speaking French, English, and knowing Arabic. His father's liberal views seeped into Latif; both of his parents were privately pro-democracy and despised the al-Zaruq government. This hatred was only intensified when Latif's father's business was nationalized by the government, his factories taken away from him to fill the government coffers.

After having the business taken off their hands in 1989, the family moved to France, since they did not feel safe in Tawnat; many of Latif's father's friends and allies who worked as ministers or in foreign corporations were either taken into custody by al-Zaruq or killed by the secret police, and the Faisals did not want the same fate for themselves. Latif finished his education in Lyon, graduating in 1995. Despite the fact that he lived abroad, Latif did not lose his patriotism for Tawnat, and he promised he would return after completing his education.

He studied in the Paris Sorbonne University from 1995 to 1999, getting his BA in Economics. He was a hard worker in Paris, graduating at the top of his class and being known at university for his activeness in student politics. He was then admitted to Oxford University as a Rhodes Scholar, and got his MSc in Development Economics.

Upon graduating in 2001 he got a job with the UN in the Food and Agriculture Organization in Rome, and worked with them for two years before he found an opportunity to return to Tawnat. Having focused on the developing world and poverty in his studies, Latif felt incredibly guilty that he could do nothing for the poor in his own nation. When an adjunct position opened up at the Economics Department in the University of Haferdaz, Latif immediately applied and got the job; his background made him one of the most qualified professors at the university, even though he was amongst the youngest.

It was only a matter of time before he ascended to the position of Assistant Professor, and then in 2006 to Professor of Economics at the University of Haferdaz. This quick ascent was partly driven by his brilliant lecturing skills, but also by the fact that in those years he had published several papers on liberalizing and diversifying the Tawnat economy; his publications were received wide acclaim internationally in the academic world, and he was even invited to speak at the World Bank and his old employer, the UN.

However, his work was not admired by the authoritarian al-Zaruq government, who saw them as an attack on the state's policies. Professor Faisal was harassed by government goons and the university instructed him to keep from publishing anything that directly criticized government policy. He obeyed their instructions, sticking to generalities in his subsequent publications, but in 2009 upon observing the instability of the incumbent government he became a bit more bold.

Faisal started publishing non-academic articles in foreign newspapers like the Guardian that called for democracy and freedom of speech in Tawnat, and he became one of the leaders in the nation's academic world for a liberal revolution in his country. His status as a liberal thinker made him popular in the West, but obviously not at home with the government. Lucky for Professor Faisal, the dictator died in 2010, soon followed by the Arab Spring Revolution.

His work shifted in 2011/12 to focus on how to manage Tawnat's debt crisis, given the unpopularity of the austerity measures taken by the government but also the seriousness of the problem. This work in 2012 caught the attention of several activists and officials that were in the Transitional Council of State, and he was invited to be their Chief Economic Adviser; despite the fact that the role wasn't as consequential as that of those who were figuring out the state constitution and political system, it was one that he accepted.

Following the dissolution of the Council and the first elections, Faisal was elected as one of the members of the Albarlaman from Haferdaz; running as a member of the newly formed National Civil Alliance on his credentials as a liberal economic reformer and anti-poverty academic, it was fairly easy for him to prevail in the highly-educated capital city. His religion and French background were a bit of a liability, but running on secularism wasn't a bad move in Haferdaz.

Faisal was disappointed that his party leaders chose to join a coalition with the Islamists in the Qudus Movement, which Faisal was extremely distrustful of and highly against, but he remained silent about these concerns. He was not chosen as a cabinet minister due to party criticism of his youth. A more elderly official in the Qudus Movement with a background in banking and economics was selected as Minister for the Economy and Finance, despite the fact that Faisal's work was more well known and groundbreaking.

While in Parliament, Faisal was a champion of several anti-poverty measures among other economic positions; his main one was the establishment of a sovereign wealth fund similar to Norway's and Iran's to store oil revenues and pay out a basic income to the poor in the nation. This idea became popular with the Youth Wing of the NCA, along with his constituents. When the Minister for the Economy died in 2017, following the elections, the coalition took a chance on the soft-spoken Faisal and he was appointed the new Minister for the Economy and Finance.

He has been a steady hand in this office, often discouraging talk of bending to the will of the socialist and nationalist radicals in the opposition, and a few of his ideas have been adopted. He has spearheaded efforts to re-industrialize and diversify the Tawnat economy, although his hopes for a sovereign wealth fund have not yet materialized.

Other Info: Latif is unmarried.

I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Azek

He likely would've been arrested by the Al-Zaruq government in 2010 for his articles, being released in 2012 following the overthrow of the regime. Seems good other than that. Add that into the bio and I'll accept.

[Azekopolaltion]

---

Character Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Azek
Character Name: Latif Faisal
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 43
Character Height: 5' 7"
Character Weight: 148 lbs.
Character Position/Role/Job: Minister for the Economy and Finance (2018-), Member of the Albarlaman from Haferdaz (2014-), Chief Economic Adviser to the Transitional Council of State (2012-2014), Professor of Economics at the University of Haferdaz (2003-2014)
Appearance:
(Image)
Character Country of Birth: Tawnat
Character Country of Residence: Tawnat
Character Governate of Residence: Haferdaz
Character Party Affiliation: National Civil Alliance
Character Religious Affiliation: Shi'a Muslim
Main Strengths: Intelligent, moderate, pleasant, good orator, political outsider
Main Weaknesses: Elitist, silver-spoon background, seen as inexperienced, French blood and Shi'a faith hamstring him
Biography:

Latif Faisal was born in 1977 to a family of wealthy merchants on his father's side, his dad having inherited a large textile business based in Al-Salibyn from his family of Iranian origin. Latif's mother was the daughter of another wealthy businessman of French origin, who had emigrated to Tawnat in 1943. Despite being born in Haferdaz, Latif's mother was raised as French and sent to one of the few private French international schools in Tawnat.

As such he grew up in a very privileged household, and was only offered the best of his nation. Latif attended one of the best schools in Al-Salibyn, and was recognized by his teachers as one of the brightest students in his class. At home he lived a highly modern lifestyle, influenced by the West; although his father did practice Islam and was a Shi'a Muslim, he was a progressive man and not a fundamentalist by any means. Latif was raised loosely in his Shi'a faith, and grew up speaking French, English, and knowing Arabic. His father's liberal views seeped into Latif; both of his parents were privately pro-democracy and despised the al-Zaruq government. This hatred was only intensified when Latif's father's business was nationalized by the government, his factories taken away from him to fill the government coffers.

After having the business taken off their hands in 1989, the family moved to France, since they did not feel safe in Tawnat; many of Latif's father's friends and allies who worked as ministers or in foreign corporations were either taken into custody by al-Zaruq or killed by the secret police, and the Faisals did not want the same fate for themselves. Latif finished his education in Lyon, graduating in 1995. Despite the fact that he lived abroad, Latif did not lose his patriotism for Tawnat, and he promised he would return after completing his education.

He studied in the Paris Sorbonne University from 1995 to 1999, getting his BA in Economics. He was a hard worker in Paris, graduating at the top of his class and being known at university for his activeness in student politics. He was then admitted to Oxford University as a Rhodes Scholar, and got his MSc in Development Economics.

Upon graduating in 2001 he got a job with the UN in the Food and Agriculture Organization in Rome, and worked with them for two years before he found an opportunity to return to Tawnat. Having focused on the developing world and poverty in his studies, Latif felt incredibly guilty that he could do nothing for the poor in his own nation. When an adjunct position opened up at the Economics Department in the University of Haferdaz, Latif immediately applied and got the job; his background made him one of the most qualified professors at the university, even though he was amongst the youngest.

It was only a matter of time before he ascended to the position of Assistant Professor, and then in 2006 to Professor of Economics at the University of Haferdaz. This quick ascent was partly driven by his brilliant lecturing skills, but also by the fact that in those years he had published several papers on liberalizing and diversifying the Tawnat economy; his publications were received wide acclaim internationally in the academic world, and he was even invited to speak at the World Bank and his old employer, the UN.

However, his work was not admired by the authoritarian al-Zaruq government, who saw them as an attack on the state's policies. Professor Faisal was harassed by government goons and the university instructed him to keep from publishing anything that directly criticized government policy. He obeyed their instructions, sticking to generalities in his subsequent publications, but in 2009 upon observing the instability of the incumbent government he became a bit more bold.

Faisal started publishing non-academic articles in foreign newspapers like the Guardian that called for democracy and freedom of speech in Tawnat, and he became one of the leaders in the nation's academic world for a liberal revolution in his country. His status as a liberal thinker made him popular in the West, but obviously not at home with the government. He was jailed in 2010 after the publication of his pro-democracy articles in the Guardian and the Independent. Lucky for Professor Faisal, the dictator died in 2010, soon followed by the Arab Spring Revolution - so his chances of being released looked good.

Following his release in 2012, his work shifted to focusing on how to manage Tawnat's debt crisis, given the unpopularity of the austerity measures taken by the government but also the seriousness of the problem. This work in 2012 caught the attention of several activists and officials that were in the Transitional Council of State, and he was invited to be their Chief Economic Adviser; despite the fact that the role wasn't as consequential as that of those who were figuring out the state constitution and political system, it was one that he accepted.

Following the dissolution of the Council and the first elections, Faisal was elected as one of the members of the Albarlaman from Haferdaz; running as a member of the newly formed National Civil Alliance on his credentials as a liberal economic reformer and anti-poverty academic, it was fairly easy for him to prevail in the highly-educated capital city. His religion and French background were a bit of a liability, but running on secularism wasn't a bad move in Haferdaz.

Faisal was disappointed that his party leaders chose to join a coalition with the Islamists in the Qudus Movement, which Faisal was extremely distrustful of and highly against, but he remained silent about these concerns. He was not chosen as a cabinet minister due to party criticism of his youth. A more elderly official in the Qudus Movement with a background in banking and economics was selected as Minister for the Economy and Finance, despite the fact that Faisal's work was more well known and groundbreaking.

While in Parliament, Faisal was a champion of several anti-poverty measures among other economic positions; his main one was the establishment of a sovereign wealth fund similar to Norway's and Iran's to store oil revenues and pay out a basic income to the poor in the nation. This idea became popular with the Youth Wing of the NCA, along with his constituents. When the Minister for the Economy died in 2017, following the elections, the coalition took a chance on the soft-spoken Faisal and he was appointed the new Minister for the Economy and Finance.

He has been a steady hand in this office, often discouraging talk of bending to the will of the socialist and nationalist radicals in the opposition, and a few of his ideas have been adopted. He has spearheaded efforts to re-industrialize and diversify the Tawnat economy, although his hopes for a sovereign wealth fund have not yet materialized.

Other Info: Latif is unmarried.

I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Azek

Ok, added.

[Agarntrop]

inb4 5 nations all created recently create chars that join azek's party

[Jovuistan]

---

Character Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Azek
Character Name: Latif Faisal
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 43
Character Height: 5' 7"
Character Weight: 148 lbs.
Character Position/Role/Job: Minister for the Economy and Finance (2018-), Member of the Albarlaman from Haferdaz (2014-), Chief Economic Adviser to the Transitional Council of State (2012-2014), Professor of Economics at the University of Haferdaz (2003-2014)
Appearance:
(Image)
Character Country of Birth: Tawnat
Character Country of Residence: Tawnat
Character Governate of Residence: Haferdaz
Character Party Affiliation: National Civil Alliance
Character Religious Affiliation: Shi'a Muslim
Main Strengths: Intelligent, moderate, pleasant, good orator, political outsider
Main Weaknesses: Elitist, silver-spoon background, seen as inexperienced, French blood and Shi'a faith hamstring him
Biography:

Latif Faisal was born in 1977 to a family of wealthy merchants on his father's side, his dad having inherited a large textile business based in Al-Salibyn from his family of Iranian origin. Latif's mother was the daughter of another wealthy businessman of French origin, who had emigrated to Tawnat in 1943. Despite being born in Haferdaz, Latif's mother was raised as French and sent to one of the few private French international schools in Tawnat.

As such he grew up in a very privileged household, and was only offered the best of his nation. Latif attended one of the best schools in Al-Salibyn, and was recognized by his teachers as one of the brightest students in his class. At home he lived a highly modern lifestyle, influenced by the West; although his father did practice Islam and was a Shi'a Muslim, he was a progressive man and not a fundamentalist by any means. Latif was raised loosely in his Shi'a faith, and grew up speaking French, English, and knowing Arabic. His father's liberal views seeped into Latif; both of his parents were privately pro-democracy and despised the al-Zaruq government. This hatred was only intensified when Latif's father's business was nationalized by the government, his factories taken away from him to fill the government coffers.

After having the business taken off their hands in 1989, the family moved to France, since they did not feel safe in Tawnat; many of Latif's father's friends and allies who worked as ministers or in foreign corporations were either taken into custody by al-Zaruq or killed by the secret police, and the Faisals did not want the same fate for themselves. Latif finished his education in Lyon, graduating in 1995. Despite the fact that he lived abroad, Latif did not lose his patriotism for Tawnat, and he promised he would return after completing his education.

He studied in the Paris Sorbonne University from 1995 to 1999, getting his BA in Economics. He was a hard worker in Paris, graduating at the top of his class and being known at university for his activeness in student politics. He was then admitted to Oxford University as a Rhodes Scholar, and got his MSc in Development Economics.

Upon graduating in 2001 he got a job with the UN in the Food and Agriculture Organization in Rome, and worked with them for two years before he found an opportunity to return to Tawnat. Having focused on the developing world and poverty in his studies, Latif felt incredibly guilty that he could do nothing for the poor in his own nation. When an adjunct position opened up at the Economics Department in the University of Haferdaz, Latif immediately applied and got the job; his background made him one of the most qualified professors at the university, even though he was amongst the youngest.

It was only a matter of time before he ascended to the position of Assistant Professor, and then in 2006 to Professor of Economics at the University of Haferdaz. This quick ascent was partly driven by his brilliant lecturing skills, but also by the fact that in those years he had published several papers on liberalizing and diversifying the Tawnat economy; his publications were received wide acclaim internationally in the academic world, and he was even invited to speak at the World Bank and his old employer, the UN.

However, his work was not admired by the authoritarian al-Zaruq government, who saw them as an attack on the state's policies. Professor Faisal was harassed by government goons and the university instructed him to keep from publishing anything that directly criticized government policy. He obeyed their instructions, sticking to generalities in his subsequent publications, but in 2009 upon observing the instability of the incumbent government he became a bit more bold.

Faisal started publishing non-academic articles in foreign newspapers like the Guardian that called for democracy and freedom of speech in Tawnat, and he became one of the leaders in the nation's academic world for a liberal revolution in his country. His status as a liberal thinker made him popular in the West, but obviously not at home with the government. He was jailed in 2010 after the publication of his pro-democracy articles in the Guardian and the Independent. Lucky for Professor Faisal, the dictator died in 2010, soon followed by the Arab Spring Revolution - so his chances of being released looked good.

Following his release in 2012, his work shifted to focusing on how to manage Tawnat's debt crisis, given the unpopularity of the austerity measures taken by the government but also the seriousness of the problem. This work in 2012 caught the attention of several activists and officials that were in the Transitional Council of State, and he was invited to be their Chief Economic Adviser; despite the fact that the role wasn't as consequential as that of those who were figuring out the state constitution and political system, it was one that he accepted.

Following the dissolution of the Council and the first elections, Faisal was elected as one of the members of the Albarlaman from Haferdaz; running as a member of the newly formed National Civil Alliance on his credentials as a liberal economic reformer and anti-poverty academic, it was fairly easy for him to prevail in the highly-educated capital city. His religion and French background were a bit of a liability, but running on secularism wasn't a bad move in Haferdaz.

Faisal was disappointed that his party leaders chose to join a coalition with the Islamists in the Qudus Movement, which Faisal was extremely distrustful of and highly against, but he remained silent about these concerns. He was not chosen as a cabinet minister due to party criticism of his youth. A more elderly official in the Qudus Movement with a background in banking and economics was selected as Minister for the Economy and Finance, despite the fact that Faisal's work was more well known and groundbreaking.

While in Parliament, Faisal was a champion of several anti-poverty measures among other economic positions; his main one was the establishment of a sovereign wealth fund similar to Norway's and Iran's to store oil revenues and pay out a basic income to the poor in the nation. This idea became popular with the Youth Wing of the NCA, along with his constituents. When the Minister for the Economy died in 2017, following the elections, the coalition took a chance on the soft-spoken Faisal and he was appointed the new Minister for the Economy and Finance.

He has been a steady hand in this office, often discouraging talk of bending to the will of the socialist and nationalist radicals in the opposition, and a few of his ideas have been adopted. He has spearheaded efforts to re-industrialize and diversify the Tawnat economy, although his hopes for a sovereign wealth fund have not yet materialized.

Other Info: Latif is unmarried.

I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Azek

Ok, added.

Latif is accepted!

[Kargintina the Third]

---

Character Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Kargy
Character Name: Celadet Dokmud
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 59
Character Height: 6’0”
Character Weight:187
Character Position/Role/Job: Member of the Albarlaman for Al-Salibiyyn (2014-present) Labour activist (1986-2014) Rebel soldier (1995-1996)
Appearance:
Character Country of Birth: Tawnat
Character Country of Residence: Tawnat
Character Governate of Residence: Al-Salibiyyn
Character Party Affiliation: TPVP
Character Religious Affiliation: Publicly claims Sunni Islam but really an atheist
Main Strengths: Strong support in home region, seen as hero of the working class, very charismatic and well spoken,
Main Weaknesses: Hated by conservatives and islamists, sees people as tools to get him elected, doesn’t actually care for the average citizen, power hungry, secret atheism would doom him if found out, never received real university education
Biography: Born in 1970 in Al-Salibiyyn. His parents were originally oil workers but lost their jobs during the late 1970s. Celebet always had his sights in high places. He originally planned to move to the USA but the oil crisis in the late 70s left his family destitute and suffering. He moved to Haferdaz to work in a factory during his teen years where he became hateful and resentful of big business and capitalism. Celebet finished (Tawnat’s equilavent to High School) but never received a University education. He joined labor movements and helped organize several worker’s strikes during the 1980s. He lamented the loss of the USSR and the fall of socialism. He was outraged by Saudi Arabia’s allowance of American troops to occupy their nation during the Persian Gulf War, which caused him to start losing faith in Islam.

In 1995 he felt himself called to duty during the civil war, enlisting himself in the rebel army. He didn’t care that he had to fight alongside Islamists or Liberals so long as he resisted the Al-Zaruq regime. He was placed behind the lines as a truck driver but he did see combat once when his convoy came under fire by government forces. He survived the battle, but saw several of his comrades horribly mangled and maimed. At this point his religious faith was lost almost entirely.

After the war and the failure of the revolt he went back to his home in Al-Salibiyyn, keeping a low profile to avoid arrest by the secret police. He stayed with his childhood family until 2000 when he met his wife. Him and his wife lived in Haferdaz and were part of several underground government groups. These groups mainly focused on organizing civil resistance in a nonviolent manner, however they preceded to keep their resistance small and sporadic to avoid arrest by Al-Zaruq’s police. He grew to great prominence in the underground movement, something that would help him later when running for the Albarlaman.

After the 2012 revolution Dokmud traveled back home to prepare for the 2014 elections. It was at this time that he became an official member for the Tawnati People’s Vanguard Party, the country’s largest Marxist party. He was elected to the Albarlaman but his party was unable to break into the mainstream vote as most voters wanted a return to calm after the past few tumultuous years as opposed to total change as the TPVP advocated.

His policies are more traditional Marxist-Leninist, in that he wants a Socialist Vanguard Party to defend the dictatorship of the proletariat and the transition to an eventual Communist State. He generally supports secular social policies, however he will mention Islam and use it as a justification for transferring to Socialism, despite his closet atheism. He is extremely influential in the TPVP, being one of its longest sitting members due to his rise in the Communist underground.

He now plans to run for President in the 2020 Presidential Election and finally bring the revolution to Tawnat.
Other Info: Owns a Lebel 1882 rifle he got during the Civil War and has two children.

I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Karg

Do not remove: 1337

[Kazarogkai]

Looks interesting. Thinking of maybe doing a former Leftist Rebel from the inner hinterlands who fought against the former Dictator. They signed a ceasefire(explains why they aren't fighting at the moment) with the ex dictator maybe a year before the Arab spring but upon the commencing of said event were partially involved. Upon the creation of a new government they promptly negotiated a peace deal which granted amnesty to their active members and the right for them to be incorporated as a legitimate political party in exchange for agreeing to put down their weapons and demobilize. At the moment they would have a minor presence in Parliament representing a region they used to control, probably a piece of the north island advocating for local autonomy and the creation of a more federal constitutional order.

Wondering if that would be something that would work in line with what you are going for here.

[Kargintina the Third]

Looks interesting. Thinking of maybe doing a former Leftist Rebel from the inner hinterlands who fought against the former Dictator. They signed a ceasefire(explains why they aren't fighting at the moment) with the ex dictator maybe a year before the Arab spring but upon the commencing of said event were partially involved. Upon the creation of a new government they promptly negotiated a peace deal which granted amnesty to their active members and the right for them to be incorporated as a legitimate political party in exchange for agreeing to put down their weapons and demobilize. At the moment they would have a minor presence in Parliament representing a region they used to control, probably a piece of the north island advocating for local autonomy and the creation of a more federal constitutional order.

Wondering if that would be something that would work in line with what you are going for here.

Pretty sure Socialists would just be in my party

[Gordano and Lysandus]

Now written.

---

Character Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Gordano and Lysandus
Character Name: His Highness Sheikh Hassan bin Ibrahim al-Fathi
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 63
Character Height: 5'10"
Character Weight: 164lbs
Character Position/Role/Job: Crown Prince of Tawnat [titular, unrecognized] (2005-), Transitional Head of State (2012-2017), Businessman (1975-2011).
Appearance:

Character Country of Birth: Tawnat
Character Country of Residence: Tawnat (1957-1967, 2012-), Greece (1967-2012)
Character Governate of Residence: Haferdaz
Character Party Affiliation: Independent
Character Religious Affiliation: Sunni Muslim
Main Strengths: Enjoys some support from conservative monarchists, respected for role in the transition to democracy, well-connected, wealthy.
Main Weaknesses: Seen as anachronistic by liberals and socialists, seen as partly disconnected from his native land due to his long exile, slightly snobbish, alienated some Islamists with his support for President Qaderi.

Biography: Born ten years before the 1967 coup to Sheikh Ibrahim, the Crown Prince of Tawnat, Hassan enjoyed a childhood in expectation of rising to the throne. Well-educated by tutors in this time, he lived a somewhat cloistered existence in the Haferdaz Palace, surrounded only by members of the Emir's household and staff, occasionally being seen in public with his father and grandfather (Emir Hassan V). This tranquil childhood was disrupted by the Coup of 1967. In the run-up to the coup, his father and siblings had been moved to a naval vessel under the command of a royal loyalist, and soon, they fled the country when it became apparent that Commandant al-Zaruq was intent on seizing the country. The vessel surrendered itself to the Greek authorities, and what was left of the Emir's family settled in exile in Crete.

Growing up on Crete afforded Hassan more opportunities to interact with the real world and ground himself, along with getting a more broad-based education than one might have purely as an Emir-in-waiting. Focusing increasingly on mathematics and later on economics, Hassan's late childhood and adolescence moved him towards getting into business, as the door was firmly slammed behind him on his previous role. After achieving his Bachelor's in Economics at the University of Athens in 1978, he returned to Crete where he established himself in the shipping industry, using some of the al-Fathi family's leftover wealth to establish the business. His father, the Crown Prince, had become increasingly withdrawn and sickly, believed to be a consequence of psychological issues stemming from the coup, and so the family's affairs largely fell to the young but capable Hassan.

1978 also marked Libya's abortive attempt to invade Tawnat, and the aftermath which led to the strengthening of the al-Zaruq regime. Hassan began to welcome exiles from various resistance groups and movements - democrats, monarchists or Islamists - to convene at the al-Fathis' exile home in Greece to help coordinate and strengthen opposition to that regime. An abiding resentment existed in Hassan for the regime that had toppled his family and caused the decline of his father's health, and so was happy to pour money and connections into building up the opposition coalition as best he could. This was clumsy at first, Hassan's edge for politics as yet unhoned, but his resources allowed him the opportunity to build influence and relationships, and steadily, he became an eminent, vocal opponent to the Zaruq dictatorship.

In 1985, Hassan met Kalliope Diamandis, a Greek model, and over a couple of years, they developed a firm, warm relationship. After Kalliope's conversion to Islam (and adopting the name Nasira), they would marry in a relatively small ceremony at the mosque in Iraklion. They would go on to have seven children together - three daughters and four sons. The details of Hassan's relationship with Nasira are generally kept quite private, and the future Crown Prince has consistently placed an emphasis on separating his political and private lives, stating that he "doesn't want any further pain to be caused to my family by affairs in Tawnat."

When the 1995 Tawnati Civil War kicked off, Hassan arrived in Tawnat alongside a number of freedom fighters and gave some speeches deploring the decline of a once proud and unique nation at the hands of an incompetent and arrogant dictator. Despite early progress going well for the rebels, when it became increasingly apparent that Zaruq would soon regain control of the country, Hassan left in some ignominy, forced to use a fishing trawler to leave Tawnat, and causing no shortage of tensions between Hassan and the Greek government, forced to play a hefty fine by the order of a Greek court to avoid greater consequences.

In 2006, Hassan's long ailing father Ibrahim bin Hassan al-Fathi died, making Hassan the titular Crown Prince and thus the head of the royal house. This meant little in practical terms, on account of his already eminent role in the organisation of the al-Fathi dynasty's affairs and promoting the resistance movement. Come 2011, when the Arab Spring rolled in and with the weak successor to Suleiman al-Zaruq, his son Rafiq, failing to control the situation, Hassan once again threw himself full force - all or nothing - into helping the broad coalition of opposition find a unifying message, supporting Omar Qaderi's efforts to unite the opposition and to outline the opposition's demands. When the dictatorship fell in 2012, Hassan stepped in as Transitional Head of State to help oversee the transition from the Arab Democratic Republic of Tawnat to the modern, democratic Republic of Tawnat. Despite his royal claims (which he, to the chagrin of some, maintained at least in a titular sense), Hassan conceded publicly that "the form of government in Tawnat is not for me to decide".

Hassan worked hard to help forge the compromises that fostered the new constitution, and the transition from the Transitional Council of State to the First Albarlaman in 2014. Largely conceding any 'presidential' authority to the Prime Minister at the time, Hassan did his best to avoid angering or provoking particular factions, though his particular brand of regal behaviour served to estrange socialists and some liberals, and his support for Omar Qaderi and kicking the question of the official religion down the road infuriated some Islamists. With the presidential election of 2016, Sheikh Hassan stood down as Transitional Head of State and handed over the symbols of government to the first President of the Republic - his longtime ally Qaderi - and retreated from mainstream politics. Hassan has remained an eminent public figure and philanthropist, and has occasionally made public statements about the importance of unity and compromise - seen as attempts to shore up Qaderi's rule - but has refrained from seeking parliamentary power for himself. Some close to the would-be Emir, however, have been aware that the Crown Prince has grown increasingly dissatisfied with the fractiousness of the political situation, and may be weighing up a new intervention.

Other Info: Married to Nasira al-Hassan (born Kalliope Diamandis), has seven children: Haifa, Hassan, Ibrahim, Amira, Sara, Abdullah, and Nasir.

I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Gordano and Lysandus

Do not remove: 1337

[Federal States of Xathuecia]

---

Character Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Agarntrop
Character Name: Anwar Hamima
Character Gender: M
Character Age: 62
Character Height: 169cm
Character Weight: 71.2kg
Character Position/Role/Job: Foreign Minister of the Republic of Tawnat (2018-), Member of the Albarlaman for Rimalawluiya (2014-), Political activist (1987-2014).
Appearance: (Image)
Character Country of Birth: Tawnat
Character Country of Residence: Tawnat (1957-2007; 2012-), Turkey (2007-12).
Character Governate of Residence: Rimalawluiya
Character Party Affiliation: Qudus Movement
Character Religious Affiliation: Sunni Islam
Main Strengths: Populist, war veteran, activist, stong anti-Al-Zaruq record including the martyrdom of a 14-year prison sentence and hunger strikes/force feeding, good at negotiating and building connections.
Main Weaknesses: Opportunist, comes from rich family and is wealthy himself, connections to alleged terrorists, has betrayed his political allies so could be seen as untrustworthy.
Biography:

Anwar Hamima was born on December 28th 1957 to an upper-class family in the city of Al-Shshati al’Aswad, Rimalawluiya. He was noted to be studious in school and highly intellegent. He was seen as somewhat quiet and reserved as a child, but was generally liked by his teachers and developed an interest in political affairs from a young age. He spent eleven years (1963-74) in education before leaving school at age 17 to work as an assistant to his uncle, Rafis Hamima, who was an accountant.

This was not to say that Anwar's childhood was without trouble, however, as his father was a key figure of the Tawnati wing of the muslim brotherhood and political ally of Ibrahim Bougabeb who was executed for treason in 1968 following Al-Zaruq's violent rise to power. His death resulted in Anwar and his two brothers living with his uncle (Rafis) for eight months until his mother remarried, developing a strong bond with him that would later come in handy when Anwar became Rafis's assistant after leaving school in 1974.

Hamima's work as his uncle's assistant came to an end in 1978, when at age 20 he was drafted into the Tawnati army as a conscript to fight against the Libyan invasion. He served for around a year, being discharged in 1979 after the invasion had been repelled. Shortly after being discharged, Hamima applied in November 1979 to study political science at Al-Mubarak University. (Did he finish his primary schooling? Also, how is he affording this education, uncle?) His application was accepted in January 1980 and he began studying there in March. He was considered excessively studious during this time where he began to build connections with what would become his political allies in the years to come. He was heavily involved in the university's political wing, and was threatened with expulsion several times for his populist, pro-Muslim brotherhood, and anti-Al-Zaruq leanings. Nevertheless, Hamima managed to remain enrolled at the university until his graduation in 1987. During this time at university he met his wife, Shamima Hamima (neé Saidi), who he married in 1986. They had a child in 1988, named Hakim Hamima.

Whilst at university, Hamima began part-time work as an auditor. This work would become full-time in 1988 following Hamima's graduation from the university. However, during this time Hamima secretly built connections with members of the banned Qudus Movement and Muslim brotherhood. He officially became a member of both in 1989, however his membership was discovered by an undercover double-agent of Al-Zaruq's intellegence services, and he was arrested in 1991 alongside two others for membership of banned organisations and for conspiracy to commit terrorism. He was convicted a year later and sentenced to 16 years in prison.

He built connections with other senior members of the QM and Muslim Brotherhood during his time in prison, and he established himself as a senior member of both underground organisations. (how did he become a senior member while in prison before the civil war? Or was this after?) He was involved in several rebellions during the civil war, which saw him beaten and tortured as punishment. However, he was not directly involved in the civil war as the prison which he was held at never came close to being taken by rebel forces.

After the civil war, he became the victim of several regime crackdowns on political prisoners. During one incident in October 1997, his skin was branded and it left him with a physical scar that he still bears today. This led him and other islamist prisoners to begin launching hunger strikes starting in 1998 and continuing into 1999, the year 2000 and 2001. During two incidents in March 2001, he was force fed.

Many islamist prisoners in Tawnati jails celebrated the 9/11 attacks on the United States in September 2001, and since the events some western media reports have claimed that Hamima was one of them who did. (Did he? Links to Al-Qaeda I presume or official involvement?) However, Hamima strongly denies such allegations. After the attacks Hamima's behaviour in prison began to calm as he approached his release date, and he managed to curry favour with prison guards and staff by informing them of a plot to use several fertalizer bombs to attack government buidlings in the newly built Taounate City in 2005. Whilst this plot was offically the work of Al-Qaeda members, many of Hamima's ex-allies in the QM and Muslim Brotherhood colluded in the plot and were given extensive prison sentences for their roles in it.

As a result of him being an informant, Hamima was released on good behaviour two years early in 2006, after serving 14 years in prison and was reunited with his wife and son. He later wrote a book about his experiences there in 2009. In 2007, he learnt that he was once again under investigation for his political activities, and so he and his wife decided to flee to Turkey as stowaways on a flight from Haferdaz to Istanbul. Upon arrival in Turkey, Hamima sought asylum, and it was granted due to his involvement in the muslim brotherhood and Turkey's support of that group.

He was still heavily involved in Tawnati affairs from his residence in Turkey, and he was well-informed of events during the Arab Spring in 2010 and 11 following Al-Zaruq's death. His asylum was ruled void by Turkish courts in 2012 and as a result he was deported back to Tawnat with his wife. However, he has since claimed that he wished to return to Tawnat regardless in order to partake in activism there.

Upon his return, he lobbied for the Transitional Council of State to support conservative islamic interests and the wider interests of the muslim brotherhood. He became an official member of the Qudus Movement upon its legalisation, and was nominated as a parliamentary candidate for Hamima's home governate of Rimalawluiya. (did he face any consequences for turning in those who were involved in the bombing? or no?) He was succesfully elected in 2014, and served in the governing coalition in the Albarlaman. He backed socially conservative and economically populist legislation. In 2016, he officially gave his support to President Qaderi following his election, however has not been afraid to privately disagree with Qaderi's secularism.

He was reelected in 2017, and continued to gain the trust of members of government. As a result, upon the death of his predecessor in February 2018, he was appointed Foreign Minister. His tenure has realigned Tawnat's foreign policy towards islamic fundamentalism and countries such as Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Qatar and Turkey, with increased hostilities with Israel, France, Iran, Syria, and Egypt. (What kind of hostilties has he conducted? More background or specific examples supporting Islamic fundamentalism or otherwise would be good) He has supported the UN-backed government in Libya over the forces of General Haftar, and has increased weapons sales with Turkey and Saudi Arabia. He has also strengthened Tawnat's compliance with UN sanctions against ISIS. (any particular reason why he's receptive of the UN's actions in the region?)

Other Info: N/A

I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Agarntrop

Do not remove: 1337

A few comments, questions, and requests for clarifications in bold, but overall, I like his backstory as a political prisoner and fighter.

[Emazia]

Looks interesting. Thinking of maybe doing a former Leftist Rebel from the inner hinterlands who fought against the former Dictator. They signed a ceasefire(explains why they aren't fighting at the moment) with the ex dictator maybe a year before the Arab spring but upon the commencing of said event were partially involved. Upon the creation of a new government they promptly negotiated a peace deal which granted amnesty to their active members and the right for them to be incorporated as a legitimate political party in exchange for agreeing to put down their weapons and demobilize. At the moment they would have a minor presence in Parliament representing a region they used to control, probably a piece of the north island advocating for local autonomy and the creation of a more federal constitutional order.

Wondering if that would be something that would work in line with what you are going for here.

Pretty sure Socialists would just be in my party

As a socialist, we're famous for...not getting along with each other.

[Kergstan]

---

Character Information Sheet

NS Nation Name: Kergstan
Character Name: Hamad El Sadrawi
Character Gender: Male
Character Age: 54
Character Height: 1,80m
Character Weight: 86 kg
Character Position/Role/Job: Secretary-general of the ASPT
Appearance:

(Image)

Character Country of Birth: Tawnat
Character Country of Residence: Tawnat
Character Governate of Residence: Al-Salibiiyn
Character Party Affiliation: ASPT
Character Religious Affiliation: Sunni muslim
Main Strengths: Respectable person according to arab societal mores, (I assume 'mores' is supposed to be movements? A bit confused on the wording here.) Part of the resistance prior to the arab spring, has strong friendships with some arab governments and far-left armed movements, Has ammassed some of the funds Gaddafi gave to him, (Are his ties to Gaddafi public knowledge? If so, Tawnatis hate Gaddafi for invading the country.) Seen as one of the least corrupt members of the political class.
Main Weaknesses: Has never established the vital relationship with the military, Often comes out as arrogant, Past history of sabotaging oil infrastructure, Much hated by salafist extremists.
Biography: Hamad El-Sadrawi was born in 1978 in Salibiiyn to an engineer in the oil sector, Omar El-Sadrawi and Aisha El-Sadrwai a high school teacher. His father rose up to a high-ranking managerial role in the oil industry in the late 80s to only be purged after the civil-war ended.
This situation together with the perceived westernization of the country due to its openings to Italy and Turkey, made the young socialist Hamad antithetical to the regime, with other socialists he founded a small armed political group (I'm assuming this is the ASPT, which if that's the case he would've been a bit over 10 when it was founded.) which mostly sabotaged oil infrastructure, the electric system and other petty actions. (Presumably Al-Zaruq would try to do something about them. Maybe there could be some potential for his backstory with that. Also, some expansion on his activity up until 2012 would be nice.) As the regime failed in 2012 he founded his own party trying to garner at least the initial popular support thanks to his strongman nature and his open secularism. (How has he led the party? What's his feelings towards the government and opposition?)
Other Info:

I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Kergstan

Do not remove: 1337

---

Party Information Sheet

Party Information Sheet[region-tag]
Party Name: Arab Socialist Party of Tawnat
Ideology Summary: Arab nationalism, Pan-Arabism, Anti-Imperialism, Secularism, Scientific socialism.
Party Biography: The ASPT was founded in the late 80s as a clandestine political-insurgent movement financed by Gaddafi and Syria, (What specifically did they do before becoming a legal party? How did the Al-Zaruq government react? Any notable incidents they caused?) it became a legal party in 2012 after the establishment of the Republic of Tawnat. (Some detail on what they've done as a legal party would be appreciated. Doesn't have to be anything crazy.)
Party Abbreviation ("DP" for Democratic Party): ASPT
Party Colors: Red, Dark green
Governing Position: (Majority/Opposition) (They would most certainly be in opposition but writing down which side here is required.)
Other Info:

I have read and accept the rules of the roleplay: Kergstan

Do not remove: 1337

Hi! Welcome to the RP. I see a bit of potential here. Just needs to be beefed up a fair bit. Some comments in bold.

I corrected his age to 54.

The ties with Gaddafi are not public knowledge.

In 2010

ASPT is part of the opposition.

Social mores refers to habits and taboos within a culture

The party has been led through the leninist tradition of democratic centralism

The ASPT before being a legal party participated in economic sabotages against the electric grid and the oil infrastructure.

The party during the democratic period has promoted the idea of directly allocating a large part of the oil revenue in the bank accounts of Tawnati citizens, it has promoted the idea of a national bank with 0 % interest rates for locals, It has supported better relationship with arab non-monarchic countries, it has promoted the creation of investments abroad and of a sovereign wealth fund to not become too dependent on oil income.

Al-Zaruq killed many ASPT sympathizers but the leadership has been able to survive thanks to the hit-and-hide technique.

[Kazarogkai]

Pretty sure Socialists would just be in my party

Their ex Zapataesque rebels with a weird federalist twist favoring strengthening local governments and encouraging a more cooperative model for the economy over the creation of a unitary government with a command economy like yours would favor. Your guys support is more so from urban proletariat populations while they primarily base their support from rural peasants, distressed yeoman farmers, and occasional ethnic(Berbers) and religious minority groups. They only relatively speaking recently stopped engaging in guerrilla war against the central government compared to your guy's more quieter underground nature which creates issues. If they did decide to merge it would have occurred rather recently if at all.

Again this is all speculation, Haven't gotten the OK from the OP on my Idea. We can come back to this if he is amicable. If not, I don't mind being flexible.